Śrīmitra A Tantric Buddhist Yogin at the Gāhaḍavāla Court, in the Kathmandu Valley, in Tibet, and in His Afterlife Péter-Dániel Szántó Universiteit Leiden p.d.szanto@hum.leidenuniv.nl Śrīmitra (late 12th to early 13th c.) is one of those very rare historical individuals about whom we have historical information both from India and from Tibet. I will try to reconstruct this remarkable individual’s career chiefly from an inscription in Bodh-Gaya and from Khro phu lo tsā ba’s mostly unstudied biographical works. We will first examine the inscription in its broader context of Gāhaḍavāla patronage patterns and then we will read and discuss some excerpts from Khro phu’s biography focusing on his account of meeting Śrīmitra in Nepal and bringing him to Tibet, as well as his claims about the siddha’s Elvis-like a%erlife. I will conclude by sharing some thoughts about this crucial (and tragic) period in Buddhist history. Sampuṭodbhava with Sampuṭatilaka Ms Wellcome Library 𝛆 2 illumination The Bodh Gaya Inscription — ed. in MITRA 1880, SANYAL 1929, TSUKAMOTO 1996; plate supra from BANERJI 1915 [1973] — 17 verses in total, almost complete, one lacuna affects the date (which must fall between 1183–1192 CE) — foundation of a cave-shrine with some ectypes of Tārā — most recently in MCKEOWN 2010, where the title (!) of SANYAL 1929 is misread and wrongly dated Obeisance verses (i–iii) to Mañjuśrī (ep. or. astraśāstraḥ), Lokeśvara, Ekajaṭā — unusual choice! (TONGORI fc) asti trilokīsukṛtaprasūtaḥ saṃtrātum āmantritasarvabhūtaḥ sambuddhasiddhānvayadhu[6]ryabhūtaḥ śrīmitranāmā paramāvadhūtaḥ || [iv] a trilokīsukṛta°] SANYAL, trilokīṣu kṛta° MITRA, trilokīsu kṛta° TSUKAMOTO • b saṃtrātum āmantrita°] SANYAL, satrottamāmantrita° MITRA, saṃtrātum āmantrita TSUKAMOTO • c °siddhānvaya°] MITRA SANYAL, °siddhānuvaya° TSUKAMOTO; °dhurya°] TSUKAMOTO, °dhīra° MITRA, dhurya° SANYAL (typographical error) • d paramāvadhūtaḥ] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, paramovadhūtaḥ MITRA SANYAL: Here lived a great saint, Śrīmitra by name, who the foremost of the class of englightened Siddhas, who was brought to being by the merits of the three worlds and by whom all the sentient beings were invited for redemption. hiṃsrā hiṃsām aśeṣāḥ krudham adhikaruṣas trasnavas trāsam āśu vyādhūyodastahastapraṇayaparatayā viśvaviśvāsabhū[7]meḥ | cetaḥ saṃprīyamāṇā madhurataradṛśāśleṣapeyūṣapātais tiryañcaḥ sūcayanti cyutamalapaṭalaṃ yasya maitrīṣu citram || [v] a hiṃsrā hiṃsām] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, hiṃsrāhiṃsām MITRA • b °odastahasta°] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, °o + mbahantaḥ MITRA; °praṇaya°] MITRA SANYAL, °prṇaya° TSUKAMOTO (typographical error) • c cetaḥ] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, cetaḥ° MITRA; °dṛśā°] em., °dṛśā SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, °dṛśoḥ MITRA • d sūcayanti] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, sū(su)kavanti MITRA SANYAL: It is a wonder that at the benevolence of him, who was the object of universal confidence, on account of his being inclined to affection, (marked by) his upli%ed hands, all the animals delighted,—the ferocious shaking off their ferocity, the passionate their anger, and the timid their fear,—by sweet looks, embraces and the shower of nectar, were representing their heart having been purged of the mass of impurities. siddhīr aṣṭa visṛṣṭakaṣṭapaṭunāvaṣṭambha[8]m abhyudgatāḥ svenopetya patiṃvarā guṇagaṇavyāsaṅginī raṅginīḥ | yaś cādvaitamanā manāg iva dṛśaḥ prāntena pādāntagā jīvanmuktivadhūvilā[9]sarasikaḥ sāvajñam ālokate || [vi] a aṣṭa] em., aṣṭa° MITRA SANYAL TSUKAMOTO; visṛṣṭa°] °visṛṣṭa° MITRA SANYAL TSUKAMOTO (carved as visṛeṣṭa°!); °paṭunā°] °ghaṭunā° SANYAL (correcting it to °paṭunā°) TSUKAMOTO (accepting SANYAL’s correction in a note), °paṭalā° MITRA • b patiṃvarā] SANYAL (conjecturing the last two akṣaras) TSUKAMOTO (accepting SANYAL’s