Chinese Religion in Malaysia: A General View
By Chee Beng Tan University of Malaya，
Introduction
Chinese Malaysians are followers of different religions, but the majority practice what may be called “ Chinese Religion.”1 Unlike Christianity and Islam,
Chinese Religion is part and parcel of Chinese ways of life, a Chinese tradition inherited from the ancient past. One of the most widely practiced but least understood religions in the world, Chinese Religion involves the worship of Chinese deities of both Taoist and Buddhist origins, nature spirits, and
the ancestors. This paper will aim at a description of the nature of this religion: What is the Chinese Religion in Malaysia? In the course of my discussion I will point out various misconceptions about the religion. My attempt here is to explain the need to view Chinese Religion in Malaysia as a
whole system and to put to rest once and for all misleading classifications of Chinese worshipers as Buddhists, Taoists or Confucianists. While various prominent scholars have already pointed out the fallacy of such an approach in writing about Chinese religion in pre-communist modern Cnina, it is still
unfortunately very prevalent in studies of Southeast Asia. The perpetuation of this fallacy is partly due to a lack of good studies on Chinese religion in tins region, and some writers who follow it do so out of convenience because they have not done proper research. It is unfortunate that these people do not
have a sufficient background in Chinese religion in general. Many writers have described the religion of China, but space considerations prohibit me from dealing with their findings and opinions here.2 Before going into my discussion of the elements that make up Chinese Religion and their origins, it would perhaps be in order to present a brief description of the practice of this religion. It should be noted that in addition to visiting temples, Chinese Religion followers normally also worship deities and ancestors at home, and so it is possible to study Chinese Religion in two spheres, that of domestic worship and that of public worship.
A Chinese household may have a picture of, for example, the Goddess of Mercy at its main altar in the living room, an altar for the Earth God below the main altar, and an altar for ancestors to the right of the main altar.3 In addition to the main deity, there may be smaller statues of other aeities from various traditions at the main altar. In the kitchen there may be an altar for the Kitchen God. In daily worship, the worshipers first worship Tiangong 天
公，or the God of Heaven, by standing on the front porch and facing the sky, raising burning joss sticks a few times in suplication. Either one or three joss sticks from those the worsmper is holding are then placed at a plaque which bears the characters Tianguan Ciju 天官賜福，or “ Heavenly officials grant
good fortune and happiness，” wmch is usually fixed at the left front side of the house. The joss sticks here are offered to the God of Heaven and the Heavenly officials. Then the worshiper will enter the living room to pray at the main altar. After that he or she goes to the kitchen to pray to the
Kitchen God, then returns to the living room to pray to the Earth God, and finally to the ancestors. If ghosts (i.e., the deceased who are not being looked after by their descendants) are also to be propitiated, they are offered joss sticks after the worship of one’s own ancestors is completed, usually in the
back yard. In normal worship the daily ritual involves only placing a joss stick (or more than one, but in odd numbers) at the altar of the deities, and two joss sticks (or more, but in even numbers) at the ancestral altar. (Odd numbers belong to the yang principle while even numbers belong to the yin
principle, and hence deities are always offered an odd number or joss sticks while ancestors and ghosts are offered an even number). As we can see, then, the traditional religion of Chinese Malaysians is above all syncretic; it is a loosely unified system which is a product of the
intermixing of various religions throughout the centuries of Chinese civilization. Essentially it consists of indigenous Chinese cults and Buddhist beliefs and practices. As we will see, the former includes both Taoist beliefs and rituals as well as other popular cults. Chinese Religion in Malaysia also contains other cults of Malaysian origin, such as the worship of the Nadu Gong 拿督公，which may be considered as
Malaysian earth gods and which are usually though not always associated with Malay (Muslim) elements, and the Xian Si Shiye 仙四師爺，who are a good example
of the deification of Cninese heroes in a Malaysian rather than Chinese context.4 The syncretic nature of Cninese Religion is seen in its material and social manifestation. For example, Chinese temples generally reflect Taoist, Buddnist and other Chinese religious traditions. Since Chinese Buddhism was
originally introduced from India, most Buddhist deities and rituals remain rather distinct from the other components of Chinese Religion. iNevertheless, Buddhist aeities are found even in those Chinese temples which are not otherwise Buddhist at all. While few non-Buddhist Chinese deities are found in ‘‘
pure，’ Buddhist temples, they are found in great number in the more “ marginal ’’ Buddnist temples. Most Cninese temples house a number of deities which can be traced to the various traditions now incorporated in Chinese Religion.
T h e C h in e s e R e l ig io n Chinese Malaysians do not have a definite term for their traditional religion, which I have been referring to here as “ Chinese Religion.” The fact that they do not is not surprising, for the religion is diffused into various aspects of Chinese culture, and is confined to
those Malaysians of Chinese descent. It is simply the Chinese religion, just as the religion of the Yao minority in Thailand is the Yao religion. The first fallacy in studying this religion is to expect its practitioners to have a name for it, a specific name that separates it from their ethnic label， as is
the case with the Malays, whose religion is Islam. Chinese Malaysians refer to their religion in their own languages and dialects as the equivalent to the Mandarin Chinese terms bat shen 拜神 or bat fo 拜佛. The former means “ worsniping deities ” and is more general, referring to the worship of any kind of
deity within the Chinese religious system, including those of Buddhist origin. The latter literally means “ worshiping Buddhas or Bodhisattvas，” but in practice, when Chinese Malaysians say this, they may be including the worship of all deities, be they of Buddhist or Taoist origins. Shen is the general
term for any deity, including the Islamic and Christian “ God•” Since there is no specific name for their “ popular ” religion, Chinese Malaysians and Singaporeans describe it by referring to their religious behavior of “ bai shen，” which has prompted Elliott (1955: 29) to suggest the term ‘‘ shenism.”
Ihis however, is not the way the Chinese refer to their religion, and it seems more logical to me to simply call it “ Cninese Religion,” which I will do throughout this paper. I nevertheless agree with
Elliott’s observation (1955: 29) that “ few Chinese concur with the tripartite division of their national religion into Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism,” and that “ they explain that their religion is a mixture of Buddhism, Taoism and the worship of local deities.” Chan (1953: 141) has in fact accurately
described the religion of China as a “ syncretic religion embracing the ancient cult as its basis and Buddhist and Taoist elements as secondary features•” A serious error in classifying Chinese worshipers is to expect them to conform to the stereotype of the three religions that supposedly make up their culture. An investigator who begins by asking “ What is your religion? ” may be frustrated when an informant answers “ don’t know,” or describes Chinese
Religion in too much detail. The investigator may end up asking, “ So what is your religion ? Buddhism, Taoism, or Confucianism? ” at which point the informant usually chooses one. Those who erroneously think that Confucius and his followers introduced ancestor worship and funeral rites may choose the category “ Confucianism,M but the majority will choose either “ Taoism ” or “ Buddhism,” since most Chinese deities and cults today are derived from these
two religious traditions, which were originally independent systems of religion in China. Those who want to portray the image of “ not superstitious ” may prefer the category “ Buddhism,” for most shamanistic cults in Chinese Religion are of Taoist or other indigenous Chinese origins. Others will simply choose any category merely for the sake of answering. The investigator, who may be a census taker or a student, is then pleased that he can fill in the
proper category. The informant, however, knows very well that his religion cannot be accurately described by any one of these categories. The most common mistake in social science research on the religions of the Chinese Malaysians is to hint or even tell the informants what categories of religion they belong to. It may be due to a recognition oi this problem that the 1947 census of Malaya lists “ Chinese national religion ” as a choice rather than
Buddhism, Taoism or Confucianism (Del Tufo 1949:124). On the other hand, if we do not list Buddhism, there is no way to obtain information on those Buddhists of the Theravada tradition. 1 he 1970 Malaysian census classifies Chinese Malaysians by religion as follows: Muslim 0.2%, Hindu 0.1%, Christian 3.5%, Buddhist 78.9%, No religion 4.9% and Others 12.4% (Dept, of Statistics 1977: 452). Those who follow the traditional Chinese religion obviously had to
choose either “ Buddhist ” or “ Other,” which accounts for the rather high percentage of the latter. The category “ No religion ” no doubt includes both atheists and agnostics, but perhaps also includes
those who did not feel like answering the rather irrelevant question. The category “ Buddhist ” includes not only those who follow traditional Chinese religion, but also Theravadins and followers of other Buddhist sects. The categorization in this census could be improved by introducing the category “
Chinese Religion，” and thus reserving “ Buddhism ” for the Theravadins and other Buddhists. Overall we could say that 8090 percent of the Chinese Malaysians are followers of Chinese Religion， since followers of Theravada Buddhism and other Buddhist sects form only a small minority. The notion that there are three distinct religions in China—Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism—is an old and well known one, and I will not deal with it here. In spite of
the fact that three such systems did exist (and the reader will soon note that I object to referring to Confucianism as a “ religion ”)，the movement in China was from a very early period toward syncretism, or a “ popular religion，” and this tendency is particularly notable in Malaysia, for it was brought
in by lower class Chinese immigrants. In order to clarify the misconception of the so-called “ three religions ” of the Chinese Malaysians, it will be necessary to describe these briefly. The description will also serve to provide a historical perspective to our analysis of the Chinese religion as a whole system.
C o n f u c ia n is m
The treating of Confucianism as a religion is partly due to a wrong perception of the Chinese word jiao 教. The Chinese do describe their religion as having the components of Ru 儒，Dao 道 and Shi 釋，which are usually translated into English as Confucianism, Taoism and Bud- dnism respectively and are
collectively Known as the “ san jiao ” 三教， or “ three teachings.” Various “ syncretic” religious sects have developed out of these three systems. The term san jiao should not, however, be translated as ‘‘ three religions，’’ for in Chinese the word jiao means “ teaching,” whether religious or not. As
pointed out by Chan (1953: 140)，when the word jiao is used for Confucianism, “ it means culture and moral education and almost never has the sense of religion,” and when a person is labelled a Confucianist, “ it means that he is a follower of Confucian doctrines, which include religion as an element, but
not a follower of an organized， institutional religion.” Furthermore, Dao’ or Taoism, includes both Taoist philosophy and Taoist religion in the context of san jiao. Hence the “ three teachings ” actually refers to Confucian philosophy, Taoist philosophy, Taoist Religion and Buddhism.
