All Mind, No Text – All Text, No Mind Tracing Yogācāra in the Early Bśa' brgyud Literature of Dags po Ulrich Timme KRAGH To teach a group of monśs who had gone away, the Buddha one day magically emanated a phantom monś, who went to instruct the wayfaring disciples.1 As if this story of an apparitional monś was not sufficiently phantasmagorical, NāgārŚuna in the Madhyamaśaśāriśā (17.31) tweaśed the eccentric vision a notch further: "Imagine," he said, "that the Buddha by his magical powers emanated a phantom, and that this phantom in turn produced yet another phantom." NāgārŚuna conŚured up this image to illustrate the manner in which a construct is capable of creating another construct. Liśe such reduplicating figures, it shall here be attempted to discuss how the phantom-liśe construct of one text emanates from the phantomliśe constructs of other texts. The Magical Fabric of History These playful phantoms will rematerialiŪe later to impart their lessons, but first the question must be addressed what the early Tibetan bśa' brgyud literature, which does not directly pertain to the great Indian Yogācārabhūmi treatise (henceforth YBh), might be doing in this volume on the text and its adaptation history. Much of YBh research is concerned with origins. Progress has been made in recent years in the text critical area by creating new editions of the Sansśrit, Chinese, and Tibetan texts. Deeper levels of understanding the booś have also been achieved by the production of new annotated translations. It is a core obŚective of such undertaśings to arrive at the earliest possible version and interpretation of the original worś, and while a satisfactory reading of maŚor parts of the text have been achieved, it must all the while be śept in mind that the YBh is not reducible to its earliest complete form, but that the text has lived its life throughout time and that it indeed continues to live on in the various traditions of modern Mahāyāna Buddhism as well as in its academic incarnations. In fact, the scholarly proŚect of reconstructing the earliest version of the text is wholly dependent on its later embodiments. A fourth-century Sansśrit autograph does not exist and hence the endeavor to reestablish the original treatise depends on later Sansśrit manuscript fragments, quotations preserved in other worśs, and its translations into Chinese and Tibetan. A critical edition of the YBh, no matter how perfect, will therefore always remain a construct, a phantom brought to life Stories of the Buddha producing phantom (nirmitaśa or nirmita) monśs occur in several Buddhist scriptures. Three such passages from the SamādhirāŚasūtra, the Vinaya, and Ratnaśūṭa are quoted at the end of the seventeenth chapter of the Prasannapadā Madhyamaśavṛtti, Candraś rti's commentary on NāgārŚuna's text. See DE LA VALLÉE POUSSIN (1903-1913:331-339), LAMOTTE (1936:286-288), or KRAGH (2003:263-271). 1 All Mind, No Text 1363 from the witnesses of later ages. The lost original text approached through this editorial phantom-construct is, on the one hand, something above and beyond the text itself, perpetually Śust out of the scholar's reach, and for this reason it shall here be called the 'epi-text', meaning "what is above (epi ) the text." On the other hand, the later witnesses, on which the epi-text's reestablishment through text criticism and other methods relies, constitute the corporeal foundation that lies beneath the text and props it up. Hence, these later witnesses and versions shall be labeled 'sub-texts', here taśen to mean "that which is beneath (sub) the text" and what is secondary to it.2 Yet, even those witnesses are not whom they first appear to be. The Sansśrit worśs containing quotations of the YBh are themselves not at hand in their original versions, except in the form of later manuscript copies from Nepal, Tibet, or Japan. XuánŪàng's Chinese YBh translation does not exist in its pristine 648 edition, but is only extant in later copies, such as the eighth-century manuscripts from Japan or the Dūnhuáng fragments of the ninth-tenth centuries. Liśewise, the Tibetan translation is lost in its original eighth-century form and must be deduced from the five eighteenth-century versions of the Tibetan bstan 'gyur. Thus, even the witnesses employed to recreate the phantom of the original YBh are themselves phantoms. These phantoms have in turn created other phantoms, namely the multiple Yogācāra shadows cast upon the subsequent religious traditions of interpretation and practice, and it is from such invisible strands of textual remains that the magical fabric of Yogācāra history is woven. The reconstitution of the epi-text is not the only aspect of YBh scholarship that depends on later sources. Also, the scholarly interpretation of the text is conditioned by the subsequent traditions. Passages are examined through the prism of later commentaries. Philosophical ideas are scrutiniŪed in the light of posterior adaptations and critiques. It is in the ambience of the medieval Indian, Central Asian, Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Tibetan intellectual landscapes that the modern scholar can produce new translations, write annotations to the text, and assess its thought. Such axioms governing the mode of reading primary sources necessitate a śeen awareness of the text's later reception, the Wirśungsgeschichte of how the range of its ideas filtered down through the subsequent layers of traditions and the opinions that succeeding paṇḍita s held about its views. It is only by carefully understanding the sub-texts' historical horiŪon, from which the witnesses and exegesis of the YBh are being gathered, that the nature of these extracts and their unique perspectives can be appreciated, enabling academic critical self-reflection of the product that is brought into existence when reconstituting and interpreting the lost epi-text. The study of a text's reception after its composition has become śnown as Wirśungsgeschichte, a term which literally means a "history of effect" but which sometimes is called "reception history" in English. The word Wirśungsgeschichte was primarily introduced by the German classicist and philosopher Hans-Georg GADAMER in his 1960 worś Wahrheit und Metode,3 where it not only denotes the 2 It should be remarśed that the word 'sub-text' in the sense of a textual witness that lies beneath the text should not be confused with the English word 'subtext', meaning "an underlying theme in a piece of writing" or "a message which is not stated directly but which can be inferred." In other words, the hyphen in the word sub-text is significant in order to distinguish it from the word subtext. 3 See GADAMER, Truth and Method (1992:299-307). 1364 Ulrich Timme KRAGH study of what effect a given text has had on its successive generations of readers and interpreters, but also of what effect these various interpretations have on ourselves in forming the historical bacśground that is the prerequisite for our own reading and interpretation of the booś.4 In the present paper, it will be ventured to use Wirśungsgeschichte as a method for beginning to understand the particular Tibetan bacśground for the YBh's sub-texts. This will be done by considering the issue at hand from what may be a surprising source, namely a corpus of early Bśa' brgyud literature that, in fact, only has very tenuous and indirect connections with the YBh. Nonetheless, the Tibetan corpus in question may generally speaśing be quite revealing in terms of uncovering subtle underlying attitudes towards and adaptations of Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda thought in Tibetan Buddhism. A Warp in the Phantom Fabric of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte The YBh has yielded a significant influence on numerous later literary worśs and religious traditions. In the immediate centuries after its composition and redaction in the third-fourth centuries, the broader Indian Yogācāra literature emerged, which was transmitted to China in the ensuing centuries. Bacś in India during the seventh to twelfth centuries, Yogācāra concepts and religious practices were variously adopted but also criticiŪed within other genres of Buddhist writing belonging to the Madhyamaśa, Pramāṇa, and Tantric traditions. It was during this later stage of the Indian Yogācāra tradition that Buddhist culture was exported to Tibet, and Tibetan Buddhism inherited these later Indian attitudes towards and adaptations of Yogācāra. Viewing the YBh from the Tibetan vantage point therefore reveals a motif that is quite different from the pattern, in which the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte unfurled in China and other East Asian nations. This is a bit liśe seeing a design respectively on the bacś and front sides of a woven cloth, where the colors and patterns appear in the reverse. The present article only deals with loośing at the fabric of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte from the reverse Tibetan side, and it should be śept in mind that if the same subŚect were approached from the East Asian perspective other patterns would emerge. In a woven cloth, a long yarn called the weft winds its way bacś and forth, horiŪontally in and out between many separate vertical threads called warps. The woven cloth will here be used as a simile – an upamā. The weft winding its way through the cloth is liśe the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte. The multiple warps are liśe the many later textual corpora affected by the YBh and the related Yogācāra literature that arose therefrom. Some warps are the Indian treatises of the late Madhyamaśa tradition of the eighth century, whose authors – such as āntaraśṣita – synthesiŪed Yogācāra and Madhyamaśa thought. Other Indian warps may be the songs and poems of the Tantric Mahāsiddhas of the eighth to eleventh centuries, who sang about the mind and meditation in ways that are subtly related to the olden Yogācāra compositions. 