On a Day of a Month of the Fire Bird Year Festschrift for Peter Schwieger on the occasion of his 65th birthday Edited by Jeannine Bischoࠍ, Petra Maurer & Charles Ramble Lumbini International Research Institute Lumbini 2020 Lumbini International Research Institute P.O. Box 39 Bhairahawa, Dist. Rupandehi NEPAL E-mail: lirilib@gmail.com © Lumbini International Research Institute Cover photo: Jeannine Bischoࠍ All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photocopy, microfilm, scanner or any other means without prior written permission. Enquiries should be made to the publisher. ISBN: 978-9937-0-6110-0 First published in 2020 Printed in Nepal by Dongol Printers, Kathmandu TABULAGRATULATORIA ORNA ALMOGI SAADET ARSLAN AGATA BAREJA-STARZYNSKA NYAMSUREN BATJANSAN JEANNINE BISCHOFF JOHN BRAY BERNADETTE BRÖSKAMP KATIA BUFFETRILLE CATHY CANTWELL MICHELA CLEMENTE STEPHAN CONERMANN CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS SIGLINDE DIETZ GÜNTHER DISTELRATH THIERRY DODIN LEWIS DONEY FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD HELMUT EIMER ISRUN ENGELHARDT KARL-HEINZ EVERDING STEFAN GEORG KARL HEINZ GOLZIO TSERING GONKATSANG ULRIKE GONZALES BRITTA-MARIA GRUBER KALSANG NORBU GURUNG HANNA HAVNEVIK JULIA HEGEWALD JÖRG HEIMBEL AMY HELLER AGNIESZKA HELMAN-WAZNY ISABELLE HENRION-DOURCY BIANCA HORLEMAN ASTRID HOVDEN MIREK HRDINA MANFRED HUTTER BERTHE JANSEN MATTHEW KAPSTEIN RUDOLF KASCHEWSKY RALPH KAUZ KONRAD KLAUS KARÉNINA KOLLMAR-PAULENZ WOLFGANG KUBIN LEONARD VAN DER KUõP DIANA LANGE PETRA MAURER ROBERT MAYER ALEXANDER MCKAY ÉVA KAMILLA MOJZES SAUL MULLARD NAMGYAL NYIMA BORJIGIDAI OYUNBILIG FERNANDA PIRIE PUKHANG TERESA RAFFELSBERGER CHARLES RAMBLE JIM RHEINGANS ULRIKE ROESLER VERONIKA RONGE HANS ROTH KLAUS SAGASTER CHRISTINE SCHIRRMACHER HANNA SCHNEIDER DIETER SCHUH CHRISTIAN SCHWERMANN EVA SEIDEL SHEN WEIRONG JAN SOBISCH SYRHOI SOU INES STOLPE TSUGUHITO TAKEUCHI THUPTEN KUNGA CHASHAB ALICE TRAVERS M. MARIA TUREK HELGA UEBACH VERONIKA VEIT ROBERTO VITALI ULRICH VOLLMER DORJI WANGCHUK MICHAEL WEIERS HEINZ-WERNER WESSLER LOBSANG YONGDAN CONTENTS 01. An Introduction JEANNINE BISCHOFF 1 02. Spiritual masters and master copies on the move ORNA ALMOGI 5 03. Yantra Yoga—’Phrul ’khor movements beyond deity and mandala SAADET ARSLAN 27 04. Two Ladakhi accounts of the enthronement of Maharaja Pratap Singh of Jammu & Kashmir in 1886 JOHN BRAY and D. GONKATSANG 43 05. Ram Bahadur Bomjon: a new Buddha in the making (Nepal)? KATIA BUFFETRILLE 71 06. Engaging the senses in the Tibetan tantric “Major Practice Session” (sgrub chen) CATHY CANTWELL 85 07. Appearances can be deceptive: the case of Ngmpp At 61/21 MICHELA CLEMENTE 103 08. MaudgalyÄyana rettet seine Mutter aus der Hölle zur tibetischen Überlieferung der Erzählung SIGLINDE DIETZ und HELMUT EIMER 123 09. China’s Narrative of Tibet LOBSANG DIKY 139 10. Tibet und Japan während der letzten Phase der russischen Expansion in Asien KARL-HEINZ GOLZIO und GÜNTHER DISTELRATH 151 11. Rope sliding and pole swirling in Lhasa: some remarks on the acrobatic performances of the traditional Gyalpo Losar THIERRY DODIN 185 12. A note on the canonical attribution of treasure texts: Ratna gling pa and the Zangs gling ma LEWIS DONEY 195 xvi 13. Historiographical notes on the Zhal snga bka’ brgyud pa FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD 213 14. An indigenous Tibetan name for Mount Everest? ISRUN ENGELHARDT 245 15. Sangs rgyas gling pa’s apokryphe Biographie des U-rgyan padma ’byung gnas KARL-HEINZ EVERDING 265 16. A restricted Bon ritual and its Buddhist lineages KALSANG NORBU GURUNG 291 17. Mandirs, maps and cosmologies: the role of landscape in Jaina art and identity JULIA A.B. HEGEWALD 315 18. In need of donations: a letter written by Go rams pa to encourage the collecting of oࠍerings in Eastern Tibet JÖRG HEIMBEL 331 19. The poly sculpture of a golden PrajñÄpÄramitÄ: a historical, iconographic and aesthetic enigma AMY HELLER 359 20. Codicological study of Tibetan historical documents from the André Alexander collection in the context of preservation of Tibetan archival heritage AGNIESZKA HELMAN-WAĩNY 377 21. A lasting legacy for Tibetan performing arts today: on the monks of Rme ru and Kun bde gling performing drama in Lhasa in the first half of the 20th century ISABELLE HENRION-DOURCY 393 22. Law and order during the Lhasa great prayer festival BERTHE JANSEN 415 23. The JÄtakamÄlÄ of ÃryaĞĮra with the supplement of the third Rgyal dbang karma pa rang byung rdo rje MATTHEW T. KAPSTEIN 437 24. Nachlese zu Berthold Laufers Za ma tog unter Berücksichtigung des Mongolischen RUDOLF KASCHEWSKY 453 25. Negotiating the Buddhist future: Rdo rje shugs ldan in Mongolia KARÉNINA KOLLMAR-PAULENZ 481 xvii 26. Ballade vom Mann auf der Treppe für Peter Schwieger zum 65. Jahr WOLFGANG KUBIN 503 27. A case of upward social mobility in fourteenth century Tibet in text-historical context LEONARD W.J. VAN DER KUõP 505 28. William Edmund Hay: the pioneer of Tibetan studies who sold his fame DIANA LANGE 523 29. How to strengthen the scholar’s back? Reflections on rgyab, back and related terms PETRA MAURER 537 30. The beginnings of colonial rule in Sikkim: according to the council minute books ALEX MCKAY 567 31. An explanation of ankka and kilbar in the “White History” BORJIGIDAI OYUNBILIG 583 32. The making of Tibetan law: the Khrims gnyis lta ba’i me long FERNANDA PIRIE 595 33. Zwischen Ohnmacht und Widerstand—Erinnerungstexte zur Geschichte Osttibets 1950/51 TERESA RAFFELSBERGER 615 34. Longing for retirement: the testament of Chos mƶad nyi shar, the last Ya ngal CHARLES RAMBLE 631 35. Explaining the Dalai Lama to the Tibetans: Basil Gould’s report on the enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama ULRIKE ROESLER 647 36. Ein authentisches Attribut VERONIKA RONGE 665 37. Der Geisterklub der Bonner Universität: Zirkel