The confusion of Confucianism with religion is also due to the failure of most people to read the works of Confucian scholars at firsthand. Those who read the basic Confucian texts known collectively as Si Shu 四書 {The Four Books) will know that Confucius and his disciples did not create a system of
religion, and that Confucianism is rather a system of ethics and philosophy.5 The references to Heaven and ancestor worship in the texts are merely reflections of the classical religion which Confucius accepted. The lack of familiarity with Confucian philosophy and Chinese history is a reason some
people think that Confucius and his followers created a cult to worship Heaven, ancestor worship and funeral rites, and hence a system of religion. In actual fact, these cults and rituals were already extant at the time of Confucius. Confucius did not challenge the existing religious ideas and practices
and in fact endorsed some of t h e m . 1 his is understandable since his philosophy is founded on the idea of unity and harmony of families. Ancestor worship and the observation of funeral rites certainly serve to promote and perpetuate his idea of filial piety and other aspects of social relation.
Furthermore, Confucius was a man very much concerned with the prescribed and proper rules of behavior. In chapter ten of Confucian Analects，we are told that Confucius would not eat meat which was not cut properly, nor sit on a mat which was not straight (see Legge 1960a: 232-233). Everything had to be
proper. He was preoccupied with upholding li ネし or the existing codes of etiquette, the ways of the sages. Confucius was therefore a rather orthodox person. It is this attitude which accounts for his strong support of the existing system of ancestor worship and funeral rites, for to do otherwise would
be a violation of li and could only be interpreted as unfilial. When his disciple Zai Wo 宰我 suggested modifying the three-year mourning system because it was too long, Confucius was not happy and told ms other disciples that Zai Wo，s attitude showed ms want of virtue. He said，“ It is not till a child is
years old that it is allowed to leave the arms ot its parents. And the three years’ mourning is universally observed throughout the empire” (Confucian Analects, chapter seventeen; Legge 1960a: 327328). It was his preoccupation with li which led Confucius to accept religious rites and encourage people to
observe them. He was more concerned with the proper exhibition of attitudes and performance of rites than with the reality of deities and spirits. Hence, he said, “ sacrifice to the dead, as if they were present，” and “ sacrifice to the spirits, as if the spirits were present ” {Confucian Analects，chapter three; Legge 1960a: 159). He praised Yu 禹，the founder of the legendary
Xia 夏 dynasty, for offering the best to the spirits, and “ displayed the utmost elegance in ms sacrificial cap and apron” (Confucian Analects，
chapter eight; Legge 1960a: 215). Yet Confucius’ real attitude towards religion was rather agnostic, as is illustrated in his famous advice: To give one，s self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom (Con- fucian Analects，
chapter six; Legge 1960a: 191). The teachings of Confucius and his followers were agreeable to the ruling elite of China and were encouraged, hence the dominant position of Confucianism in Chinese culture. Confucianism was compatible with the classical religion, which included a cult of Heaven. In fact, it
was in their interest for the Confucian elite to promote the state cult of Heaven. This cult was the affair of the imperial court, for emperors were regarded as sons of Heaven, whence came their mandate to rule. The cult was linked to the political legitimation of the ruling class and should be
differentiated from the present-day cult of the God of Heaven or Tiangong 天公，the heavenly ruler.6 Another source of the confusion of Confucianism with religion is the worship of Confucius as a aeity. In the Later Han Dynasty, Confucius was made the patron god of scholars by a decree of the emperor, and
from the time of the Northern Qi dynasty (北齊 a.d. 550~5フ7), sacrifices were made to Confucius twice a year, in the Spring and the Autumn. By then there were public temples dedicated to the sage、 Nevertheless, from the very beginning, there were Confucian scholars who objected to the deification of
Confucius (Smith 1968: 145-147). In 1906，the Manchu government even tried, but unsuccessfully, to introduce the worship of Confucius on an equal level with sacrifices to Heaven (cf. Chan 1953: 4). Today, Confucius is one of the many Chinese deities. In Malaysia, he is worshiped as a minor deity in a
number of temples. Confucius as a deity is associated with education. In Guang Fu Gong 廣福宮 of Penang, where the Goddess of Mercy is the main deity, both Confucius (Kongzi Gong 孔子公）and Wen Chang (Wen Chang Gong 文昌公） are worshiped as minor deities. The latter is also a god of letters. Before children
attend school for the first time, some parents bring them to the temple to worship these deities, hoping that they will do well in their studies (Cheng 1982: 88). However，it would be false for one to argue that there is a religion called Confucianism simply because Confucius is worshiped, for this ignores
the fact that Chinese Religion is polytheistic. Chinese Malaysians worship many deities, such as Guanyin (Goddess of Mercy), Guandi Ye, Dabogong and so on. It is ridiculous to classify Chinese worshipers according to the name of
these individual deities and call them Guanyinist, Debogongist or Confucianist. But the attempt to make Confucianism a state religion in China and the formation of Confucian associations, called Kongjiao Hui 子 L教会， further perpetuated the fallacy that Confucianism is a religion. Toward the end of the
Qing dynasty, China was weak and chaotic. The ruling elite and some scholars therefore proposed to return to the teachings of Confucius in order to restore taxth and order. Notable among these was Kang Yuowei 康有為（1858—1927). Kang’s attempt at political reforms through Confucianism endea in tailure, but his
campaigns had considerable influence both in China and in Southeast Asia. In 1907, a Chinese graduate student called Chen Huanzhang 陳焕章（1881-1931) formed a Kongjiao Hut in New York, which Yen Ching-Hwang (1976: 34) has aptly labelled in English as “Association of the cult of Confucius ” rather than
“Association of Confucian Religion.” Subsequently, similar societies were formed in China. A further attempt was made to turn Confucianism into a state religion, and a Confucian calendar which began at the birth of Confucius was introduced (cf. Chan 1953: 7).7 Ih e movement to revive Confucianism and to
turn it into a national religion ended in failure, for Confucianism was seen as being too closely associated with the imperial system, which the Chinese abolished in 1911. There was also much opposition against treating Confucianism as a religion. Nevertheless, it was not impossible to organize a religious
movement which centered on the worship of Confucius by reorganizing the indigenous beliefs in Heaven, the cult of ancestor worsmp and so on. But any sect established in this way is different from the Confucian system of philosophy and should not be called Confucianism. The Confucian revival movement in China
had consideraole impact on the Chinese in Southeast Asia, especially in Singapore, Malaya and Indonesia. In Singapore and Malaya, the Confucian movement began in 1899 and the early campaigns concentrated on establishing Confucian temples and schools (Yen 1976: 37). This was a direct result of Kang Youwei’s
reform movement in China.Ihe leaders like Khoo Seok- Wan 邱菽園（Qiu Shuyuan) and Dr. Lim Boon-Keng were supporters of Kang Youwei. They were also reform leaders in Singapore and Malaya, and the latter, who was a Peranakan (Baba) Chinese, was especially active in calling for social and educational reforms
among the Straits Chinese.8 Confucianism was used as an organizing principle for social reforms, modernization and supporting the reform movement and revolution in China. The movement declined after the 1911 revolution in China and
was dealt a fatal blow by the May Fourth movement in the 1920s. Ia fact the criticism of Liang Oichao in 1902, a leading figure of the Confucian revival movement in China, against making Confucianism a national religion, also affected the movement in Singapore and Malaya (Yen 1976: 46). As pointed out by
Yen (1976: 45)，a weakness of the movement was that it was “ neither a religious nor a political movementト but a combination of cultural, religious, and social ferments•” Nevertheless, the movement succeeded in promoting the worship of Confucius in the early part of the twentieth century. The Confucian movement in Singapore had some influence on similar movements in Indonesia (cr. Kwee 1969: 4-6), where there has in fact been a great effort to make a religion out of Confucianism.1 he Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (Chinese Association) was formed in 1900 “ to promote Chinese education and social reforms，” and its
main objective was “ to improve the customs of the Chinese, insofar as possible in keeping with those principles of the prophet Confucius so necessary to civilized conduct, and to broaden the knowledge of the Chinese language and literature ” (Kwee 1969: 6). The formation of THHK was closely linked to the
movement to make Confucianism a religion. Later on, Confucian societies called Khong Kauw Hwee (1 he Hokkien pronunciation of Kongjiao Hui) were established in Java.1 he first Khong Kauw Hwee was founded m Solo in 1918 (Coppel 1981: 180). In 1923, a central body called Khong Kauw Tjong Hwee 孔教 總
会 {Kongjiao Zonghui) was formed in Bandung. This central body was short-lived and in 1938, a new Khong Kauw Tjong Hwee or “ Federation of Confucian Religion Societies ” was formed at Solo at the initiative of the Khong Kauw Hwee there. The present MATA KIN (Majelis Tinggi Agama Khonghucu Indonesia) or
the “ Supreme Council for the Confucian Religion in Indonesia ” was formed in 195b, under the name Perserikatan K’ung Chiao Hui Indonesia (Federation of Confucian Religion Societies in Indonesia), also at the initiative of the Khong Kauw Hwee at Solo (Coppel 1981:179). Now MATAKIN is a federation which
comprises* MAKIN (Majelis Agama Khonghucu Indonesia or “ Councils of Confucian Religion in Indonesia), kebaktian (congregations), and kelenteng (Chinese temples), but MAKINs form the key units of this federation. In 1971, there were thirty-six member organizations of MATAKIN (Coppel 1979: 744). From the very beginning, the leaders of the Confucian movement in Indonesia tried to create a religion comparable to Islam and Christianity. Ihere were Chinese in Indonesia who opposed treating Confucianism as a religion. Nevertheless, from the description of Coppel
1979), there is no doubt that a religion which centers on the worship of Confucius has been created. This religion or religious sect (if it •can be viewed as a unit within the larger Chinese religious system in Indonesia) should be distinguished from Confucianism the system of philosophy. It may be called
Confucian religion. This “ new ’， religion is in fact a reorganization and modification of the ancient Chinese religious system. Confucius is seen as a prophet (nabi) and Tian or Heaven is the supreme Ruler, now regarded as the Almighty God comparable to that in Christianity and Islam. The Four Books are accepted as the “ Holy Books,” and Confucian etnics have conveniently become the ethical teaching of the religion, the words of the Divine. Services are