conjecture in the constituted text), patiṃ ratā MITRA • c iva dṛśaḥ] MITRA SANYAL TSUKAMOTO (carved as ivedṛśaḥ!) • d jīvanmukti°] MITRA, jīvan mukti° SANYAL (judging from his translation) TSUKAMOTO; sāvajñam] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, sāvarjam MITRA; ālokate] MITRA SANYAL (conjecturing the last two akṣaras) TSUKAMOTO (accepting SANYAL’s conjecture in the constituted text) SANYAL: With a mind free from duality and delighting to sport in life with the maiden of emancipation, he disdainfully looked a little through the corner of his eyes at the eight charming Siddhis, with a passion for virtues, who, in quest of a lord, went up to him, possessing excellence, skilled (as he was) in leaving afflictions away, and lay at his feet. uditasakalabhūmīmaṇḍalaiśvaryasiddhiḥ svayam api kim apīcchann acchadhīr yasya śiṣyaḥ | abha[13]vad abhavabhājaḥ śraddhayā bandhurātmā nṛpaśatakṛtasevaḥ śrījayaccandradevaḥ || [x] b acchadhīr yasya] SANYAL TSUKAMOTO, acchadhīyasya MITRA • c bandhurātmā] MITRA SANYAL, bandhur ātmā TSUKAMOTO SANYAL: Of that emancipated being the illustrious Jayaccandradeva, the attainment of whose sovereignity was proclaimed all over the expanse of the Earth, who was of clear understanding and who was served by a hundred kings, became, out of reverence, himself the disciple with a pleasing heart and an indescribable hankering. śrīmanmahābodhipadasya śāstragrāmādikaṃ magnam aśeṣam eva | kāśīśadīkṣāguru[14]r uddadhāra yaḥ śāsanaṃ śāsanakarṇṇadhāraḥ || [xi] a śrīman°] SANYAL, śroman MITRA (typographical error) TSUKAMOTO (in the constituted text, but correcting it in a note) • b °grāmādikaṃ] MITRA SANYAL (carved as rgrāmādika?!), °grāmā’dikaṃ TSUKAMOTO • c °dīkṣā°] MITRA SANYAL, °dīkśā° TSUKAMOTO (typographical error) SANYAL: The pilot of the Faith and the initiating preceptor of the king of Kāśī, he restored the discipline and recovered the numerous collection of lost scriptures and others of the same kind, belonging to the illustrious site of the Mahābodhi. NB One of the final verses (xiv b) also suggests that he was a bachelor: niraṅgaṇaḥ (sic!) The king HM Jayaccandra (elsewhere: Jayacandra) styled Kāśīśa — scion of the Gāhaḍavāla dynasty (NIYOGI 1959), penultimate king of the lineage, possibly died in the battle of Chandawar against Muslims (Jaichand vs Muhammad Ghori) ca. 1193/4 CE (however, this chronicle is late and perhaps not reliable) — continuing a patronage pattern already seen with his ancestors; several inscriptions (land-grants) his grandfather, Govindacandra (r. 1114–1154 CE), otherwise a devotee of Vāsudeva, had at least two Buddhist queens: a) Kumaradevī (sic!) and her mother Śaṅkaradevī are mentioned on the SahethMaheth plates (both compared to Tārā!), see KONOW 1907–1908; b) Vāsaladevī, donor in colophon of Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā NAK 3–381 = NGMPP A 39/9 & A 1166/3) — Śrīmitra is his dīkṣāguru, suggesting deep involvement with esoteric Buddhism; however, as other kings (e.g. late Pālas), his devotion is not exclusive (even a kaula Śaiva!) Colophon of an old Jayadrathayāmala ms. (BAGCHI 1939: 7, n. 2): […] mahārājādhirājaśrīmajjayacandradevapūjitasya kulācāryaśrīdharaṇīpādevanāmadheyasya śi﬇eṇa paṇḍitaśrījonadevena likhitam (or °śrīdharaśivā(!)deva°? NAK 3/683 = NGMPP A 996/3–A 997/1 catalogue transcript) — the eclectic environment is perhaps mirrored by the Śaiva diction of the inscription: tiryañcaḥ = paśavaḥ?, mala, dīkṣā, jīvanmukti) The siddha Śrīmitra — being celebrated for magical powers (both a means of self-protection and conversion) — being celebrated for redistribution of wealth (objects of worship, book production) — being celibate/unmarried (clashes with prescriptive literature but descriptive literature makes it clear that kings adopted or patronised only celibate/unmarried/Kālacakra tantric Buddhist chaplains) = Mitrayogin/Mitra dzo ki? — perhaps first proposed by DIETZ (1984) as