schwarzer Magie oder professorale Ideenbörse? CHRISTINE SCHIRRMACHER 669 38. Tibetan letter-writing manuals of the Dga’ ldan pho brang era as reflected through their authors HANNA SCHNEIDER 691 xviii 39. Eine Abteilung mit vielen Gesichtern. Die Geschichte der sino-tibetischen Maske in der Abteilung für Mongolistik und Tibetstudien EVA SEIDEL 713 40. The identity of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty and the mchod yon relationship between the great Mongol khans and Tibetan lamas in medieval Tibetan historiography WEIRONG SHEN 729 41. Two Vajra-statements of the single intention on delusion (Tib. gti mug, Skt. moha) JAN-ULRICH SOBISCH 761 42. Srong btsan sgam po. Historische Figur vs. Darstellung in tibetischen Schulbuchtexten SYRHOI SOU 775 43. Changing emblems of social domination: a brief note on Tibetan aristocratic crests in the first half of the 20th century ALICE TRAVERS 805 44. Shamanism and Buddhism in Mongolia: religious and political aspects from an historian’s point of view Veronika Veit 45. Lha sa’s hectic years ca. 975–1160 ROBERTO VITALI 823 46. Zwei Buddhismusforscher im Streit: Edmund Hardy und Joseph Dahlmann ULRICH VOLLMER 869 47. Po ti lcags lung ma: the largest Tibetan book in a po ti format DORJI WANGCHUK 887 48. Von ‫ތ‬Phags-pa zu Sa͔ang seÐen—ein Spiel mit Ort und Zeit MICHAEL WEIERS 905 49. Translating Sanskrit Buddhism for the East Aian world—a lesson for the contemporary? Kunwar narain’s epical Hindi poem Kum»rjåv (2015) HEINZ WERNER WESSLER 917 805 43. CHANGING EMBLEMS OF SOCIAL DOMINATION: A BRIEF NOTE ON TIBETAN ARISTOCRATIC CRESTS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY1 ALICE TRAVERS (CNRS, CRCAO) The aristocracy of central Tibet as a group displayed its superior rank in Tibetan society, and its internal hierarchy, through a great variety of practices and immaterial means (names, ranks, honorific titles, privileges, etc.), as well as material means (houses, furniture, costumes, hats, jewellery, horses’ adornments, etc.).2 Among these visible signs of social distinction, one finds the crested stationery (envelope and letter) that a few aristocrat families started to use during the first half of the 20th century. Very little is known about this phenomenon and this paper therefore proposes an inquiry into an ensemble of crests belonging to ten Tibetan aristocratic families: Rdo ring or Dga’ bzhi, Rnam sras gling, Tsha rong, G.yu thog, Zur khang, Bkras mthong, Zhwa sgab pa, Ka shod pa, Rong dpal lhun and Spom mda’ tshang/Spang mda’ tshang. The study is based on a set of crests kept in one private collection (Tashi Tsering Josayma, Amnye Machen Institute),3 and on reproductions scattered across five diࠍerent publications,4 some in black and white, some in colour, with very scanty 1 2 3 4 This research was undertaken in the framework of the ANR-DFG project TibStat led by Charles Ramble and Peter Schwieger. I oࠍer this small study as a gesture of gratitude towards the inspiration Peter Schwieger’s work has breathed into my study of the social history of pre-1959 Tibet and especially of the Ganden Phodrang (Dga’ ldan pho brang) government, its aristocracy and middle classes. See Travers 2009 for a broader study of the Tibetan nobility in general. I would like to thank Tashi Tsering Josayma (AMI) not only for having alerted me to these crests in 2003, but also for showing me in 2017—and allowing me to reproduce—a very good set of Zhwa sgab pa and Tsha rong crests (see the annexes of this paper), as well as the only known samples of the Rnam sras gling and Rdo ring/Dga’ bzhi crests. My sincere gratitude goes to Kristina Dy-Liacco for her help in locating some of these crests in publications at Latse Library, New York. I would like also to express my thanks to Heather Stoddard for an enlightening discussion in 2016 on a part of this corpus and the interpretation of its symbolic features. Last, I would like to thank George FitzHerbert who polished my English in this paper. Waterfall [1965] 1981; Singer 1995 and 1998; Flack 1999; Wang 2008, all available at Latse library, New York. 806 information, because the authors of these books were interested mainly in philately. The oldest publication is the Postal History of Tibet published by Arnold Waterfall in 1981. The most numerous examples have been collected by another philatelist, Armand E. Singer (1914–2007),5 and published in his book on Tibet postal history from 1809 to 1975, in 1995 (black and white) and 1998 (colour) by George Alevizos.6 Based on this small corpus—by no means exhaustive but reflective of our current state of knowledge—this paper will show how a Western influence has obviously partly shaped most of these crests, while their symbolism rests on the Tibetan cultural repertoire. It will also analyse its symbolism and emphasise how these crests display the dominant social status of their owners and users. The corpus of available crests and its contextualisation7 The size of the corpus, as well as oral interviews conducted with aristocrats between 2003 and 2007,8 have shown that the use of crests was limited to a small number of families. Most descendants of aristocratic families had never heard of the use of Tibetan crests, and there was no consensus concerning the Tibetan terminology used for them (they are known variously as las rtags, dam phrug, dam kha, and dam rgya, which usually refer to a stamp/seal). It also has to be noted that these crests were not used as seals, which the aristocrats/oࠐcials possessed and continued to use as a form of signature.9 The earliest crest documented on a cover is the Tsha rong crest in c. 192110 and the latest is in 1960 (sent from Chinese-occupied Tibet on ancient covers).11 The first observation to be made is that all the families using a crest had developed numerous contacts with Westerners, and were engaged in significant private trade activity. This is true of the Tsha rong family as early as the 1920s, and later for the others in the Specialist of romance literature at West Virginia University from 1940 to 1980, he became a world expert on the stamps of Tibet and Nepal, and lectured and published extensively on this topic. 