held every Sunday in halls of worship called litang. The Confucian religion is therefore an ‘ institutional religion,” having an independent theology, an independent form of worship and an independent organization of religious personnel (Yang 1961:294). In 1965，“ Confucianism” was stated in an Indonesian regulation as one of the six officially recognized religions, together with Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hindu-Bali and Buddhism, although since then
there has been some resistance to the official recognition of “ Confucianism ” as a religion (Leo 1978: 59-60，Coppel 1979: 742). More research should be done to find out to what extent this Confucian movement and religion has reached the grass roots and been accepted by the majority ot the Chinese in Indonesia. While the Confucian movement in China railed to create a “ Confucian religion,” the movement in Indonesia succeeded. Tins is due to historical,
political and social factors which are unique to Indonesia, and they need deeper investigation. The relationship between Confucian religion and the traditional Chinese religious system should also be examined. In Singapore today there is still a Kongjiao Hui. It is called JNanyang Kongjiao Hui 南洋孑L教会，and known in English as “ Nanyang Confucian Association.”9 It was established in 1917 at the Chinese Chamber of Commerce and the members were mostly
from this important organization of Chinese businessmen.10 The association has been inactive and has been held together in the last few years by a founding member (Mr. Cai Duohua 蔡多華）who passed away in 1981 at the age of ninety-three.11 The altar of Confucius is not placed in a building used exclusively for the activities of the association, but rather is in the building now used by another Chinese religious organization called Shengjiao Hui 聖教会 or “
Sacred Union.” There are at present fewer than 200 members and the annual membership fee is six Singaporean dollars. Its only significant activity is the celebration of Confucius，birth
day, which falls on the twenty-seventh day of the eighth Chinese month. In conjunction with this, there is an annual essay competition, and recently calligraphy has also been included. The birthday worship ceremony is a simple one, involving the presentation of joss sticks and flowers at the altar of
Confucius by the chairman of the association. The members who attend the ceremony then bow three times to the portrait of Confucius. No ceremonial robes are used although some people may wear Western suits. The worship is followed by some speeches before a dinner begins. According to Leo Juat-Beh (1977: 84)，more people attend the dinner.12 The association as it is today is certainly not a religious sect. The topics for essay competitions are Confucian
ethics rather than religion. The publications of the association also deal with Confucian philosophy, not Confucian religion (cf. Showbin W. Chang 1960, 1962). There is also a Confucian association in Penang called Binglangyu Kongjiao Hui 檳榔噢孔教会 or The Confucian Association, Penang (Fig.1 ) . Its predecessor was Kongsheng Miao 孔聖廟 or Confucian Temple, but we do not know when the temple was built. In 1902， the temple built a Chinese primary
school called Kongsheng Miao Zhonghua Xiaoxue 孔聖廟中華小学 and in 1927 the Confucian Association added a secondary school.13 Even though the temple no longer exists, both the primary and the secondary schools continue to bear the name “ Confucian Temple ” and in English are known as “ Chung Hwa Confucian School•” The founding of a Confucian Temple and the establishment of the “ Chung Hwa ’，Chinese schools must be the products of the Confucian movement in
Penang before the 1911 revolution in China. The movement was led by pro-Qing merchants, the most prominent among them being Zhang Bishi 張弼士，also known as Zhang Zhenxun 張振敷(cf. Yen 1976: 48).14 At “ Chung Hwa ” primary school today, there is a hall where the altar of Confucius is kept. This is also the conference room and the office of the Confucian Association, Penang. The association was formed in 1922,15 and as stated in its consititution its aims
include the promotion of the teacnings of Confucius, the cultivation of morality, wisdom, filial piety, brotherly love and the promotion of the welfare of members.16 There is no mention of religion. There are now around 180 members but most are not active. The entrance fee is three Malaysian dollars, the annual membership fee two dollars, and the fee for life membership is thirty dollars. There is a steering committee elected every other year on Confucius’
birthday. The association is even less active than the one in Singapore and its only important activity is the celebration of しonfucius’ birthday. As in the case of Nanyang Confucian Associa
tion in Singapore, the ceremony is simple, without the use of any ceremonial gowns. From my observation and interviews, it is obvious that the two Confucian associations described above are not associations of any “ Confucian religion，” nor do they aim to be so. In fact, it is difficult even to
classify them as either religious associations or ordinary associations since they are so inactive. In my opinion, these two associations could be reactivated to form dynamic associations concerned with the stuay of Confucian philosophy. Tms is especially so in Singapore now that the government is trying to propagate the philosophy of しonfucius. Above I have noted various misconceptions of Confucianism. It remains to be mentioned that there are some
people who view Confucianism not in the theistic sense but in the sense of a non-theistic religion, just as some people consider communism a religion. In this sense, Confucianism is a system of ethics which for centuries have had tremendous influence on the thinking and behavior of the Chinese. Confucianism
viewed in this way is not within the scope of our study and is beyond our definition of religion. We should note, however, that there is a relationship between Confucianism and Chinese Religion. The striking feature of Chinese Religion is its relative lack of a coherent system of ethics as found in the
more “ organized ” religions like Christianity and Islam. The source of Chinese ethical values is mainly derived from Confucianism, not religion. Tms is because in traditional Chinese society, religion and ethics “ belong to two separate aspects of the institutional structure of traditional Chinese society” (Yang 1961: 291). Nevertheless, Chinese Religion is an important institution which sanctions the ethical system.17
T a o is t R e l ig io n
The term “ Taoism ” is misleading because it does not distinguish Taoism as a school of philosophy from Taoism as a system of religion. Chinese scholars normally refer to the former as daojia 道家 and the latter as daojtao 道教. The philosophy of Taoism is represented by two early classic works, Laozi 老子
and Zhuangzi 莊子. 1 he former, also known as Daode Jing 道徳経 is commonly believed to be the thought of Laozi, said to be the older contemporary of Confucius. The work Laozi, however, is actually much later than the time of Confucius, even though some of the sayings may be the thought of Laozi the man
(cf.Dao (or tao in the Wade-Uiles system) is a crucial concept in Taoism, and is usually translated in English as “ Way.” While the dao of Confucianism refers to the way of righteousness and benevolence,
the dao in Taoism is rather abstract. It refers to the attainment of non-differentiation and identification with nature. When one has achieved this dao, one is eternal and there is no place in him for death, since dao the unnameable is eternal.18 Taoist philosophy is rather abstract but its metaphysics
facilitates religious reinterpretation. Thus the eighty-one chapter Daode Jing became the first sacred book of Taoist religion, with of course much reinterpretation. A main concern of the early Taoist followers was to find ways to avoid death and become immortals called xian 彳山(hsien in the Wade- Giles system). Ihis goal of physical immortality and craving for life is certainly against Taoist philosophy, which teaches men not to work against nature.
In order to distinguish Taoism as a system of religion from that which is philosophy, scholars on Chinese religion usually refer to the former as “ religious Taoism，” while Creel (1970: 7) prefers to call it “ Hsien Taoism ” since the aim of the early followers was to become xian or immortals. I prefer to use the term “ Taoist religion,” which obviously cannot be taken to mean the non-theistic Taoist philosophy. It refers to the system of religion
which is known as daojiao in Chinese. The term Taoism should preferably be used for the system of philosophy but in certain contexts it may refer to either or both depending on the context it is used. Taoist religion is of ancient origin, growing out of indigenous Chinese beliefs and occult practices which were systematized by the Yinyang school of thought. These occult practices included astrology, the art of the almanac and the five elements (wuxing 五行)，
physiognomy, geomancy (fengshui 風水）and various forms of divination (cf. Fung 1966: 129-130). The fangshi 方土 or “ magicians ” of the Qin and Han dynasties further fused ancient indigenous beliefs and practices with the beliefs and practices of longevity and immortality as well as the teachings ot Laozi and Zhuangzi. The result was a religious system which assumed the concept dao as its name. Taoist religion became an organized religion of salvation
with its own hierarchy of pantheon at the beginning of the Christian era, when the Han Dynasty was disintegrating. The magicians (Jangshi) began to call themselves daoshi or “ Taoist priests” (Fu 1937: 54). Since the “ Taoist specialists” accepted Daode Jing as their basic scripture and even regarded Laozi as a deity and founder of their religion, it is not surprising that the word dao was used to refer to the various Taoist movements (cf. Sun 1965: 4-5).
Furthermore, the Chinese word dao conveys various concepts and can be used in both the philosophical and religious sense. The name Daojtao is of later origin. While the origin of Taoist religion can be traced back to the classical
religion of China, its formation as a system of religion distinct from other popular beliefs and practices is certainly linked to the association with Laozi the work and Laozi the man deified. Taoist works such as Laozi and Zhuangzi were important sources from which Taoist practitioners derived their
theistic philosophy. The philosophy of Huang Lao 黄老 of the early Han dynasty must have also influenced many followers of “ Taoist religion•” This was a form of Taoism based on the works Laozi and Huangdi Stjtng 黄帝四経，a work of the Warring States Period, probably around the fourth century B.C. (cf. Ren 19oi: 29i>- 301;Wei 1980: 179-191). Huang Lao refers to the legendary Yellow Emperor called Huangdi and Laozi. In Taoist beliefs, Huang Lao was regarded as
a deity, with Laozi as one of his avatars, but eventually Hung Lao was simply regarded as Laozi (cf. Welch 1966: 107, 136). The arts of longevity and immortality practiced by the fangshi were important to the development of Taoist beliefs and practices. As each Taoist leader had different patron deities and practiced different magical cults as well as having different interpretations of Taoist texts, early Taoist religion was never a unified religion.