one of his epistles survives in the Bstan ’gyur (Tō. 4189) addressed to a king with ‘moon’ as onomastic element — the Blue Annals contained several elements in his life which were a match (magical power over animals, connection to Benares and its king, presence of Muslims) The Khro phu biographies Older layer: Yab sras mjal ba [or Chos rje Khro phu lo tstsha ba'i rnam thar | grub thob Mi tra dzo gi dang mjal ba'i lo r-us tshigs su bcad pa] of Khro phu lo tsā ba. Possibly the oldest surviving such work. [M] Manuscript in dbu med script [TBRC W1CZ1879] Dpag bsam ’khri shing [or Pan grub gsum -i rnam thar Dpag bsam ’khri shing]. Edited by his disciples a%er Khro phu’s death from his dra%s. [S] Printed version in Shar pa rdo rje ’od zer (ed.), Sa skya pa’i bla ma kha shas kyi rnam thar dang sa skya pa min pa’i bla ma kha shas kyi rnam thar. Kathmandu: Sa skya rgyal yongs gsung rab slob gnyer khang, 2008. [GA: 85–255] [TBRC W1KG4275] [X] Wood-cut print version [TBRC W1KG13616] S is probably a transcript of this, but S has glosses which are not seen in the print. [M] Manuscript in dbu med script [TBRC W1CZ1880] Dpag bsam ’khri shing [M] and [X] Middle layer: Rnam thar 'bring po — "Sanskrit" biography of Mitrayogin, lacunose [M] Manuscript in dbu med script; this is one in the list compiled by VAN DER KUIJP 1994. Tibet Library 13427 here Another Rnam thar — [M] Manuscript in dbu med script; not noticed (thanks to Mathias Fermer for the tip). Tibet Library 13428 here and several others, getting more and more mythical with time = later layer (still pre-17th c.). Khro phu lo tsā ba Byams pa dpal (ca. 1172–1236 CE) — descendent of the Gnubs clan — driving aspiration: a mega-statue of his namesake (destroyed by the Dzungar incursion into the Shab valley in 1717/8 CE), the one at Bkra shis lhun po in Gzhis ka rtse is a copy — inspired early on to go to India and to invite scholars to Tibet; fails in the first but succeeds in the second • Buddhaśrījñāna • Śrīmitra • Śākyaśrībhadra (best explored: JACKSON 1990, VAN DER KUIJP 1994, WARD 2012) from Kashmir, active in Central India, then flees to Jagaddala in Varendra, then to Tibet seminal figure in Tibetan pramāṇa and vinaya returns eventually to Kashmir, dies a%er a feast few years a%er Khro phu in Nepal — early life, education, attending the great chos ’khors of the time (a “who’s who” of late 12th c. Tibet) — obligations and illness preventing him from going to India — great devotee of Ārya wa ti (EHRHARD 2004), the most famous image of the area — ca. 1196/7 (chronology problematic!) he finally goes beyond Lho bal into Nepal proper — settles in Yam bu, i.e. Kathmandu — soon meets Buddhaśrījñāna • born in Bhaktapur (1140/1), mother Indian, father Kashmiri; self-identifies as a Kashmiri • educated at Vikramaśīla, main teacher Vikhyātadeva • sent in lieu of his master to consecrate Ram gha na bhi ri ha edifices in Yam ’gal (i.e. Dakshin Tole) • he eventually settles there and holds public lectures in grammar (Rājaśrī specialist) • most approachable among the three, a true guide with palpable affection for the Tibetan • he even writes the *Jinamārgāvatāra for him (Tō. 3800) and aids him in translation work • eventually comes to Tibet, teaching i.a. Jñānaśrīmitra • still sends gold to his old master, including a throne of 100 srang (copy in Tham bahi) — all sorts of other characters: Devaśrī of Patan, Kumārakīrti — very vivid picture of the “republic of letters” and devotional life (especially festivals/processions) — unfortunately for the historian, nothing about the political situation (i.e. rise of the Mallas, see PETECH 1984: 74–76) — Khro phu’s lingering wish to go to Bodh Gaya, although people increasingly dismissive about learning there — the troubles start: supply caravans (Tibetans and Tanguts) return with news of bandits, some return from Tirhut, some return even with military escort, some completley slaughtered (and even