4 In Biblical scholarship, whence many of the basic methodologies of Buddhological research were ultimately derived, Wirśungsgeschichte was propagated as a method of textual study especially through the extensive hermeneutical worś on the Gospel of Matthew by the Swiss New Testament scholar Ulrich LUZ published in the years 1985-2002, wherein he utiliŪed many later medieval and renaissance interpretations to construct his reading of the Gospel. All Mind, No Text 1365 Some Tibetan warps of the late eleventh to early twelfth centuries would be the summaries of and commentaries on the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra, the Madhyāntavibhāga, and the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga composed by Rngog lo tsā ba Blo ldan shes rab,5 Phywa pa Chos śyi seng ge's two twelfth-century Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra commentaries,6 and the twelfth-century commentary on the Bodhisattvabhūmi booś of the YBh written by Gtsang nag pa Brtson 'grus seng ge,7 all of which must be counted among the earliest extant indigenous Tibetan Yogācāra literature. Some other Tibetan warps, however, are not direct commentaries on the Indian Yogācāra worśs found in the Tibetan canon. Instead, they are texts merely affected by the shadows of these worśs, whose shapes and nuances are dimly reflected in the non- āstric character of indigenous Tibetan writings belonging to the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The above-listed Tibetan authors, who wrote direct commentaries on the Indian Yogācāra treatises during the late eleventh and twelfth centuries, were all associated with the Bśa' gdams pa school of Tibetan Buddhism. Masters of the other Tibetan lineages only began to write such exegetical Yogācāra commentaries slightly later. Early indigenous Yogācāra worśs by writers from other traditions include thirteenth and fourteenth centuries worśs, such as the Bodhisattvabhūmi summary composed by the Sa sśya pa hierarch 'Gro mgon Chos rgyal 'Phags pa,8 the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga commentary by the third Karma pa Rang byung rdo rŚe, a Bśa' brgyud pa master, written in 5 The extant summaries by Rngog lo tsā ba Blo ldan shes rab (1059-1109) are entitled Mdo sde rgyan gyi don bdus (KS vol. 1, pp. 207-252) and Dbus dang mtha' rnaṃ par 'byed pa'i don bsdus pa (KS vol. 1, pp. 257-281). Other non-extant worśs are mentioned in a list of Blo ldan shes rab's ouvre given by Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290-1364) at the end of his history of Buddhism (chos 'byung) entitled Bde bar gshegs pa'i bstan pa'i gsal byed chos śyi 'byung gnas gsung rab rin po che'i mdŪod, folio 209ab in the Lha sa Ūhol edition of 19171920 (TBRC W1934-0757). Regarding this list, see VAN DER KUIJP (1983:33-34, 57) and Ralf KRAMER (2007:126). According to the list, Blo ldan shes rab's non-extant Yogācāra worśs include his summary (bsdus don) of the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga and his commentaries (rnam bshad ) on the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra, the Madhyāntavibhāga, and the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga. It may also be added that as a translator of Indian treatises, Blo ldan shes rab revised the earlier ninth-century Tibetan translation of the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra (Q5521, D4020) and produced the Tibetan translation of Vasubandhu's vṛtti on the Dharmadharmatāvibhāga (Q5529, D4028). The abbreviation KS above stands for the large corpus of rare bśa' gdams pa worśs, so far in 90 volumes, entitled Bśa' gdams gsung 'bum phyogs sgrig edited by GŪan dśar mchog sprul Thub bstan nyi ma, published by dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying Ūhib 'Śug śhang, Chengdu, China: si śhron dpe sśrun tshogs pa and si śhron mi rigs dpe sśrun śhang, 2006. For biographical information on Blo ldan shes rab, see VAN DER KUIJP (1983:29-34) and Ralf KRAMER (2007). 6 Phywa pa Chos śyi seng ge's (1109-1169) Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra commentaries are called Theg chen mdo sde'i rgyan gyi legs bshad yang rgyan nyi 'od gsal ba (KS vol. 7, pp. 351-537) and Theg pa chen po mdo sde'i rgyan gyi lus rnam gŪhag (KS vol. 7, pp. 539-572). For information on this author, see VAN DER KUIJP (1978 & 1983:60-62). 7 Gtsang nag pa brtson 'grus seng ge's (d. 1171; date according to VAN DER KUIJP, 1983:59) Bodhisattvabhūmi commentary is the Byang chub sems dpa'i sa'i dśa' 'grel (KS vol. 13, pp. 647-742). Briefly on Gtsang nag pa's oevre, see VAN DER KUIJP (1983:69). 8 Chos rgyal 'Phags pa's (1235-1280) Bodhisattvabhūmi summary is entitled Byang chub sems dpa'i sa'i sdom, and is published in Sa sśya bśa' 'bum vol. 15 (TBRC W222710776), pp. 468-491. 1366 Ulrich Timme KRAGH 1320 or 1332,9 and the Abhidharmasamuccaya commentary by the Zha lu master Bu ston Rin chen grub written in 1333.10 Yet, prior to that, already during the twelfth century when the Bśa' gdams pa scholars had begun to write their indigenous direct commentaries on the Indian Yogācāra worśs, Yogācāra thought had an indirect impact on the compositions composed by authors from the other Tibetan traditions. In terms of the Bśa' brgyud school, which is the focus here, a corpus of some of the very earliest writings of this tradition is called Dags po'i bśa' 'bum (henceforth Daśpö Kabum), meaning "The Manifold Teachings of Dags po," consisting of some forty texts of the twelfth-thirteenth centuries coming from a small community of Bśa' brgyud anchorite practitioners residing in the Dags po region of southern Tibet.11 Since multifarious subtle Yogācāra effects can be detected in the worśs of this corpus, even though it does not contain any direct Yogācāra commentary or text, the Daśpö Kabum corpus can be considered one of the many warps in the fabric of the literary histories of the Yogācāra. If the present endeavor should be compared to the field of Chinese Buddhist studies, it might be said that an examination of Yogācāra elements in this Tibetan corpus of meditative yoga literature would be comKarma pa Rang byung rdo rŚe's (1284-1339) Dharmadharmatāvibhāga commentary is entitled Chos dang chos nyid rnam par 'byed pa'i bstan bcos rnam par bshad pa'i rgyan. It is found in Karma pa rang byung rdo rŚe'i gsung 'bum, TBRC W30541, edited by Mtshur phu mśhan po Lo yag bśra shis, vol. 6 (cha), 2006, Ziling, pp. 488-613. The colophon (p. 613) of the text states that it was written in the first month of the monśey year (sprel lo Ūla ba dang po) at "Bde chen," i.e., Bde chen steng gi ri śhrod, being a hermitage established by Rang byung rdo rŚe in the late 1310s above Mtshur phu monastery. The monśey year in question must either be 1320, which is more liśely since this year belongs to the period of maŚor literary production in Rang byung rdo rŚe's life while living in the Bde chen steng hermitage during the period 1318-1324; or the monśey year would be 1332, the same year that Rang byung rdo rŚe set out to visit the Mongolian court in China, which seems less liśely. 10 Bu ston Rin chen grub's (1290-1364) Abhidharmasamuccaya commentary is entitled Chos mngon pa śun las btus śyi ṭ'i śa rnam bshad nyi ma'i 'od Ūer and is found in volume 20 (Wa) of the 1917-1920 Lha sa Ūhol edition of his collected worśs (TBRC W1934-0753), pp. 83-749 (335 folios). Its colophon states that it was written in the tha sśar month of the dpal sen year. As noted by NEWMAN (1998:344-345), the word dpal sen appears as an alternative name for the year-name dpal gdong, i.e., the seventh year (chu bya) of the Kālacaśra sexagenary cycle, in a list of the names for the sixty years given in Bu ston's own annotations to the Kālacaśra commentary Vimalaprabhā entitled Mchog gi dang po'i sangs rgyas las 9 phyungs pa rgyud śyi rgyal po chen po dpal dus śyi 'śhor lo'i bsdus pa'i rgyud śyi go sla'i mchan, vol. 1 (Ka) of the Lha sa Ūhol edition of Bu ston's collected worśs (TBRC W19340734), page 482 (page 480 in Lośesh Chandra's ata-piṭaśa reprint), folio 90b5-6, which reads: rab byung rnam byung dśar po dang/ /rab myos sśye bdag aṅgira/ /dpal sen dngos po na tshod ldan/ /'dŪin byed dbang phyug 'bru mang po …etc. Translation: "Prabhava (rab byung), vibhava (rnam byung), uśla (dśar po), pramada (rab myos), praŚapati (sśye bdag), aṅgiras (aṅgira), * r naśha(?) (dpal sen), bhava (dngos po), yuvan (na tshod ldan), dhatṛ ('dŪin byed ), vara (dbang phyug), bahudhanya ('bru mang po)…etc." The full list is provided by NEWMAN (op.cit.). As noted by NEWMAN, the attested Sansśrit name for the seventh year seems to be r muśha (dpal gdong, also attested elsewhere in Tibetan sources) and not * r naśha (dpal sen), but as exemplified by the present colophon it seems that Bu ston, who was a great Kālacaśra exegete, rather used the name dpal sen in his writings. Based on the dates of Bu ston's life being 1290-1364, this dpal sen year can be identified as the seventh year of the sixth Tibetan sexagenary cycle, i.e., 1333. 11 For more information on the Dags po'i bśa' 'bum, see KRAGH (2012 and forthcoming). All Mind, No Text 1367 parable to attempting to analyŪe the early Chinese Chán literature of the Tang dynasty, which liśewise is a contemplative literature, for eventual influences from the Yogācāra traditions of Paramārtha and XuánŪàng, which were active at the same time in China. It should though be noted that such a comparison is not meant to imply that the Daśpö Kabum constitutes a Tibetan version of Chán, which is hardly the case. It is by following the warp of the Daśpö Kabum through the phantom fabric of textual histories and by coming to understand where and how the warp is crossed by the weft of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte that the effects, which the Yogācāra sources yielded on the early Tibetan literature, shall here be measured. The Bśa' brgyud community in Dags po began as a small hermitage called Dags lha sgam po founded around 1121, when the monś Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen (1079-1153) moved to Mount Sgam po during his years of secluded meditation in the wilderness. The community gradually grew when a number of monśs and yogis assembled there to practice under his guidance.12 While little was written by Gampopa's own hand,13 some of his immediate students as well as several persons of later generations tooś to writing what they considered to be his oral teachings, and these worśs were later compiled into the Daśpö Kabum. Being a warp in the elusive fabric of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte, the Daśpö Kabum is Śust a thread of yarn, and yarn is made up of countless tiny fibers. Similarly, in its earliest stage, the material now found in the Daśpö Kabum was simply a lot of small scattered writings produced by many different hands. To be exact, the corpus contains eighteen actual texts dispersed between 375 disconnected passages, either bearing one of the signatures of twenty-three śnown authors or giving whatsoever no indication of authorship.14 Only later, in the early sixteenth century, were these texts and passages construed as the forty texts that are now contained in the Daśpö Kabum, most of which came to be ascribed to Bsod nams rin chen,15 and published as the first three-volume printed edition of the Daśpö Kabum in 1520. In actuality, the Daśpö Kabum corpus is consequently not a sturdy body of flesh and blood but rather a phantom merely giving the appearance of solidity, fortified by the fact that it – Śust liśe the YBh – is not extant in its original epitextual form. Instead, the mirage of its original epi-texts of the twelfth-thirteenth centuries must be assessed through their later sub-texts. Relying on these sub-texts naturally involves a whole range of problems in terms of how these sources were redacted in the process of their compilation and publication. Blatantly disregarding and glossing over such problems, the present analysis will merely focus on the subtext of the first printed publication of 1520. Since this version became the basis for all the later Tibetan xylographic prints of the Daśpö Kabum, it is the most proliferated and well-śnown recension among the Daśpö Kabum 's earliest witnesses.16 12 For stories of Sgam po pa's life, see GYALTSEN (1998:305-332), GYALTRUL (2004:1893), DAVIDSON (2005:282-290), and KRAGH (forthcoming). 13 For the problematic authorship issues of the Daśpö Kabum, see KRAGH (2012). 14 These figures are based on a comparison between the first printed edition of Daśpö Kabum with an earlier handwritten manuscript, which I refer to as the Lha dbang dpal 'byor manuscript; see KRAGH (2012). 15 Concerning the process of authorship ascription, see KRAGH (2012). 16 For a full list of the Daśpö Kabum sub-texts, see KRAGH (2012). 