Different Taoist leaders introduced different “ folk，’ beliefs and shamanistic cults into Taoist religion, and this also gave rise to a large number of Taoist deities. For example, the Lord of the Stove, one of the earliest Taoist deities, was introduced by a fangshi who practiced alchemy. During the reign of Han Wudi 漢武帝（140-87 B.C.), a fangshi called Li Shaojun 李少君 proposed that the emperor sacrifice to the stove as a first step in the transmuting of
cinnabar {dansha 丹沙）into gold so as to make a arinking vessel. It was believed that drinking out of such a vessel would ensure longevity (Fu 1937: 50，Welch 1966: 99). The Lord of the Stove or Kitchen Kjrod has remained an important deity in the Chinese pantheon， and is still worsmped in many Chinese Malaysian households today. In order to attain longevity and immortality, the early Taoists not only practiced alchemy, but also breath and dietary
observances, and observed the art of sexual activities.19 Such practices are important for preserving vital energy and are important to the hygiene school of “ Taoism•” A branch of this school was what Welch (1966: 105-112) describes as the interior gods hygiene school. According to this school, the human body has three vital centers, one in the head, one in the chest and another one in the abdomen. These centers are called dantian 丹田 or “ fields of cinnabar.” The body is conceived of as a microcosm of the universe, for the deities of the universe also inhabit the body. The deities must be prevented
from leaving the body if one wishes to attain longevity and immortality. Gymnastic exercises are performed to insure the circulation of breath while food which the gods detest
must be avoided. As the body is also inhabited by three worms, one in each field of cinnabar, a serious follower should also avoid eating grains, for these worms, which cause disease and death, survive on them. The practitioners also do good deeds such as repairing roads, for these deeds please the gods. An
important art of the hygiene school is called neidan 内丹 or “ internal cinnabar,” in contrast to the waidan 外丹 or ‘‘ external cinnabar ’，practiced by the alchemists. Both are means to achieve immortality, but in neidan, the art involves achieving the union of breath with semen to create a mysterious
embryo in the body. Tms gives rise to a new immortal body which is released when a person dies (cL Fu 1937: 131-132; Kaltenmark 1969: 132-136). The formation of the Taoist movements 1 aiping Dao 太平道(1 he Way of Great Peace) and Wudoumi Dao 五斗米道(The Way of Five- Peck-Rice) marked the beginning of organized Taoist religion. The leader of 1 aiping Dao in East China was Zhane Tiao 張角，who led a militant Taoist movement and clashed with the Han
government. His doctrine was influenced by the work of Yu Ji 于吉，called Taiping Oins Ling Shu 太平清領書. In a.d. 184，Zhang Jiao led an unsuccessful rebellion and was finally executed. This rebellion is known as the Yellow Turban Rebellion, for the rebels wore yellow turbans for identification. The tive-Peck-Rice sect was established by Zhang Line, also known as Zhang Daoling 張道陵. He practiced health cults and healed the sick in Sichuan 四川. As he
collected five pecks (wudou) of rice from each of his followers, the movement was known as Wudoumi Dao. The later Taoists called him Tianshi 天師 or “ Heavenly Master,” a title which his hereditary successors adopted for themselves too. The movement is therefore also known as Tianshi Dao 天師道 or “ The Way of the Heavenly Master.” This movement turned militant and was very- successful under Zhang Lu 張魯，the grandson of Zhang Ling. In fact the movement
led a rebellion in a .d .189 although Zhang Lu finally surrendered his territory to Cao Cao (a.d. 155-220). Both Taiping Dao and Tianshi Dao were able to form their own theocracies, having their own hierarchy of militant and religious personnel. Both Zhang Ling ana Z/hang Jiao honored Huang Lao, practiced health cults and cured sickness. Tiansni Dao also required its members to read Daode Jing and stressed the importance of redeeming sin through rituals and
doing charity. Since Taiping Dao was sup- pressed while 1 lanshi Dao yielded peacefully to the civil authority and was allowed to grow, it is not surprising that the latter flourished and has survived to this day, at least in the form of Taoist priests who claim
to follow the sect.20 The first few centuries a.d. were an important period in the development of Taoist religion. This was also the period when Buddhism was expanding in China. At first Taoist religion and Buddhism reinforced one another mutually. Buddhist concepts were expressed in Taoist terms while
Taoist religion incorported many ideas from Bud- •dhism. The Taoist pantheon was expanded and the idea of hells developed in Taoist religion. We should remember that other than Taoist religion and Buddhism, there existed a diffused system of popular beliefs and practices (continuity of classical religion) which continuously influenced the two more organized religions. As pointed out by Stein (1979: 68)，“ the Taoists’ attitude toward popular cults contained
not only the negative element of prohibition but the positive element of adoption.’’ Taiping Dao and Tianshi Dao are not the only important early Taoist sects. Maoshan Dao 茅山道 and Wudang Dao 武当道，for example, were two other important Taoist movements (cf. Fu 1937: ■97-98). During the Northern Dynasties (北朝)，Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 attempted to reform Tianshi Dao. His reforms were aimed at gettng rid of mercenary and sexual irregularities. He stressed the
importance of doing good deeds. A form of sexual irregularity was the group sexual orgy called nannii heqi 男女合® or “ union of breaths between men and women ” (cf. Welch 1966 120-121). While Kou，s reforms were temporary, his contribution to Taoist religion was significant. Scholars like Fukui Kojun and Mather even consider him as converting primitive Taoism into an established church (Mather 19フ9 : 108，122). In fact Kou persuaded the Northern Wei
emperor to adopt the Taoist title Taiping Zhen Jun 太平真君 or “ Perfect Ruler of Great Peace ” as the title for the reign-period of 440-451 (Fu 1937: 95-96，Mather 1979: 118). Both Taoist religion and Buddhism continued to prosper until the Song dynasty, when the rise of so-called JN eo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty was already influenced in many respects by Taoism {philosophy and religion) and Buddhism. During the twelfth century, there were two main
schools of Taoist religion, namely the northern school and the southern school. Ih e northern school was founded by Wang Zhe 王嘉 and was known as Quan Zhen 全真 or “ Perfect Realization,also called Chun Yang 純陽 or “ Pure Yang.” The less important southern school was founded by Liu Haichan 劉海擔. In the
Yuan Dynasty (a .d . 13 century), the Zhang Heavenly Master of Jiangxi 江西 was given jurisdiction over the Taoists in Jiangnan 江南，that is, the territory south oi Yangtze River. He called himself “ Zhengyi
Zhenren” 正一真人，hence his sect was called Zhengyi or “ Proper Unity.n This sect traced its origin to the Tianshi Dao of Zhang Ling. Quan Zhen and Zhengyi have remained the main divisions of Taoist religion up to the present. The monks of Quan Zhen stayed in monasteries, were vegetarians, abstained from wine
and observed celibacy. The priests of “ Proper Unity，’ did not live in monasteries and were huoju daoshi 居道士 or “ fire dwellers,” that is Taoist priests who stayed at home. They did not observe vegetarian rules all the time. Ihey married and handed down their arts hereditarily. They also performed
magical rites and sold talismans (Fu 1937: 207-211, Welch 1966: 145151). The famous White Cloud Monastery or Baiyun Guan 白雲觀 in Peking was the center of “ Perfect Realization，” while the center of “ Proper Unity ” was Longhu Shan 音 I虎山 or ‘‘ Dragon and Tiger Mountain ” in Jiangxi. When the communists
took over mainland China, the sixty-third hereditary Zhang Heavenly Master, Zhang Enpu 張恩溥，escaped to 1 aiwan where he continued to claim to be the descendant of Zhang Heavenly Masters (cf. Welch 1958，Kaltenmark 1969: 146). He died in 1970 and was succeeded by his nephew who is now the sixty-fourth “ Heavenly Master ” (Vinecour 1981). In the last few centuries Taoist religion has declined, especially in the Qing Dynasty and in modern times.21 Today, the
huge collection of the Taoist Canon draws the attention of scholars ot laoist religion rather than that of laoist priests.22 Taoist religion survives in Taiwan although its future is bleak (cf. Kaltenmark 1969:147—148). In Malaysia, there is no distinct Taoist sect although Taoist beliefs and practices exist in Cninese Religion, while there are various religious specialists who claim to follow the traditions of sects such as Tianshi Dao or Maoshan. Zhang Daoling, also known as Zhang Tianshi or “ Heavenly Master Zhang," is worshiped as a deity in many Chinese temples. He is especially known for his power to exorcise evil, and charm papers of the Heavenly Master tradition are popularly distributed by both Taoist priests and spirit mediums. While there are individuals who may say that they are Taoists, what they actually mean is that they are followers of Cninese Religion. The Taoist priests in Malaysia are
religious practitioners within this general system of Chinese Religion, and not practitioners of separate Taoist sects. Chan (1953:146) argues that the decline of Taoist religion is “ tantamount to the collapse of the people’s religion as a whole ” since, according to him ,1 aoist religion is at the
foundation of the religion of the masses. This is not true in the case of Malaysia, for the traditional religion of Chinese Malaysians is very much alive. We may say that
Taoist religion grew out of the “ popular religion ” of ancient China, succeeded in forming an independent religious system which, however, was never really independent from the influence of popular religion, and in modern times was merged again into the popular religion, thus losing its independent
identity (as in the case or Malaysia) but enriching the popular religion. Yet before its decline, Taoist religion was, in the words of Kaltenmark (1969: 147), ‘‘ the only truly national religion ’， of the Chinese.
Buddhism It is not clear exactly when Buddhism was introduced to China, although we know that by the first century a.d., it had already appeared in the country (Ch’en 1968: 136).23 By then, Taoist religion had already developed in its primitive form, and the worship of Laozi and the Yellow Emperor
(Huangdi) was popular. The Chinese probably worshiped Buddha as they did Laozi and other deities, that is, Buddhism was not seen as a very different religion. In fact, Huandi 桓帝 made sacrifices in the palace not only to Huangdi and Laozi but also to Buddha (cf. Huang Chanhua 1980: 89，Nogami et a l
1978: 12). During the Later Han period, tnere were already foreign monks and scholars who had translated Buddhist scriptures into Chinese. The most famous of these foreign translators was a Partman called An Shigao 安世高(cf. Huang Chanhua 1980: 6-8, Ch’en 1964: 43^44). The first few centuries a .d . (from
the Later Han Dynasty to the establishment of the Sui Dynasty in 589 a .d .) were a crucial period in the history of Buddhism in China. This was the period when many Buddhist texts were translated by foreign and local Buddnist scholars,24 and also a period when Buddhism really expanded and took root in China. The first few centuries a.d. were a period of disunity in China, especially after the fall of the Han Dynasty. By the time of the Eastern Jin 東晉 317420)，Buddhism in China was divided into Buddhism of northern China and Buddhism of southern China. North China was controlled by people of Turkic and Tibetan origins while South China was under the Eastern Jin government, a continuation of the Earlier or Western Jin (205-316). The non-Han Chinese in
North China competed among themselves to rule Cnina. They welcomed Buddhist monks as advisors and promoted Buddhism. It was during this period that the famous Indian monk Kumarajiva (344-413) arrived in China and translated many Hinayana and Mahayana Buddhist texts into Chinese. His translations of such
Mahayana Buddhist texts as Ami- tabhasutra and Lotus Scripture were influential in the development of such famous Chinese Buddhist sects as the Pure Land School and
Tiantai 天台（cf. Ch’en 1964: 81-83; Nogami et al. 1978: 18-19). In South China, Buddhism was opposed by people of various interests as a foreign religion, especially the Confucian scholars (Ch*en 1%8: 142— 145). The intellectual aspects of the religion, however, attracted the elite. Various aspects of
Buddhist thought are compatible to Chinese thought. For example, the teaching of sunyata or “ emptiness ” in the Prajna or “ Wisdom Sutras，，，which is a Mahayana Buddhist text, is easily compared to the Taoist concept wu 無 or “ non-being ” (cf. Ch，en 1968: 140-141).25 Buddhism continued to expand until it
reached its golden era in the Tang Dynasty, but not without discrimination and persecution. Throughout the first few centuries a.d ., it had to compete with Taoist religion which also had influential people in the courts of the rulers. In 446, Buddhism was persecuted under the reign of Tai Wu Di 太武帝 of Northern Wei, who, as we have seen, adopted a Taoist title for his reign period. During this persecution, many monks were killed and temples destroyed (cf.
