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Jens Schlieter
A Common Core of Theosophy in Celtic
Myth, Yoga, and Tibetan Buddhism: Walter
Y. Evans-Wentz and the Comparative Study
of Religion
Imgination is the greatest of magicians.
(John Woodroffe, Foreword, Tibetan Book of the Dead)
Abstract: The contribution will discuss the impact of American Theosophist Walter
Yeeling Evans-Wentz (1878–1965) on the emerging “science of religion.” EvansWentz first pursued Celtic studies, concluding in his The Fairy-Faith in Celtic
Countries. Here, in line with Theosophical doctrines and Psychical Research, he
claimed a “Fairyland” as “a supernormal state of consciousness into which men and
women may enter temporarily in dreams, trances, and in various ecstatic states.”
“Fairies” are nothing less than the “intelligent forces now recognized by psychical
researchers.” Already in his early work, he drew freely on various other religious traditions in comparative perspective, aiming to corroborate evidence that the idea of
rebirth has been advanced as a “common core” of the earliest strand of esoteric traditions. Later, he became attracted to Indian Yoga traditions, and, after periods of intensive practice and study in India, published a translation and commentary of the
Tibetan Book of the Dead (1927). Being the first translation into a Western language,
this work was a ground-breaking contribution, yet loaded with Theosophical ideas
projected into Tibetan Buddhism. An esoteric reading of the Book, Evans-Wentz argued, offers an almost scientific proof of reincarnation, but also a theory of karmic
hallucinations that helped to explain cultural variants of after-death imagery.
However, even though Evans-Wentz did offer an array of comparative remarks, he
never advanced a methodology or system of religious thought, ritual, or a history of
religion that overcomes the speculative assumptions of Theosophy. Therefore, the
contribution argues that the innovative aspect of Evans-Wentz’ studies should be
seen in his appreciation of informants belonging to the respective traditions, but also
in being a catalyzer for the emerging field of the study of esoteric traditions of
Tibetan Buddhism.
Open Access. © 2021 Jens Schlieter, published by De Gruyter.
This work is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110664270-007
162
Jens Schlieter
1 Introduction
Western Occultism and Esotericism were, according to the guiding hypothesis
of the conference, one of the fertile grounds that nourished an academic interest in comparative religion. As such, several scholars of the Occult in the late
19th and early 20th centuries were – directly or indirectly – involved in the emergence of “comparative religion,” or Religionswissenschaft, as an academic discipline. In this line, the approach of Walter Yeeling Evans-Wentz (1878–1965) will
be in the focus of this contribution. Although his books have been popular for
almost a century now, his impact on the comparative study of religion has
never been made the topic of an extensive study. The same holds true for studies of the history of the Theosophical movement,1 or those dealing with the
Western reception of Buddhism. Even in historiographies of the academic study
of Buddhism, Evans-Wentz is hardly ever discussed to a greater extent. As will
be argued below, the reason for this negligence is the idiosyncratic, unconventional nature of Evans-Wentz’ work. For some Theosophists, his interest in
Celtic literature, Tibetan Buddhism, and Neo-Hinduism was, I assume, probably too non-partisan, while Tibetologists were soon dissatisfied with his inaccurate translation and esoteric commentaries. For proponents of the academic
discipline of comparative religion, however, though they made extensive use of
his works, the absence of attempts to systematize the material, in combination
with his highly speculative thoughts on the common heritage of Occidental and
Oriental esotericism, was seemingly the most substantial impediment – even
for scholars in the tradition of the phenomenology of religion.
So far, contributions on Evans-Wentz focused almost exclusively on his “pioneer role” in the study of Tibetan Buddhism in general, and Buddhist Tantrism
such as the teachings of the liberation while in the Bar-do of the so called The
Tibetan Book of the Dead in particular. This pioneer role has best been summarized by John Strong. Referring to the mid-1960, he comments that Tibet, at that
time, “was still an academic terra incognita,” and he continues: “as I sometimes
joke – not completely accurately – to the students in my Tibetan religions class:
‘when I was in college, there were only four books in English in Tibetan
Buddhism – and they were all written by a single wide-eyed theosophist,
W.Y. Evans-Wentz.’”2 Even critics of his translations such as John M. Reynolds
1 For example, there is no mention of Evans-Wentz in Olav Hammer, Mikael Rothstein, eds.,
Handbook of the Theosophical Current (Leiden: Brill, 2013). For helpful comments especially in
regard to Theosophy, I would like to thank Yves Mühlematter and Friedemann Rimbach-Sator.
2 John Strong, “Tensions in the Field of Religious and Buddhist Studies”, in Teaching
Buddhism: New Insights on Understanding and Presenting the Traditions, ed. Todd Lewis and
A Common Core of Theosophy
163
acknowledge his pioneering role for the study of Nyingmapa and Kagyudpa literature.3 In this respect, extant research, most importantly by Reynolds and Donald
Lopez, has for the most part been dealing with the Tibetan Book of the Dead and
the idiosyncrasies of Evans-Wentz’ Theosophical interpretation of Tibetan
Buddhism. In addition, Evans-Wentz’ biography has been studied. Actually, his
life may serve as a significant example of a transcultural and transcontinental
spiritual quest that led him to several countries and various encounters with remarkable figures of Asian spirituality. Still missing, though, is a work that analyzes his scholarly approach and evaluates his general contribution to the study
of religion. Equally absent is a full bibliography of his contributions. Evans-Wentz’
most significant contributions, still widely read today, were translations and
studies of Tibetan Buddhism. Three of them emerged from a joint collaboration
with an Indo-Tibetan scholar and translator, Lama Kazi-Dawa Samdup. His first
book in this field was the ground-breaking translation The Tibetan Book of the
Dead or the After-Death Experiences on the Bardo Plane, according to Lāma Kazi
Dawa-Samdup’s English Rendering (1927, Oxford University Press; German edition
1935). Only one year later, in 1928, Evans-Wentz published Tibet’s Great Yogī
Milarepa. In 1935, the study Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines, or, Seven
Books of Wisdom of the Great Path appeared, and finally, the last book on
Tibetan Buddhism, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation (1954). The
Tibetan tetralogy is framed by two other publications, completing the list of
Evans-Wentz’ book-length treatises: The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries (1911),
and Cuchama and Sacred Mountains (1963; posthumous 1981). In addition, he
published a number of articles in Theosophical and Neo-Buddhist journals,
but these seemingly attracted much less attention. The relatively poor state of
research on Evans-Wentz – one should note in this context that the Oxford
University praised his work with an honorary degree (Doctor of Science) in
Comparative Religion,4 and that Stanford University has still a “Walter
Y. Evans-Wentz Professor” in the Department of Religious Studies5– may
Gary DeAngelis (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016), ix–xi, ix–x; Conze, in “Thirty
Years”: “The Tantra has always been the step-child of Buddhist studies. By 1940 W. Y. EvansWentz’s classical editions of Kazi Dawa-Samdu p’s translations were almost the only sources
of intelligible information to which the English-speaking reader could turn” (23).
3 John Myrdhin Reynolds, Self-Liberation through Seeing with Naked Awareness (Barrytown,
N.Y.: Station Hill Press, 1989), 71.
4 Cf. Ken Winkler, Pilgrim of the Clear Light: The Biography of W.Y. Evans-Wentz, 2nd ed. (1982
Middletown: Booksmango, 2013), 111.
5 The “Walter Y. Evans-Wentz Professor of Oriental Philosophy, Religion, and Ethics” was created in 1983 with funds of Evans-Wentz.
164
Jens Schlieter
nevertheless not be accidental. As a matter of fact, his contributions to the
emerging field of comparative religion have been fueled by strong spiritualist
and esoteric motives, combined with an ardent spiritual quest that more often
than not interferes with the material treated in his studies. Nevertheless, as shall
be shown, his contributions had a considerable impact. Evans-Wentz was one of
the first Western scholars who fully acknowledged autochthonous scholarship.
He collaborated with indigenous teachers and, which was at the time not a common practice, mentioned them in his works. Moreover, his broad knowledge of
Tibetan Buddhism and Yoga, but also Celtic, Christian, Gnostic, and Egyptian traditions enabled him to compare religious ideas and practices, accompanied by
insights emerging from various encounters with protagonists of the respective
traditions. Finally, his use of the generic concept of “books of dead” and the accompanying transcultural perspective of afterlife visions had a significant effect
on the configuration of modern discourse of comparative mysticism, the analytic
psychology of C.G. Jung,6 and the broadly shared assumption of a transcultural
prevalence of near-death experiences. To summarize, I will try to describe EvansWentz’s work with a special focus on his way of “doing comparative religion.”