6 I would like to thank George Alevizos for kindly allowing me to reproduce the seals published in Singer 1995 and 1998. My gratitude goes also to John Flack, brother of the late Geoࠍrey Flack, who allowed me to reproduce the crests published in Flack 1999. 7 I have summarised the main characteristics of the corpus in annexe n°1 of this paper. I have reproduced only one small caption of each crest in black and white within the text, but the crests’ exemplars on their original support (letter or cover), in colour and in various versions when possible, are shown in annexe of this volume with the corresponding sources. 8 During fieldwork conducted for my PhD, see Travers 2009. 9 A number of seals used by aristocrats are reproduced in Dawson 1997. 10 Wang 2008. 11 Singer also dates the endeavour of aristocratic families to create their own crests to the late 1920s and 1930s, quoting as a source of information Tashi Tsering Josayma (Amnye Machen Institute), cf. Singer 1998: 53. 5 807 1940s. Most families were also involved with government trade activities: for instance, Zur khang, Zhwa sgab pa and Spom mda’ tshang were all members of the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948. One explanation for the creation of such crested stationery in the beginning of the 20th century would thus be the encounter with Western diplomats in Tibet and abroad, and the need to correspond with foreign traders. Aristocrats eƏoyed indeed privileged access to the foreign world, through close contacts with some Western diplomats and travellers of several nationalities (British, American, French, German); through trade links with Western firms and individuals; and through their travels. It can be assumed that the use of crests was mainly directed at foreigners. This is evidenced first, from the presence of the English version of the house name on seven out of the ten crests, with one crest (of the Rnam sras gling family) bearing the Indian transcription of the house name as well as the Tibetan and English names; and second, from the fact that these crests were used only on Western style stationery and are not to be found, to my knowledge, on private documents and letters on Tibetan paper and format. At the same time, four of the ten crests (namely Tsha rong, Zur khang, Ka shod pa and Zhwa sgab pa) bear only the Tibetan spelling of the house name, and there is at least one example of correspondence between two Tibetan aristocrats using the crest. We can therefore deduce that the impulse was to import a Western habit mainly designed for contact with the Western world and to show the noble houses’ prestige to traders and foreign contacts. But they were also used within the nobility as illustrations of status vis-à-vis one other, by displaying the given house’s acquaintance with foreign habits. A Synthesis Between Imports From European Heraldry And Tibetan Elements Naming these Emblems Fig. 43.1: Achievement elements12 12 https://wikivisually.com/wiki/Portal:Heraldry, last accessed 25/10/2016. 808 The influence of European heraldry on these Tibetan family emblems is obvious, and this is the reason why they have been called “crests” by Singer, a usage I follow here. First it is worth giving a quick reminder of the Western use of coats of arms, as it sheds some light on the possible motivation of Tibetan aristocrats, having heard of this tradition, for adopting something similar. The first documented use of coats of arms in medieval times is on the French Bayeux Tapestry, which dates from the 11th century A.D. and chronicles the Norman invasion of England. Some of the knights depicted in this tapestry are seen holding shields with heraldic insignia on them, usually painted crosses (the earliest and most basic types of coats of arms). The use of coats of arms became common by the 12th century when it was used by many knights and minor feudal lords who went into battle. After another century, families were using coats of arms (usually granted to an ancestor a century before) as family logos, which were sewn onto flags flown above their castles and manors. Only the highest class of people in medieval Europe had coats of arms, as they were the only ones with ancestors distinguished enough to have been granted them by the kings of the time. The term “family crest”, commonly used to designate these Tibetan aristocratic emblems, is slightly inaccurate for two reasons. First, because technically speaking a crest is only a part of the coat of arms. In formal heraldry (see in Fig. 43.1. Achievement elements), a full “achievement” consisted of the “escutcheon” (shield) (“écus” in French) bearing the coat of arms, supported on each side by “supporters” (usually animals), with a motto written below in a ribbon (“liston” in French) and a helm (a helmet or hat, possibly surrounded by a coronet) above. There may also be other elements such as a “mantling” (“lambrequin” in French), i.e. decorative folding of cloth or leaves, which theoretically covered the helmet to protect it from the sun or rain. Right at the top, above the helm and usually shown as attached to it, was the “crest” itself: i.e. the device/object attached to the top of the helm (helmet), often a sort of decorative plume, sometimes an animal or another object.13 Thus, the crest was only one component of a coat-of-arms,14 but it could be used as a simplified symbol when the full coat-of-arms was too detailed, as for example, on engraved cutlery. This allows us to continue using the word “crest” as a simplified appellation. Second, in medieval times, the coat of arms was not designed for a family but for an individual. During his lifetime, a son would use a slightly diࠍerent version of the father’s arms. Such adaptations would have seen extra charges added to the shield, colours changed, or some other modifications. Only rarely however would the crest part of the coat of arms undergo variations, so typically each son would have diࠍerent 13 This description is a summary of information found in several sources, but mainly Parker’s glossary of heraldry terminology (1894) (cf. https://www.heraldsnet.org/saitou/parker/Jpglossm. htm, last accessed 25/10/2016). 