Ch’en 1964: 147-151, Nogami et al. 1978: 3233). Buddhism prospered under the atmosphere of religious toleration during the Tang Dynasty (618-907). According to Ch，en (1964: 213)， Buddhism finally came of age during the Tang Dynasty and ‘‘ it was supported by all elements of society—by the imperial household, the nobility, the great and wealthy families, and the common people.” It was during this dynasty that the famous monk Xuan Zhuang 玄奖 set off
for India in 629 and returned in 645. Toward the end of the dynasty, however, Buddhism was suppressed again.26 I his suppression in 845 a .d . was one of the worst in the history of Buddhism in China, and it marked the beginning of the decline of Buddhism in the country (Ch’en 1968: 156). By then, Buddnism in China had already developed into various schools such as Tiantai 天台，Jingtu 浄土，Huayan 華嚴，Chan 禪 (known in Japanese as Zen) and others.27 Of
these Jingtu or the Pure Land School had the greatest impact on the masses. After the suppression in 845 and with the rise of Neo-Confucianism during the Song Dynasty (960-1279), Buddhism in China began to decline. During the Song dynasty, only Chan and Jingtu continued to be active (Ch’en 1964: 389). This remained largely so during the Yuan Dynasty (1260-1368) when Lamaism flourished (Nogami et al 1978: 142-143). During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)，Buddhism
was even more incorporated into the popular religion of the masses. The process of syncretizing the various doctrines of China was also important. In fact, during this dynasty, Lin Zhao’en 林兆恩 (1517- 1598) preached the doctrine of “ Three Teachings” and the modern
cult of Sanyi Jiao 三一教 or “ Three-in-One Teaching ’’ can be traced to his doctrine. He tried to syncretize the so-called san jiao or “ three teachings ”一Confucianism, Taoism (philosophy and religion) and Buddhism—into a single system (cf. Berling 1980). There were more “ syncretic ” religious sects
during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), most of which were seen by the Manchu government as heretical. There were therefore many religious suppressions during the dynasty. In order to contain “ heretical ” movements, Confucian doctrines rather than Buddnism or Taoist religion were promoted, even though the early Manchu rulers patronized Lamaism. It may be said that by the nineteenth century, Buddhism in Cnina had been largely reduced to folk religion, and both
Amitabha and Guanyin 觀音 (better known in English as the goddess of Mercy) were popularly worsmped by the Cninese, together with other Chinese deities. Both Amitabha and Guanyin are Buddnist deities of the Pure Land School and the latter is considered the cmef assistant of the former. Guanyin is the Chinese expression for the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, but is now more known in the female form than the original male form of the bodhisattva. This
transformation occurred during the Tang dynasty under the influence of Tantric Buddhism (cf. Ch’en 1964: 340-342). This was the state of Buddhism in twentieth century China (cf. Welch 196フ）when the communists took over the mainland and dealt a serious ir not fatal blow to both Taoist religion and Buddhism. There were of course attempts to revive Buddhism (cf. Welch 1968，Chan 1953: 54-92), but as Chan (1953: 62-63) notes, Chinese Buddhism in the
last few hundred years has been reduced to the Pure Land School or more specifically “ T’ein-t’ai and Huayen in doctrines and Meditation and Pure Land in practice.” In Malaysia today, “ Chinese Buddhism ” hardly exists as an independent system of religion and its distinctiveness is to be found only in certain Cninese Buddhist temples and associations. Yet Chinese Religion and Chinese ways of life in general are heavily colored by Buddhism. For example,
the Buddhist concept narma is often expressed by Chinese Malaysians as when they ask, “ What have I done to deserve this? ” The Buddhism which has become part of Chinese Religion in Malaysia is essentially that derived from the Pure Land School of Mahayana Buddhism. Namo Emituofo 南無阿弥陀佛，the important expression of this school, is familiar to most Chinese Malaysians. This may be translated as “ I devote myself entirely to Amitabha Buddha.” It expresses
the love and the salvation spirit of Amitabha Buddha, the most important Buddha in the Pure Land sect of Chinese Buddhism. It is not uncommon to see stone slabs bearing these characters erected at
certain roadsides in Malaysia (Fig. 2). These are places which attract accidents and where people have been killed. Chinese Malaysians erect these slabs to seek the blessing of Amitabha, the Buddha of the Western Paradise. There are a number of “ pure ” Chinese Mahayana Buddhist temples in Malaysia and they
are largely based on the Pure Land tradition. For example, in Kota Kinabalu, Sabah, there is a fairly large temple of this tradition, called Puh Toh Sze 普陀寺（Putuo Si Fig. 3).28 It is situated on a hillock at Jalan Tuaran (sixth mile). The main hall of the temple is called Daxiong Baodian 大雄宝殿. At the main altar, there is a big statue of Amitabha Buddha, with a statue of Bodhisattva Guanyin at his left and Bodhisattva Da Shi Zhi 大勢至 or Mahasthama, who
represents the Buddha-wisdom of Amitabha, on his right. They are the ‘‘ three pure ones ” of the Western Paradise. In the hall, there are other smaller statues of various bodhisattva and arhats, called “ pusa ” 菩薩 and “ luohan ” 羅漢 in Chinese.29 A big statue of Sakyamuni Buddha is placed in a small room at the back of the main altar, not visible from outside. In Chinese Buddnist temples or in fact Chinese temples in general, statues of Sakyamuni Buddha are normally not placed in prominent places although smaller ones may be placed on the main altar in front of those of the main deities. Tms is an influence of the Pure Land tradition.30 In fact since the Tang dynasty, Amitabha and Avalokitesvara had become more popular than Sakyamuni and Maitreya in Chinese Buddhism (Ch’en 1964: 172). “ Pure ” Buddhist temples are few in number. There are, however, many temples which house a large number of both
Buddhist and non-Buddhist deities, but whose patron deity or deities are of Buddhist origin. These temples have been described by various people as Buddhist” temples, and the Chinese word si 寺，which refers to Buddhist temples, is normally used to describe them. Ih e main (patron) deity in these marginal Buddhist temples is usually Guanyin, and so worshipers often refer to these temples as “ Guanyin temples,” known in Hokkien as either Koan-Im Bio
觀音廟 or Koan-Im Theng 觀音亭• Cheng Hoon Teng (Uingyun Ting 青雲亭）in Malacca is a good example of this kind of temple. There are three altars in the main hall of the temple. The main altar in the center is for worshiping Guanyin, the patron deity of the temple. In front of this altar, there are two statues of Sakyamuni Buddha but they are smaller than the statue of Guanyin.1 he other two altars are at the left and right of the main altar and at these altars the Taoist deities 1 lanhou Shengmu 天后聖母（i.e. Mazu 碼袓）and Tai Sui 太歳 are worshiped, while there
are statues of other deities too, such as Shuixian Niangniang 水仙娘娘 and Xietian Dadi 協天大帝(more popularly known as Guandi Ye 関帝爺)， and others. In
the side halls, other deities are worshiped. There are ancestral halls too. A few monks and nuns live in the temple but they are neither preachers or Buddnist doctrines nor do they represent a particular Buddhist school, although their religious practices are derived from certain traditions. They are
religious practitioners who can be seen in the temple, at funerals and other Chinese functions. Nevertheless, the presence of these monks and nuns at the temple make it appear Buddhist, at least when they perform their daily rituals and chanting. Most marginal Buddhist temples in Malaysia do not have
resident monks, but it is fairly common to find a temple of this nature managed by a resident nun. Those without any resident monks or nuns are even less distinct from other Chinese temples. Each Chinese temple, be it of Buddhist or non-Buddhist origin, is distinct according to the patron deities it worships. The worshipers have to adjust their religious behavior according to the traditions of these patron deities. Thus meat dishes are not offered to
Buddhist deities, just like pork is not offered to aeities of Malay origin.31 Buddhist temples are built by Chinese worshipers as one of their places of worship. By and large, Chinese Buddhism in Malaysia is part of Chinese Religion rather than an independent religious system. While there are some Buddhist monks and nuns at certain ‘‘ Buddhist ” temples, there is no independent body of Chinese Buddhist laity, except some individuals who may claim to be “ pure
” Chinese Buddhists. There are many Chinese Buddhist Associations in Malaysia. Their central body, Malaixiya Fojiao Zonghui 馬来西亜佛教總会，was formed in April 1959 at Kek Lok oi in Penane. it has more than 300 institutional members representing more than 100,000 individual members (Huang Yinwen 1982: 197). There are also Young Buddhist Associations, abbreviated in Cninese as Foqing 佛青. Their central body, “ The Young Buddhist Association of Malaysia ” or
Malaixiya Foqing Zonghui 馬来西亜佛青總会 was established in 1970. The central body has 81 institutional members representing 25,000 individual members and comprises various Young Buddhist Associations throughout Malaysia (Huang Yinwen 1982: 198). The parent bodies of both the Chinese Buddhist Associations and
the Young Buddnist Associations are in Penang. Both these Buddhist organizations seek to promote Chinese Mahayana Buddnism, especially Buddnist theology. They organize Buddhist classes and invite local and occasionally foreign monks and Buddhist scholars to give lectures. The young Buddnist
Association of Malaysia publishes a very successful journal in Chinese, called “ Buddhist Digest，’’ or Fojiao Wenzhai 佛教文摘. The activities of the Buddhist associations and the Young Buddhist Associations as well as those few Chinese Mahayana Buddhist monks who are concerned with Buddhist teachings
may be seen as attempts to bring back “ real ” Buddhism as an independent religion of the Chinese. Chinese Religion has so far met the needs of early immigrants and the present generation of Chinese Malaysians, but with higher education and more modern influences there is a trend for young Chinese
Malaysians to seek a religion which has a more coherent system of theology. In the light of this, Chinese Buddhism in Malaysia may have a future. However, Chinese Buddhism is so tied to Chinese Religion that it is still rather difficult for it to get an independent body of followers. Theravada Buddhism in Malaysia has learned much from Christianity about Church organization and missionary activities, and has successfully attracted many young people,
especially nigh school and college students. Nowadays it is common to find the youth wing of Theravada Buddhist temples singing Buddhist hymns and playing modern musical instruments in the temples, practices which cater to both the spiritual and the social needs of young people. Buddhist classes are also well organized. The “ church ” of Nicniren Daish6nin，s Buddhism, a school of Mahayana Buddnism introduced from Japan, is even more highly organized at both the
local and national levels and its missionary activities are effective. Most of the followers are Chinese, and in Mandarin this school of Buddhism is called Rilian Zhengzong Fojiao 日蓮正宗佛教. It is an independent system of religion in Malaysia and is still expanding.32 Those organizations involved in promoting “ Chinese Buddhism ’’ as an independent system of religion of Chinese Malaysians certainly have much to learn from both Theravada Buddhism and
Nichiren Daish6nin，s Buddhism. Up to now these organizations have not been very successful, especially in the propagation of Buddhist teachings. The Chinese Buddhist organization accepts members freely, and any follower of Chinese Religion who pays the membership fee is called a “ member，” a Buddhist in name. It ismtherfore not surprising that various leaders of Chinese Buddhist associations regret that “ Chinese Buddhism exists only in the form of
reciting Buddha’s name and conducting funeral and post-funeral rites” (Huang Yinwen 1982: 198). In fact Teo Eng-Soon (I9t>3: 33, 52) even suggests that drastic measures are necessary in order to get rid of u superstitions and the host of other nonsense ” for the survival of Buddhism.