Before moving on to this aspect, I shall start with a short biography of
Walter Y. Evans-Wentz. For this purpose, I will rely on the autobiography by
Ken Winkler, Pilgrim of the Clear Light (1982), and I will confine myself to aspects relevant for understanding his view of religion. Evans-Wentz was born
on February 2, 1878 in Trenton, New Jersey, but moved with his family to
Florida and California. His father was a German, his mother of English origin.7
Winkler, Guy and Lopez hold that his parents were members of the Baptist
Church;8 other sources, however, seem to suggest that he was raised as a
Unitarian in the tradition of Ralph Waldo Emerson.9 But all conform that already his parents broke with organized church and favored spiritualism and
freethinking. Already as a teen, he read Blavatsky’s Isis Unveiled and The Secret
Doctrine. Interested in spiritual experiences from early on, he was highly
6 On the relation to Jung, see William McGuire, “Jung, Evans-Wentz and various other Gurus,”
Journal of Analytical Psychology 48 (2003), 433–445. For C. G. Jung, the Book was of crucial importance, because to him the bardo-experiences reveal the reality of the “archetypes.”
7 Winkler, Pilgrim, 19–20.
8 Cf. David Guy, “The Hermit Who Owned His Mountain: A Profile of W.Y. Evans-Wentz”
Tricycle 1997, accessed August 10, 2018, https://tricycle.org/magazine/hermit-who-owned-hismountain; Donald S. Jr. Lopez, The Tibetan Book of the Dead: A Biography (Oxford &
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 22.
9 Cf. Iván Kovács, “The Tibetan Tetralogy of W. Y. Evans-Wentz: A Retrospective Assessment:
Part One,” The Esoteric Quarterly, Winter 2015, 15–33; 16.
A Common Core of Theosophy
165
attracted by books of “occult philosophy”10 by protagonists of the Theosophical
Society, including Alfred P. Sinnett (1840–1921), whose book Esoteric Buddhism
promoted not only the rebirth doctrine, but also the existence of “Mahatmas”
that had somehow communicated esoteric wisdom to Sinnett. At the age of 22, he
joined his father in being a successful real estate developer. Though he never left
this business which offered him a considerable income, his spiritual search directed him to Loma Land, the American headquarters of the “Theosophical
Society” at Point Loma, San Diego. After the death of William Q. Judge, this
branch of the society had been headed by Katherine Tingley. Evans-Wentz
“joined the American Section of the Theosophical Society in 1901 [. . . and] received a diploma from the Raja-Yoga School and Theosophical University in
1903.”11 However, he did not stay, but moved on. In 1906, he graduated from the
newly-established Stanford University in English Literature. As it seems, it was
William James (visiting professor at Stanford) and William Butler Yeats who
raised in him further interest in spiritualist thought. He got increasingly immersed in the study of religious experience, building on “Psychical research”
and the conviction of reincarnation, but also on James’ idea of a pan-psychic reality permeating human existence. Evans-Wentz decided to continue research on
the Celtic influences on English literature in Europe. Studying with various wellknown scholars in Oxford and Rennes, he earned a “docteur ès lettre” in 1909
from the University of Rennes with a work on Celtic folklore. In 1910, he graduated with a BSc in Anthropology from Oxford University, and published his results in 1911. After his graduation, however, he did not return to the USA, but
travelled for the next six years extensively through Greece, Turkey, and stayed
for three years in Egypt, studying esoteric and occult literature, but also ancient
Egyptian sources, Islamic faith, or Coptic-Gnostic beliefs and practices. These
studies led him to believe that early Christianity harbored still ideas of “metempsychosis.” Over the years, he seemed to have developed a strong dissatisfaction
with Catholicism, and followed the “Christ myth theory,” that is, the belief in
Christ as a deity preceded the elaboration of the “historical Jesus,” if not being a
“reincarnation” of a deity, which was a common belief of various Theosophists.12
In 1917, he moved on to Ceylon, meeting Adyar Theosophists such as Annie
Besant, Theravāda Buddhists, and studying Indian traditions. In 1919, he visited
the north of India, being now increasingly attracted to the study of Yoga practice
10 Cf. Winkler, Pilgrim, 29.
11 Lopez, The Tibetan Book of the Dead. A Biography, 22.
12 W. Y. Evans-Wentz, The Fairy-faith in Celtic Countries (London: Oxford University Press,
1911), 360.
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Jens Schlieter
and philosophy.13 Most importantly, in 1919 he met Lama Kazi Dawa Samdup, an
ethnically Tibetan Sikkimese, who had already served as a translator/interpreter
to Alexandra David-Néel and John Woodroffe. Though Evans-Wentz and Dawa
Samdup collaborated only for three years, terminated by the death of the latter
(1922), Evans-Wentz could make use of Dawa Samdup’s translations, publishing
them in the subsequent years. As has been variously stressed, despite of EvansWentz’ claim to have been a “chela,” an initiated follower of his “guru” Dawa
Samdup, the latter obviously did not serve as a personal Guru.14 Evans-Wentz
did not receive “secret teachings” of him. As Reynolds remarks, it was almost the
opposite, namely, that Evans-Wentz “occasionally attempted to foster his own
views and interpretations on the Lama, as was the case, for example, with his
Theosophical interpretation of reincarnation.”15
As said, Evans-Wentz was not only scholarly interested, but practiced Hatha
yoga (āsana-s, prāṇāyāma). Interestingly, he never seemed to have practiced
under Tibetan Buddhist guidance, for example the six Yogas of Nāropa dealt with
in his works.16 The few allusions to Buddhist practice in his autobiographical
notes are somewhat metaphorical, e.g., that he practiced in solitary places “the
Dharma, the Buddhist ‘way of truth,’”17 or that he considered himself “as a faithful
follower” of the “Buddha, of the Prophet, of Krishna, and of all the great Teachers”
13 Among his gurus were, for example, Sri Yukteswar Giri and Swami Syamananda Brahmachary;
in addition, he met various important spiritual teachers such as Paramahansa Yogānanda
(1893–1952), Jiddu Krishnamurti (1895–1986), Paul Brunton, Shri Ramana Maharishi, Sri Krishna
Prem (i.e. Ronald H. Nixon, 1898–1965), Shunyata (i.e. Alfred J. E. Sorensen, 1890–1984), and, in
some respects, Anagarika Govinda (i.e. Ernst L. Hoffmann, 1898–1985).
14 Cf., on their relationship, Kalzang Dorjee Bhutia, “Looking Beyond the Land of Rice:
Kalimpong and Darjeeling as Modern Buddhist. Contact Zones for Sikkimese. Intellectual
Communities,” in Transcultural Encounters in the Himalayan Borderlands: Kalimpong as a
“Contact Zone,” ed. Markus Viehbeck (Heidelberg: Heidelberg University Publishing, 2017),
301–318.
15 Reynolds, Self-Liberation, 72. A prominent example for the latter can be found in EvansWentz claiming in the “Book” that the “late Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup was of the opinion that,
despite the adverse criticisms directed against H. P. Blavatsky’s works, there is adequate internal evidence in them of their author’s intimate acquaintance with the higher lamaistic teachings, into which she claimed to have been initiated” (Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 7).
16 “Evans-Wentz did not practice under the guidance of a qualified Lama either the Six Yogas
of Naropa or Māhamudrā or Dzogchen or any other Tibetan Buddhist practice for that matter.
The only practice attested to in his diaries are Hindu” (Reynolds, Self-Liberation, 76).
17 Cf. Guy, The Hermit (n. p.).
A Common Core of Theosophy
167
without being allied formally with “any of the world religions.”18 He adapted an
ascetic vegetarian lifestyle, visited ashrams, and joined groups of pilgrims.