14 In England at least, no crest has ever been granted that was not part of a full coat of arms, but each Western country that granted arms had diࠍerent rules. 809 coats of arms but each would include the same crest. In our corpus, we find both uses (personal and family/house coats of arms). In any case, whatever the channels through which Tibetans aristocrats were introduced to European heraldry may have been, it can be assumed that they were not too pernickety about the rules.15 Description of the Ten Crests’ Main Features Three crests, belonging to the highest-ranking sde dpon, yab gzhis, and mi drag aristocratic families,16 display lions, a regal symbol as well as a symbol of Buddhism itself.17 Among them, the mi drag Tsha rong crest (see detail in Fig. 43.2 and copy of the full set with references in the annexe Figs. 43.2a–g) is the most ancient, the earliest known exemplar being dated approximately 1921.18 It is also the crest available in the most exemplars (six). It is hand-coloured in various colours, with two Tibetan lions standing on a bar, in the famous European heraldic “rampant guardant” posture, holding on to a mountain symbolising Tibet, with the sun at its peak, and what is described by Singer as two rivers running down the mountain side (this particular element, i.e. the way these rivers are drawn, diࠍers on the various exemplars of the Tsha rong crest). Paired lions are the most frequent of all bearings in European heraldry, but as we will see in the third part of this paper, they are also and above all in this context, a typical Tibetan symbol. 15 Among the various ways in which Tibetan oࠐcials and aristocrats were exposed to European insignia and coats of arms, one might think of the crested letters that the Tibetan government most probably received from the Government of India, bearing the royal arms of the British monarchy. Besides, British army buttons seem to have been available in Tibet at least from the end of the 19th century, as reported by Captain William Gill (1883) and Edward Colborne Baber (1882) who even say that they were “as common as blackberries”. I am indebted in John Bray for sharing with me these hypotheses and references. 16 The Ganden Phodrang aristocracy consisted of four various hierarchically arranged sub-groups: the sde dpon, four families who claimed to date back to the former kings and ministers of the Tibetan Empire (seventh to ninth centuries); the yab gzhis, the six ennobled families of the previous Dalai Lamas (one of them, Bsam pho, ranking among the sde dpon as well); the mi drag, approximately nineteen rich and politically influential families; and the sger pa, a term referring to the remaining landowning families, around 186 families (see Travers 2009 for a list of the Ganden Phodrang noble families and the various sources of this list). 17 Beer 1999. 18 Wang 2008. 810 Fig. 43.2: Tsha rong crest Below the ensemble, a ribbon bears the Tibetan inscription: “Tsha rong/ nyin mo bde mtshan bde”. The motto is a reference to a prayer-poem that can be found on ceremonial scarfs or khatag, with the following full translation: “Blessed the day; blessed the night; the mid-day also being blessed: may day and night always return (bring) the special favour of the three most precious (holy) ones”.19 Fig. 43.3: G.yu thog crest The yab gzhis G.yu thog family (see detail in Fig. 43.3 and reference in Fig. 43.3a in the annexe) crest shows again two rampant guardant lions drawn in a Tibetan fashion but this time around a western style globe called “terrestrial sphere” (i.e. a globe showing the lines of latitude and longitude, and perhaps a vague suggestion of 19 “nyi mo bde legs mtshan bde legs//nyi ma yi gung la bde leg zhing//nyin mtshan rtag tu bde leg nas//skyabs dkon mchog gsum gyi bde leg zhogs//” Cf. translation and explanations by Csoma de KĔrös (1836: 383). 811 continents), which in heraldry symbolises the government of the world. In Europe, the Christian princes added a cross on it, in order to underline that their power came from God. Here, the crossed vajra (rdo rje rgya gram) bears a striking resemblance with the Christian cross over spheres on European coats of arms. Fig. 43.4: Rdo ring crest The third crest (see detail in Fig. 43.4 and reference in Fig. 43.4a in the annexe) with two rampant guardant lions is the one of the sde dpon family Rdo ring or Dga’ bzhi. Its particularity is that the lions are here, from the aesthetic point of view, drawn in a Western style, and set around a Western style oval cartouche including a Tibetan style representation of mountains. On top of the cartouche, a lotus flower is represented, under the sun and the moon. Fig. 43.5: Zur khang crest 812 Like the Rdo ring crest, the crest of the mi drag family Zur khang (see detail in Fig. 43.5 and reference in Figs. 43.5a–b in the annexe) is also one of the most obviously influenced by European heraldry, while furnishing an interesting synthesis with Tibetan elements. It is available in two colours, either entirely red (on the cover), or partly blue and green (on the letter). An escutcheon bearing the swastika/g.yung drung as a charge above the motto “dge’o” (litt. “Virtue!”) is framed by a mantling (lambrequins). On