Conclusion
Chinese Religion in Malaysia should be viewed historically as a continuity in the development of the major religions of China. If we view the original religion of the Chinese (classical religion and its developments) as “ popular religion，” then the three main religious traditions of China were popular
religion, Taoist religion and Buddhism. The rise or laoist religion and Buddhism did not displace the popular religion of the Chinese. Instead they were continuously influenced by it and pulled in its direction. At the same time Taoist and Buddhist beliefs and practices were absorbed into the folk religion,
and tms in turn threatened the purity of both Buddhism and Taoist religion. Although Taoist religion and Buddhism were more “ organized，” there was not a strong ideology of exclusiveness as in Islam and Christianity, and the continual intermixing of the three main religious traditions of China was thus more
favorable to the success of popular religion. With the gradual decline of Taoist religion and Buddhism in the last few centuries, especially their intellectual aspects, popular religion emerged again as the most viable Chinese religion, despite its rather diffused nature. In fact, it is the diffused nature which accounts for the endurance of popular religion because it is so diffused into the social lile of the Chinese masses that its existence does not rely on the existence of any church or missionary activities.33 While the communist revolution dealt a serious blow to all religious raiths on mainland
China, traditional Chinese religion in the form of “ popular religion ” continues to be viable in Chinese communities outside mainland China, especially in Taiwan, Hongkong and Southeast Asia. This is certainly so in Malaysia, where it is already irrelevant to distinguish the popular religion of the Chinese
from Taoist religion and even Chinese Buddhism; hence I suggest using the term “ Chinese Religion.” While I have described this Chinese Religion as a loosely unified system, we should include in it various more organized Chinese religious sects. Dejiao 徳 教 （Doctrine of Morals), Zheng Kong Jiao 真空教
(Doctrine of the True Void), Tiandao Jiao 天道教 （Doctrine of the Heavenly Way) and other religious sects should be regarded as branches of Chinese Religion because they basically share its system of symbols, and their followers are followers of Chinese Religion. What is different is that they are more organized, both in terms of doctrines and hierarchy, than the other more diffused cults of Chinese Religion. Their pantheon
may also have been slightly reorganized by the addition of a few new deities. These sects are products of attempts to syncretize the “ three teacnings ” (san pao) or the “ five teachings ” (wu jiao 五教)，the “ five teacnings ” referring to the “ three teachings ” plus Christianity and Islam. In actual
fact, this boils down to addition of Jesus Christ and the Prophet Mohammad as deities in the Chinese religious system rather than any incorporation of Christian and Islamic theology. The use of the “ five teachings ” to form Chinese sects is a modern phenomenon and is important in the development of Dejiao in Malaysia, and Singapore. The Dejiao hui or “ Dejiao Association ” is usually known in English as “ Moral Uplifting Society,” a name which hardly
portrays the religious nature of the organization. This sect worships all the Chinese deities known in Chinese Religion with the addition of Jesus Christ and the Prophet Mohammad. The Jade Emperor we know is considered to have abdicated as ruler of the court in heaven and his throne has been taken over by Guan Sheng Dijun 関聖帝君，who is the new Jade Emperor, more accurately known as “ Jade Emperor the Great Heavenly Honored One ” (Yuhuang Da Tianzun 玉皇大
天尊)— He is considered to be the chairman of De De She 徳徳社，the Association of Deities in Heaven. Guan Sheng Dijun, Popularly known by Chinee Malaysians as Guan Di Ye 関帝爺，is a famous deified hero of the Chinese, originally a warrior by the name of Guan Yu 関羽 during the second and early third century a.d. In Dejiao, this hero has achieved the highest level of deification. All Dejiao temples (called ge 閣）have well defined ways of worship and
divination, but they are all practices of Chinese Religion, only more systematized by the sect. It is only proper to consider the various Cninese religious sects, of which Dejiao is an example, as sects within Chinese Religion rather than as independent systems of religions. It is not surprising that “ deities ” of other religions have been accepted as “ Chinese ” deities because of the syncretic and polytheistic nature of Chinese Religion. The ideology of
polytheism means that many deities exist in the universe and therefore the existence oi deities in other religions must also be accepted. Hence, polytheistic religions are tolerent of other raiths. While the more exclusive religions may deny the existence of Chinese deities, Chinese Religion does not deny the existence of the deities of other religions, but treats them as belonging to the religions of other ethnic groups. Tms also means that Chinese
Malaysians do not see it inappropriate to worship at, say, certain Hindu shrines whicn are known to be very efficacious. This does not mean that the Chinese worshipers have incorporated
the Hindu deities into the Chinese religious system. Only persistent and widespread worship of certain non-Chinese deities may eventually lead to the incorporation of these deities into Chinese Religion, such as in the case of Nadugong worship mentioned earlier. While Jesus Christ and the Prophet
Mohammad are incorporated as “ Chinese ” deities in Dejiao, they are not so significant as deities, but are more honored as founders of religions. Outside Dejiao and other “ syncretic ’， sects, the Prophet Mohammad, who is not considered a aeity in Islam, is regarded by many Chinese Religion followers as merely a Muslim deity, not worshiped by the Chinese. Jesus Christ is also not treated as a deity in Chinese Religion other than by those sects that base
their doctrines on the “ five teachings.” The Peranakan Chinese (Baba) in Melaka, however, treat Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mother, represented by the statues at Saint Peter’s Church, as efficacious Christian deities known to many Peranakan Chinese there as Datuk Kristian or “ Christian Deities.” Once a year on Good tnday, when the church is open to the public, the non-Christian Baba visit the church to pray to these ィ ‘ Christian deities ” to ask for
blessing, especially in their children’s education. That the “ Christian deities ’，are associated with education may be due to the “ traditional ” stereotype that colonial masters were well educated and these “ Christian deities ” were regarded as the deities of the Europeans. ' On the whole, Chinese Religion is a diffused system even though it has a number of organized sects. It basically lacks a coherent system of ethics due to the traditional
separation of Chinese ethics from religion. Hence what Granet (1975: 146) notes concerning religion in early twentieth-century China still applies here: neither dogma nor clergy presides over the religious life of the Chinese. Compared to Christianity and Islam, Chinese Religion worshipers are more concerned with material welfare than life after death. Even funeral rites are performed not only for the deceased but also for the prosperity and general
welfare of the living. This is not a case of man serving the supernatural as much as it is of the supernatural serving man. When Chinese worshipers give offerings to deities, they expect them to reciprocate by protecting them and fulfilling their requests. Except in special cases, Cninese Malaysians are not bound to worship any particular deity (Fig. 4). They worship those that are popular and can serve them most. This rather secular orientation of Chinese
Religion may be due to the rather this-worldly Chinese world view which has been partly influenced by Confucian ideology. Furthermore, Chinese Religion in Malaysia had been shaped by the experience of the immigrants who sought divine protection and blessing in their worldly
ventures. In fact, folk religions grow out of the experience of the masses and therefore reflect their worldly concerns for peace, prosperity and security. To conclude, I would like to stress again the need to see Chinese Religion as a system. It is a system in the sense that it has an unified symbolic system
of its own and the religious behavior of the worshipers show it to be so. If I may repeat Geertz’s (1966: 4) words, Chinese Religion is a “ system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic•” One can then study how the symbols are employed to cope with spiritual and social problems, how religious power is derived and used, and how the cults make the religion believable. In other words, various aspects of Chinese Religion can be analyzed systematically as parts of a whole rather than separate unrelated parts.
