Complete notes and Bibliography for Buddhism

References





The following references are arranged according to the pages of the main text, and do not include the publications included in the General Bibliography (apart from a few exceptions). All works cited in the References are listed in the Bibliography that follows it.



Chapter I A World Religion



1. For the Buddha’s missionary exhortation in the Vinaya Mah?vagga, see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 112). For accounts of the Buddha’s awakening in Uruvel?, see N?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 259ff).



2. On the general tendency to class all religions as part of single cultural phenomenon, see Smart (1996 and, more generally, Smart 1998: 11ff). Although Sanderson (2003–04: 351) has claimed that the endurance of ?aivism in East Java suggests it had ‘put down deep roots in rural society’, this does not indicate any missionary impulse in Hinduism, the movement of which to Southeast Asia was motivated by the generous patronage of kings who desired ritual legitimation.

 

4. On the importance of understanding Buddhism from the beginning see Wynne (2007: 1–3).

 

6. For a reassessment of the Orientalist critiques of Buddhist Studies see Wynne (2007: 5–6). For arguments that the early Buddhist literature is sufficiently old to contain an accurate record of the Buddha’s teachings, see Wynne (2004 and 2005), Gombrich (2009, chapter 7), and von Hinüber (2006). Chapter II Buddha



9. For the K?l?ma Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 279ff). For the Pali account of the Buddha’s death and funeral in the Mah?parinibb?na Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 173ff) and Gethin (2008: 89ff). For recent studies see Strong (2004, chapter 4), von Hinüber (2009) and Bronkhorst (2011: 193ff).



10. For early Brahminic devotionalism see Bhagavadg?ta IX.23, IX.26, XVII.14.



11. For the Buddha’s hesitation in the Ariyapariyesana Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 260ff) and Holder (2006: 1ff).



12. The account of the beginning of the Buddha’s ministry in the Vinaya Mah?vagga (Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 1881: 73ff) suggests that the four Noble Truths were an innovation of the Buddha. For the Br.had?ran.yaka Upanis.ad passage on desire as the cause of karma and rebirth (IV.4.5–6) see Olivelle (1998: 121). 14. For the latest research on the date of the Buddha see Bechert (1995); for a general review of the scholarship see Cousins (1996). On the disputed location of Kapilavatthu see Srivastava (1980); according to Härtel (1995: 142) burnt bricks only become common in the Gangetic civilization in the second century bc: at the time of the Buddha, houses were probably made of mud and wood; Härtel also reckons (1995: 150ff) that the brick structures of Tilaurakot cannot be dated earlier than the second century bc. According to Kulke (1995: 164ff) advanced town planning in northern India generally dates to the third century bc.

  

For some Pali Suttas which contain a mixture of hagiographic and historical facts about the Buddha see Rhys Davids (1910: 6–7, 40; 1923: 147ff) and Ñ?n.amol.i and Bodhi (1995: 745–46); the Mah?-parinibb?na Sutta states that the Buddha renounced the world at the age of 29 and then taught for 51 years (see Rhys Davids 1910: 167 and Gethin, 2008: 87). On the Sakyas see Rhys Davids (1911, chapter 2).



15. For an example of the Buddha coughing outside a dwelling see Ñ?n.amol.i and Bodhi (1995: 162); for the statement of the wanderer Pot.t.hap?da see Rhys Davids (1923: 245); on the Buddha sleeping during the day see Ñ?n.amol.i and Bodhi (1995: 342); on the Buddha speaking first see Rhys Davids (1923: 148, which mistranslates pubba-bh?s? as ‘not backward in conversation’ rather than ‘speaking first’).



16. On the Buddha’s humour see Gombrich (1996, chapter 3; 2009, chapter 12); on the humour of Indian Buddhist texts see Schopen (2007) and Clarke (2009); for the Buddha’s dialogue with Ambat.t.ha see Rhys Davids (1923: 108ff). For descriptions of the Buddha revealing two of his miraculous marks see Rhys Davids (1923: 131) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 745); for a complete list of the 32 marks see Rhys Davids (1910: 14ff) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 745–46).