Actually, in his unpublished notes for an “Autobiography” (1920, cf. Winkler
2013), he described himself as a “world pilgrim” and spiritual seeker.19 In the mid1920s, Evans-Wentz returned to Oxford, working intensively on the Tibetan Book
of the Dead, which was published in 1927. An immediate success, he became a
well-known author in the developing field of Tibetan Buddhist studies. Constantly
travelling from Europe to India, the USA, and back, he earned his income by land
trade and house developing. Although Evans-Wentz had bought land in order to
initiate his own ashram in India (Kasar Devi, Almora), he abandoned the plan to
stay there and returned to California in 1941. There he realized his final project,
namely, to settle near the mountain Cuchama (at the border to Mexico), considered sacred in the American Indian tradition, and dealt with in his final monography on sacred mountains. From this final work, we may only quote here how
Evans-Wentz saw his life-project retrospectively: “If there were no Otherworld, or
no extra-terrestrial state of consciousness, then, indeed, there would be for man
no after-death existence; and all the teachings of the Great Sages and Seers
throughout the ages would be invalid. But the writer, after more than fifty years of
research in the historic faiths of mankind and in matters yogic and psychic [. . .],
here places on record his own conviction that there is an Otherworld.”20 In 1965,
he died without ever having considered founding a family to be an option.
2 Evans-Wentz’s Life-Long Occupation:
Theosophy, Animism, and Re-birth
Without doubt, it was the openness of Theosophy towards the comparative study
of religion and psychic phenomena that encouraged Evans-Wentz to study Celtic
myth, to search for Egyptian wisdom, and to proceed later to Yoga and Tibetan
Buddhism. “Theosophical mythology singled out Egypt and later India and Tibet
as the places where the perennial truths were to be found unadulterated. In particular, this was where the Masters resided.”21 However, the depiction of Tibet in
18 Evans-Wentz, “Some Notes for an Autobiography”, Special Collection, Stanford University
Libraries, 16.
19 Cf. Winkler, Pilgrim, 34; Evans-Wentz, “Some Notes for an Autobiography”, 3.
20 Walter Y. Evans-Wentz, Cuchama and Sacred Mountains (Ohio University Press: Athens,
1989), 82.
21 Hammer, Rothstein, Handbook, 8.
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Jens Schlieter
earlier works of leading Theosophists (such as Blavatsky, or Sinnett) was highly
imaginative and far from being an encounter with Tibet, or a depiction of Tibetan
Buddhism – to say the least.22 In the Fairy Faith, Evans-Wentz sets out to prove
that Celtic beliefs, as expressed in the living tradition, encompass an early strand
of “world-wide animism,” combined with the “doctrine of rebirth,” as he says,
and the existence of accessible otherworldly realms in this world.23 Animism,
Evans-Wentz holds, “forms the background of all religions in whatever stage of
culture religions exist or to which they have attained by evolution [. . .]; and as
far back as we can go into human origins there is some corresponding belief in a
fairy or spirit realm.”24 Methodologically, Evans-Wentz describes himself as an
“anthropologist” in the tradition of E.B. Tylor or Frazer,25 but also as applying
psychology in tradition of William McDougall (“Social Psychology”) and William
James.26 Other terms Evans-Wentz uses for describing his method are “comparative folk-lore,”27 which opens up the perspective of comparison as such,28 and,
occasionally, “comparative religion.” The latter, in his understanding, allows
him to trace the origin of the Celtic Otherworld belief – summing up “available
facts of comparative religion, philosophy, and myth” – to “a prehistoric epoch
when there was a common ancestral stock for the Mediterranean and pan-Celtic
cultures.”29 In addition to the basis of religion in “animism,” he is convinced
22 Cf. Olav Hammer, Claiming Knowledge: Strategies of Epistemology from Theosophy to the
New Age (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 133–134.
23 Cf. Winkler, Pilgrim, 44–48.
24 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 227.
25 Cf. on Tylor’s evolutionary theory, Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 59–60; on the relationship
to Tylor, see Bryan J. Cuevas, The Hidden History of the Tibetan Book of the Dead (Oxford and
New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 218.
26 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, xii, 282, 484, 505.
27 Here, the dominant influence of Sir John Rhys (1840–1915), Andrew Lang (1844–1912) and
George William Russell (the “Irish mystic”) (1867–1935) can be felt, as outlined by Friedemann
Rimbach-Sator, “‘Esoteric Fairy Faith.’ The Theosophical Background of Walter Y. EvansWentz’s The Fairy Faith in Celtic Countries” (master’s thesis, University of Amsterdam, 2018),
6, 22.
28 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 281, holds that “comparative folk-lore” shows that in regard to
the Fairy-Faith and its elements – relating to the “smallness of fairies, to changelings, to
witchcraft and magic, to exorcisms, to taboos, and to food-sacrifice,” “the beliefs composing it
find their parallels the world over, [. . .] not only in Celtic countries, but in Central Australia,
throughout Polynesia, in Africa, among American Red Men, in Asia generally, in Southern,
Western, and Northern Europe, and, in fact, wherever civilized and primitive men hold religious beliefs.”
29 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 396.
A Common Core of Theosophy
169
that a “re-birth doctrine” is expressed in various early traditions such as in certain Alexandrian Christians, Gnostic sects, and Indian traditions.30 Most significant, in this respect, are the chapters VII on “The Celtic Doctrine of Re-Birth,”
and the concluding chapter XII, “The Celtic Doctrine of Re-Birth and Otherworld
Scientifically Examined.”31 As evidence for Celtic re-birth doctrines, he adduces,
for example, the “changeling creed,” “soul-abductions,” etc., being evidence to
“a greatly corrupted folk-memory of an ancient re-birth doctrine: the living are
taken to the dead or the fairies and then sent back again.”32 In broad strokes, he
compares Celtic myths with initiation rites of Egyptian mystery cults, exhibiting a
belief of “spiritual resurrection” and “re-birth into real life.”33 Most significantly
for his views is the definition of “death,” which “is but a going to that Otherworld
from this world, and Birth a coming back again, and Buddha announced it as his
mission to teach men the way to be delivered out of this eternal cycle of existence.”34 The concept of “re-birth,” in other words, is closely linked to the
Theosophical idea of a “felicitous” rebirth into human life, and enabled by this,
the possibility lays open to progress into a divine being that will enjoy its otherworldly existence after-death – a general idea that Evans-Wentz sees in Celtic faith
and, already in view, the “Nirvana of Buddhism.”35 Other ideas that I shall only
mention in passing are his conviction that the Celtic doctrine of re-birth attests
that there is a spiritual (or “vitalistic”) evolution in the human domain towards
perfection (and which includes “Darwinism” as only its lowest form).36 This evolution is now scientifically corroborated in Psychical Research of spiritualist
30 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 362.
31 Evans-Wentz refers to Alfred Nutt’s Happy Otherworld and the Celtic Doctrine of Re-birth
(1897), in which the general thesis of a scientific “comparative mythology” proving the doctrine to be common among Celts, Greeks, and Hindus had already been established (cf. EvansWentz, Fairy-Faith, 358).
32 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 252. Other evidence pertains to Celtic “heroes” such as
“Cuchulainn and Arthur,” who were, in his view, “considered reincarnate sun-divinities,” so
that, “as a sun-god, Arthur is like Osiris, the Great Being, who [. . .] enters daily the underworld or Hades to battle against the demons and forces of evil, even as Tuatha De Danann
battled against the Fomors” (Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 310; cf., on Osiris, 321).
33 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 313.
34 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 358–359.
35 “It seems clear that the circle of Gwynvyd finds its parallel in the Nirvana of Buddhism,
being, like it, a state of absolute knowledge and felicity in which man becomes a divine being,
a veritable god” (Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 366).
36 “Scientifically speaking,” Evans-Wentz holds, “the ancient Celtic Doctrine of Re-birth represented for the priestly and bardic initiates an exposition of the complete cycle of human evolution,” that is “Darwinism,” and, in addition, a theory of “man’s own evolution as a spiritual
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phenomena.37 To substantiate this claim, Evans-Wentz discusses in the concluding chapter extensively F. Myers’ “subliminal self,”38 or W. James’ “subconscious
self.”39 It should be worth noting that both, Myers and James, were early members of the Society for Psychical Research (SPR), founded in 1882. With the latter,
he believes in the pre- and post-existence of an “indestructible” soul, or personal
consciousness declared to be an emanation of a larger consciousness filtered into
the individual brain. Expressing rather common convictions of Spiritualists and
certain psychologists of the late 19th century, he draws on the metaphor of a “reservoir” of consciousness (as used by F. Myers, George Mead, among others): “We
may regard this psychical power as like a vast reservoir of consciousness ever trying to force itself through matter.”40 The imagery finally ends in a spiritualist utopia that the vast reservoir will overflow its banks and transform the fully evolved
man into the “subconsciousness.”41 In the concluding chapter, Evans-Wentz aims
to offer a “scientific explanation” of the validity of Celtic rebirth beliefs. However,
this “explanation” consists merely in stating that modern psychical research has
been able to demonstrate “support” for the existence of “veridical hallucinations,”
supernatural “noises,” visions, dreams, trance states, and “spirit-possession.” In
this vein, he adduces evidence of psychology that attests the existence of a “‘supernatural’ lapse of time”42 or that states of consciousness exist without any relation
to the individual. However, these assumptions of a trans-individual nature of (reincarnating) consciousness are often rather vaguely referring to an “x-quantity” that
indicates the “noumenal world” of consciousness, and spirits as higher “explanation” for things that happen in the phenomenal world.43
being both apart from and in a physical body, on his road to the perfection which comes from
knowing completely the earth-plane of existence” (Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 365).