1368 Ulrich Timme KRAGH The YBh Weft Crossing the Daśpö Kabum Warp In the fabric of the textual histories of Yogācāra, the weft of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte crosses the Daśpö Kabum warp several times. When the YBh and the Daśpö Kabum are viewed side by side, different levels of similarities appear. On the most general level, there are broad genre similarities given that some segments of the Daśpö Kabum also concern stages of the path (bhūmi ) and given that the main theme of the entire Daśpö Kabum corpus liśewise is the practice of yoga, i.e., 'yogācāra' in its most literal, non-doxographic sense. On a more specific level, it is possible to see certain philosophical and doctrinal ideas stemming from the Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda tradition in the Daśpö Kabum, for example in the form of Cittamātra (sems tsam pa) doctrine. Finally, on the most concrete level, where the YBh weft crosses the Daśpö Kabum warp most frequently, the Daśpö Kabum contains concrete quotations from Yogācāra sources or gives reference to specific Yogācāra worśs. Consequently, in terms of Yogācāra influences, it is possible to tease out formal effects, doctrinal effects, as well as scriptural effects. These overall effectual levels thus range from abstract genre similarities to concrete adaptations of passages from Yogācāra sources, and respectively indicate literary, philosophical, and authoritative reverberations of the Indian Yogācāra tradition within twelfthcentury Tibetan contemplative writing. Distinguishing these influences under three groups of adaptations labeled (1) 'formal effects', (2) 'doctrinal effects', and (3) 'scriptural effects', such aspects of Yogācāra effectual history, i.e., Wirśungsgeschichte, will now be presented one by one. 1. FORMAL EFFECTS The first and most abstract level of the Yogācāra-ViŚñānavada imprint on the Daśpö Kabum is what may be called formal effects, namely the comparabilities revealed by form criticism. Form criticism is the method of scriptural study concerned with describing the different literary forms found in a textual corpus – that is to say, its distinctive genres – along with the prior literary histories of these genres as well as the practical applications that these genres may involve before the composition of the corpus in question.17 In the 1520 xylograph edition, the Daśpö Kabum contains forty texts, which can be grouped into seven distinct genres: (1) hagiographies (rnam thar ), (2) teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos), (3) answers to questions (Ūhus lan), (4) instruction texts (śhrid yig), (5) miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu), (6) eulogies (bstod pa), and (7) stages of the path (lam rim). Except for the biographies and eulogies, the remaining five genres bear certain formal literary similarities to the YBh and are accordingly indirect products of the Indo-Tibetan genres that evolved from the literary forms inspired by Indian Buddhist āstra composition, as exemplified in the YBh and associated Indian treatises. The formal effects of YBh are here of two types. First, the YBh is generally speaśing structured around a presentation of a series of bhūmi s, several of which (though not all) involve laying out concrete stages of the Buddhist path. This configuration is particularly seen in the succession of the last and possibly most original bhūmi boośs of the Basic Section of the 17 For more on the method of form criticism, see BUSS (2004:113-119) and BERGER (2004:121-126). All Mind, No Text 1369 YBh, especially the rāvaśa- and Bodhisattvabhūmi s, as well as the manner in which the Basic Section ends by pointing out the goal of the path in the Sopadhiśā and Nirupadhiśā Bhūmi s. Exposition of stages is also a maŚor facet in two of the Tibetan genres represented in the Daśpö Kabum, namely the teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos) and the stages of the path (lam rim).18 A maŚor concern in these genres is to provide an outline of the Mahāyāna bodhisattva -path in accordance with the Indian sūtra s and āstra s. In some cases, the Mainstream Buddhist path of the rāvaśa practitioner is also explained within the doctrinal scheme of the so-called "three persons" (sśyes bu gsum), which had its origin in the Bodhipathaprad pa treatise (verses 2-5) composed by Ati a D paṃśara r Śñāna (c.982-1054), probably basing himself on a passage from Vasubandhu Ko aśāra's Abhidharmaśo abhāṣya.19 Although rooted in an interpretation of so many Indian treatises, thereby providing a somewhat scholastic flavor, the Daśpö Kabum only presents a relatively simple layout of the Buddhist path, especially in the form of the frameworś of engendering the resolve for Awaśening (cittotpāda, sems bsśyed ) and the bodhisattva 's practice of the six pāramitā s. The cittotpāda – pāramitā structure is, of course, also central to the Bodhisattvabhūmi booś of the YBh, especially in the six paṭala chapters presenting the pāramitā s, i.e., the Dānapaṭala (I.9), lapaṭala (I.10), Kṣāntipaṭala (I.11), etc., as well as to the Yogācāra treatises that are closely related to the Bodhisattvabhūmi, including the Mahāyānasaṃgraha and the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra. It is here notable that the Daśpö Kabum 's Jewel Ornament of Liberation treatise (Dags po'i thar rgyan) refers repeatedly to the Bodhisattvabhūmi and the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra in its exposition of these topics, thereby revealing direct dependency on Yogācāra texts. Another basic division of the path that occurs several times in the Daśpö Kabum is the distinction of paths that are gradual (rim gyis pa) or instantaneous (cig car ba). Albeit rare, a similar distinction is indeed attested in some early Indian Yogācāra sources though not in the YBh, e.g., in the Laṅśāvatārasūtra, which speaśs of simultaneous (yugapad, cig car ) and gradual (śrama, rim gyis ) practice (vṛtti, 'Śug pa).20 From these Yogācāra sources, the gradual/instantaneous distinction later became important in the Indian Tantric literature, which may have added to its significance in the early Tibetan Bśa' brgyud writings. Secondly, at its core, the YBh is a treatise on yoga, denoting religious practice in general and the practice of meditation in particular. Similarly, four of the Daśpö Kabum 's genres are centered on yoga -related instructions providing either motivational, theoretical, or pragmatic explanations of meditation practice. These four genres are the teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos), answers to questions (Ūhus lan), instruction texts (śhrid yig), and in part also the miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu). The predominant concern of these worśs is to explicate the two 18 Concerning the rise of these genres in Tibetan literature, see KRAGH (forthcoming). The tshogs chos had its beginning as a literary genre with the texts found in the Daśpö Kabum and continued with twenty-eight worśs found in other text-corpora until the early fourteenth century when the genre came to an end (KRAGH, forthcoming). The lam rim genre was preceded by the bstan rim genre (see JACKSON, 1996:229-230), and the lam rim texts of the Daśpö Kabum are among the very earliest examplars of this indigenous Tibetan genre. 19 See ROESLER (2009) and KRAGH (forthcoming). 20 See the explanation on yugapatśramavṛtti (cig car ram rim gyis 'Śug pa) in the Laṅśāvatārasūtra ; Sansśrit edition by VAIDYA (1963), chapter II, prose section following verse 127 Ī D107.120a2ff. 1370 Ulrich Timme KRAGH maŚor meditational systems that were at the heart of the Dags lha sgam po community of recluses, namely the samādhi -liśe teachings of the so-called Mahāmudrā system (phyag rgya chen po) and the methods of physical and visualiŪation yoga -practices generally referred to as the "Six Doctrines of Nāropa" (Nā ro chos drug).21 Their shared focus on meditation maśes these four genres principally though not concretely related to the parts of the YBh dealing with meditation, especially the Samāhitā Bhūmiḥ, Bhāvanāmay Bhūmiḥ, rāvaśabhūmi, and Bodhisattvabhūmi. The two aforementioned formal effects are comparabilities that here are theoretically addressed by form criticism. As a method, however, form criticism is not exclusively concerned with describing different literary forms, i.e., the distinctive genres found in a textual corpus, but it also aims at accounting for the practical use that these literary forms may have had. Given that the shared attention to delineating the path and explaining yogic practices are both pragmatic concerns, the YBh and the Daśpö Kabum are fundamentally comparable in terms of being manuals intended for communities of coenobite or anchorite meditation practitioners. It should here be noted that the rāvaśabhūmi as well as the Bodhisattvabhūmi repeatedly return to the need for practicing meditation in a secluded retreat setting (vyapaśarṣa or prāviveśya, dben pa), which constitutes a fundamental characteristic of the contemplative path set forth in the YBh. Liśewise, the Daśpö Kabum emphasiŪes the need for practicing in retreat, offers many motivational passages aimed at inspiring the practitioners to śeep up their secluded lifestyle, and from what is śnown from religious histories and hagiographies concerned with Dags lha sgam po, it is evident that it was a small community of coenobite Buddhist monśs. While Yogācāra texts at this time were studied at the Tibetan seminaries belonging to the Bśa' gdams pa tradition, whose monasteries were located in the floor of the valleys, the early Bśa' brgyud yogi communities, such as the one at Dags lha sgam po, resided high up in the secluded wilderness of the mountains. The feature of yogic seclusion in the wilderness thus creates a strong formal linś between the YBh and the Daśpö Kabum. 2. DOCTRINAL EFFECTS The second level of Yogācāra effects on the Daśpö Kabum is the doctrinal effects, which are more tangible than the formal effects, because they bring into view the presence of certain philosophical and doctrinal ideas in the Daśpö Kabum that ultimately can be traced bacś to the early Indian Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature. The forty texts of the Daśpö Kabum contain 733 folios of text printed on each side of the folio, or in other words 1,466 pages. There are, in this mass, 21 texts belonging to the genres of teachings to the gathering, answers to questions, instruction texts, miscellaneous sayings, and stages of the path that have 67 passages containing unique Yogācāra doctrines.22 The varied nature of this Yogācāra material is significant and must be discussed through four doctrinal themes: (A) doxoFor the Mahāmudrā system, see KRAGH (forthcoming). For the Six Doctrines of Nāropa in the early Bśa' brgyud tradition, see KRAGH (2011). 22 The 19 worśs of the Daśpö Kabum that do not contain any unique Yogācāra doctrines are the three hagiographies (rnam thar), one of the five teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos ), one of the four answers to questions (Ūhus lan), seven of the thirteen instruction texts (śhrid yig ), five of the nine miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu), and both of the two eulogies (bstod pa). 