disemboweled for gold; cf. CHARRIÈRE 1970), finally the road is blocked; no word of Muslims yet but the chaos is evident Śrīmitra in Nepal — year not specified, late in the last decade Then it gradually turned to summer. When the full Moon was in the Māgha asterism, we heard that the lord venerable called Mitra has arrived to Buṅgamati. But there was too much noise and I was doubtful. Not much time had gone by when the news gradually spread that lord called Mitrayogin, dressed in the garment of a young man—not just an ordinary person but similar to a god—is in residence and he is on his way to circumambulate the Svayambhū stūpa.1 1 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 26r–26v, S 133, X 23r): de nas >rim gyis (rims kyis M) dbyar (’byar S) du song ste | mchu’i (chu’i M X) zla ba gang po la rje btsun Mi (Mai S) tra zhes bya ba Bhu kaṃ (khaṃ M) du byon no zer ba cig thos pas sgra skad ni >ches te (che ste M) the tshom za bar byung | de nas ring po ma lon par gtam (gtam pa M) >rim pa (om. M) rim par byung ste | rje Mi (Mai S) tra yo gi (ki X) bya ba khye’u gzhon nu’i cha byad can mi rang ma yin par (pa M) lha’i rnam pa gcig (cig X) ’dug pas ’phags pa Rang byung gi mchod rten bskor (skor M) du song | Then, [you should know that] there is a famous temple of the heathens called the Golden House of Paśupati. The deity image of these heathens is a self-born stone about the height of a man, emerging from the ground. It has four faces to the quarters and eight arms. When you arrive in front of it, it frightens you, but it is frightful in such a way that it also causes exhilaration. Above this there is a double-level pagoda roof with a solid gold finial. On the northern side there is a large image of a trident on an iron pole and in front of each of the four gates facing the quarters there are two big cast-bronze lions as door guardians. Once lord Mitra sat cross-legged on the top of the finial. There was an arrogant heathen yogin there whom he had attracted with a magical gaze. He debated and vanquished him. He then came back to the ground and performed various caryās. An ascetic with a big crown of dreadlocks who was known to have obtained the magical powers of the heathens called Cakravartin the short-lived one started to abuse him and commanded him to bow to the deity. Mitra put his palms together and the door to the shrine flung open. When he started to bow, the image of the deity trembled. Suddenly there was also an earthquake and a shower of red flowers. So they said.2 2 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 26r, S 133–134, X 23r–23v): de’i ’og tu Gu lang (laṃ X) gser khang bya ba mu stegs (steg M) kyi rten sgra can cig (1 M, gcig S) yod de (ge X) | mu stegs (steg M) kyi lha rten rdo la (las S X) rang byung ba (pa M) mi gang tsam pa sa (om. M) la ’phags te thon la (pa M X) | phyogs bzhir zhal bzhi phyag brgyad yod cing drung du phyin na ’jigs kyang ’jigs la spro ba yang skye ba zhig (cig X) yod | de la gser gyi rgya phibs (phubs M) nyis rim brtsegs pa’i steng na gser gar bu’i >gan ji ra (’ga’ dzi ra M) btsugs (btsug M) | byang gi ngos na >lcags kyi (om. M) sdong po la rtse gsum pa’i gzugs chen po gcig (cig X) yod pa | phyogs kyi (kyis M) sgo bzhi na khro chu’i seng ge chen po gnyis gnyis sgo srung (srungs X) gi (kyi M X) tshul du yod do || re zhig (shig M X) na >gan ji ra’i (gha dzi ra’i M) rtse mor rje Mi (Mai S) tras skyil (dkyil Mpc, dkyi Mac) krung (dkrungs M) mdzad de (om. M) | mu stegs kyi rnal ’byor pa nga rgyal can yod pa lta stangs kyis bkug nas rtsod (brtsod M) pa byas pas pham par mdzad (byas M) | slar sa la babs nas brtul zhugs sna tshogs mdzad pas | mu stegs kyi (om. M) nus mthu thob par grags pa’i Tsakra bar ti >tshe chung (tsheung M, che chung X) bya ba ta pa si ral pa’i cod (bcod M) pan (paṇ X) chen po bcings pas spyo ba byas te | lha la phyag ’tshal bar bsgo (sgo M) ba dang | phyag thal mo brdabs pas | sgo phye ste | ’dud par (pa