37 For Evans-Wentz, it is “self-evident” that the “Celtic Doctrine of Re-birth” is a “direct and
complete confirmation of the Psychological Theory of the nature and origin of the belief in fairies,” and there is “much evidence to be derived from a study of states of consciousness, e. g.
dreams, somnambulism, trance, crystal-gazing, changed personality, subconsciousness”
(Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 383).
38 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 465–490. The “subliminal self” is still a category of his later
works, cf., e.g., Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book, 31, 97; Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga, 5.
39 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 506.
40 Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 498, cf. 501.
41 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 498.
42 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 459–471; especially the cases of the “life review” in the drowning are noteworthy here, cf. Jens Schlieter, What is it like to be Dead: Near-death Experiences,
Christianity, and the Occult (New York: Oxford University Press 2018), 160.
43 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 490–493.
A Common Core of Theosophy
171
In sum, the method and theory that governs Fairy-Faith joins psychical research of the time in assuming that a “theoretical explanation” may simply consist
of a metaphysical theory of the pre- and post-existence of “consciousness,” which
is attested by religious discourse, a vitalistic interpretation of Darwinism, and latest experimentation with paranormal phenomena. In contrast to Theosophical
doctrines that reign, as Rimbach-Sator has shown, almost all of the book’s background assumptions,44 Psychical Research is far more prominently quoted. Only
few passages openly express the necessity to use Theosophical terminology (e.g.,
the “astral body,” or the “astral plane”45), disguising on the surface Evans-Wentz
’s use of an elaborate Theosophical framework, whose specific position within
Theosophy more broadly shall not discussed here. Methodologically, however,
Evans-Wentz does not reflect explicitly on how a comparison of different religious
traditions, of their ideas, or of concepts should be done. Instead, he directly identifies spiritual teachers of various traditions as advanced beings destined to teach
the world. Obviously intrigued by the Theosophical idea that “comparative folklore” as such will show the ubiquity of otherworld narratives, he outlines a reincarnation process that will include a happy destiny in the beyond, and finally, perfection. The truth of Fairy tales, he holds, will in the not too distant future be
proven by (Psychical) science.
3 Evans-Wentz’ Tibetan Tetralogy
Without question, Evans-Wentz publication of the Tibetan Book of the Dead in
1927, given his broad reception and overwhelming success (more than 500ʹ000
copies sold in English alone), was his most outstanding achievement. Its effect
and impact on the Western view of Tibetan Buddhism in general, and of “transcultural” after-death experiences in particular, were tremendous. In regard to
the accuracy of Evans-Wentz’s depiction of Tibetan Buddhism, however, we
can only restate what Donald Lopez observed, namely, that for the modern
44 Rimbach-Sator, Esoteric Fairy Faith, 41, is able to show Theosophy present at the very
basis of Evans-Wentz’s interpretation: “Concerning the lower fairies, the esoteric fairy faith reflects the Theosophical debate on elementals that appear in séances and dwell in the same
realm of the recently departed: Kama Loca. This purgatory realm is the subjective pre-state of
the positive dwelling of the immortal Monad until reincarnation: Devachan. This reveals fairyland as the Theosophical afterlife state Kama Loca / Devachan” – in short: “Theosophical theory in a Celtic light.”
45 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Fairy-Faith, 29, 167–171.
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Jens Schlieter
scholar of Tibetan Buddhism Evans-Wentz’s books are “fraught with problems:
errors in translation, inaccurate dates, misattributions of authorship, misstatements of fact, unjustified flights of interpretation.”46 Relying on the essential
translation work of Dawa Samdup – Evans-Wentz never learnt Tibetan – he
compiled various “treasure” texts that belong to a class of secret Tantra teachings on how to behave in the after-death state (bar do). These texts were in
Tibet designated as bar do thos grol, “Liberation through hearing in the
Intermediate State.” In its first edition, the Book contained a “Preface” by
Evans-Wentz and a foreword “Science of Death” by Sir John Woodroffe. The
third edition of 1957 added a “Psychological Commentary” by C. G. Jung, that
had been prepared for the German edition (1935), and an “Introductory
Foreword” by Lama Anagarika Govinda.
I will only shortly summarize the teachings of the Book as portrayed by
Evans-Wentz in 1927. For this purpose, it is not necessary to discuss in detail if the
translation is appropriate judged by present day knowledge of Tibetan Buddhist
teachings. Although the Tibetan historical and ritual context of these teachings
was mentioned by Evans-Wentz, it was put in the background in favor of presenting the Book as “scientific, psychological, and humanistic.”47 Evans-Wentz holds
it to be “scientific,” based on a transcultural dimension of “Symbol-codes” which
can also be found, for example, in the “Egyptian Book of the Dead,” Christian ars
moriendi, or Greek mythology. These “symbol-codes” now prepare the ground for
an esoteric-occult reading of otherworldly journeys. Obviously, Evans-Wentz
could easily adapt the title “Book of the Dead,” a title that was well established
for the Egyptian context.48 “As a mystic manual for guidance through the
Otherworld of many illusions and realms, whose frontiers are death and birth, it
resembles The Egyptian Book of the Dead sufficiently to suggest some ultimate cultural relationship between the two,” he says.49 Evans-Wentz holds that the Book
is an outstanding example for the “Art of Dying,” aiming to teach the dying to be
clear-minded and calm when death approaches. The Tibetan art of dying encompasses, he explains, alluding to Theosophical imagery, the art “of going out from
46 Donald Lopez, “Foreword to Evans-Wentz,” The Tibetan Book, G.
47 Michael Nahm, “The Tibetan Book of the Dead: Its History and Controversial Aspects of Its
Contents.” Journal of Near-Death Studies 2011, 29 (3): 373–398, 375.
48 In 1842, it had been introduced by Prussian Egyptologist Karl R. Lepsius in his Das
Todtenbuch der Ägypter (“Egyptian Book of the Dead”). It took only some years before becoming in all European languages the common designation for the whole genre of Egyptian hieroglyphic funerary texts portraying the deceased’s journey to the underworld (cf. Lopez,
Biography, 101). Egyptian afterlife conceptions were highly important to Western Occultism
and Esotericism, e.g., for H. P. Blavatsky.
49 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book, 2.
A Common Core of Theosophy
173
the body, or of transferring the consciousness from the earth-plane to the afterdeath plane” is, he adds, known as Pho-wa and still practiced in Tibet.50 In his
first introduction to the teachings of the Book, Evans-Wentz describes it as a
“mystic manual for guidance through the Otherword,”51 and holds that spiritually advanced encounter death with “solemn joyousness.”52 It presupposes an
accompanying ‘spiritual friend’ reading passages aloud to the dying, or, more
precisely, to the deceased consciousness that is imagined to be still around –
outside of his former body. This manual, he says, describes how the “principle
of consciousness” of the deceased enters a “trance-state” at the moment of
death. This is the first after-death state of three “intermediate states” (Tibetan
bar do), which amount to a maximum of 49 days until the “consciousness” turns
to its next existence. The first bardo is the “‘Transitional State of the Moment of
Death’, wherein dawns the Clear Light.”53 For the one who is not able to stay
focused on the “Clear Light” (Tib. ’od gsal), the second bar-do emerges, the
“Transitional state [. . .] of Reality” (Tib. chos nyid bar do). Here, negative karma,
heaped up through evil acts committed in lifetime, will produce “hallucinations”: “thought-forms, having been consciously visualized and allowed to take
root and grow and blossom and produce, now pass in a solemn and mighty panorama.”54 Now the deceased, becoming aware of his death, develops a desire to
possess a body again. Finally, if the wandering consciousness fails to recognize
reality in the second bardo, the third, the “bardo of mundane existence,” will
dawn, which comprises lively visions of punishment and judgment. It ends with
the search for a new body. The narrator, advising the disembodied consciousness, serves, as Evans-Wentz observes, as a “guide for initiates.”55 With this comment he aims to underscore the structural similarity of the Tibetan “guide” with
those described in early Mediterranean milieus of esoteric mystery cults. For
Evans-Wentz, as he discloses in 1959, these claims are based on insights
grounded on the “unequivocal testimony of yogins who claim to have died and
re-entered the human womb consciously” – they are therefore “truly scientific
and yogic.”56 Given the description of “scientific Re-birth theory” in the “FairyFaith,” this view does not astonish.