NOTES
1 . This paper is in fact the first part of a rather long draft, of which the second part deals with the pantheon, the nature of worship and Chinese religious sects in Malaysia. My serious attempt to understand Chinese Religion began with my research on the Peranakan Chinese (Baba) in Malacca in 1977. I
have so far visited many Chinese shrines and temples as well as interviewed people in various parts of Malaysia. In 1981,I studied a Chinese religious sect called Dejiao Hui and visited the temples of this sect throughout Malaysia and Singapore. My contacts with students and various scholars who are interested
in studying or merely understanding Cninese Religion in Malaysia, have convinced me of the urgent need for a paper on the Chinese religious system in Malaysia. While the title mentions only Chinese Religion in Malaysia, I will also refer to the religion in Singapore when it is useful to do so. The
Chinese worshipers in Malaysia and Singapore share basically the same Chinese religious system. 2. See Freedman (1974) for a description of the sociological study of Chinese Religion. To briefly mention just a few of the more famous works, the reader is advised to consult de Groot (1892-1910，see
1976)，Granet (1922, see 1975)，Chan (1953) and Yang (1961). For Malaysia and Singapore the studies of Elliott (1955)， Freedman and Topley (1961), and Topley (1952, 1953, 1954, 1956，1957, 1961) are among the most important ones. There are also three theses, by Choo (1968), Wee (1977) and Cheu (1982). W
ee，s study is the most interesting because she attempts to view Chinese Religion in aingapore as a coherent symbolic system. 3. In Chinese ritual context, the left and right positions follow the traditional Chinese system, that is, right refers to the right side of a person standing in the living room and
facing out of the house directly in front. Left is the seat of honor. Ancestors are low in rank below the deities and their altar is placed on the right side of the principal altar for deities. 4. According to Choo (1968: 137-138)，Xian Si Shiye refers to the deified duo
who were good friends of Yap Ah Loy 葉亜来(Ye Yalai), the pioneer of Kuala Lumpur. In Kuala Lumpur, there is a temple which honors this duo and Yap Ah Loy. 5. The Four Books consists of Daxue 大 学 (The Great Learning), Zhongyong 中庸（The Doctrine of the Mean), Lunyu 論 語 （Confucian Analects) and Mengzi 孟子
(The Works of Mencius). For a translation of these texts, see Legge (1960a, 1960b, 1966) and Chan (1963: 14-114). 6. The worship of the God of Heaven is especially important to Hokkien (Fujian) Chinese who called him Tin-Kong. His “ birthday ” on the ninth day of the first Chinese month is widely celebrated
by Hokkien families in Malaysia, and to a lesser extent by other Chinese speech groups. He is generally regarded as the same deity as Yuhuang Dadi 玉皇大帝 or “ Jade Emperor,” the Taoist deity still regarded by Chinese Malaysian worshipers as the ruler in heaven. 7. In January 1978, I saw a number of tombstones bearing Confucian dates at the graveyard in Cipinang Muara, East Jakarta. 8. Straits Chinese leaders, however did not play a significant role in
the Confucian movement (cf. Yen 1976: 51). Dr. j_,im Boon-Keng was an exception. He published a number of articles on social reforms in Straits Chinese Magazine，of which he and Song Ong-Siang were editors. 9. I visited this association on 2d December 1981. 10. The Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce, which was pro-Manchu government, had already supported the Confucian revival movement (see Yen 1976: 46), For a brief history on Nanyang Confucian Association, See Wang (1978). 1 1 . For memorial speeches on Cai Duohua, see Shengdan Jinian Zhengwen Yu Shufa Bisai 聖誕紀念徽文与書法比赛（Birthday Celebration Essay and Calligraphy Competition). Singapore: Nanyang Confucian Association, 1981, pp. 52-57. 12. For a fuller description of the ceremony, see Leo Juat-Beh (1977: 84). I have not attended any ceremony of Confucius，birthday but have interviewed an informant about this. 13. See Kongsheng Miao
Zhonghua Zhongxue X in Xtaoshe Luocheng Dianli Tekan 孔聖糜中華中学新校舍落成典礼特刊（Souvenir Magazine for the Inauguration Ceremony of Confucian Temple Zhonghua Secondary School JNew Building), 1972:1. 14. There is a small statue of Zhang Bishi in a glass case at the office of the Confucian Association, Penang. 15. See Souvenir Magazine in Commemoration of the 2521び Birthday of Confucius and the 48^ Anniversary of the Confucian Association, Penang，1970,
p .13. The magazine is published in Chinese and some English. 16. The description here is based on a copy of the constitution (in Chinese) given to me by the Secretary of the association. I interviewed the secretary, who is a retired headmaster of “ Chung Hwa ” primary school, on 19 April 1982. The secretary rejects the idea that the association promotes Confucian religion. According to him, the members either honor Confucius or worship him as a deity, and the
“ Straits Chinese ” are especially serious about praying to him whenever they enter the office. 17. See Yang (1961:2十ト293) for a detailed description on the religious aspects of Confucianism and its relationship to the traditional moral order. See also Yang (1957). 18. See Chapter 16 and 50 of Daode Jing. There are many English translations. See, for example, Legge (1959) and Chang Chung-Yuan (1975). For a brief discussion on the Taoist concepts of being
{you 有) , non-being (wu 無) and non-action (wuwei 無為)，see Fung (1966: 93-117). 19. During the first four centuries a .d ., there were two important works on
Chinese alchemistry. The first one is Can Tong Q i 参同 契 (approximately second century A.D.) by Wei Boyang 魏伯陽. The second is Bao Pu Z i 抱朴子，by Ge Hong 葛洪（284~364) of the Eastern Jin 東晉 Dynasty. In the latter work, Ge Hong brought together the different traditions of Taoist beliefs and practices.
It is an important work on Taoist Immortals and the methods of attaining longevity and immortality. It also contributed much to the development of Taoist religion. 20. For descriptions on the rise of collective Taoist movements, see Fu (1937: 54-98), Saso (1978: 17-61), Welch (1966: 113-123) and Yang (1961:
112-115). On the history of Taoist religion, Fu，s work (1937) is the most important and has facilitated more research by other scholars. X u，s paper (1927) is a very useful work on the early development of Taoist religion. Of the Western works, Maspero’s book (1950) is most known, while Welch’s book
(1957, see 19oo; is especially important to those who have no access to Maspero’s original work which is written in French. Maspるro，s book has now been translated into English as Taoism and Chinese Religion (1981), but it is not yet available in Malaysia. Today we have a long list of works on various
aspects of Taoist religion in different languages. See, for example, the articles in Welch and Seidel (1979), See also Sakai and Noguchi (1979) on Taoist studies in Japan. I should also mention the comprehensive study on the Taoist Canon by Chen Guofu (1963). 2 1 . See Chan (1953:146-156) on the reasons for
the decline. 22. On the Taoist Canon，see Chen Guofu (1963) and Ofuchi (1979). 23. For a general introduction to Buddhism, see Schumann (1973). 24. In his description of Buddhism during Later Han, Three Kingdoms, Western Jin, Eastern Jin, Southern Dynasties and Northern Dynaties, nuang Chanhua (1980: 3-53)
has mentioned the many texts translated by these scholars. 25. I should mentioned two famous monks in South China, namely Hui Yuan 慧 遠 （334-416) and Fa Xian 法顕. The former was later regarded as the founder of the Pure Land School (Ch’en 1964: 103—112). The latter was the first Chinese pilgrim not only to go to India (in 399) but also to return with Buddhist scriptures (414). 26. For a description of Buddhism during the Tang Dynasty, see Ch’en (1964: 213—
240, Nogami et al. 1978: 55—96). 27. For descriptions of the various schools of Buddhism in China, see Ch，en (1964: 297-364)，Zhongguo Fojiao Xiehui (1980: 227-394). 28. I investigated this temple on 28 August 1981. 29. “Arhats ” or “ arahants ” are beings who have attained enlightenment and liberation
through instruction in Buddhist teachings. “ Bodhisattvas” are beings who are striving for enlightenment or who have obtained it but postponed their nirvana in oder to help to liberate other beings. For a brief description of the Pure Land School and Mahayana Buddhist deities, see McDougall (1956: 18-
25). 30. Of course there are certain Chinese Buddhist temples where Sakyamuni Buddha is given prominence. For example, in the temple of The Sandakan (Sabah) Buddhist Association in Sandakan, the statue of Sakyamuni Buddha is placed in the most prominent place at the principal altar, with the statue of
Amitabha to his right and the statue of the Buddha of Medicine (Yaoshi Liuli Guang Rulaifo 薬師琉璃光 如来佛）to his left. According to the resident nun I interviewed on 30 August 1981, this temple was founded by the monk Shi Daguang 擇大光 from Hualian (華蓮）Temple in Hong Kong. 3 1 . In Malaysia, Malay
identity is equated with Muslim identity since Malays are Muslims. 32. I have done some preliminary research on Nichiren Daish6nin，s Buddhism and interviewed the leaders of Nichiren Shoshu 日蓮正宗 in Kuantan (Pahang) on
15 November 1980. I also attended a religious meeting there. 33. However, Yang (1961:300) argues the contrary. He argues that Chinese diffused religion does not have the enduring quality of the universal religions due to its dependence on the fate of the secular institutions. He argues that in the modern
period, the emphasis on science has caused the decline of diffused religion which to him “ seems to have lost irrecoverable grounds.” We should note that the situation in modern China is unique because of the anti-religion ideology of Communism. It is the Communist ideology which has caused the weakness of religions in China.
REFERENCES CITED
Be r lin g, Judith 1980 The syncretic religion of Lin Chao-en. New York: Columbia University Press. C h a n, Wing-Tsit 1953 Religious trends in modern China. New York: Columbia University Press. 1963 A source book in Chinese philosophyy translated and compiled by Wing-tsit Chan. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Ch a n, Chung-Yuan 1975 Tao: A new way of thinking——A translation of Tao Te Ching with an introduce tion and commentaries. New York: Harper & Row Publications. Chang, Showbin W. (Zhang Xiaobin 張做彬） 1960 Kongzi Zhendi zhi yi Kongguan 孔子真諫之~ ■孔 觀 [What Confucius really meant: The real spirit of Confucius，teachings]. Singapore: Nanyang Confucian Association. 1962 Huaxia Chuantong Sixiang Xiguan Kaoliie 華夏傳統思想習慣放略[What is
the real spirit of Confucian culture?]. Singapore: Nanvane Confucian Association. C h ’en, Kenneth K. S. 1964 Buddhism in Cnina: A historical survey. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. 1968 Buddhism: The light of Asia. Woodbury, N .Y .: Barron’s Educational Series, Inc. Chen, Guofu 陳国符 1963 Daozang Yuanliu Kao 道蔵源流考[Study of the origin and development of the Taoist Canon], 2 vol., Peking: Zhonghua Shuju. Cheng, Lye-Sen 程麗仙 1982
Bingcheng Huaren Miaoyu: Guang Fu Gong zhi Yanjiu 檳城華人廟宇---廣 福宮之研究[A Chinese temple in Penang: The study of Guang Fu Gong]. B. A. [Hons.] Academic Exercise, Dept, of Chinese Studies, University of Malaya. C heu, Hock-Tong 1982 An analysis of the nine emperor gods spirit-medium cults in Malaysia. Ph.D. dissertation, Cornell University. Ch o o, Chin-Tow 1968 Some sociological aspects of Chinese temples in Kuala Lumpur. M.A. thesis, University of Malaya. [In Chinese]. Coppel, Charles A. 1979 Contemporary Confucianism in Indonesia. In Proceedings of the Seventh
IA H A Conference held at Bangkok，22-26 August 1977. V o l.2., pp. 739— 75 フ. Bangkok. 1981 The origins of Confucianism as an organized religion in Java, 1900-1923. Journal of Southeast Asian studies. 12/1:179-196. Creel, Herrlee G. 1970 What is Taoism? and other studies in Chinese cultural history. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. D e G ro ot, J.J.M . 1976 The religious systems of China. 6 vol. Reprint. Taipei: Ch^ng Wen Publishing Co. [Original, Leiden, 1892-1910]. D el Tufo, M . V . ' 1949 Malaya comprising the federation of Malaya and the colony of Singapore: A report on the 1947 census of population.