top of the escutcheon is a vajra (rdo rje), symbolising the indestructible state of enlightenment. Under this ensemble is a ribbon or liston with the family name “sger Zur khang pa”. Fig. 43.6: Rong dpal lhun dza sag Thub bstan bsam ’phel A terrestrial sphere as well as a lion standing on a mountain are also found on a personal crest (unlike all the others, which bore no individual mean of recognition within the family), namely that of dza sag Thub bstan bsam ’phel, a monk oࠐcial from a noble sger pa family named Rong dpal lhun (see detail in Fig. 43.6 and reference in annexe 43.6a). Two stars (Waterfall 1981: 145) or more likely a sun and a crescent moon, shine above the mountain. Below the ensemble, a ribbon bears the Tibetan name of his family “sger Rong dpal lhun” followed by the English transcription of his personal name “Ƶasa Thubten Samphel”. Despite being from a lower status aristocratic family, he was in contact with westerners as reflected in his position as the head of the Victory congratulation Mission of 1946–1947.20 20 Goldstein 1993 [1989]: 537. Waterfall has him incorrectly described as the “head of the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948” (Waterfall 1981: 145). 813 Fig. 43.7: Bkras mthong crest The mi drag Bkras mthong family crest (see detail in Fig. 43.7 and reference in annexe Figs. 43.7a–b) shows a striped tiger in a forest-covered mountain, in a sitting position (the “sejant” posture in European heraldry) with the sun shining over the mountain. The crest is described as being hand-coloured (Singer 1995: 156) and is available in green (Singer 1998: 51), as well as in orange according to the description given on the black and white sample of Waterfall (1981: 145). The ribbon shows the family name in its English transcription “Tethong” framed by the Tibetan form “Mkras [sic] mthong”. Fig. 43.8: Ka shod crest Another typical Tibetan symbol, the garuda (a winged bird-human, vehicle of Vishnu, and a class of protectors of the Buddha dharma), is to be found on the crest of the sger pa Ka shod pa (see detail in Fig. 43.8 and reference in Fig. 43.8a in the annexe). The 814 garuda is holding a pile of jewels with a wheel of dharma at its summit. On the ribbon, one can read the family name in Tibetan “Ka shod” in the centre, flanked on either side by the auspicious motto “bkra shis bde legs”. Fig. 43.9: Zhwa sgab pa crest The crest of the sger pa family Zhwa sgab pa (see detail in Fig. 43.9 and reference in annexe Fig. 43.9a) also shows a garuda, a symbolic being who fights and wards of evil, with a ribbon bearing the family name in Tibetan. Fig. 43.10: Rnam sras gling crest The sger pa family Rnam sras gling or Rnam gling crest (see detail in Fig. 43.10 and reference in Fig. 43.10a in the annexe) shows a jewel-spitting mongoose (ne’u le) standing near a tray of precious jewels, a common attribute of wealth deities,21 and, 21 Beer 1999: 212. 815 probably here, symbolising the material wealth and prosperity of the house, under a victory banner (rgyal mtshan), one of the auspicious symbols, “an emblem of the Buddha’s enlightenment and his vanquishing of the armies of Mara”.22 Below is a ribbon bearing the Tibetan inscription of the house name “sger Rnam sras gling” framed by the auspicious motto “bkra shis bde legs”. The particularity of this crest, besides its unequivocal Buddhist symbolism, is that it shows, in addition to the short English version of the house name “Namling”, its Devanagari version. Fig. 43.11: Spang mda’ tshang crest The last available crest, of Spang mda’ tshang (see detail in Fig. 43.11), a family of the Khams pa elite, well-known for its trading activities and newly-integrated into the Central Tibetan aristocracy in the early 20th century,23 is a noticeable exception since it shows only the family name in English and Tibetan with no representations. For its striking simplicity and sobriety, it might be more accurate to call it a stamp. To sum up, except for the last exemplar, all other emblems bear at least a small testimony of the influence of Western heraldry (the Western style ribbon with either nothing, the family name, and/or the family motto), and sometimes even show a higher degree of acculturation, with the presence of an escutcheon/shield, a mantling/ lambrequin,24 and some of the European typical charges (the globe, the lion), and through the particular attitude of the lion, i.e. rampant, as we have seen. The Tibetan elements mainly reside in the mottos (dge’o/nyin mo bde mtshan bde/bkra shis bde legs) and in most of the charges, where the prevalence of Tibetan symbols is obvious, be they emblematic animals (the lion, the tiger), or mythical creatures (the garuda, the jewel-spitting mongoose), or natural features (the mountains and the asters, sun, moon and stars), or specific Buddhist symbols (lotus, swastika, vajra, crossed vajra, jewels, wheel, victory banner, dharma wheel). 22 ibid.: 180. 23 See McGranahan’s work on this family (2001, 2010), and Travers 2009 for a discussion on the ennoblement of Khams pa families. 24 Interestingly, when Dge ’dun chos ’phel drew the well-known Tibet Improvement/Reform Party logo in 1946, with machete and sickle (IOR reproduced in Goldstein 1989: 454), he also used the Western escutcheon model with the motto on ribbon. 