50 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, xiv, referencing his own work, namely Tibetan Yoga and
Secret Doctrines (London: Oxford University Press, 1935), 169–170, 246–276.
51 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 2.
52 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, xvii.
53 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 29.
54 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 29.
55 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, lxi.
56 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, v.
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Jens Schlieter
As said above, the Book vitalized visionary imaginings of “out of body experiences,” which can be easily connected to Theosophical intentional practices of
“astral projection,” or, as quoted above, to the “art of going out of the body.”57 A
somewhat astonishing fact is Evans-Wentz’ choice of a King-James-Bible-style
translation language. In Wentz and Samdup’s translation, we read: “When the
consciousness-principle getteth outside [the body, it sayeth to itself], ‘Am I dead,
or am I not dead?’ It cannot determine. It seeth its relatives and connexions as it
had been used to seeing them before. It even heareth the wailings.”58
As an example of Evans-Wentz’ method and guiding assumptions we may
turn to the “judgment scene” found in the Book. Evans-Wentz, arguing for a
close relation to ideas expressed in the Egyptian Book of the Dead, indulges
once more in historical speculations on a common origin of Tibetan Buddhist,
Egyptian, Greek, and, finally, Christian judgment scenes.59 The greater part of
Christian “symbolism” is for Evans-Wentz an adaptation of Egyptian and
Eastern religions. He still adheres to an inner core beyond cultural particularities. It comes as no surprise that he can present a “Buddhist” reading of the
Platonic myth of Er, discovering “karmic record boards”60 there, or that he
identifies a symbolic common core in the “weighing” of the soul. This outlook
that glosses over specific contexts shares, methodologically, convictions of
cross-cultural interpretation of the “phenomenology of religion,” for example,
by Mircea Eliade. More specifically, Evans-Wentz rests on the belief that the
doctrine of rebirth is an essential pre-Christian doctrine that remains visible in
some medieval Christian teachings on the art of dying.61 For Evans-Wentz, the
Book could, however, add an important and decisive moment with its “psychological” theory that not only describes a commonality, but adapts the teaching
57 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, xxxiii; 92, 100. He equates the Tibetan Tantric Buddhist
concept of an “illusory body” (Tib. sgyu lus) with the “astral-body” of Theosophy.
58 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 98.
59 “Judgment Scenes,” Evans-Wentz (Tibetan Book, 35) argues, are so similar “in essentials”
that a common origin, “at present unknown,” seems certain. And he continues: “In the
Tibetan version, Dharma-Raja (Tib. Shinje-chho-gyal) King of the Dead [. . .], the Buddhist and
Hindu Pluto, as a Judge of the Dead, corresponds to Osiris in the Egyptian version. In both
versions alike there is the symbolical weighing.”
60 Plato, he says (Tibetan Book, 36), describes in the myth of Er (Republic, 10th book) a similar
judgment, in which “there are judges and karmic record-boards (affixed to the souls judged)
and paths – one for the good, leading to Heaven, one for the evil, leading to Hell – and demons waiting to take the condemned souls to the place of punishment, quite as in the Bardo
Thodol.”
61 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 239–240.
A Common Core of Theosophy
175
itself as an element of his own understanding on how religious plurality should
be explained. Evans-Wentz speaks of “hallucinatory visions” in the second
bardo, and uses term, “hallucinations,” in his translation of the Tibetan text.62
These “hallucinations” are triggered by karmic forces and are therefore dependent on the individual’s conscious life. The Book, consequently, “views the
problem of the after-death state as being purely a psycho-physical problem;
and is, therefore, in the main, scientific. It asserts repeatedly that what the percipient on the Bardo plane sees is due entirely to his own mental-content; that
there are no visions of gods or of demons, of heavens or of hells, other than
those born of the hallucinatory karmic thought-forms constituting his personality.”63 Actually, in the Fairy-Faith he already introduced the “panoramic life review”-feature, reported by individuals of death-threatening situations such as
drowning, as a perfect, “scientifically valid” device to explain paranormal
memories in close-to-death (and after-death-) states. He could now argue that
these extraordinary visions of one’s whole life condensed in seconds are nothing less but each “seed of thought” that “karmically revives.”64 Building on this
adaptation of the interpretation of hallucinatory effects of karma, Evans-Wentz
is able to declare that, accordingly“ for a Hindu, or a Moslem, or a Christian,
the Bardo experiences would be appropriately different: the Buddhist’s or the
Hindu’s thought-forms, as in a dream state, would give rise to corresponding
visions of the deities of the Buddhist or Hindu pantheon; a Moslem’s, to visions
of the Moslem Paradise; a Christian’s, to visions of the Christian Heaven, or an
American Indian’s to visions of the Happy Hunting Ground.” In conclusion,
“this psychology scientifically explains why devout Christians, for example,
have had [. . .] visions (in a trance or dream state, or in the after-death state) of
God the Father seated on a throne in the New Jerusalem, and of the Son at His
side, [. . .], or of Purgatory and Hell.”65
Evans-Wentz, however, declares his own contribution to be comments of
Tibetan doctrines from a comparative religion point of view, while, at the same
time, he transgresses pure comparisons by identifying the comparanda. In an appendix, he once again voices his “hypothetical” opinion that there is a common
core in the religious traditions – for example, in Christian monasticism and its
“yoga-like practices” that he believes to have a “direct relationship with the more
ancient monastic systems such as those of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and
Taoism,” or (as already proposed in his Fairy Faith), that “esoteric Christianity”
62
63
64
65
Cf. Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 156, 167.
Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 34.
Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 33.
Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 34.
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Jens Schlieter
was “in general accord with the old Oriental teachings touching Rebirth and
Karma.”66 But neither a theory of direct historical dependency, nor the Theosophical
theory of how such strikingly parallel development come about, is offered.
Instead, Evans-Wentz alludes to the possibility that – in the same way as the
Buddha merely restated what already prehistoric Buddhas had found – the
Christian doctrine may build on pre-Christian doctrines, which once more reckons with a common esoteric core. However, in the later Christian development,
these esoteric teachings had been transformed into Church-based exoteric teachings of an anthropomorphic deity, the singularity of Jesus, faith in a Savior, forgiveness of sins, and of a condemnation of rebirth-beliefs or spiritual evolution,
etc. In regard to the latter, the spiritual evolution in higher realms, an evolutionary process that precludes rebirth in lower realms, e.g., humans as animals,
Evans-Wentz’ intentional isogetic reading of Tibetan Buddhism (and their nonevolutionary understanding of karma and rebirth) is obvious.67
In what reminds us of Max Müller’s pathetic self-perception of the value of
“comparative religion,” Evans-Wentz argues that “the hope of all sincere researchers into comparative religion devoid of any religious bias ought always to be to
accumulate such scientific data as will some day enable future generations of
mankind to discover Truth itself – that Universal Truth in which all religions and
all sects of all religions may ultimately recognize the Essence of Religion and the
Catholicity of Faith.”68 The essential categories that Evans-Wentz applies in these
contexts are the “thought-forms” of Theosophy, declared to be the ground layer
visible in religious “symbolism”69– for example, the Christian “weighing” of souls
66 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 234.
67 Evans-Wentz (Tibetan Book, 42–43) holds, in line with prominent Theosophists, that the exoteric interpretation of karma may entail the human “life-flux” “very often does take reembodiment in sub-human creatures,” but in its “esoteric interpretation,” according to “various
philosophers, both Hindu and Buddhist, from whom the editor has received instruction,” the
“human life-flux to flow into the physical form of a dog, or fowl, or insect, or worm, is [. . .] held
to be as impossible.”