London: The Crown Agents for the Colonies. D epartment of Statistics 1977 General report: Population census of Malaysia，Volume /, R. Chander, ed,. Kuala Lumpur: Jabatan Perangkaan Malaysia. El lio t t, Alan J. A. 1955 Chinese spirit-medium cults in Singapore. London: Dept, of Anthropology, L.S.E. Freedman, Maurice 1974 On the sociological study of Chinese religion. Arthur P. Wolf, ed. Religion and ritual in Chinese society, pp. 19-41. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Freedman, Maurice and Marjorie T opley 19oi Religion and social realignment among the Chinese in Singapore. Journal of Asian studies 21/1:3-23. Fu, Q in jia 傳勤家 1937 Zhongguo Daojiao shi 中国道教史[History of Taoist religion in China].. Shanghai: The Commercial Press. Fu n g, Yu-Lan 1966 A short history of Chinese philosophy. Derk Bodde, ed. New York: The Free Press. Originally published in 1948 by the Macmillan Company. G eertz, Clifford 1966 Religion as a cultural system. Michael Banton, Anthropological approaches to the study of religion, pp. 1-46. London: Tavistock Publications Ltd. G ranet, Marcel 1975 The religion of the Chinese people’ trans. and ed., Maurice Freedman. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Originally published in French as La religion des chinois • (1922). Huang, Chanhua 黄懺華 1980 Hou Han Fojiao 後漢佛教[[[Buddhism]] during the later Han dynasty], pp. 310. Sanguo Fojiao 三国佛教
[[[Buddhism]] during the period of Three Kingdoms], pp. 11-14. X i Jin Fojiao 西晉佛教[[[Buddhism]] during Western Jin], pp. 15-18. Dong Jin Fojiao 東晉佛教[[[Buddhism]] during Eastern Jin], pp. 19-28. Nanchao Fojiao 南朝佛教[[[Buddhism]] during the Southern dynasties], pp. 29- 40. Beichao Fojiao 北朝佛教[[[Buddhism]] during the Northern dynasties], pp. 4153：
The above articles are in Zhongguo Fojiao 中国佛教[[[Buddhism in China]]], V o l.1 . Peking: Zhishi Chuban She. H uang, Yinwen 黄蔭文 1982 Wo dui Malaixiya Xianxing Fojiao de Renshi he Xiwang 我対馬来西亜現行 佛教的認識和希望[My understanding of and hopes with regards to Buddhism in Malaysia], Lai Guanfu 賴觀福，
ed.，Mahua Wenhua Tantao 馬華文化探討 [Essays on Malaysian Chinese culture")，pp. 182-200. Kuala Lumpur: The federation of Alumni Associations of Taiwan Universities, Malaysia. K altenmark, Max 1969 Lao Tzu and Taoism. Trans, from the French by Roger Greaves. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Originally
published in 1965 under the title Lao tseu et le taoisme. K w ee, Tek-Hoay 1969 The origins of the modern Chinese movement in Indonesia’ Lea E. Williams, trans. and ed., Ithaca，N .Y .: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program. L egge, James, trans. 1959 The texts of Taoism, New York: The Julian Press. 1960a The Chinese classics，Vol. I. Hongkong: Hongkong University Press. Revised reprint of the previous Oxford editions first published by the Clarendon Press in 1893. 1960b The Chinese classics, V o l.2. Hongkong: Hongkong University Press. Revised reprint of the previous Oxford editions. 1966 Ssu Shu: The
four books. New York: Paragon Book Reprint Corp. Reprint of the Shanghai 1923 edition. L eo, Juat-Beh 1977 Confucianism in Singapore. B.A. [Hons.] Academic Exercise, Dept, of Sociology, University of Singapore. L eo, Suryadinata 1978 Confucianism in Indonesia: Past and Present. In The Chinese minority in
Indonesia: 7 papers, pp. 33-62. Singapore: Chopmen Enterprise. Reprinted from Southeast Asia 3/3: 881-903, 1974. M cdougall, Colin 19^0 Buddhism in Malaya. Singapore: Donald Moore. M aspero, Henri 1950 Le Taoisme. [Melanges posthumes sur les religions et Vhistoire de la Chine，
V o l.2]. Paris: Publications du Musee Guimet. 1981 Taoism and Chinese religion. Translated from the French by Frank A. Kier- man, Jr. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press. M ather, Richard B. 1979 K ’ou Ch’ien-chih and the Taoist Theocracy at the Northern Wei court, 421— 451. Holmes Welch
and Anna Seidel, eds” Facets of Taoism, pp. 103-122. New Haven: Yale University Press. >Jogam i Shurojo et al. 1978 Zhongguo Fojiao Tongshi 中国佛教通史[History of Chinese Buddhism]. Trans, from Japanese into Chinese by Zheng Qinren 鄭欽仁 Taipei: Cowboy Publishing Co” Ltd. Original text published in 1968. O fu ch i, Ninji 1979 The Formation of the Taoist Canon. Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism，pp. 253-267. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Ren, J iy u 任継愈 1963 Zhongguo Zhexue ski 中国哲学史[History of Chinese philosophy], v o l.2. Peking: Renming Chuban she. Sa k a i, Tadao and Tetsuro N oguchi 1979 Taoist studies in Japan. Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism，pp. 269-287. New Haven: Yale University Press. Saso, Michael
1978 The teachings of Taoist master Chuang. New Haven: Yale University Press. See also the review by Strickmann [1980]. Sch u m ann, Hans Wolfgang 1973 Buddhism.: An outline of its teachings and schools. Wheaton, 111: The Theosophical Publishing House. Sm it h, D . Howard 1968 Chinese religions. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. St ein, Rolf, A. 1979 Religious Taoism and popular religion from the second to seventh centuries. Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel,
eds., Facets of Taoism，pp. ^J-81. New Haven: 丨ale University Press. Strick m an n, Michael 1980 History, anthropology and Chinese religion. Harvard journal of Asiatic studies 40/1:201-248. (Review article on Michael Saso，s The teachings of Taoist master Chuang). Sun, Kekuan 孫克寛 1965 Song Yuan Daojiao zhi Fazhan 宋元道教之發展[The development of Taoism during the Sung and Yuan dynasties]. Taizhong, Taiwan: Sili Donghai Daxue. T eo, Eng-Soon 1963
Malayan Buddhism: A critical examination. Singapore: Eastern University Press. T opley, Marjorie 1952 Chinese rites for the repose of the soul; with special reference to Cantonese custom. Journal of the Malayan branch of the Royal Asiatic Society U M BRA S) 25 (158，part I): 149-160. 1953 Paper charms and prayer sheets as adjuncts of Chinese worship. JM BRA S 26 (161): 63—80. 1954 Chinese Women’s vegetarian house in Singapore. JM B RA S 27 (165): 51-67.
1956 Chinese religion and religious institutions in Singapore.ゾ 29(173, part 1):70-118. 1957 The great way of former heaven: A Chinese semi-secret religion in Malaya. The New Malayan 2: 13-23. 1961 The emergence of social functions of Chinese religious associations in Singapore. Compartive studies in society and history. 3/3: 289-314. V inecou r, Earl 1981 The Taoist Pope. The Asia Magazine，March 20: 3-5. W ang Meichi 王梅痴 1978 Xin Jia Po Kongjiao
Hui Jianshi 新加坡孑L教会簡史[A short history of Kongjiao Hut in Singapore]. In Shengdan Jinian Zhengwen Bisat Xuanbian 経誕紀念 征文比赛達編[Birthday celebration essay competitions selected], pp. 47—48. Singapore: Nanyang Confucian Association.
W ee, Vivienne 1977 Chinese folk religion in Singapore: An ethnographic study. M. Soc. Sc. thesis, University of Singapore. Wei, Qipeng 魏啓膝 1980 Huangdi Sijing Sixiang Tanyuan《黄帝四経》思想探源[On the origin of the thought of Huangdi Sijing]. Zhongguo zhexue 中国哲学[[[Chinese Philosophy]]], No. 4:179-191. W
elch, Holmes 1958 The Chang T，ien Shih and Taoism in China. Journal of oriental studies, 4/1-2: 188-212. 1967 The practice of Chinese Buddhism 1900-1950. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. 1966 Taoism: The parting of the way, Boston: Beacon Press. First published in 1957. 1968 The Buddhist revival in
China. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press. W elch, H olmes and An n a Se id el, eds. 1979 Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese religion. New Haven: Yale University Press. Xu D ishan許地山 1927 Daojia Sixiang yu Daojiao 道家思想与道教[[[Wikipedia:Taoism|Taoist]] philosophy and Taoist religion]. The Yenching Journal 2: 249-
82. Ya n g, C. K. 1957 The functional relationsmp between Confucian thought and Chinese religion. John K. Fairbank, ed., Chinese thought and institutions，
pp. 269-290. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1961 Religion in Chinese society: A study of contemporary social functions of religion and some of their historical factors. Berkeley: University of California Press. Third printing, 1970. Yen, Ching-Hwang 1976 The Confucian revival movement in Singapore and Malaya, 1899-1911. Journal of Southeast Asian studies 7/1:33-57. Zhongguo Fojiao Xiehui 中国佛教協会 1980 Zhongguo Fojiao 中国佛教[[[Buddhism in China]]], v o l . 1 . Peking: Zhishi Chuban She.