M) brtsams pas | lha rten ’dar bar gyur | glo (blo M) bur du sa >g.yos pa yang byung (g.yos pa yang bgyung ngo Mpc, g.yo Mac) | me tog dmar po’i char chen po yang babs (bab M) skad || News about [Śrīmitra] was reported to the lord, the great scholar [Buddhaśrījñāna] by many Indians and Nepalese. He said: “If he is the royal guru, he is my guru too, so I will go see him!” He then made arrangements for a palanquin (ḍolī), gathered many articles of worship, and went to meet him. [Śrīmitra] was pleased and they exchanged many courtesies. So they said.3 Very soon a%er that we, four in total, went to visit him. On the very pleasant and extensive mountain starting from the northern exit of the self-born Paśupati one sees in the middle of the forest a less dense grove called Ambāra Garden with a cooling pavilion with a single roof. In that pavilion we saw [Mitra]. He was naked, save for a lower garment made of colourful cloth. He was very handsome and charming as if he were some kind of god: nobody who saw him failed to feel enraptured. He sang vajra-songs with a booming, melodious voice. His le% arm was placed on an armrest marked with three dots and vajra. He was like the radiating moon amidst the autumnal stars. He sat atop a new wooden throne and was fanned by chowries which were green like parrot feathers. He was showered with silk brocade, [dyed] clothes— 3 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 26v–27r, S 134, X 23v): de’i rnam thar Rgya (Brgya M) gar ba dang Bal po mang pos rje paṇ chen la bsnyad (snyad M) pa dang | de ni rā dza gu ru yin na | nga’i bla ma yin pas ltar ’dong ngo gsungs (gsung M) ste ’do (ngo S X) li’i (li S X) chas byas pas (om. X) | mchod pa mang po yang bshams nas mjal (’jal M) du phyin pas mnyes te | phan tshun dgyes dgyes mang po mdzad skad (par S) | indigo, red, etc.—as well as dirham śivakā [coins] and golas and gupas (?), etc. At that time he was sitting facing north, which I understood to be a profound sign.4 As soon as I saw his noble face, a radiance appeared [in my mind] and I did not have the notion of [seeing] a man [but seeing a god]. I had three feelings: Although there were no reasons to think so, I had no doubts whether this was the lord noble Mitra or not, I was just certain. My mind was happy. But there was also an involuntary sense of regret. Moreover, these four lines came to my mind: “Whether from satisfaction or dissatisfation, I tremble continously, my heart feels free and immediately quivers, an enthusiasm envelops me and my hair stands on end, I am very distracted and cry tears.” There and then I mustered all my courage. I took a handful of betel and threw myself at his feet to pay homage. As soon as I asked about his well-being [as is the custom], he said [in the Indian language:] “Come! Come! Good! Very good!” He took the betel in his mouth, then took it out, and put it into my hand. As soon as I put it into my mouth, I experienced a clear, non-discursive joy, one that I have never 4 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 27r, S 134–135, X 23v–24r): de’i rjes kho na la nged cag (bcag M) mi bzhis phyin pa las | Phyugs (Phyug M) bdag rang byung de’i sgo byang phyogs ngos nas byung ba’i ri shin tu (du M) nyams dga’ zhing yangs pa nags kyi dkyil mthongs >Aṃ bā ra bā ri (aṃ pa ra bā ri {gloss: skyed mos tshal} M) bya ba’i nags tho re ba zhig (gcig M, cig X) na bsil >khang lding (khang lding ma lding M X) thog cig yod | de’i steng du sku gcer bu smad dkris ras khra bos bcings pa | lha’i rnam (rnams M) pa ltar shin tu mdzes shing yid du ’ong ba | sus mthong yang yid mi ’phrog pa gcig (cig X) kyang med la | rdo rje’i glu mgur ngang gis ldir ba | thig le gsum gyis mtshan zhing (cing M X) rdo rje’i shing stan (brtan M) mchan khung g.yon na ’dzin pa | ston gyi (gyis M) skar ma’i nang na zla ba rgyas pa ltar bzhugs ’dug | shing khri gsar (sar M) pa’i steng na rlung g.yab (yab M) ne’u tsho’i gshog (shog M, bshog