68 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 1.
69 Evans-Wentz offers no reference, but probably refers to “Thought-Forms” in their earlier
meaning as, for example, outlined by Sinnett. In the A.P. Sinnett, The Occult World, 2nd Am.
Ed. (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, and Co., 1885), 129, we read: “The human brain is an exhaustless generator of the most refined quality of cosmic force out of the low, brute energy of
Nature [. . .]. This is the key to the mystery of his being able to project into and materialize in
the visible world the forms that his imagination has constructed out of inert cosmic matter in
the invisible world. The adept does not create anything new, but only utilizes and manipulates
materials which Nature has in store around him, and material which, throughout eternities,
has passed through all the forms. He has but to choose the one he wants, and recall it into
objective existence.”
A Common Core of Theosophy
177
in the “bar-do,” as he says – that finally prove to be “adaptations from Egyptian
and Eastern religions.”70 Already in his introduction to the book, he refers to
these as “symbol-codes”: Although the book treats the doctrine of “rebirth” as a
scientifically given fact, it occasionally departs from the “rational.” This, EvansWentz holds, is only a superficial reading, as it is merely the outcome of “a secret
international symbol-code in common use among the initiates.”71 This, of course,
corresponds well, he says, with Western Occultist ideas of a “hidden symbolism”
engrained in secret language. The hidden pagan dimensions in Christianity have
been condemned by “uninitiated ecclesiastics,” as “‘Oriental imagery gone
mad.’”72 While he admits that those esoteric ideas of a hidden symbolism hold
especially true for “Northern Buddhism” with its claim to possess an orally transmitted, secret (Yogic) teaching of the Buddha not in line with a literal reading of
the “Southern” Pali Canon, even the parables and metaphors of the latter can be
read “symbolical.”73 In short, “‘Esoteric Buddhism,’ as it has come to be called –
rightly or wrongly – seems to depend in large measure upon ‘ear-whispered’ doctrines of this character, conveyed according to long-established and inviolable
rule, from guru to shiṣḥya [sic], by word of mouth alone.”74
This hermeneutic principle of hidden meanings and symbolic codes allows
not only to adhere to a common esoteric core. It empowers Evans-Wentz to harmonize his reading with earlier canonical Theosophist teachings of having
been “communicated” by Mahatmas of Tibet (Sinnett), or with what Helena
Blavatsky had described as “her decoding of The Stanzas of Dzyan in the secret
Senzar language.”75 In his only remark on Blavatsky in the Book, he defends
her with an allegedly positive comment by Dawa Samdup on her intimate
knowledge of “higher lāmaistic teachings.”76 Although Evans-Wentz does not
refer to Alfred P. Sinnett’s Esoteric Buddhism in the Book,77 there are clear similarities in their understanding of the secret knowledge of “esoteric Buddhism.”
In his work of 1885, Sinnett had offered a neo-Hinduist reading of the Buddha.
A “secret knowledge, in reality, long antedated the passage through earth-life
70 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 241.
71 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 3.
72 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 4.
73 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 5.
74 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 5.
75 Donald Lopez, Afterword to the Tibetan Book, 253.
76 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, 7.
77 He mentions, however, the impact Sinnett’s works Esoteric Buddhism and Occult World had
on him in his “Notes for an Autobiography”, 18.
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Jens Schlieter
of Gautama Buddha. Brahminical philosophy, in ages before Buddha, embodied the identical doctrine which may now be described as Esoteric Buddhism,”
and “Shankaracarya” being the newly reincarnated Gautama Buddha.78 In the
same vein, Evans-Wentz declares that, despite some doctrinal differences, the
“state of liberation” as conceptualized by Śaṃkara, is essentially the same as
the “Buddhist void.”79 In other words, Evans-Wentz, in line with hidden “symbol codes,” saw no need to correct earlier Theosophical doctrines (and never
criticizes classical Theosophical depictions of “Tibetan teachings”) but could
express his interpretation in this established framework.
To summarize, we can see how the Tibetan Book of the Dead was especially
acknowledged for validating claims of “astral projection” and the transmigrating
soul on a transcultural basis. In its special Theosophical reading, based on a
translation already inspired by Theosophy, it offered new evidence for the common core of esoteric teachings of early traditions in general, and the “scientific
proof” of rebirth with the soul’s near- and after-death experiences in particular.
Moreover, the insights provided were taken as psychological, scientific, and experiential evidence of a “non-duality” that interpenetrates and correlates both
the disembodied mind and its “experienced” environments. Gods, after-death
planes of existence, etc., are neither an objective reality nor merely psychological
artifacts, but do exist on a conventional level if somebody experiences them.
This idea could now be used to accredit the cultural variability of heavens, hells,
God, or the quality of light (or “the Light”) experienced, without, however, relativizing the “experiences” themselves. Championing Theosophy, Evans-Wentz
could implicitly argue that the Book was a perfect basis to evaluate the wisdom
of the “Tibetan Masters,” mediumistically received by the first generation of
Theosophists, despite all disputes in respect to the formers’ existence, or the latter’s veracity, respectively.
In 1928, Evans-Wentz published a second book on Tibetan Buddhism, this
time consisting mainly in a translation of the life-story of Milarepa, a Tibetan
Buddhist mystic, poet, and Tantrist practitioner of the 11th century and one of the
founding figures of the Kagyu-school, written in the 15th century by Tsangnyön
78 Sinnett, Esoteric Buddhism, 3, cf. 147–150, argues: “Buddha reincarnated himself, nest
after his existence as Gautama Buddha, in the person of the great teacher of whom but little is
said in exoteric works of Buddhism, but without a consideration of whose life it would be impossible to get a correct conception of the position in the Eastern world of esoteric science –
namely, Sankaracharya,” reappearing in order to “repair certain errors in his own earlier
teachings” – i.e., the problems caused by the Buddha passing esoteric knowledge into inferior
castes.
79 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Book, lxxiii.
A Common Core of Theosophy
179
Heruka. Despite the greater fame of his first book, the book on Milarepa was his
most influential in academia, used in emergent Tibetan Buddhist Studies for decades. In the introduction to the work, mainly consisting in an outline of the Tibetan
context, we find only occasional allusions to Theosophy, and his comparative remarks – for example, on parallels between Gnosticism and Tibetan Buddhism of
the “Kargyütpas,” are for the most part very general in nature. The main focus is,
again, on the common ancient rebirth doctrine, the search for “realization” and
salvation – in Gnostic tradition, the “Enlightenment of Christhood”80– and the nature of ultimate reality: “The Un-Created, Non-Being, or Body of All-Intelligence,
the Impersonal Deity of Christian Gnosticism, may be compared with the Voidness
of the Mahāyānic Schools.”81 In a section on “The defense of the hermit ideal,”
Evans-Wentz, obviously describing his personal ideal,82 draws freely from early
Buddhism, Mahāyāna, and Neo-Hinduist thought, and does not spare the reader
to read of his criticism of modern life of Wall street financiers or pleasure-seekers.
In all societies, we, learn, yogins emerge who look – with empathy – on their
contemporaries as trapped in a net of deceptive karmic illusions. These yogins are
not only true “guardians” for their peers. As “scientists” of spiritual cultivation,
they serve as essential agents in the ongoing spiritual evolution of humanity;83
their ideal being an “unselfish preparation for service to the Race.”84 As
Milarepa’s life bears witness, however, the Yogin (as a comparative category applied to Indian traditions, but also to Sufism, Taoism, and Gnostic Christianity)
must first realize his insights in solitude, which will allow him to return as a
“World-Teacher” to human society. These descriptions prepare the ground for the
final argument of the introduction in which one can surely see an attempt to justify the classical Theosophical claim to have been in contact with hidden
“Mahatmas” and their supernatural capacities. Evans-Wentz argues that such
“Arhants,” being in passion of powers “as yet undiscovered, but probably suspected, by Western Science,”85 still exist today, though only “exceedingly few.”
80 W. Y. Evans-Wentz, Tibet’s Great Yogī Milarepa (London: Oxford University Press, 1928), 11.
81 Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 11.