  For the Buddha’s statement to be a ‘light unto yourselves’ see Rhys Davids (1910: 107–8); Gethin (2008: 58) prefers the translation ‘live with yourselves as your island of refuge.’ For the K?l?ma Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 279ff) and Gombrich (2009: 14ff).



17. For an example of the Buddha’s exhortation to meditate see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 131, 210). On the Buddha’s pragmatism see Gombrich (2009, chapter 11); on the Buddha’s skill in means see Gombrich (1996: 17ff). For the similes of the leaf, raft and archer see Bodhi (2000: 157–58, 1995: 228, 1995: 534) and Gombrich (1996: 22ff).



18. For the Sigalov?da Sutta see Gethin (2008: 129ff) and Holder (2006: 191ff). For the Buddha’s statement about the four sites of pilgrimage, and his advice to build st?pas after he dies, see Rhys Davids (1910: 153ff) and Gethin (2008: 81ff). On the origins and development of the st?pa see Daswani (2006: 28); see Srivastava (1980: 105) and Härtel (1995: 148) on the brick and mud deposits which mark the original st?pas below the monumental brick structures at Piprahwa and Ves?l?.



19. On the wider significance of the concept of ethicization see Obeyesekere (2002, chapter 3). The goal of ethicization can be most clearly seen in the many texts which emphasize the importance of the Buddhist mission among the laity, on which see Wijayaratna (1990: 130ff). For the ideal of wandering like a rhinoceros (or its ‘single horn’) see Norman (1992: 4ff); on this and other canonical texts on solitude see Wijayaratna (1990: 109). On the religious freedom of the ancient Indian renouncers see Rhys Davids (2002: 247). On the second phase of urbanization in ancient India see Gokhale (1982), Erdosy (1995, 1995a), and Bailey and Mabbett (2003, chapter 4).



20. On the date of the Br.had?ran.yaka Upanis.ad see Olivelle (1998: 12–13) and Wynne (2010a: 207ff); for the statement from the Yajñavalkyak?n.d.a in the Br.had?ran.yaka Upanis.ad (III.1.3) see Olivelle (1998: 77); on the centralized control of settlements in this period see Erdosy’s remarks with regard to the city state of Kosamb? (1995a: 107). On centralization and warfare among the early city states of northern India see Bailey and Mabbett (2003: 103ff). For the text describing the wish to renounce see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 335) and Gethin (2008: 19).



21. On the ‘silent sage’ of the r.g Veda see Doniger (1981: 137–38); on the origins of the culture of world­renunciation see Olivelle (2003: 273) and Wynne (2009: xviiiff); for the various classes of renouncers named in the Br.had?ran.yaka Upanis.ad (IV.3.22, IV.4.22) see Olivelle (1998: 115, 125); on the pessimistic ideology of the Jains see Jaini (1998, chapter 4) and Dundas (2002: 97ff); on the ?j?vikas see Basham (2009, chapters 12–13).



22. The close proximity of the urban centres to Buddhist retreats is vividly portrayed in the S?maññaphala Sutta (Rhys Davids 1923: 67–68; Gethin 2008: 9). On the idea that a Buddhist park should be neither too close nor too far away from a town see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 143) and Wijayaratna (1990: 23). On the rule stipulating that Buddhist mendicants must not eat that which is not given see Pruitt and Norman (2001: 61); on the rules allowing food to be cooked in monasteries see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1882: 69ff); for a general study of the monastic rules governing food see Wijayaratna (1990, chapter 4).

  

On the karma doctrine in early Brahminism and Jainism see Gombrich (2009, chapters 2–4); for the passages on karma and rebirth in the Upani.sads see Obeyesekere (2002, chapter 1). On the quietistic retreat from action in the Upanis.ads see Olivelle (1998: 125); on the Upanis.adic realization of the self (BU 4.4.23) see Olivelle (1998: 127). For the Upanis.adic self as a non­physical spiritual essence (TU II.2–5) see Olivelle (1998: 301–3); for its identification with brahman (CU VI.87ff) see Olivelle (1998: 253ff).