816 New Emblems Rooted In Ancient Tradition: The Symbolism Of Social Domination These symbols are rooted in ancient Tibetan tradition, and are also found in other forms of insignia contemporary with our subjects. Their presence on the aristocratic crests can be interpreted as expressing and legitimating the social status of the aristocracy. Ancient Use of Images to Extol in a Metaphoric Way a Particular Virtue (in Seals, Banners, etc.) When such aristocratic crests appeared in Tibet in the 1920s, the use of representations of animals by the elite or by the government was not new. The use of images to extol in a metaphorical way a particular virtue has been deeply rooted in Tibetan tradition since the Tibetan Empire. This has been shown by Rolf A. Stein in his article “L’usage des métaphores pour des distinctions honorifiques à l’époque des rois tibétains”, in which he describes the insignia (yig ge) bestowed to government oࠐcials. These include for instance the martial figure of the tiger as an emblem of heroism (dpa’ rtags) to illustrate an oࠐcial’s glory and bravery, as one also finds in the Chinese tradition. Rolf A. Stein also cites Paul Pelliot’s description of aristocrat tombs: next to them were buildings painted red with a white tiger, an emblem which like a military banner, illustrated the bravery of the deceased when they had distinguished themselves in battles.25 Besides, and this is even more relevant to our present study, in the Dunhuang documents the use of symbols can also be seen on personal (sug rgya) and administrative (phyag rgya) seals—in contrast to the seals of later periods after the introduction of the Phagpa script. Symbols like the swastika, the lotus,26 or animals could also be represented on these seals, with some ministers having for instance a bird in their seal (evidenced again in both Chinese and Tibetan documents from Dunhuang), while some military oࠐcers also had a winged lion.27 In particular, the use of the snow lion and mountains as a symbol of Tibetan national identity dates back to the imperial period as shown by Samten Karmay in his paper “Montain cult and National Identity in Tibet”.28 In another article, the “Wind horse and the well-being of man”, Samten Karmay explains that among the four animals on the rlung rta composition, the lion (seng ge) replaced the yak at some 25 Stein 1984: 258. 26 See the private seals found on the site of the Tibetan fort of Miran and kept at the British Library (van Schaik 2012). 27 The seals of the Dunhuang documents bearing a bird and a lion are shown in Dge ’dun chos ’phel (2002: 24, 26). Stein (1984: 260) discusses them as well. The lion seal can be seen on PT 1083 (online IDP Database). 28 Karmay [1994] 1996. 817 point after the 13th century “when it becomes the national emblem of Tibet” (in addition to the khyung/eagle, garuda, ’brug/dragon, and stag/tiger).29 Samten Karmay comments on the symbolism of these animals as follows: “The Garuda/eagle represented skill, the Dragon: resounding, the Tiger: bravery and the Yak: strength”.30 These animals are also present in the Gesar epic (eagle, dragon and lion represent the three lineages, and the lion the family of Gesar paternal’s uncle).31 The Snow Lion and the Snow Mountains Emblem: from the Empire to the 20th Century According to former Tibetan soldier Gyantse Namgyal Wangdu, snow lions were already represented on army banners during the Empire32 and this is among the reasons why they were reproduced on military banners and on the new Tibetan flag under the 13th Dalai Lama. In fact, these noble crests need to be looked at in the historical context of the first half of the 20th century, since they show marked similarities with other Tibetan creations of the time. This is particularly the case with regard to the use of the snow lion as the emblem of Tibet’s sovereignty under the 13th Dalai Lama, from 1909 onwards. Indeed, in late 1909 or early 1910, when the Tibetan government struck its first tam srang coins with no references to Sino-Manchu authority, these coins all bore the image of a snow lion, unlike the former coins.33 Also, newly created Tibetan postage stamps from 1912 onwards displayed the snow lion34 as did a set of military medals of heroism (dpa’ rtags) dated 1916.35 And last but not least, the Tibetan national flag (rgyal dar) newly created in 1916 displayed first one snow lion, with the three mountains, the sun, moon and stars. Later it was adapted to contain two snow lions (without the mountains and asters). The Tibetan military banners (ru dar) also include images of the snow lion and mountains.36 Tibetan Crests as Emblems of Social Domination Half of the families using crests belonged to the highest strata of the Tibetan aristocracy: represented in this group we have one sde dpon, one yab gzhis, and three mi drag families. The five remaining lower-ranking sger pa families (for whom we 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 Ibid. Karmay 1993. Stein 1984. Gyaltse Namgyal Wangdue 2012, vol. 1: 7, probably quoting from Shakabpa 2010, vol. 1: 95. Bertsch 1996. Singer 1995. Tsarong 2000 and Bertsch 2010. Dwang slob mda’ zur spyi ’thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang ’dus 2003, vol. 1, photographic and drawings section at the end of the volume. The history of the Tibetan flag as well as of the regimental flags is too vast a subject to be described here and is the object of separate research in the framework of the TibArmy project (on the history of the Ganden Phodrang army). 818 have crests) each played a significant political role during the first half of the 20th century and thus eƏoyed a high level of prestige in this period. The symbolism found in these crests could be interpreted as part of a new “distinction strategy” (in Bourdieu’s sense of the phrase) for a Tibetan aristocracy which in the first half of the 20th century was opening up to the Western world and felt the need to create new visual emblems of authority that were comprehensible to their compatriots as well as to their foreign interlocutors. The status of the family within the nobility seems to be somehow explicated by the crests themselves: if one compares for instance the magnificent Rdo ring crest with its royal symbolism, to the modest Spang mda’ tshang crest, we see clearly the diࠍerence in status and aspiration. Also, the crests of the highest strata families all bear