82 Cf. Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 18.
83 Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 17: “It must equally be kept in mind, in judging the yogi, that he
claims to have proved, at least to himself, by methods as careful and scientific in their own
realm as those known in the laboratories of the West in the realm of physical science, that the
ideals of the worldly are merely the ideals of an immature social order, of races still in the
lower and middle grades of the World-School.”
84 Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 18.
85 Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 20.
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Jens Schlieter
However, for Evans-Wentz, “the only valid and scientific procedure is to explore
for oneself the path leading to Arhantship, as Milarepa herein bids us do.”86 The
only precondition for the Western sceptic would be an open attitude as being the
case of scientific experimenters: “Without faith that a certain experiment may lead
to a certain result, no chemist or physicist could possibly discover fresh scientific
truths; and no man can ever expect to discover that New World, of which Milarepa
sings in his ecstatic joy of triumph, unless he first sets up a postulate that there is
a New World awaiting his discovery.”87 Actually, the analogy to experimentation
in natural sciences does only partly suffice: For Evans-Wentz, the outcome of the
experiment is already known – a problem that he solves by leaving the analogy of
experimentation for the more plausible imagery of discovering a new territory, a
“New World.” In sum, in this work, the scholar-practitioner Evans-Wentz appears
only alludes to the deeper layers of the common spiritual heritage, while a discussion of his claims, and remarks on methodology of comparative religion are fully
absent.
In 1935, Tibetan Yoga and Secret Doctrines saw the light. In addition to its
translations of seven Mahāyāna Buddhist texts, which will not be dealt with
here, it contains a lengthy introduction that once more testifies the biographical stability of Evans-Wentz’s beliefs. In his attempt to subsume the Indian and
Tibetan doctrines of the seven texts under the heading of “Yoga,” the style of
his explanations changes, coming closer to Guru-like attitudes visible in NeoHinduist and Neo-Vedāntist Indian contemporaries of Evens-Wentz. But not
only that: With “Yoga” as the unifying principle of the mastery of breath, will,
energy, knowledge, and the self, Evans-Wentz seems to have no problem to explain Buddhist Yoga with explanations and descriptions drawn from classical
Hindu texts and Neo-Vedāntist, probably oral, teachings. Yoga, in consequence
of being refined to a transcultural category, is everywhere: “the applied psychology of religion, yoga is the very tap-root of Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism,
and Taoism. Similarly, if perhaps in less degree, it has nourished the growth of
the Faith of the Parsees; and in the development of the three Semitic Faiths,
Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, it has been a very important shaping influence.”88 And, of course, “initiation into the Mysteries of Antiquity was largely
yogic,”89 as were the practices by Christian ascetics and monastics, Egyptians,
Greeks, Romans, or the Celtic druids. Grounded in the nature of reality itself, it
seems so obvious for Evans-Wentz that he makes no effort to substantiate his
86
87
88
89
Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 24.
Evans-Wentz, Milarepa, 24.
Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga, 35.
Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga, 35.
A Common Core of Theosophy
181
claims with remarks on historical dependencies, or with a close comparative
reading of respective texts. For Evans-Wentz, there is not even a need for this.
If the category of “Yoga” can be applied to Occidental traditions, “Yoga,” correctly understood, is as much a Western tradition as it is Eastern. As in earlier
works, comments on methodology are absent, and very few passages try to systematize the material presented. Evans-Wentz describes himself as being an
“anthropologist” of internal universe, driven by an? interest in “anthropology
and psychology as applied sciences in the sense understood in yoga.”90 Still,
Theosophy is underlying framework, obvious in Evans-Wentz depiction of “occult fraternities of India and Tibet,” that may convey their insights “telepathic,”
in symbols, or oral, but “never completely by means of written records.”91
In 1954 the concluding volume of the Tibetan tetralogy appeared: The Tibetan
Book of the Great Liberation, containing excerpts of texts on Padmasambhava, the
mythical founder of Tantrism in Tibet, and on Dzogchen, “the great perfection,” a
Tibetan system of Tantric teachings, and an introduction. While there is a considerable overlap with his earlier Theosophist, Neo-Vedāntist, and Neo-Platonic reading of Tibetan Buddhism – the focus now being on the “one mind,” or “at-onement” – it is the tone that has changed. In his introduction, Evans-Wentz declares
with pathos that the “Yoga of Knowing the Mind in its Nakedness,” translated in
the work, is known as “the doctrine which automatically liberates man from bondage [. . .]. In common with all schools of Oriental Occult Sciences, the Mahāyāna
postulates that the One Supra-Mundane Mind, of Universal All-Pervading
Consciousness, transcendent over appearances and over every dualistic concept
born of the finite or mundane aspect of mind, alone is real. Viewed as Voidness,
it is the Become, the Unborn, [. . .] the predicateless Primordial Essence, the abstract Cosmic Source where all concrete or manifested things come and into
which they vanish into latency.” This “One Mind” is “the Transcendent Fullness
of the Emptiness, the Dissolver of Space and Time and of sangsāric (or mundane)
mind, the Brahman of the Rishis, the Dreamer of Māyā, the Weaver of the Web of
Appearances, the Outbreather and the Inbreather of infinite universes throughout the endlessness of Duration.”92 However, the Tibetan text does mention the
“one mind” only once and does not build, as Reynolds remarks, on the view of
“some sort of Neo-Platonic hypostasis, a universal Nous, of which all individual
minds are but fragments or appendages.”93 To Evans-Wentz, it is the “One
90 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga, 48.
91 Evans-Wentz, Tibetan Yoga, 50.
92 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 1.
93 Cf. Reynolds, Self-Liberation, 80: “However, there is no equivalent in the actual Tibetan
text for his “the One Mind.” The phrase sems gcig-po occurs in one place where it means “It is
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Jens Schlieter
Cosmic Mind,” “the unlimited Supra-Mundane Mind,”94 formed of “mankind’s
minds, or consciousnesses,” that “are collectively one,” forming in their entirety
the “body of one great multi-celled organism, mentally illuminated by the One
Cosmic Mind,” and being the unknown source of “cosmic rays and matter in all
its electronic [sic] aspects, as light, heat, magnetism, electricity, radio-activity,”
etc.95 The vision that Evans-Wentz follows here is that the individual consciousness will merge with the cosmic one if evolved enough, and that exactly this is
meant in the Buddhist nirvāṇa. A new, overly enthusiastic tone may be seen not
only as mirroring Indian Neo-Vedānta, but as also anticipating psychedelic mysticism of the 1960s, if not the writings of New-Age authors of the 1980s.
Moreover, the whole concept, in line with the Spiritualist’s bursting reservoir of
consciousness mentioned above, shares certain traits of Aldous Huxley’s “mind
at large” – probably not accidentally, Huxley’s work The Doors of Perception, expanding the idea, was published in the same year, 1954.
Generally, it must be said, Evans-Wentz misses to acknowledge the advanced epistemology of Buddhism. Any critical reflection on the limitation of
language, prominent in Madhyamaka and Yogācāra philosophers, is absent. As
has been the case in his earlier works, there are few suggestions of a systematization – for example, that the “Orient” developed four methods of imparting
spiritual knowledge beyond “literacy,” namely, through “telepathy or psychic
osmosis,” symbols such as mudras or maṇḍalas, sound (as in mantras), or symbolic language.96 However, no systematic comparison is sought after. Remarks
such as that it “is only by dying on the Cross of Sangsāra that one attains life
more abundantly,”97– placing elsewhere Jesus Christ next to the Buddha as
both being Theosophic “avataras” – or that “animal instinct, whereby the multitude are chiefly guided and through which they are controlled by the state,
must be transcended,”98 make it surely difficult for traditional historians of religion to take the work as unbiased scholarship.
the single (nature of) mind which encompasses all of Samsara and Nirvana” (‘khor ‘das yongs
la khyab-pa’i sems gcig-po). This is its only occurrence.” Reynolds (Self-Liberation, 71–115) lists
various other problems of Evans-Wentz’ translation. For example, resorting to Hindu Tantric
concepts, Evans-Wentz designates the consorts or female aspects of the Buddhas as “Shaktis,”
“Powers,” “in this way reversing the polarity of the whole Buddhist system.”
94 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 7.
95 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 9; cf. 10, 197–199.
96 Cf. Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 24.
97 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 75.