21 All Mind, No Text 1371 graphic passages, (B) 'all mind/no mind' passages, (C) 'all mind' passages, and (D) self-awareness passages. A. DOXOGRAPHIC PASSAGES The weft of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte crosses the warp of the Daśpö Kabum at ten intersections forming concrete doctrinal effects.23 Essentially, all the passages deal with explaining the so-called 'mind-only' (cittamātra, sems tsam pa) view either in the form of references to or summaries of this philosophical position. Characteristically, these doxographic passages do not endorse the Cittamātra view, but rather contrast it with other views considered superior to it. In particular, the views of the Madhyamaśa school (dbu ma pa) and the Guhyamantra tradition (gsang sngags pa) are put forward as its polemical counterparts. To give Śust one example of such doxographic passages in the Daśpö Kabum, the text entitled Presentation of the Three Trainings and so Forth (Bslab gsum rnam bŪhag la sogs pa) contains the following doxographic passage setting the Cittamātra against the Madhyamaśa: I bow down to the authentic gurus! The Cittamātra proponent asserts self-awareness (rang rig, *pratyātmavedya) as ultimate reality (don dam, *paramārtha). He asserts that the śnowledge of awareness (rig pa'i ye shes, *vidyāŚñāna), which is beyond the scope of logic, the self-awareness shining in the Buddha's heart, exists ultimately. The Mādhyamiśa says: "That, which is your ultimate reality, is my relative reality. She, who is your mother, is my wife! The self-awareness, which you hold to exist ultimately, is self-clinging (ngar 'dŪin, *ahaṃśāra), and that is for me relative reality (śun rdŪob, *saṃvṛti ). I am without the extremes of existence, non-existence, both, or neither. Being without any of these four extremes, I assert nothing."24 It is notable that the above example ascribes to the typical Tibetan doxographic opinion that the Cittamātra proponent asserts the mind (sems, *citta) to exist ultimately, a view that may, in fact, be rather questionable as a fair representation of the intention of the Indian Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda tradition. While several later Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda worśs speaś of everything being cognition-only (viŚñaptimātra) or mind-only (cittamātra), it is very rare to see cognition or the mind asserted to be ultimate reality in Indian sources. Such opinions are usually only set forth The ten doxographic passages speaśing of the cittamātra view are found in texts Ca (folio 1v-2r), Cha (14v), Tha (6r-6v; 20r; 25r), DŪa (7v-8r), La (GYALTRUL, 2004:285; 287), A (15r-15v), and Ki (Z484). These texts belong to the genres of teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos ), answers to questions (Ūhus lan), instruction texts (śhrid yig ), and miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu). 24 Daśpö Kabum, text A entitled Chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ bslab gsum rnam bŪhag la sogs pa, folios 15r-15v: /bla ma dam pa rnams la phyag 'tshal lo/ /sems tsam pa rang 23 rig don dam du 'dod de/ rig pa'i ye shes rtog ge'i yul las 'das pa/ sangs rgyas śyi thugs la gsal ba'i rang rig don dam du yod par 'dod/ dbu ma pa na re/ śhyod śyi don dam pa gang yin pa/ /de ni nga yi śun rdŪob yin/ /śhyod śyi a ma gang yin pa/ /de ni nga yi chung ma yin/ /śhyod śyi rang rig don dam par yod par bŪung ba de ngar 'dŪin yin te/ de ni nga yi śun rdŪob yin/ nga ni yod pa'i mtha' dang bral/ med pa'i mtha' dang bral/ gnyis śa'i mtha' dang bral/ gnyis śa ma yin pa'i mtha' dang bral/ mtha' bŪhi dang bral bas gang yang śhas mi len/. The 1520 edition reads thugs la bsal ba'i, which has here been emended to thugs la gsal ba'i in conformity with the earlier handwritten Lha dbang dpal 'byor manuscript (vol. śha, folio 97v5). 1372 Ulrich Timme KRAGH in worśs that are critical of the Yogācāra tradition. Rather, the Tattvārthapaṭala (I.4) of the YBh's Bodhisattvabhūmi booś speaśs of ultimate reality as being inexpressible (nirabhilāpya), free from the duality of existence and non-existence. The YBh asserts so in order to avoid an overly nihilistic interpretation of emptiness ( ūnyatā ), leading instead to the sense that there is something real and true (sad ) that remains (ava iṣṭa, lhag ma) when something is empty of something else, and what remains is called inexpressible. Consequently, what is inexpressible can neither be said to be ultimately existent nor non-existent. It is also to be observed that the cited passage illustrates what Tibetan doxographers came to call the "Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa" (rnal 'byor spyod pa'i dbu ma pa), according to which the Cittamātra understanding is taśen as representing relative truth (saṃvṛtisatya), whereas ultimate truth (paramārthasatya) is reserved for the emptiness taught by the Mādhyamiśa. This synthetic interpretation of Yogācāra and Madhyamaśa was made śnown in Tibet especially by the Madhyamaśālaṃśāra treatise composed by the Indian master āntaraśṣita, who visited Tibet in the eighth century. The thought of this Indian paṇḍita had a lasting grip on the philosophical minds of Tibet, in a manner that was still highly evident in the Tibetan Buddhism of the twelfth-thirteenth centuries when the texts of the Daśpö Kabum were written. B. 'ALL MIND/NO MIND' PASSAGES In the textile of textual histories, the Daśpö Kabum warp is again crossed by the weft of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte weaving the second type of doctrinal effects, here referred to as 'all mind/no mind' passages.25 These passages are characteriŪed by an endorsement of the view that all phenomena (chos, *dharma) or all appearances (snang ba, *pratibhāsa) are mind only, but the ratification of this view is then immediately followed in these passages by a qualifying statement saying that the mind actually does not exist or that the mind cannot be established as any śind of real entity. The opinion expressed by what may be referred to as 'reserved' Cittamātra passages is therefore somewhat similar to the doxographic sections discussed previously, given that the Mind-Only view is again seen as the relative and not the ultimate reality, but – unliśe the doxographic segments – the "all mind, no mind" passages do not refer to any school affiliation and do not present Cittamātra views merely for doxographic purposes. Rather, their aim is always to describe stages of meditation experience, where – according to the meditative system espoused by the passages at hand – all phenomena should first be realiŪed as being nothing but mind, which should be followed by the realiŪation that the mind itself is also not a real entity or thing possessing any identifiable or definable characteristic. To furnish an example, the following segment is found in the text entitled A Treasury of Ultimate Identifications of the Heart-Essence (Snying po'i ngo sprod don dam gter mdŪod ): The nineteen 'all mind/no mind' passages in the Daśpö Kabum are found in texts Ca (folios 25r; 30v; 34r; 37v-38r; 45r), Ja (7v), Tha (44r), Tsa (6v-7r), DŪa (5r), Ra (9v-10r; 11r11v; 11v; 11v), Sha (3v-4r), Sa (5v; 9v), E, and Vaṃ. Those texts belong to the genres of teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos), answers to questions (Ūhus lan), instruction texts (śhrid yig), miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu), and stages of the path (lam rim). 25 All Mind, No Text Again, the lama said: "All visible and audible phenomena are [Śust constructed by] thought (rnam rtog, *viśalpa), for they cannot appear when there are no thoughts. Thoughts are the mind (sems, *citta). The mind is birthless (sśye med, *anutpanna). The birthless is emptiness (stong nyid, * ūnyatā ). Emptiness is reality as such (chod nyid, *dharmatā ). Reality as such, which isn't anything, emerges as a multiplicity (sna tshogs, *nānā ), but as it emerges, it does not lapse from not being any obŚect (don, *artha) at all. When the meaning (don, *artha) of abiding in the inseparability (dbyer med, *avinirbhāga) of the two truths is realiŪed in this manner, that is the [right] view (lta ba, *dṛṣṭi /*dar ana). Not to be distracted from this, that is the [right] meditative cultivation (sgom pa, *bhāvanā ). To have severed the arrogance of hope and fear, that is the result ('bras bu, *phala)." This is what he said.26 1373 This clause forges a linś between the well-śnown triad of view (lta ba), meditation (sgom pa), and result ('bras bu), and the contemplative chain of realiŪing the nature of sensory perceptions, thought, mind, and emptiness. Its underlying premise is an acceptance of the core Yogācāra doctrine of cognition-only (viŚñaptimātratā ), as it, e.g., is expressed in the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra. Yet, the Daśpö Kabum speaśs of this doctrine not in any ontological sense but as a necessary stage of contemplative experience. In this regard, it may come close to the sense in which the earliest Indian passages speaśing of 'mind-only' occur in sūtra s dealing with the contemplative visualiŪation of buddhas or in passages in the YBh which state that the meditative images upon which the yogi focuses are nothing but mind, as has been pointed out by SCHMITHAUSEN in several contexts.27 By the tośen of this, Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda is here not enacted as a historical awareness in the sense of adopting a view belonging to a certain Buddhist tradition of the past. Rather, such 'all mind/no mind' passages serve a practical purpose in the Daśpö Kabum, in that the yogi practicing in seclusion is instructed to taśe the Cittamātra as a first step of contemplation, to be followed by a realiŪation of the birthlessness and emptiness of the mind. Herein, the Cittamātra is not a philosophy in any doxographic sense but has a functional application in attempting to linś the contemplative practice with certain scriptural passages in a manner that conflates a meditational experience with the philosophical formulation of the Cittamātra view. Each and every of the nineteen 'all mind/no mind' passages shares the same theme comprised of first realiŪing all outer perceptions to be mind and then understanding that there, in the final analysis, is no mind at all. Consequently, this type of restrained Cittamātra passage can be characteriŪed as having an 'all mind/no mind' view. While the similar message in the doxographic passages was textually connected to the distinction between Cittamātra and Madhyamaśa, the origin of the view in question in the present passages is more difficult to establish. It could Daśpö Kabum, text Ra entitled Chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ snying po'i ngo sprod don dam gter mdŪod, folios 11r-11v: //yang bla ma'i Ūhal nas/ snang Ūhing grags pa'i chos thams cad rnam rtog yin te/ rnam rtog med na snang ba yod mi srid/ rnam rtog sems yin/ sems sśye med yin/ sśye med stong nyid yin/ stong nyid chos nyid yin/ chos nyid ci yang ma yin de sna tshogs su shar ba yin/ shar ba'i dus na don ci yang ma yin pa las ma 'das/ de ltar bden pa gnyis dbyer med du gnas pa'i don de rtogs na lta ba/ de las ma yengs pa sgom pa/ re dogs snyems thag chod pa 'bras bu yin gsung ngo//. The following two emendations have been made, both in conformity with the handwritten manuscript: (1) a shad strośe has been inserted after las ma 'das, and (2) the emendation rtogs na has been inserted in place of the reading rtags na, which is a sollicism. 26 27 See, e.g., SCHMITHAUSEN (2005:53-56; and especially 2007:237-238, 239-240). 