23. On the early Jain doctrine of liberation see Jaini (1998, chapter 8) and Dundas (2002: 104ff). For the definition of action as intention see Bodhi (2012: 963) and Gombrich (2009: 7, 49–50). On the Buddha’s critique of canine and bovine ascetics see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 493).



24. On the Buddhist path as an increase in virtue, rather than karmic transcendence, see Keown (2001, chapters 4–5); for a discussion of Buddhist ethics in terms of penultimate and ultimate values, see Vélez de Cea (2010).

  

The Buddhist distinction between ‘noble­hearer’ (ariyas?vaka) and the ‘ordinary people’ (puthujjana) disregards a person’s status as renouncer or layman, and so reflects the Buddha’s subversion of the karma doctrine: on this see Masefield (1986, chapter 1).

  

On the term kusala see Cousins (1996a) and Harvey (2010); on the ‘foundation of good’ (kusala-m?la) see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 132–33), Bodhi (2012: 291ff) and Rhys Davids (1921: 207); for the lists of five and ten precepts in the Pali Canon see Rhys Davids (1921: 225) and C. A. F. Rhys Davids (1931: 141). There is no list of eight precepts in the Pali canon, although the eight rules are contained in some texts (e.g. Bodhi 2012: 298–300); for the ten ‘paths of good conduct’ see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 382).



25. For the Phanigiri inscription see Skilling and von Hinüber (2011: 8). For the Tevijja Sutta see Rhys Davids (1995: 228ff); for a detailed study see Gombrich (1996: 58ff, 1998 and 2009, chapter 6).



26. The ‘divine abidings’ are termed ‘immeasurables’ (or ‘infinitudes’) in the San.g?ti Sutta (Rhys Davids 1921: 216), whereas in the Mah?-tan.h?san.khaya Sutta the fourth jh?na is said to be an ‘immeasurable’ state of mind (Bodhi 1995: 360); on affective dimensions of the divine abidings according to the Therav?da school see Aronson (1980, chapter 5).



27. On the role of faith in early Buddhism see Gethin (2001: 106ff); on faith inspired by hearing a Buddha see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 272) and Rhys Davids (1923: 78); for the gradual discourse see Rhys Davids (1923: 134, 185) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 485, 753).



28. On attaining liberation from a high cosmic realm see Bodhi (2012: 505–9, 896–98, 1430–34); on the four levels of the Buddhist path see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 116, 235–36); on the imagery used to elaborate the concept of ‘stream­entry’ see Gethin (2001: 250ff); for an alternative understanding see Masefield (1986: 130ff). On the tenfold system of Therav?din virtues in the J?takas see Appleton (2010: 25–26).



29. On Indian Buddhist cosmology see Kloetzli (1983) and Sadakata (1997); for the Buddha’s ‘joke’ cosmology in the Agañña Sutta see Rhys Davids (1921: 77ff), Collins (1993), and Gombrich (1992; 1996: 80ff). On the early Buddhist understanding of ‘volitional forces’ or ‘constructions’ (san.kh?r?) see Hamilton (1996, chapter 4).



30. For the teaching that the end of the world is to be sought within this ‘fathom­long’ body see Bodhi (2000: 158, 2012: 435). For the Kevat..ta Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 276ff) and Gombrich (1996: 44–45). On early Buddhist teachings on the world ‘out there’ as ‘worlds of experience’ see Hamilton (2000, chapter 6); on the equation of cosmic realms with states of meditation see Gethin (1997). On the Buddha’s rejection of philosophical realism see Ronkin (2005: 245).



31. For the Brahmaj?la Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 1ff) and Bodhi (1992); for a detailed study see Wynne (2010: 42ff). On the statement of things which are ‘profound, hard to perceive. . .’ see Rhys Davids (1923: 26) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 260); on ‘trembling and quivering’ see Wynne (2010: 147–48).