a lion or tiger (Rdo ring, G.yu thog, Tsha rong, Bkras mthong), and betray obvious Western influence (crests of Rdo ring, Zur khang). Some of these aristocratic crests bear symbols of the noble houses’ dominant status—the presence of the sun and the moon indicates that there is nothing above them than the asters. The strength and power of the noble house is represented by the lion and the tiger on both a temporal and spiritual level. Symbols like the crossedvajra emphasise the principle of absolute stability of the noble lineage. The crests also symbolise territorial rule through the representations of the mountains of Tibet and the terrestrial sphere; protection of the Tibetan realm (lions over the mountain, or the world); upholding the Dharma, represented by the wheel and jewels as traditional attributes of the Dharmaraja/Chakravartin, and by the Garuda, as a symbolic dharma protector. Thus, the symbolism of these crests highlights the self-representation of the Tibetan aristocracy as a class that dominated politics and considered itself as performing a protective role towards Buddhist faith. Interestingly, a number of these private aristocratic creations very clearly share symbolism with the insignia of the Dga’ ldan pho brang state. Both reference the glorious Empire as a tool of legitimatisation and the suggestion of ancient roots. This conflation of images also shows how the aristocracy identified itself with the State, visibly expressing its role as serving the state in its own family crests.37 To conclude, the limited size of this corpus and the identity of the families represented suggest that the use of crests was a marginal elitist practice in a particular historical period. However, the significance of these crests resides not only in their beauty, but in the fact that these “emblems” are particularly good examples of the creativity displayed by the aristocracy in its strategies to maintain its social domination in Tibet during the first half of the 20th century. One such creative strategy was the 37 Waterfall has published crests of the Tibetan government bearing the usual symbols of the lion and mountain, cf. the crest of the 14th Dalai Lama (Waterfall 1981: 145), see Fig. 43.12 in the annexe of this volume, the crest of the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948 (ibid.), bearing two lions in front of a mountain (this crest’s reproduction is not clear enough to be reproduced here). The symbol of the Garuda was also used on the Panchen Lama crest (Waterfall 1981: 145 et Singer 1995), with the symbol of the Kalachakra, see Fig. 43.13 in the annexe of this volume. 819 appropriation of particular aspects of western modernity.38 The Tibetan 20th century crests are a magnificent example of cultural hybridity, since while clearly bearing western influence they also draw on distinctively Tibetan cultural features. These crests illustrate and illuminate the encounter of the Tibetan aristocracy with Western culture, and show the wide range of representations available to the noble houses of the time to give visual expression to their superior status within Tibetan society, their crucial role in the service of the Tibetan government, and their prestige in the context of dealings (commercial and otherwise) with the outside world. 38 As shown with other types of example in Travers 2009 and 2010. 820 Bibliography Baber, E.C. 1882.cTravels and Researches in Western China. London: John Murray. Beer, R. 1999. The Encyclopedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs. Boston: Shambhala. Bertsch, W. 1996. A survey of Tibetan paper currency. Bulletin of Tibetology, New Series 3 (November), 3–22. —— 2010. Die modern tibetische Armee (1912–1959). Tibet Encyclopedie. Available at: http://www.tibet-encyclopaedia.de/moderne-armee.html (last accessed 25/10/2016). Csoma de Koros, A. 1836. Note on the sacred Tibetan scarfs. Journal of the Asiatic Society 55, 383–84. Dawson, D. 1997. Some Tibetan Seals Illustrated and Described. Ed. Geoࠍrey Flack. Dge ’dun chos ’phel. 2002. Deb ther dkar po. Beöing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang. Dwang slob mda’ zur spyi ’thus rgyal rtse rnam rgyal dbang ’dus. 2003. Political and Military History of Tibet, vol. 1 and 2. Dharamsala: LTWA. Flack, G. 1999. Tibetan stamps and postal history. A price list. Vancouver. Gill, W. 1883.cThe River of Golden Sand. Being the Narrative of a Journey through China and Eastern Tibet to Burmah. Condensed by Edward Colborne Baber. With a Memoir and Introductory Essay by࢙Colonel Henry Yule. London: John Murray. Goldstein, M.C. 1993 [1989]. A History of Modern Tibet. Volume 1: The Demise of the Lamaist State (1913–1951). New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. Gyaltse Namgyal Wangdue. 2012. Political and Military History of Tibet. Translated by Yeshi Dhondup. Dharamsala: LTWA. Karmay, S.G.c1993. The wind-horse and the well-being of man. In C. Ramble and L. Brauen (eds) Anthropology of Tibet and the Himalayas. Zürich: Ethnological Museum of the University of Zürich, 150–57. —— [1994] 1996. Mountain cults and national identity in Tibet. In R. Barnett and S. Akiner (eds) Resistance and Reform࢙ in Tibet. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 112–20. McGranahan, C. 2001. Arrested histories: Between empire and exile in 20th century Tibet. Ph.D. thesis: University of Michigan. —— 2010. Arrested Histories: Tibet, the CIA, and Memories of a Forgotten War. Duke: Duke University Press Books. Parker, J. 1894. A glossary of terms used in heraldry. Available at: https://www. heraldsnet.org/saitou/parker/Jpglossm.htm (last accessed 25/10/2016). Shakabpa, T.W.D. 2010. One Hundred Thousand Moons, An advanced political history of Tibet, vol. 1 and 2. Leiden: Brill. Singer, A.E. 1995. The Armand Singer Tibet 1809–1975. Santa Monica: George Alevizos. 