X) pa ltar >sngo bas (bsngo ba M) g.yob (gsob M) pa dang | dar zab dang ras sngon dmar la sogs pa dang | ’dra men se ka go (ko M) la dang gu pa (ba M) la sogs pa char du ’bebs pa mthong | de nyid kyi tshe zhal byang phyogs su gzigs ’dug pa la rten ’brel zab par go’o || felt before. Although I had a lot of anxiety and suffering, he said [again in the Indian language]: “You will be fine here.” Then he touched me with his foot by placing it on my head and without being asked he bestowed on me the Six Teachings in Three Divisions. Although there was an unimaginable crowd of people surrounding him, he told me that he had a way of not letting [the secret teachings] reach their ears. With that the meeting concluded its purpose. I felt a natural happiness, joy, and delight. I bowed to him and circumambulated him many times, but whenever I took a step it seemed as if I was not going anywhere.5 5 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 27r–27v, S 135–136, X 24r–24v): zhal mthong ba tsam gyis snang ba ’gyur te mi’i ’du shes ni ma skyes | rgyu mtshan gang yang med par >rje btsun Mi tra (rje tra Mac, rje btsun mai tra S) yin min (men M) la the tshom med par yid ches pa gcig (cig X) byung | sems dga’ zhing mi phod pas phangs sems gsum skyes | tshig ’bru bzhi po ’di yang sems (yid M) la shar te | tshim (yid tshim M X) la ma tshim >’dar ’dar ro (’dar ’dar ’dar po M X) | zhe la dal (ral X) zhing ’phral du g.yo | spro bas (bar Mpc, ba Mac) khyab cing ba spu ’khrug (’khrugs M) | >tsab tsab (rtsab rtsab M) ’phro la mchi ma rku (brku M) | | de ka’i ngang la spobs pa >bskyed de (skyed de M, bskyed S) | taṃ (tam X) po la spar gang khyer nas zhabs drung du btud de phyag (’phyag M) ’tshal ba dang | >kṣe ma ku sha la ({gloss: sku khams bzang lags sam} M, {gloss: khams bzang ngam} S X) zhes dris ma thag | >a i sha a i sha ({gloss: ’di ru byon ’di ru byon} M, {gloss: tshur shog tshur shog} S X) | >sā dhu sā dhu (swā dhū so dhū {gloss: legs so legs so} M, {gloss: legs so legs so} S X) zhes gsungs (gsung M X) | >tam po la (taṃ po la {gloss: so rtsi} S, taṃ bo la {gloss: so rtsi} X) >zhal du (om. M) gsol ’phro lag tu byin | khar bcug pas >sngar yong ma myong ba’i (om. M) bde gsal mi rtog pa skyes | sems khral >du kha (sdug bsngal M) mang byung yang | >atra bha dra ho yi (atra bha dro’i hi’i {gloss: ’dir bzang bar ’ong} M, atra bha tra ho yi {gloss: ’dir bzang por ’gyur} S X) gsungs (gsung M X) | de nas nyid kyi zhabs kyis (kyi S) btud de | spyi bor bzhag nas ma zhus par chos drug tshan gsum pa gsungs so || skye bo’i tshogs bsam gyis mi khyab (khyabs M) pas khor yug tu (du X) bskor yod kyang khong tsho’i rna ba’i >yul du (spyod yul du M) mi ’gyur ba’i thabs yod (yong S X) >gsungs so (gsung ngo M X) || de tsam gyis mjal (’jal M) ba >don yod par byung bas (don yod pas M) dga’ mgu (’gyur M) rangs pa ma >bcos par (bcod pa M) skyes | phyag btsal (’tshal M) nas bskor (skor M) ba mang du byas kyang | gom pa gar bzhag cha med pa lta bu byung ngo || During the autumn, on the night of the full moon of Kārtika, when I asked for a minor initiation [from Mitra], he said: “I will show you three marvels at the same time so that you will give up some impediments to your faith.” He snapped his fingers and he moved from his throne onto the rim of the vase. I was distracted [by this sight], so then he said “This is nothing, look here!” and moved himself to the heart of the wooden statue of Khasarpaṇa [Avalokiteśvara]. At that time I thought to myself that I must invite him to Tibet. He read my mind and said [in the Indian language]: “Certainly!” A%er he had demonstrated these three things clearly, my trust in him became manifest and independent from words.6 Two years a%er we (i.e. Śrīmitra and Khro phu) had first met, when autumn arrived, the king of Magadha called *Rathin and the king of Benares called Jayacandrarāja, who [at the time] was the mightiest ruler in Jambudvīpa—and son-in-law of the former—sent