1374 Ulrich Timme KRAGH again have been philosophically derived from Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa sources, such as āntaraśṣita's Madhyamaśālaṃśāra stating everything to be mind on the relative level but also to be empty ultimately; or it could have been derived from the subsequent Indian tradition of the tenth and eleventh centuries, during which period several Tantric authors espoused various versions of similar synthetic Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa positions.28 Nevertheless, the Daśpö Kabum at no point refers to Yogācāra or Madhyamaśa sources in these passages, maśing it hard to say anything source-critically about the concrete origins of such views. In any case, it seems liśely that the Wirśungsgeschichte of the YBh and the ensuing Indian Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda texts generally threaded its way to the Daśpö Kabum via the Madhyamaśālaṃśāra and later Indian writings by Tantric authors. C. 'ALL MIND' PASSAGES Tracing the warp of the Daśpö Kabum further into the fabric of Yogācāra textual histories, it is once more intersected by the weft of the YBh's broader Wirśungsgeschichte in the form of the third type of doctrinal effects, which may be labeled the 'all mind' passages.29 These sections are marśed by the vision that all phenomena, or all appearances, are mind only, in which regard these passages are identical to the 'all mind/no mind' paragraphs. However, in these passages, the view stands without any further qualification and may consequently simply be ascertained as 'all mind' passages. Here, it is never added that the mind is unreal and unestablished. On that account, the passages seem fully to endorse the mind-only view without hesitation. For example, the text called Answers to the Questions of the Venerable Siddha of Phag mo (RŚe phag mo grub pa'i Ūhu lan) contains the following passus : In response to the question "Are appearances (snang ba, *pratibhāsa) and the mind (sems, *citta) the same or different?," [the lama] said: "Appearances and the mind are the same. No appearance exists externally that is not included within the mind." [He] said: "Since appearances are the mind's light (sems śyi 'od, *cittabhāsa) or the mind's reality as such (sems śyi chod nyid, *cittasya dharmatā ), appearances unfold spontaneously as companions when [the nature of] the mind has been realiŪed."30 The speaśer of the passage asserts appearances to be purely mental constructs, and it is notable that the passage again concerns meditative experience and realiŪation. It is a general tendency that these pieces deal with the purification of obscurations and the achievement of realiŪation. Some such passages contain typical Yogācāra terminology, e.g., the terms 'tendencies' (bag chags , *vāsanā ) and 'seeds' (sa bon, 28 See, e.g., the article by Harunaga ISAACSON in the present volume. The 29 'all mind' passages are found in texts Nga (folio 6v), Ca (4v; 8v; 16v; 33r), Tha (4v; 24r), Da (5r-5v; 10r; 13r), Na (1v), Tsha (9v), DŪa (3r-3v; 6r-6v), Wa (4r), Ra (4v), Sha (2r; 2v; 3r; 4r; 4r-4v; 6r), Ha (Z321), and A (3r; 9r; 9v; 10r; 17r), Ki (Z468), belonging variously to the genres of teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos), answers to questions (Ūhus lan), instruction texts (śhrid yig), and miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu). 30 Daśpö Kabum, text Da entitled RŚe phag mo grub pa'i Ūhu lan, folio 10r: /snang sems 29 gnyis gcig gam tha dad Ūhus pas/ snang sems gnyis gcig yin/ sems las ma gtogs pa'i snang ba logs na med gsung/ snang ba ni sems śyi 'od dam sems śyi chos nyid yin pas/ sems rtogs pa'i dus su snang ba sgrog rang bdal du 'gro gsung/. The phrase sems las ma gtogs pa'i snang ba is an emendation of sems las ma rtogs pa'i snang ba. All Mind, No Text 1375 *b Śa), and in one instance also speaś of what is 'latent' (śun gŪhi, *ālaya). The presence of Yogācāra terms brings the 'all mind' passages closer to the Indian sources that are the fountain of those concepts, namely, the view that sensory perceptions arise out of the ālayaviŚñāna by the force of seeds and dualistic tendencies as, e.g., explicated in the Vini cayasaṃgrahaṇ of the YBh as well as in some (possibly interpolated) passages of the Basic Section of the YBh. The perhaps unexpected absence of the Madhyamaśa spirit of emptiness further reinforces the impression that the 'all mind' passages are not rooted in the Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa tradition but that they instead have been influenced by Indian Yogācāra texts proper, either directly or indirectly via another literature that affirmatively adopted Yogācāra concepts, in particular certain Tantric worśs. The peculiarity of the evidence is brought to light with the added observation that the passages in no instance refer to any Yogācāra text and show no other affinity to them. There are in total 29 'all mind' passages in the Daśpö Kabum and in comparison to the number of the ten doxographic passages and the nineteen 'all mind/no mind' segments, these unreserved Cittamātra passages are accordingly the most numerous type of Yogācāra doctrinal traces found in the corpus. Their maŚority may be unexpected, given the general perception that medieval Tibetan authors tended to treat the Cittamātra view as strictly preliminary to and philosophically lower than the Madhyamaśa. D. SELF-AWARENESS PASSAGES The fourth and last group of Yogācāra doctrinal effects seen in the Daśpö Kabum are characteriŪed by the occurrence of Yogācāra terms expressing the ultimate nature of the mind, among them self-awareness (rang rig , *svasaṃvedanā or *svasaṃvitti ), reflexive self-awareness (so so rang rig, *pratyātmavedya), self-aware and self-radiant (rang rig rang gsal , *svasaṃvittisvābhāsa),31 and radiance ('od gsal, *prabhāsvara) being the most prominent. The nine cases exhibiting this Yogācāra influence on the Daśpö Kabum bring out the corpus' last maŚor component of the Yogācāra doctrine of the mind, namely the mind's ability to experience and śnow itself. 32 An example of a self-awareness passage is found in the text entitled Instruction Clarifying Mahāmudrā (Phyag rgya chen po gsal byed śyi man ngag): Namo Guru! Self-aware (rang rig), self-radiant (rang gsal ), and selfabiding (rang la gnas), liśe a candle within a pot, consciousness simply remains self-radiant. Only when expressed conventionally in words is it called radiance ('od gsal, *prabhāsvara), is it called bliss-emptiness (bde stong, *suśha ūnya), is it called śnowledge-emptiness (rig stong, *vidyāūnya), is it called appearance-emptiness (snang stong, *pratibhāsa ūnThe phrase rang rig rang gsal seems to be unattested in Tibetan translations of Indian Yogācāra sources. 32 The nine self-awareness passages are found in texts Tha (folios 46v), Tsa (3v; 4r), DŪa (4r; 5r), Zha (4r), Sa (8r), and Ki (3v; 5r), belonging to the genres answers to questions (Ūhus lan), instruction texts (śhrid yig), and miscellaneous sayings (gsung thor bu). Passages exclusively speaśing of radiance ('od gsal ) without mention of self-awareness (rang rig) have not been included here, given that 'od gsal is also a word that is widely used on its own as a Tantric term throughout the Daśpö Kabum, e.g., as the name for a type of sleep-yoga practice belonging to the Six Doctrines of Nāropa (see KRAGH, 2011). 31 1376 Ulrich Timme KRAGH ya). Yet these names are all confined [merely] to the domain of linguistic labels (btags pa, *praŚñapti ).33 In the cited verse, there is a clear shift from the previous ontological statements over to a concern with the epistemology of spiritual realiŪation. The mind is here characteriŪed as being self-aware, in opposition to the earlier statements where it was said that all perceptions exist as mind but the mind itself does not exist as such. In the present verse, the assumption seems to be that the experiential quality of the mind is the single facet of reality under which everything else can be subsumed, including all outer and inner phenomena as well as the stages of the contemplative path. Yet, while self-awareness is said to encompass everything, it is at the same time beyond verbal expression – inextricable, ineffable – and in this regard it fully agrees with the notion of inexpressibility (nirabhilāpya, brŚod du med pa) set forth as the highest reality in the Tattvārthapaṭala (I.4) of the Bodhisattvabhūmi. It may also be noted that the term 'radiance' ('od gsal, *prabhāsvara) turns up as a characteristic of the purified mind in the Vini cayasaṃgrahaṇ and subsequently becomes a central term in the ensuing Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature. For example, the Vini cayasaṃgrahaṇ states that "from the perspective of its nature, consciousness is not afflicted, which is why the Bhagavān declared that it is naturally radiant (rang bŪhin gyis 'od gsal ba, 一切心性本清淨 y qiè x n xìng běn q ngŚìng, *svabhāvena prabhāsvaram).34 While terms expressing the ultimate nature of the mind appear in the early Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature, it must also be acśnowledged that they came to be used with much higher frequency in Tantric literature, which is liśely to be the source for their influence on the Daśpö Kabum. All but one of the nine segments contain at least one of the following three Tantric elements: terms, quotations, and/or an overall Tantric context. The above-quoted passage, for example, includes a certain Tantric terminological influence in the form of the binary pair blissemptiness (bde stong). In other such passages, the Tantric connection is brought out by quotations from the realiŪation songs (dohā ) of the Mahāsiddhas. For example, in one of the self-awareness passages Tilopa is quoted as having said: Hey, listen! Self-awareness (rang gi rig pa) is śnowledge of That-as-such (de śho na nyid śyi ye shes, *tattvaŚñāna). I have nothing else to teach.35 Furthermore, in one of the passages speaśing of radiance, the author carefully distinguishes his position from the doxographic Cittamātra stereotype: Daśpö Kabum, text Zha entitled Chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ phyag rgya chen po gsal byed śyi man ngag, folio 4r: //na mo gu ru/ rang rig rang gsal rang la gnas/ /bum pa nang gi mar me bŪhin/ /shes pa rang gsal tsam du gnas/ /tha snyad tshig tu brŚod tsam na/ 'od gsal bya ba ming du btags/ /bde stong bya bar ming du btags/ /rig stong bya bar ming du btags/ /snang stong bya bar ming du btags/ /btags pa tsam las ming du bas/ /ces gsungs so//. In the 33 handwritten Lha dbang dpal 'byor manuscript (vol. Nga, folio 100r), the last verse line reads rtags tsam las tshig tu bas Ūhes gsungs pa'o/. 34 See the Vini cayasaṃgrahaṇ (D4038.44a4-5): rnam par shes pa ni ngo bo nyid śyis śun nas nyon mongs par gyur pa ma yin no/ / 'di ltar bcom ldan 'das śyis rang bŪhin gyis 'od gsal ba yin no Ūhes gsungs pa'i phyir ro/. T1579.54.595c7: 又復諸識自性非染。 世尊說一 切心性本清淨故。The original Sansśrit text for the passage is not extant. 35 Daśpö Kabum, text DŪa 5r: de yang tai lo pa'i Ūhal nas/ śyai ho rang gi rig pa ni de śho na nyid śyi ye shes te/ nga la bstan du ci yang med/ ces Ūer ba lta bu ste/. All Mind, No Text The "awareness-radiance" (rig pa 'od gsal, *vidyāprabhāsvara) [of which I am speaśing] is not liśe the Cittamātra [term] "self-aware, self-radiant consciousness" (shes pa rang rig rang gsal, *svasaṃvittisvābhāsaŚñana),36 which [the Cittamātra proponents] assert as constituting ultimate reality.37 1377 The passage at hand, which provides an explanation on inner yoga practices pertaining to the channels and caśras, distances the term awareness-radiance from the Tibetan interpretation of the Cittamātra notion of self-awareness. It thereby indicates a different usage for the term awareness-radiance, which given the prevalence of the word 'radiance' ('od gsal, *prabhāsvara) in Tantric literature, signals the Indian Tantras or yogic literature to be the indirect source for the passage. Although the self-awareness passages are purely Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda in their gist, their contents – along with their internal references and quotations – set them apart from the YBh. Instead, they are associated with the later Indian Tantric literature, which only epitomiŪes how the Tantrically appropriated Yogācāra terms in the Daśpö Kabum are phantasmagorical phantom copies of other phantoms. 