32. For the Mahdupin.d.aka Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 201ff); for analysis see Ñ?n.ananda (1971: 2ff) and Wynne (2010: 30–31). For the teaching of Dependent Origination in the Brahmaj?la Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 53); for other presentations of the teaching see Rhys Davids (1910: 50ff), Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 135ff, 351ff, 927ff; 2000: 533ff) and Frauwallner (2010: 30ff).



33. The term ponobbhavika is translated by Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi as ‘renewal of being’ (1995: 260), and by Bodhi as ‘renewed existence’ (2000: 215). The canonical texts sometimes use the term ‘birth’ (j?ti), even alongside punabbhava (e.g. Bodhi 1995: 260), but these usually concern the simple fact of being born into this world, rather than ongoing rebirth; more usual terms for ‘birth’ are based on the more ambiguous verb ut-pat, ‘arising’.

  

The term itthatta is used most often in the formula which describes a Buddhist mendicant’s liberation, and has been translated as ‘this present life’ (Rhys Davids 1923: 93) and ‘state of being’ (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 106). But it is also used in general to refer to continued experience in other worlds (e.g. Rhys Davids 1923: 31ff, ‘in this place’ and ‘hither’; Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 738, ‘this [[[human]]] state’). The Buddha replies to the question of whether the gods exist in the Kan.n.akatthala and San.g?rava Suttas (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 734ff, 819ff); for a different interpretation of these texts see Norman (1991a: 1ff, 162ff).



34. On the unanswered questions see Collins (1982: 131ff), Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 590ff), Hamilton (2000: 174) and Wynne (2010: 52–53); for texts which advocate holding no view see e.g. the Suddhat..thaka and Paramat..thaka Suttas (Norman 1992: 92–94); on such texts see Gómez (1976: 140ff) and Fuller (2005: 3–4). On the Upanis.adic background to the Buddha’s teachings on personal identity see Gombrich (1990: 13ff), Norman (1991a: 200ff; 2008: 271ff) and Wynne (2010a: 200ff); for a different opinion see Bronkhorst (2007: 1ff, 207ff, on which see Wynne, 2011a).



35. For the Buddha’s teachings on the self in the Mah?-nid?na Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 63ff), Collins (1982: 98–99) and Wynne (2010: 132ff); for the Not­Self teaching in the Alagadd?pama Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 224ff) and Wynne (2010a: 203ff). On the analysis of human experience into five ‘categories’ or ‘aggregates’ (khandha), see Gethin (1986), Boisvert (1995) and Hamilton (1996).



36. For the account of liberation in the Alagadd?pama Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 232–33).



38. On the etymology of the term bodhisatta see Norman (1993: 87; 1997: 104–5) and An?layo (2010: 19). According to the Son.adan.d.a and K?t.adanta Suttas kings Bimbis?ra and Pasenadi, along with their families and retinue, revered and worshipped the Buddha (Rhys Davids, 1923: 150); the Can.k? Sutta also states that they had taken refuge in him (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi, 1995: 777).

         

For the Buddha’s meeting with Bimbis?ra see Norman

(1992: 44–45); according to the Pali Vinaya Bimbis?ra was an important donor from the beginning of the Buddha’s mission (Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 1881: 136ff); king Aj?tasattu is the Buddha’s interlocutor in the S?maññaphala Sutta (Rhys Davids, 1923: 65ff). On the massacre of the Sakyas see Rhys Davids (1911: 11–12) and Thomas (2011: 140); on the royal patronage of Jainism see Jaini (1998: 275ff) and Dundas (2002: 118–20); on royal patronage of the ?j?vikas see Basham (2009, chapter 8). For an overview of royal houses at the time of the Buddha see Rhys Davids (1908, chapter 1).