an order to the king of Tirhut, Narasiṃha, and [he] sent an invitation. The emissaries, skilled swordsmen and the such, were five hundred fully armed [men] who looked like Yama [the lord of death]. They arrived and shortly [therea%er] made preparations to return to India. Just like the words of servants in the ears of a king, [requests from us] Tibetans were to no avail.7 6 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 28r, S 136–137, X 24v–25r): ston gyi skar ma smin drug gis nya ba’i nub mo dbang bskur chung ngu gcig (cig X) zhus pa’i tshe | khyod kyi mos pa’i bar chad spang ba’i phyir ltas rnam pa gsum dus gcig (cig X) la bstan gyis gsungs (gsung M X) nas | se gol btog (tog X) mdzad nas gdan thog nas bum pa’i kha rgyan gyi steng du bzhugs | de la yengs pas de na med de ’di na ltos shig gsungs nas | jo bo >Khar sa pā ṇi (Khar sa pa ni M) shing sku’i (ku’i M) thugs ka (kha M X) na bzhugs ’dug | de’i dus su Bod du cis kyang ’byon par zhu snyam pa byung bas (nas M) | de mkhyen nas >a bas sa (a ba sa M) >gsungs so (gsung ngo X) | de ltar gsum po de dag (om. M) gsal bar >mdzad do (mdzad | de M, mdzad de X) zer sgra (dgra M) la ma ltos par mngon sum du (om. M) yid ches par byung | 7 Dpag bsam ’khri shing (M 29v, S 139, X 26r): mjal (’jal M) nas lo gnyis lon pa’i rjes la ston gyi (gyis M) dus la bab pa na | Dbus ’gyur ’chang gi rgyal po Shing >rta can (brtan M) bya ba de | Wa (Ba M, Bā X) ra na si’i (se’i M X) rgyal po Dza ya tsandra (btsan tra M, tsan dra X) rā (ra M) dza bya ba ’Dzam bu (bu’i M) gling na che ba de’i mag pa yin te | de gnyis kas Tir (Ti ra M X) hu ti’i rgyal po Na ra sing gha (ga M) la bka’ phab nas rje btsun spyan ’dren brdzangs (rdzangs M) | pho nya ral skor (bskor X) mkhan la sogs pa byed pa dmag chas pa’i rnam (rnams M) pa Gshin rje lta bu lnga brgyas sleb pa dang | slar Rgya gar du (om. Mac) gshegs chas >mdzad de (byas te M) | rgyal po’i snyan du bran gyi tshig bzhin du Bod kyis (kyi M) >ci yang (ci’ang M) byar med par song | — a tragedy for Khro phu; he follows the caravan up to Pharping and threatens to commit suicide — Mitra intervenes at the very last minute; sends the escort back with the epistle — Khro phu destitute and falls seriously ill for several months; finally recovers and Mitra comes to Tibet • incidentally revealed that he is 85 years old — the visit is not very fruitful, in fact, quite anti-climactic, as many think Mitra to be a “fake”; Khro phu launches into a cryptic diatribe against his fellow countrymen — Śrīmitra returns shortly to Nepal and then to India, in spite of warning from Nepalese inn-keepers Mitra lives! “The reports of my death are greatly exa.erated.” (Mark Twain) “Calling Elvis - is anybody home? / Calling Elvis - I'm here all alone / Did he leave the building? / Can he come to the phone? Calling Elvis - I'm here all alone” (Mark Knopfler) — robbed near Tirhut — betrayed by his guides — robbed of all his gold and killed — another rumour: killed and quartered near the Ganges — but in fact he did not die! — resurrects himself by putting his body back together — recovers his gold and sings a song, which is preserved in translation — goes to Śrīśailam where he sponsorts buildings — then builds 108 Avalokiteśvara temples in Orissa — more news from Nepali yogins who saw him at Bodh Gaya — yet others claim he lives somewhere near Nepal in Ka ma tsar tsi — even sends a letter (’phrin) to Khro phu (which no one ever saw…) The real hero of the story? Khro phu (and the Tibetans) — one of the most informative and interesting Tibetan biographical works ever written — a man of almost superhuman zeal, but plenty of scenes revealing all too human traits: uncertainty, doubt, weakness, frailty, and despair — ultimately he could look back (as he indeed did) on a life well lived — witness and actor to the tectonic shi% in the history of Buddhism — he sets out as a humble seeker of Indian tradition and ends up inheriting it Pace