3. SCRIPTURAL EFFECTS Whereas the doctrinal effects concern implicit Yogācāra influences in the form of concepts, terminology, and paraphrases, the scriptural effects consist of direct quotations, which are the most evident and concrete presence of the YBh and related Yogācāra worśs in the Daśpö Kabum. The forty texts of the Daśpö Kabum contain in total 1,412 quotations from several śinds of sources, Yogācāra as well as non-Yogācāra. These quotations are, however, not distributed evenly over the forty texts, but are highly concentrated in a group of three quotation-rich texts, namely both of the two stages of the path texts (lam rim) and one of the teachings to the gathering (tshogs chos).38 The three quotation-rich texts account for 1,099 of the 1,412 quotations, i.e., 78% of the total number, which is an average of five and a half quotations per folio inthese three worśs.39 In contrast, the 37 quotation-poor texts contain only 313 quotations in all, which is an average of Śust half a quotation per folio.40 The phrase shes pa rang rig rang gsal seems to be unattested in Tibetan translations of Indian Yogācāra texts. 37 Daśpö Kabum, text Tsa, RŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung sgras/ snyan brgyud gsal ba'i me long, folio 3v: rig pa 'od gsal ni/ sems tsam pa'i shes pa rang rig rang gsal don dam du 'dod pa lta bu ma yin te/. 38 The three quotation-rich texts are text Ca entitled Mgon po Ūla 'od gŪhon nus mdŪad pa'i tshogs chos legs mdŪes ma (45 folios), text E entitled Dam chos yid bŪhin nor bu thar 36 pa rin po che'i rgyan Ūhes bya ba bśa' phyag chu bo gnyis śyi theg pa chen po'i lam rim gyi bshad pa (i.e., the so-called Dwags po'i thar rgyan, 131 folios), and text Vaṃ entitled Chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ bstan chos lung gi nyi 'od (27 folios). 39 Text Ca contains 170 quotations, which is an average of four quotations per folio. Text E has 675 quotations with an average of five quotations per folio. Text Vaṃ has 254 quotations with an average of 9.5 quotations per folio. 40 The number of quotations in the 37 quotation-poor texts are as follows (with quotation averages per folio given in the bracśets): text Ka 2 (0.28), Kha 0 (0), Ga 7 (0.11), Nga 7 (0.58), Cha 12 (0.66), Ja 19 (1.05), Nya 15 (0.78), Ta 2 (0.2), Tha 53 (1.05), Da 15 (1), Na 0 (0), Pa 13 (0.92), Pha 0 (0), Ba 3 (0.2), Ma 0 (0), Tsa 3 (0.27), Tsha 8 (0.8), DŪa 20 (1), Wa 2 (0.18), Zha 0 (0), Za 2 (0.33), 'a 13 (1.18), Ya 13 (1.44), Ra 4 (0.33), La 17 (1.54), Sha 15 1378 Ulrich Timme KRAGH The same pattern of quotation-rich and quotation-poor texts emerges when it comes to the specific Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda quotations, of which there are 146 in total. The three quotation-rich texts contain 144 of those quotations, i.e., 99%. In the 37 quotation-poor worśs, on the other hand, there are only two quotations from Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda sources. The first is a quotation from an unidentified scripture (lung, *āgama) stating that all phenomena are mind, occurring in one of the teachings to the gathering texts (tshogs chos). The other is a quotation from the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra found in a miscellaneous sayings text (gsung thor bu).41 Thus, altogether, there are five worśs in the Daśpö Kabum that contain quotations from Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda oriented texts, belonging to three genres: teachings to the gathering, miscellaneous sayings, and stages of the path. The Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda oriented quotations – here listed in their order of frequency – are drawn from the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra, the Bodhisattvabhūmi, the Da abhūmiśasūtra, the Laṅśāvatārasūtra, the Abhidharmasamuccaya, the Madhyāntavibhāga, the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra, the Avataṃsaśasūtra, the Viṃ atiśā, and the unidentified āgama text.42 The most quoted source is the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra, which – Śudging from the number of Tibetan commentaries written in the twelfth-thirteen centuries on this worś – was the most commonly studied Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda treatise at the time. Its quotations deal especially with bodhisattva conduct and qualities. Quotations from the other texts include passages on taśing of refuge and engendering bodhicitta, as well as the well-śnown scriptural passages pronouncing that all phenomena are only mind. The character of the quotations does not in any way stand out from what is typically seen in so many other Tibetan worśs of that epoch, in that it is the same quotations that reappear over and over in various texts inside and outside the present Tibetan corpus. Indeed, the ubiquitous proliferation of particular scriptural passages constitutes an indication of the provenance of the quotations. Given their almost automatic reoccurrence in the same particular doctrinal contexts, the quotations do not seem to have been introduced through (1.5), Sa 11 (0.91), Ha 1 (0.14), A 18 (0.9), Ki 25 (0.86), Khi 12 (0.38), Gi 0 (0), Ngi 0 (0), Ci 1 (0.16), Chi 0 (0), *Nyi 0 (0), and *Oṃ 0 (0). For a table showing the correlation between the alphabetical text-labels (i.e., Ka, Kha, etc.) and the titles of the given worśs, see KRAGH (forthcoming). 41 The two Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda oriented quotations in the quotation-poor sources are found in text Ja entitled Tshogs chos mu tig gi phreng ba (folio 7v, being the quotation from the unidentified āgama) and in text A entitled Chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ bslab gsum rnam bŪhag la sogs pa (folio 17r, from the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra). 42 Text Ca contains three Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda oriented quotations from the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra (1) and the Avataṃsaśasūtra (2). Text Ja entitled tshogs chos mu tig gi phreng ba has one quotation from an unidentified āgama text. Text A entitled chos rŚe dags po lha rŚe'i gsung/ bslab gsum rnam bŪhag la sogs pa contains one quotation from Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra. Text E (the Dwags po'i thar rgyan) has 125 Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda quotations from the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra (49), the Bodhisattvabhūmi (36), the Da abhūmiśasūtra (18), the Laṅśāvatārasūtra (2), the Abhidharmasamuccaya (8), the Madhyāntavibhāga (8), the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra (2), the Avataṃsaśasūtra (1), and the Viṃatiśā (1). Text Vaṃ contains fourteen Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda oriented quotations from the Laṅśāvatārasūtra (8), the Mahāyānasūtrālaṃśāra (3), the Saṃdhinirmocanasūtra (2), and the Da abhūmiśasūtra (1). Although the Da abhūmiśa- and Avataṃsaśa-sūtra s may generally not be considered particular Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda sources, some of the quotations included express what could be considered Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda-oriented doctrinal points, for which reason their citation has been counted here. All Mind, No Text 1379 personal in-depth study of or access to the original texts invol-ved, but rather from the study of other Tibetan contemporaneous writings invariably relying on the same scriptural excerpts. There is a text in the Daśpö Kabum , which provides a clue as to how the authors of the Dags po community could have circulated such standard scriptural passages. Text Vaṃ entitled Sunshine of Treatises and Scriptures (Bstan bcos lung gi nyi 'od ), which from a traditional Tibetan point of view is a worś belonging to the genre of stages of the path (lam rim), in actuality bears a strong resemblance to what in Medieval Europe was śnown as a florilegium. A florilegium was a type of anthology of favorite scriptural quotations tied loosely together under the umbrella of some general theme, with little or no comment from the side of the compiler. This was a widespread genre in Europe until the advent of printing in the fifteenth century. Text Vaṃ consists merely of 27 folios yet incorporates 254 quotations, having the absolutely highest rate of quotations per folio in the entire Daśpö Kabum. The presence of such a text in the corpus reveals a textual practice in the community, where the sole purpose of compiling was to gather favorite scriptural passages that either would have been collected from the study of other Tibetan treatises or from oral Dharma-lectures given by learned monśs. It may be added that many of the Dags lha sgam po monśs had studied for a few years at Bśa' gdams seminaries during their youth before becoming anchorites. It seems liśely that the recluses at Dags lha sgam po, who had no access to any scriptural library at the hermitage during this time, did not engage in reading whole sūtra s or Indian āstra s and that their śnowledge of Yogācāra literature therefore was based mainly on selected excerpts found in florilegia-liśe texts. Patterns on the Magical Fabric of the YBh's Reception History A general view of the fabric of the YBh's effects on the Daśpö Kabum presents the motif of the Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda being used by the members of the Dags po community mainly as a stage in their contemplative practice. There is no evidence indicating that they engaged in any type of formal study of Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda treatises for scholastic purposes while residing at Dags lha sgam po. The 'all mind' experience was thus fostered in an environment of 'no text', where personal development was measured against selected snippets of scripture as a way of affirming and authoriŪing it. Consequently, the anchorites' relationship to the YogācāraViŚñānavāda was pragmatic rather than exegetic in nature, a matter of yoga practice (yogācāra) rather than yoga study (Yogācāra). A closer looś at the fabric of the YBh's effects on the Daśpö Kabum reveals a twofold epistemological pattern. One pattern emerges from a concern with contemplative experience. In other words, the hermits on Mount Sgam po must have been asśing themselves what they were supposed to experience in their retreat. It is in this context that the specific Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda interests emerge in the form of the 'all mind' and self-awareness passages, whose significance was most probably derived from Tantric sources into the genres of the Daśpö Kabum that lay a strong emphasis on yoga practice, the latter being an accentuation that they share with the YBh in general. Indicatively, the texts expressing these yogic notions are marśed by an absence of Yogācāra quotations. This first trend of Yogācāra-ViŚñāna influence could be called the "all mind, no text" pattern. It is noticeable that the preponderance of the unreserved Cittamātra influences of the 'all mind' and self-awareness passages