98 Evans-Wentz, The Tibetan Book of the Great Liberation, 80.
A Common Core of Theosophy
183
4 Evans-Wentz’ Contribution to the Comparative
Study of Religion
“W. Y. Evans-Wentz is a great scholar who devoted his mature years to the role
of bridge and shuttle between Tibet and the west: like an RNA molecule activating the latter with the coded message of the former” – with these words,
Timothy Leary, Ralph Metzner, and Richard Alpert praise “the work of this academic liberator” in their free adaption, The Psychedelic Experience. A Manual
Based on the Tibetan Book of the Dead (1964).99 By the 1960, Evans-Wentz’
translation of the Tibetan Book of the Dead had become an indispensable
source for inspiration of various audiences. With the Book at hand,
Theosophists and Spiritualists were convinced to have sufficient evidence for
remarkable correspondences to Western occult views, proving not the least the
only a transcultural prevalence of certain experiences of the disembodied soul
in after-death realms, but also the principle teachings of the founding fathers
and mothers of Theosophy.100 The influential writer and intellectual, Aldous
Huxley, referred to Evans-Wentz’ works in his writings, and had even made use
of the Book as a guide for accompanying his dying wife.101 While the wide circulation of his books ensured Evans-Wentz many readers of a general audience,
too, it is much more difficult to trace his influence on the emerging field of
“comparative religion,” or the “science of religion.” On the one hand, scholars
of religion that were attracted by C.G. Jung (who had written two introductory
essays printed in Evans-Wentz’ books), or adapted in some way or the other the
approach of a transcultural “essence” in religion, quoted his works, but usually
without mention of their view of an esoteric common core in the East and the
West. Mircea Eliade, for example, refers to his studies,102 or Joseph Campbell,
in his The Hero with a Thousand Faces, quotes from Evans-Wentz’ Milarepa.103
Among scholars of (Tibetan) Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna of the 1950s and 1960,
studies by Evans-Wentz were frequently mentioned, but with the respective
works of such scholars as Guiseppe Tucci, Shashibhusan Dasgupta, and David
L. Snellgrove (or, from the late 1960s onwards, Alex Wayman and others),
99 Cf. Schlieter, What is it like to be Dead? 200–202.
100 Cf. Schlieter, What is it like to be Dead? 163–165.
101 Cf. Schlieter, What is it like to be Dead? 183.
102 Mircea Eliade, Yoga: Immortality and Freedom (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958) refers to
The Tibetan Book of the Dead, cf. 236, 246, 325, 331–333; 391–393, 431. Eliade refers also to
Tibetan Yoga and Milarepa.
103 Cf. Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces (1949 Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2004), 147–149.
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Jens Schlieter
scholars entered the field that were not only to able to read Tibetan and
Sanskrit. Yet, these scholars could, however, build on Evans-Wentz as one forerunner to overcome the earlier distinction between a “real” Buddhism and a
“degenerate” Tantric Buddhism, but without adhering to his Theosophical preconceptions.104 In a way, Evans-Wentz’ works succeeded in no longer depicting
Buddhist Tantra as a weird monstrosity, a degeneration, or an aberration,
which had largely been the view of various scholars of Buddhism in the late
19th and early 20th century (such as Friedrich Max Müller in his famous dictum
that “there is nothing esoteric in Buddhism”105). In current studies of Tibetan
Buddhism, however, Evans-Wentz’ influence has almost vanished. Mostly, his
works are mentioned shortly in their overview of earlier Western works on
Kagyupa literature, Milarepa, or the Book. Yet, until most recently, new translation of the various scriptures that belong to the corpus of “The Great Liberation
by Hearing in the Intermediate States” (bar do thos grol chen mo), as the
Tibetan title has it, still pay a faint tribute to Evans-Wentz by using variants of
the established title The Tibetan Book of the Dead.106
To conclude, it seems that Evans-Wentz can indeed best be portrayed as a
religiously interested, enthusiastic scholar-practitioner who was caught between at least three different stools, and was accordingly different to patronize.
In the field of Tibetan Buddhist Studies, his limited philological skills were criticized, as were his Theosophical isogetical readings of Buddhist doctrines. For
Theosophists, it seems that he was neither “orthodox” nor innovative enough
to resume a more elevated position. In addition, his focus on Tibetan Buddhism
(and not Indian traditions of Yoga favored by later Theosophy), and his lack of
philological skills – in the Adyar branch, many Theosophists had knowledge of
Sanskrit107– were supposedly additional obstacles to his later reception in
Theosophy.
For scholars of comparative religion, the absence of a theoretical reflection on the comparative enterprise, and the predilection for perennialist,
104 Cf. Christian K. Wedemeyer, “Tropes, Typologies, and Turnarounds: A Brief Genealogy of
the Historiography of Tantric Buddhism,” History of Religions, 40, 3 (2001), 223–259. Christian
K. Wedemeyer, Making Sense of Tantric Buddhism: History, Semiology, and Transgression in the
Indian Traditions (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012).
105 Friedrich M. Müller, Life and Religion: And Aftermath from the Writings of the Right
Honourable Professor F. Max Müller (New York: Doubleday, 1905), 218–219.
106 For example, Gyurme Dorje, The Tibetan Book of the Dead. 1st Comp. Trans. (New York:
Penguin, 2006).
107 Cf. Yves Mühlematter, “Translation between Acceptance and Deviance. Translational
Endeavors within the Theosophical Society. A Case Study of Annie Besant’s Bhagavad Gita”
(presentation at the ESSWE Conference in Erfurt unpublished).
A Common Core of Theosophy
185
pan-karmic rebirth theory, but also his religiously interested enthusiasm hindered a broader recognition. Paradoxically, while his works flourished and
were read by a multitude, the author’s achievements – apart from presenting
the translations – were mostly considered to be not particularly noteworthy.
Things would have looked different if Evans-Wentz would have been able to
go beyond a culture-transcending “Occult Science” and to present a truly
“comparative esotericism” of Tibetan Buddhism, Hindu Tantra, and Western
occult traditions – a task that has, as of today, only in part been achieved.
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Léo Bernard
Paul Masson-Oursel (1882–1956): Inside
and Outside the Academy
Abstract: Paul Masson-Oursel (1882–1956) was a French Indologist who held the
position of director of studies in Indian religions from 1927 to 1953 at the École
Pratique des Hautes Études in Paris. However, alongside his well-received academic publications, Masson-Oursel also published many articles on India in nonacademic periodicals, some of which are clearly associated with esoteric currents.
In 1929 for instance, he wrote a report for the Gruppo di Ur titled “On the Role of
Magic in Hindu Speculation” which was published in the periodical Krur,1 directed
by the Italian esotericist Julius Evola (1898–1974). Furthermore, in its edition
of March 15th, 1946 the periodical Spiritualité printed an article by Masson-Oursel
entitled “Similarity between physics and psychology in Indian philosophy.”2 This
periodical was directed by Robert Linssen (1911–2004), a close disciple of spiritual
spokesperson Jiddu Krishnamurti (1895–1986). In their journals, both Evola and
Linssen approached India through spiritually engaged perspectives, which makes
the presence of an academic such as Masson-Oursel in their columns somewhat
surprising. In this article I will ask why he desired and saw it fit to publish in such
periodicals.
1 Introduction
In Scholars and prophets: Sociology of India from France in the 19th–20th centuries,3 Roland Lardinois examines what he calls “the field of production of discourses on India.” Throughout this book, Lardinois discusses the autonomy of
scholarly activities within a field of production which was also composed of authors interested in India from a literary or spiritual perspective. He highlights
1 Paul Masson-Oursel, “Sul ruolo della magia nella speculazione indù,” Introduzione alla Magia
quale scienza dell’Io (Roma: Tilopa Editrice, 1929), 259–264. For a French translation, see Paul
Masson-Oursel, “Sur le role de la magie dans la speculation hindoue,” in Tous les écrits de Ur &
Krur (1927–1928–1929): “Introduction à la Magie“ (1955) (Roma: Archè, 1986) 297–305.
2 Paul Masson-Oursel, “Identité de la physique et de la psychologie dans la philosophie indienne,” Spiritualité 9, no.16 (15 March 1946): 90–91.
3 Roland Lardinois, Scholars and Prophets: Sociology of India from France 19th-20th Centuries
(New Delhi: Social Science Press, 2013). The book was first published in French in 2007, see
Roland Lardinois, L’invention de l’Inde: Entre ésotérisme et science (Paris: CNRS Editions,
2007).
Open Access. © 2021 Léo Bernard, published by De Gruyter.
This work is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License.
https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110664270-008