821 —— 1998. Supplement to the Armand E. Singer, Tibet 1809–1975. Santa Monica: George Alevizos. Stein, R.A. 1984. Tibetica Antiqua 2. L’usage de métaphores pour des distinctions honorifiques à l’époque des rois tibétains. Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’ExtrêmeOrient 73(1), 257–72. Travers, A. 2009. La noblesse tibétaine du Ganden phodrang (1895–1959)c : permanences et transitions. Ph.D. thesis. University Paris Ouest-Nanterre La Défense and INALCO. —— 2010. La présence britannique au Tibet dans la première moitié du XXe siècle (1904-1950)c: appropriation, diࠍusion et opposition à la modernité occidentale. In Contact des cultures. Perspectives pluridisciplinaires et transversales. Paris, INALCO, 167–86. Tsarong, D.N. 2000. In the Service of His Country. The Biography of Dasang Damdul Tsarong. Ithaca, New York: Snow Lion Publications. Van Schaik, S. 2012. Ancient Tibetan seals, blog post available at: https://earlytibet. com/2012/07/05/ancient-tibetan-seals/ (last accessed 25/10/2016). Wang, F. 2008. Tibet Postal History and Stamps colours. Taïwan: n.e. Waterfall, A. [1965] 1981. The Postal history of Tibet. London: Robson Lowe. Family Status Available copies Addressee Tibetan animals Other Western Style and mythical Tibetan elements creatures symbols 1921: ?; 1924: ?; 2 snow lions mountain, sun ribbon, rampant 1926: Tarchin; drawn in Tibetan guardant lions 1940: Tarchin; style 1940: George Russel; 1949: Sydam Cutting Tsha rong mi drag 6 sger pa 2 Spang mda’ tshang/ Spom mda‘ tshang mi 3 Bkras mthong drag 1 _ 2 _ 4 G.yu thog yab gzhis 1 5 Ka shod pa sger pa 1 6 Zur khang mi drag 1 7 Rong dpal sger pa lhun 1 8 Zhwa sgab sger pa pa 2 _ garuda 9 Rnam sras sger pa gling 1 _ mongoose 10 Dga‘ bzhi/ sde Rdo ring dpon 1 1 _ Joseph WoodburƏen, Philadelphia _ Tarchin _ lion 2 snow lions Spang mda’ tshang/ Pangdatsang globe, ribbon _ Bkras mthong/ Thetong 1938?, Date? (Singer 1995: 156 and 1998: 51) globe, rampant guardant lions, ribbon ribbon _ Yuthok/ Lhasa 1943 (Singer 1995: 156) ribbon jewel-spitting ribbon mongoose, jewel tray, victory banner lotus, asters ribbon, lions drawn in Western style (rampant guardant) Table 1: Synthetical description of the corpus (in chronological order) Nyin Tsha rong mo bde mtshan bde Date and source _ _ swastika vajra mantling, English style escutcheon, ribbon mountain, ribbon asters c Other inscriptions 1921 (Wang 2008), 1924 (Singer 1998: 51), 1926 (Tashi Tsering Josayma (AMI) private collection), 1940 (Singer 1995: 155), 1940 (Singer 1998: 52), 1949 (Singer 1955: 155) 1930/1933 (Singer 1995: 155) _ 1 snow lion/tiger mountain, sejant sun, vegetation Kunphela 2 snow lions crossed vajra drawn in Tibetan style To a merchant in garuda jewels, wheel Gyantse Motto Bkra Ka shod shis bde legs Dge’o Sger Zur khang pa _ _ 1947/1948 (Waterfall [1965: 87] 1981: 93; Singer 1998: 53) 1949 (Singer 1998: 38) Rong dpal lhun/ Ƶasa Thubten samphel Zhwa sgab pa 1952 (Singer 1995: 157) Proprietor Gabzhi Estate/Tibet/? (illegible) Date? (Tashi Tsering Josayma, AMI, private collection) Date? (Flack 1999) and Date? (Tashi Tsering Josayma, AMI, private collection) Bkra bkris/sger rnam gling/ Date? (Tashi Tsering shis bde bde legs//Namling// Josayma, AMI, private legs Indian transcription collection) _ 822 N° 43. CHANGING EMBLEMS OF SOCIAL DOMINATION: A BRIEF NOTE ON TIBETAN ARISTOCRATIC CRESTS IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY ALICE TRAVERS (CNRS, CRCAO) Fig. 43.2: Tsha rong crest. Fig. 43.1: Achievement elements (https:// wikivisually.com/wiki/Portal:Heraldry, last accessed 25/10/2016). Fig. 43.2b: From Tsarong Shape, sent from Gyantse, 11 Oct. 1924 (Singer 1998: 51). Fig. 43.2a: From Lhasa to Gyantse, c. 1921 (Wang 2008). 998 Fig. 43.2c: 1926 Tsha rong crest from Tashi Tsering Josayma’s (AMI) private collection. Fig. 43.2d: 8 Oct. 1940 from Pharijong to friend collector George Russel in Auckland, New Zealand (Singer 1995: 155). Fig. 43.2e: From Tsarong Shape, Calcutta to Tarchin, Lhasa, 1940, recto (Singer 1998: 52). Fig. 43.2f: From Tsarong Shape, Calcutta to Tarchin, Lhasa, 1940, verso (Singer 1998: 52). Fig. 43.2g: From Gyantse to New York, to Sydam Cutting, 1 June 1949 (Singer 1995: 155); the lions are described as being blue by Singer. 999 Fig. 43.3: G.yu thog crest. Fig. 43.3a: From Lhasa to Kalimpong, Khunpelha (Singer 1995: 156). 1000 Fig. 43.4: Rdo ring/Dga’ bzhi crest. Fig. 43.4a: Dga’ bzhi/Rdo ring crest from Tashi Tsering Josayma’s (AMI) private collection, no date. 1001 Fig. 43.5: Zur khang crest. Fig. 43.5a: From Pharijong to Philadelphia 17 Nov. 1949, to Joseph Woodburnjen, friend stamp collector, Philadelphia (Singer 1998: 38). 1002 Fig. 43.5b: From Pharijong to Philadelphia 17 Nov. 1949, to Joseph Woodburnjen, friend stamp collector, Philadelphia (Singer 1998: 39). Fig. 43.6: Rong dpal lhun dza sag Thub bstan bsam ’phel. Fig. 43.6a: Shigatse to Kalimpong (Singer 1995: 157). 1003 Fig. 43.7: Bkras mthong crest. 43.7a: From Lhasa, printed in green, no date (Singer 1998: 51). Fig. 43.7b: From Shigatse to ?, described as being handcoloured (Singer 1995: 156), and in Waterfall 1981: 145, said to be orange, 1938? 1004 Fig. 43.8: Ka shod crest. Fig. 43.8a: From a lady of the Kha shod family staying at Spang mda’ tshang house in Phari to a merchant in Gyantse (Waterfall [1965: 87] 1981: 93; Singer 1998: 53). 1005 43.9: Zhwa sgab pa crest. Fig. 43.9a: Zhwa sgab pa crest (Flack 1999). Fig. 43.9b: Zhwa sgab pa crest (from Tashi Tsering Josayma’s (AMI) private collection). 1006 Fig. 43.10: Rnam sras gling crest. Fig. 43.10a: Rnam sras gling crest, from Tashi Tsering Josayma’s (AMI) private collection. 1007 Fig. 43.11: Spang mda’ tshang crest (Singer 1995). Fig. 43.12: Crest of the 14th Dalai Lama in red (Waterfall 1981: 145). 43.13: Crest of the Panchen Lama on silk lined envelope (Waterfall 1981:145; Singer 1995). 1008