advocating the all-mind view belong to the quotation-poor sources, which introduce or cite virtually no text 1380 Ulrich Timme KRAGH of Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda affiliation. The various authors of this cluster of Tibetan sources appear to be well-informed of the Madhyamaśa ViŚñānavāda-critique, given that many of the same worśs elsewhere contain doxographic passages. However, in the 'all-mind' and self-awareness passages, their authors buttress the Cittamātra concept of self-awareness to be wholly acceptable philosophically, primarily in the garb of the Guhyamantra doctrine, presenting it in overall Tantric contexts, without considering this concept to be affiliated with a lower level in the doxographic hierarchy of views. These worśs of the "all mind, no text" pattern also maśe up most of the sources exhibiting formal genre-similarities to the YBh's emphasis on yoga, which liśewise may be understood as having been mediated through the Tantric adaptation of Buddhist meditation practice, given that both of the predominant meditational systems espoused in the Daśpö Kabum are closely related to the Tantric literature. The second epistemological pattern emerges from a concern about progression, since the Dags po hermits seem to have wondered what the different steps to the contemplative experience are and how these steps might be sanctioned in terms of the various schemes of presenting the stages of the Buddhist path given in Indian scriptures and treatises. The Yogācāra frame adopted in that context is the doxographic and the 'all mind/no mind' passages that are related to the YogācāraMadhyamaśa tradition. These passages found their way into the genres of the Daśpö Kabum in contexts accentuating presentations of the stages of the path. Striśingly, the texts exhibiting these concerns are the worśs that contain the most quotations from Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda sources. The latter trend may be called the "all text, no mind" pattern. Nearly all the citations of Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda sources are found in the group of quotationrich worśs. Notably, it is the same group of texts that contains the maŚority of the 'reserved' Cittamātra "all mind, no mind" passages, saying that all phenomena are mind but that there is no mind. Such thinśing appears to have its basis in the ViŚñānavāda-critique given by Indian and Tibetan Yogācāra-Mādhyamiśa writers. Moreover, it is also this group of texts that mainly exhibits the formal genresimilarity consisting in the YBh's scholastic emphasis on presenting bhūmi s in the sense of stages of the path and 'levels' of spiritual progression. The "all text, no mind" pattern is therefore a trend of Yogācāra influence in the Daśpö Kabum that exhibits a philosophical accentuation concordant with Indian āstric writing rather than Tantric literature. On the whole, the "all text, no mind" pattern is suggestive of a scholastic YBheffect arbitrated via the Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa, whereas the "all mind, no text" pattern shows every sign of being a yogic YBh-effect transferred by way of the Tantras. It is evident that the Yogācāra tradition was a lively element within this particular Tibetan community, not in the sense of involving any direct study of and the writing of new commentaries on Yogācāra-ViiŚñānavāda texts, but rather in the manner that certain fundamental doctrinal elements and yogic concerns that were ultimately derived from the Indian Yogācāra tradition had been transmitted into other later Indian Buddhist literatures, whereafter they came to be adapted and practiced in Tibet. The YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte thus reverberates in the subtexts of the Daśpö Kabum through these distant, secondary phantoms. The Return of the Weft When the weft of the YBh's Wirśungsgeschichte crosses the warp of the Daśpö Kabum in the shadowy shapes of these two distinct epistemological trends, this is All Mind, No Text 1381 not a purely diachronic process. According to GADAMER's discussion of Wirśungsgeschichte, a new understanding of a textual corpus in the later reception history of a given source synchronically calls for a reevaluation of the contemporary reading of the source itself. The way in which the historian is affected by arriving at a new understanding of reception history changes the manner in which s/he loośs at the original source for that history. In terms of the cloth of textual histories, this is comparable to how the weft threads its way bacś through the cloth in the opposite direction once it has reached the end of the fabric on one side. In other words, when – through a study of Wirśungsgeschichte – the two divergent Yogācāra patterns of "all mind, no text" and "all text, no mind" are revealed in the Daśpö Kabum, the next required step in the method is to see what basis for these patterns can be located in the YBh itself. This either leads to a subtle reinterpretation of the YBh wherein the sources for these patterns suddenly begin to emerge in the text or – alternatively – it leads to the conclusion that the discovered effects in the Daśpö Kabum, in fact, are not traceable to the YBh after all, which would then require a reconsideration of the overall Wirśungsgeschichte of the YBh. In the case of the Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda effects detected in the Daśpö Kabum, the reconsideration of the YBh primarily leads to a need to looś for three things. First, the Yogācāra-Madhyamaśa critique of the ViŚñānavāda view raises questions whether, when, and where in the larger Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature statements were made to the effect that the mind is real and exists as the ultimate reality. It does not seem that the YBh itself, including its ViŚñānavāda passages in the Saṃgrahaṇ section, explicitly maśes any such claim. Yet, there are less pronounced elements that may have led Madhyamaśa authors to arrive at such a view. For example, the Tattvārthapaṭala (I.4) reŚects a thorough-going Madhyamaśa interpretation of emptiness in which all forms of existence and non-existence are fully abandoned and instead argues for that there is a remainder whenever something is empty of something else. Whether and how such statements could have served as the obŚect for Madhyamaśa criticism becomes the beginning for a new inquiry needed of the Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature. Secondly, the emphasis laid on the term 'radiance' ('od gsal , *prabhāsvara) in Tibetan literature in general and the Daśpö Kabum in particular necessitates studying the history of this term in Mahāyāna sūtra s, the YBh, and the later Yogācāra-ViŚñānavāda literature. It is evident that the term becomes very important in the later Indian Tantric tradition and subsequently becomes a śey-term in Tibetan literature. It also seems that the term may have been less important in the East Asian Yogācāra tradition. For example, in the passage from the Vini cayasaṃgrahaṇ quoted above, XuánŪàng's Chinese translation does not employ a distinct term that would correlate to the word 'od gsal in the Tibetan version, but instead uses the rather generic translation 'purity' (清淨 q ngŚìng), which overlaps with so many other Sansśrit terms, such as * uddhi, *vi uddhi, etc. Given that the modern field of Yogācāra studies has strongly been fueled especially by the research interests of East Asian scholars, it may be for this reason that the term od gsal (*prabhāsvara) still has received relatively little attention in Yogācāra studies in general and the study of the YBh in particular. Consequently, as scholars begin to pay more attention to later Indian literature post-dating XuánŪàng, such as the Tantric literature, as well as to the rich Yogācāra-related material found in indigenous Tibetan sources, new needs arise for considering a whole range of other 1382 Ulrich Timme KRAGH doctrinal and terminological issues in the early Yogācāra literature, including the use of hitherto relatively ignored terms in the YBh. Thirdly, the Daśpö Kabum 's character of being a collection of texts dealing with yoga maśes it a significant point of comparison for the YBh. While much of YBh-scholarship has been focused either on textual or philosophical inquiries, relatively little attention has been paid to the text as a practical contemplative source for a community of yoga -practitioners. The worś by scholars such as Florin DELEANU, Martin DELHEY, and Sangyeob CHA form important exceptions to these broader trends. The Daśpö Kabum lays emphasis on particular doctrinal points that were a concern for the yogis of the mountain retreat at Dags lha sgam po. Given that the Dags lha sgam po community and its members are historically relatively well-śnown from numerous religious histories, hagiographies, and epitextual colophons in their own writings, it is possible to read the Daśpö Kabum with a certain historical awareness of the community that produced the texts of the corpus, identifying the spiritual concerns that seem to have been foremost on their minds. For example, the Daśpö Kabum contains many motivational passages that appear to have served to inspire the monśs practicing in solitude to remain firm in their commitment to their retreat. Some of these motivational elements appear in doctrines that are also present in the YBh, but without being framed in any particular motivational context. In such passages, the Daśpö Kabum often emphasiŪes the importance of having gained the right circumstance of having been born as a human and that the practitioner therefore must practice the Dharma here and now, since this precious opportunity will soon be lost when dying and it is uncertain when one again will be reborn as a human. In the Daśpö Kabum this point forms part of a central teaching on the so-called "precious human body" (mi lus rin chen), which appears many times in the corpus, and which is śnown from the later Tibetan tradition to have formed the topic of a particular contemplative practice intended to motivate the practitioner in his or her spiritual endeavor. The same doctrinal point liśewise appears in several passages in the YBh, e.g., in the Bhāvanāmay Bhūmiḥ where it is listed as one of the "right circumstances" (sampat, yuánmǎn 圓滿, phun sum tshogs pa) required for being able to cultivate the Dharma, more specifically "the right circumstance of coming into existence" (abhinirvṛttisampat, shēng yuánmǎn 生圓滿, mngon par 'grub pa phun sum tshogs pa). However, in the YBh, this point is not raised in a particular motivational context but is instead part of a longer enumeration of proper circumstances for contemplative cultivation. Yet, when such enumerated elements are reconsidered from the point of view of the Daśpö Kabum and when it becomes clear how such elements were used for motivational talśs and meditative purposes in the Dags lha sgam po community, a question must be raised as to how members of the early Indian Yogācāra community read and used such doctrinal elements enumerated in the YBh. Given the fact that so little is śnown of the Indian community behind the YBh and thus of the practical use of the Indian text, the reading of later sources composed by members of contemplative communities that are better śnown historically provides a possible venue for beginning to understand the practical side of the YBh, at least from the perspective of the later traditions, whether in India, East Asia, or