  

On urban and mercantile support for Buddhism see Thapar (2002, chapter 7), Bailey and Mabbett (2003, chapter 3), and Neelis (2011: 19ff); for an overview of the connection between Buddhism and urban civilization see Heitzman (2009). That observers of the early Sangha were impressed by the happiness of its members can be seen in the statement of King Pasenadi of Kosala, that the Buddha’s followers are ‘smiling and cheerful’, unlike other ascetics (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 730–31). 39. According to Cribb (1985) the oldest coins from the Gangetic civilization date to the early fourth century bc, i.e. shortly after the Buddha’s death in around 400 bc. See Kulke (1995: 162 n.6) for further remarks.



Chapter III Meditation



41. For the citation from the Paramat..thaka Sutta see Norman (1992: 94).



42. On the terms jh?na and sam?dhi see Gunaratna (1988, chapter 1). Mircea Eliade (1990: 320ff) coined the term ‘enstasy’ to define the bliss produced by inner concentration, as opposed to the shamanic ecstasy which requires the adept to leave the body; on this see Sarbacker (2007: 53ff). For an overview of Buddhist meditation according to the canonical Pali texts see Gethin (2004a); for the N?sad?yas?kta see Doniger (1981: 25–26); for a detailed study and further references see Wynne (2007: 57ff).



43. For Y?jñavalkya’s teaching from the Br.had?ran.yaka Upanis.ad see Olivelle (1998: 127). On the Buddha’s study under the two teachers see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 256ff); for analysis see Wynne (2007, chapter 2).



44. On the four formless spheres see Griffiths (1986: 17–18), Shaw (2006, chapter 11) and Wynne (2007: 49–50); for the C?l.asuññat? Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 965ff); on the ‘signless concentration of mind’ see Harvey (1986). For the Buddha’s dialogues with Udaya and Pos?la see Norman (1992: 124–25) and Wynne (2007: 100ff).



45. The account of Gotama’s strivings and attaining the first jh?na as a boy are found in the Mah?-saccaka Sutta (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi, 1995: 332ff). For similar descriptions of asceticism see the Kassapa S?han?da Sutta (Rhys Davids, 1923: 223ff). On these and similar Jain practices see Bronkhorst (1993, chapter 1). 46. For the Buddha’s teaching to Son.a and the simile of the lute see Bodhi (2012: 376). For the simile of the turner see the Satipat..th?na Suttas (Rhys Davids, 1910: 328; Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi, 1995: 146; Gethin 2008: 143).

  

For the statement ‘radiant is the mind’ see Bodhi (2012: 97); on its later elaboration see Frauwallner (2010: 479ff); advanced states of meditation or understanding are often likened to a cloth cleansed of impurities (Rhys Davids, 1923: 135; Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 118ff).



47. For the first sermon see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 94ff) and Bodhi (2000: 184ff); on the eightfold path see Gethin (2001, chapter 6) and Bodhi (1998).



48. For the simile of fish trapped in a net see Rhys Davids (1923: 54); on the content of Right View see Collins (1982: 87ff); for canonical texts on Right Endeavour see Bodhi (2000: 1709ff).



49. For the Bhaya-bherava and Devdh?-vitakka Suttas see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 102ff, 207ff).



50. For translations of the two primary Pali Suttas on mindfulness see Rhys Davids (1910: 327ff) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 145ff).



51. For the ?n?p?nasati Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 941ff); for detailed studies see An?layo (2003) and Kuan (2008).



52. The Buddha’s teaching to his son R?hula can be found in the R?hulov?da Sutta (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 527ff). For a study of the ‘Seven Limbs of Awakening’ and ‘Five Faculties/Powers’ see Gethin (2001, chapter 4). On the results to be gained from practising mindfulness over an extended period of time see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 155).



53. For the most important detailed temporal account of the Buddhist path, including the four jh?nas, see the S?maññaphala Sutta (Rhys Davids 1923: 78ff, Gethin 2008: 5ff).



56. For the jh?na similes see Rhys Davids (1923: 84ff); on the resumption of objective consciousness in the third and fourth jh?nas see Gombrich (1996a).