TRUSCHKE 2018, the Muslim incursions (which are later on specifically mentioned in the biography) and general Indian disinterest were catastrophical. The Śrāvastī inscription (KIELHORN 1888) describes a Śaiva patronising Buddhist refugees a%er having noticed ‘indifference’ in his fellow citizens. Few decades later Dharmasvāmin (ROERICH 1959) witnesses the last days of Buddhist civilisation in South Asia. Śākyaśrībhadra could already see that it is the duty of Tibetans now to act as custodians of the religion. S 189: Ma ga dha sogs … dmag tshogs kyis bcom … deng sang bstan srog legs [g]nas ni | Bod yul ’dir zad … “Magadha and all the other regions were overcome by armies; nowadays the only place where the essence of the teaching can be safe is here in Tibet.” Bibliography BAGCHI, Prabodh Chandra. 1939. Studies in the Tantras Part I. Calcutta: University of Calcutta. BANERJI, Rakhal Das. 1911. “The Belkhārā Inscription and the Machlishahr Grant of Hariś-Candra.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal VII/11: 757–770. ————— 1915. “The Pālas of Bengal.” Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal V/3: 43–113. Reprint New Delhi: Bhartiya Publishing House 1973. DIETZ, Siglinde. 1984. Die buddhistische Briefliteratur Indiens Nach dem tibetischen Tanjur herausgegeben, übersetzt und erläutert. Asiatische Forschungen 84. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. EHRHARD, Franz-Karl. 2004. Die Statue und der Tempel des Ārya Va-ti bzang=po. Ein Betrag zu Geschichte und Geographie des tibetischen Buddhismus. Contributions to Tibetan Studies vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag. JACKSON, David P. 1990. Two Biographies of Śākyaśrībhadra. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. KIELHORN, Franz. 1888. “A Buddhist Stone-Inscription from Sravasti, of [Vikrama]-Samvat 1276.” Indian Antiquary 17: 61–64. KONOW, Sten. 1907–1908. “Sarnath Inscription of Kumaradevi.” Epigraphia Indica 9: 319–328. KUIJP, Leonard van der. 1994. “Review: On the Lives of Śākyaśrībhadra (?–?1225),” Journal of the American Oriental Society 114: 599–616. MITRA, Rájendralála. 1880. “Transcripts and Translations of Two Inscriptions from Buddha-Gayá.” Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 76–80. MCKEOWN, Arthur. 2010. “From Bodhgayā to Lhasa and Beijing: The Life and Times of Śāriputra (c. 1335-1426), Last Abbot of Bodhgayā.” PhD thesis, Harvard University. NIYOGI, Roma. 1959. The History of the Gāhaḍavāla Dynasty. Calcutta: Oriental Book Agency. PETECH, Luciano. 1984. Mediaeval History of Nepal (c. 750-1482). Second edition. Roma: Is. M. E. O. ROERICH, Georg. 1959. Biography of Dharmasvāmin (Chag lo-tsa-ba Chos-rje-dpal) A Tibetan monk pilgrim. Patna: K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute. SANYAL, Niradbandhu. 1929. “A Buddhist Inscription from Bodh-Gaya of the Reign of Jayaccandradeva – V. S. 124x.” Indian Historical Quarterly 5: 14–30. SLUSSER, Mary Shepherd. 1982. Nepal Mandala. A Cultural Study of the Kathmandu Valley. Volume 1: Text. Volume 2: Plates. Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press. TONGORI, Péter. forthcoming. “An Analysis of Ekajaṭā’s Origins, Cult and Rituals.” PhD thesis, Universität Hamburg. TRUSCHKE, Audrey. 2018. “The Power of the Islamic Sword in Narrating the Death of Indian Buddhism.” History of Religions 57.4: 406–443. TSUKAMOTO, Keisho. 1996. インド仏教碑銘の研究 [Indo Bukkyō Himei no Kenkyū / A Comprehensive Study of Indian Buddhist Inscriptions]. Pt. 1. Text, Notes and Japanese Translation. Kyōto: Heirakuji Shoten. VITALI, Roberto. 2009–2010. “In the Presence of the “Diamond Throne”: Tibetans at rDo rje gdan (Last Quarter of the 12th Century to Year 1300).” The Tibet Journal 34/35 3/2 (Special Issue: The Earth Ox Papers): 161– 208. WARD, Jared. 2012. “Tropu Lotsawa (1172–1236): Translator and Builder of Religious Institutions in 13th Century Tibet.” The Tibet Journal 37.3: 3–33.