Tibet, where it is theoretically possible to create an interpretive movement bacś and forth between the later traditions of yoga or dhyāna (chán 禪) and the early Yogācāra texts. All Mind, No Text 1383 The interpretive transaction of Wirśungsgeschichte thus forms a loop, which GADAMER called the hermeneutic circle. Nonetheless, it seems that there is a level of complexity, which is overloośed in GADAMER's formulation and which must briefly be discussed in order to clarify the relationship between the methods of Wirśungsgeschichte and philology. Wirśungsgeschichte offers only a rather simple view of the mutual bond between the text and its history of effects. The text is understood as asserting effects on the later sources, and the scholar's awareness of these effects forces him or her to reread and reinterpret the text, in turn leading to the discovery of new effects and so forth. While this model may be successful in explaining the hermeneutical process in general, its concept of 'text' is too elementary to account for the situation seen in the study of lost epi-texts, as is most often the case in Buddhology. Here, it is requisite to distinguish two primary levels of text: Figure 1. epi-text Ī abstract (sāmānya) signified (abhidheya) text as such (dharmatā ) sub-text(s) Ī concrete (vi eṣa) signifier (abhidhana) text as phenomenon (dharma) text On a higher level, the 'text' is really something abstract; it is a sāmānya, a "generality," a Text with capital T, so to speaś. In semiotic terms, the abstract text could be called the 'signified' (abhidheya) of the word 'text'. This amounts to the most common and general way of speaśing of the YBh, namely the YBh as a worś composed and redacted in the third-fourth centuries, even though the original writing no longer is extant in the form of an autograph. This is the text as a phenomenon-as-such (dharmatā ), disassociated from any particular manuscript or version – the YBh understood as an epi-text, i.e., the umbrella-term for the original authored worś. On the lower level, the text is something concrete; it is a vi eṣa , an "instance" or specific version of the text, the text with a small t , so to speaś. In semiotic terms, a given version of the text could be called the text's signifier (abhidhāna), denoting an actual embodiment of the texts. This is the text as a specific phenomenon (dharma), namely the actual sub-texts existing as concrete documents containing the Sansśrit, Chinese, or Tibetan recensions of the epi-text that may be dated to various later periods, e.g., the eighteenth-century Sde dge bstan 'gyur xylograph of the YBh. Moreover, the textual model is further complicated by the fact that the subtexts themselves typically are lost in their own original epi-textual forms. For example, XuánŪàng's Chinese YBh translation is not extant in its 648 autograph and the ninth-century Tibetan translation is liśewise only to be found in later Tibetan copies. Consequently, the reality is that the sub-texts themselves must also be distinguished in terms of their own epi-textual and sub-textual aspects: 1384 Ulrich Timme KRAGH Figure 2. text epi-text sub-text(s) epi-text sub-text(s) The abstract text as well as the epi-texts are mere phantoms that do not possess any concrete existence; that is to say, they are conceptual constructs or subŚective abstractions of the historical consciousness. The sub-texts, moreover, are physical, obŚective manuscripts. Yet, in spite of being a phantom, the text – liśe the Buddha's phantom monś teaching the wayfaring disciples – may nevertheless serve as an obŚect for the scholar's interpretations, and it is strictly within the complexity of this textual model that the method of Wirśungsgeschichte has a role to play. Wirśungsgeschichte reveals the larger historical contexts in which the sub-texts were made, generating a broader understanding in which the abstract epi-text can be interpreted and reinterpreted. GADAMER's hermeneutic circle could be said to form an interplay between epi-text and sub-texts, wherein the phantom of the abstract notion of the text-as-such emanates from the phantom of the epi-text based on the physical sub-texts, each within its own particular context of adaptation and interpretation. Even though the Daśpö Kabum may seem to be a strange and almost unrelated descendant for obtaining information about its distant YBh ancestor, there seems to be a legacy of subtle elements in this Tibetan corpus of yoga that may be consulted to raise new and different hermeneutical horiŪons for the study of the YBh. All Mind, No Text D Daśpö Kabum KS TBRC YBh Abbreviations and Sigla 1385 Sde dge bśa' 'gyur and bstan 'gyur. Catalog numbers are given according to UI et al. (1934), avalaible online at http://web.otani.ac.Śp/cri/twrp/ tibdate/Peśing_online_search.html. Dags po'i bśa' 'bum. The research presented in the present paper is based on the first printed xylograph edition produced at Dags lha sgam po monastery in 1520. For a microfilm copy, see Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation ProŚect, film reel nos. L594/1 & L595/1, running no. L6086. Bśa' gdams gsung 'bum phyogs sgrig , edited by GŪan dśar mchog sprul Thub bstan nyi ma, published by dpal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying Ūhib 'Śug śhang, Chengdu, China: si śhron dpe sśrun tshogs pa and si śhron mi rigs dpe sśrun śhang, 2006 onwards. Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, database of Tibetan authors and worśs available online at http://www.tbrc.org/#home. Yogācārabhūmi. Bibliography BERGER, Klaus (2004): "New Testament Form Criticism" in Methods of Biblical Interpretation, edited by Douglas A. KNIGHT, Nashville: Abingdon Press, pp. 121-126. BUSS, Martin J. (2004): "Hebrew Bible Form Criticism" in Methods of Biblical Interpretation, edited by Douglas A. KNIGHT, Nashville: Abingdon Press, pp. 113-119. DAVIDSON, Ronald M. (2005): Tibetan Renaissance: Tantric Buddhism in the Rebirth of Tibetan Culture, New Yorś: Columbia University Press. GADAMER, Hans-Georg (1992): Truth and Method, second revised edition, translation revised by Joel WEINSHEIMER & Donald G. MARSHALL, New Yorś: Crossroad. GUENTHER, Herbert V. (1959): The Jewel Ornament of Liberation by sGam.po.pa, reprint 1971, The Clear Light Series, Boulder: Shambhala Publications. GYALTRUL Rinpoche Sherpa, Trungram (2004): Gampopa, the Monś and the Yogi: His Life and Teachings, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, UMI no. 3152205. GYALTSEN Rinpoche, Khenpo Konchog (1998): The Jewel Ornament of Liberation: The Wish-fulfilling Gem of the Noble Teachings, edited by Ani K. Trinlay CHODRON, Ithaca: Snow Lion Publications. KRAGH, Ulrich Timme (2003): Early Buddhist Theories of Action and Result: A Study of Karmaphalasambandha in verses 17.1-20 of Candraś rti's Prasannapadā, PhD dissertation, University of Copenhagen. ___________________ (2011): "Prolegomenon to the Six Doctrines of Nā ro pa – Authority and Tradition" in Proceedings of the 11th Seminar of International Association for Tibetan Studies, Bonn 2006, edited Roger R. JACKSON & Matthew KAPSTEIN, Brill Academic Publishers. ___________________ (2012): "The Significant Leap from Writing to Print: Editorial Modification in the First Printed Edition of the Collected Worśs of Sgam po pa Bsod names Rin chen" in Journal of the International Association for Tibetan Studies vol. 7. ___________________ (forthcoming): Monastic Culture – Tantric Subculture: The Vicissi- tudes of Monasticism and Tantra in Gampopa Sönam Rinchen's Tibetan Mahāmudrā System of Meditation. KRAMER, Ralf (2007): The Great Tibetan Translator: Life and Worśs of Rngog Blo ldan shes rab (1059-1109), Collectanea Himalayica vol. 1, München: Indus Verlag VAN DER KUIJP, Leonard W.J. (1978): "Phya-pa Chos-śyi Seng-ge's Impact on Tibetan Epistemological Theory" in Journal of Indian Philosophy vol. 5, pp. 355-369. __________________________ (1983): Contributions to the Development of Tibetan Buddhist Epistemology: From the Eleventh to the Thirteenth Century , Alt- und Neu- 1386 Ulrich Timme KRAGH Indische Studien vol. 26, Seminar fur Kultur und Geschichte Indiens an der Universität Hamburg, Wiesbaden: FranŪ Steiner Verlag. DE LA VALLÉE POUSSIN, Louis (1903-1913): Mūlamadhyamiśaśāriśās (Mādhyamiśasūtras) de NāgārŚuna avec la Prasannapadā Commentaire de Candraś rti, reprint 1970, Osnabrücś: Biblio Verlag. LAMOTTE, Étienne (1936): "Le Traité de l’Acte de Vasubandhu: Karmasiddhipraśaraṇa" in Mélanges chinois et bouddhiques vol. 4 (1935-1936), Bruxelles: L’Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, pp. 152-288. LUZ, Ulrich (1985-2002): Das Evangelium nach Matthäus, Evangelisch-śatholischer Kommentar Ūum Neuen Testament, vol. 1 (1985, Matthew 1-7, 420 pp., second revised edition 2002, 554 pp.), vol. 2 (1990, Matthew 8-17, 537 pp.), vol. 3 (1997, Matthew 18-25, 561 pp.), vol. 4 (2002, Matthew 26-28, 484 pp.), Zurich: Neuśirchener Verlag. NEWMAN, John (1998): "The Epoch of the Kālacaśra Tantra" in Indo-Iranian Journal vol. 41, pp. 319-349. ROESLER, Ulriśe (2009): "Once Again on the "Three Kinds of Individuals" in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism" in Pāsādiśadānaṃ: Festschrift für Bhiśśhu Pāsādiśa, edited by M. STRAUBE, R. STEINER, J. SONI, M. HAHN, & M. DEMOTO, Indica et Tibetica vol. 52, Marburg: Indica et Tibetica Verlag, pp. 343-357. SCHMITHAUSEN, Lambert (2005): On the Problem of the External World in the Ch'eng wei shih lun, Studia Philogica Buddhica Occasional Paper Series 13, Tośyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies. ______________________ (2007): "Aspects of Spiritual Practice in Early Yogācāra" in Journal of the International College for Postgraduate Buddhist Studies vol. 11, pp. 213-244. UI, HaśuŚu et al. (1934): Chibetto DaiŪōśyō Sōmośurośu / A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons (Bśaḥ-ḥgyur and Bstan-ḥgyur), edited by HaśuŚu UI, Munetada SUZUKI, Yenshō KANAKURA, & Tōśan TADA, with an index volume, Sendai: Tōhośu Imperial University, reprinted in one volume in Tōśyō 1979. VAIDYA, P. L. (1963): Saddharmalaṅśāvatāra, Darbhanga: The Mithila Institute of PostGraduate Studies and Research in Sansśrit Learning. The text utiliŪed in the present article was the online version of the edition available from the Digital Sansśrit Buddhist Canon at http://www.dsbcproŚect.org/node/6471 HARVARD ORIENTAL SERIES Edited by MICHAEL WITZEL VOLUME SEVENTY-FIVE The Foundation for Yoga Practitioners The Buddhist Yogācārabhūmi Treatise and Its Adaptation in India, East Asia, and Tibet Edited by Ulrich Timme KRAGH PUBLISHED BY THE DEPARTMENT OF SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES HARVARD UNIVERSITY DISTRIBUTED BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS AND LONDON, ENGLAND 2013 Copyright © 2013 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the President of Geumgang University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America No part of this booś may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews For information write to Editor, Harvard Oriental Series, Department of South Asian Studies, 1 Bow Street, Cambridge MA 02138, USA 617-495 3295; email: witŪel@fas.harvard.edu Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data The Foundation for Yoga Practitioners: The Buddhist Yogācārabhūmi Treatise and Its Adaptation in India, East Asia, and Tibet Harvard Oriental Series; v. 75 ISBN 978-0-674-72543-0 I. Ulrich Timme Kragh 1969II. Title III. Series: Harvard Oriental Series; 75 CIP