57. On the use of fire imagery, especially with regard to the five ‘aggregates’, see Gombrich (2009: 113ff); for the simile of the mother hen incubating her chicks see the Sekha Sutta



58. For the description of liberation in the (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 463). Mah?-tan.h?san.khaya Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 360) and Holder (2006: 59ff). On the Brahmaj?la Sutta’s description of insight into the structure of experience see Rhys Davids (1923: 53–54); on the Buddha’s teaching to Pos?la see Norman (1992: 125) and Wynne (2007: 103–6).



59. For the Buddha’s teaching to Upas?va see Norman (1992: 120– 21) and Wynne (2007: 75ff).



60. For the teaching to Vacchagotta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 590ff), Frauwallner (2010: 22ff) and Wynne (2007: 95ff). For the Buddha’s teachings in the Kalahaviv?da, Tuvat.aka and Pur?bheda Suttas see Norman (1992: 100, 105, 98); for further comment see Wynne (2010: 162–63) and Gómez (2005).



61. Rhys Davids’ translation of the citation from the Mah?-nid?na Sutta is quite different (1910: 65); for another translation see Holder (2006: 38); for analysis see Wynne (2010: 155). 62. For the teaching to Udaya see Norman (1992: 124–25) and Wynne (2007: 100ff); for the citation from the Alagadd?pama Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 233), Gethin (2008: 166) and Wynne (2010: 152); on the meaning of the term tath?gata see Gombrich (2009: 151–52).



63. For recent studies of miracles in early Buddhist texts see Clough (2010), Fiordalis (2010) and Gómez (2010); on the possibility that some miracles were later additions to the canonical teachings see Wynne (2009b).



64. For the Kevat..ta Sutta see Rhys Davids (1923: 272.gulim?la see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi ff). For the Buddha’s encounter with An

(1995: 710ff); for a historical study see Gombrich (1996, chapter 5).



65. The tripartite scheme of gnostic, apotropaic and karmic Buddhism is a development of Spiro’s theory of nibbanic, kammatic and apotropaic Buddhism (Spiro 1970, Part II); a similar scheme, in which the three aspects are considered as ‘structurally related elements within a total field’, is outlined in Samuel (1993: 26–27). Chapter IV Embellishing the Dhamma-Vinaya

69. For the citation from the Mah?-parinibb?na Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 108); on the Buddha’s advice not to appoint a successor see Rhys Davids (1910: 107–08) and Gethin (2008: 57–58); on the death of Mah?v?ra see Jaini (1998: 37ff) and von Glasenapp (1999: 31); on the Buddhist reaction to this as recorded in the San.g?ti Sutta see Rhys Davids (1921: 203–04). 70. For the Pali account of the first council of R?jagaha see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 370ff); on the story of Pur?n.a see Wynne (2010a: 192); for an overview of research on this council see Prebish (1974). On the bh?n.aka tradition see Norman (1997: 44ff). 71. On the formation of the Buddhist canon into three ‘baskets’ see von Hinüber (1996: 1); on the early division of canonical literature into Sutta and Vinaya see Oldenberg (1997: xff). On features of the canonical Pali discourses which indicate they were composed to be chanted together see Norman (1997: 50ff) and Allon (1997: 9ff); on the oral transmission of early Buddhist literature see Cousins (1983), Wynne (2004) and An?layo (2007). On the problem of identifying authentic teachings of the Buddha see Wynne (2007: 108ff; 2010a: 194). 72. For the Pali account of the Second Council see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 386ff); for analysis see Prebish (1974) and Dutt (1978, chapter 2). 73. On the Buddha’s advice in the Kosambaka section of the Pali Vinaya to refer to the advice of a learned and virtuous bhikkhu, see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1882: 323ff); on the ‘face to face’ resolution of disputes, consulting neighbouring monasteries, the appointment of a council of learned bhikkhus and monastic voting, see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 45ff). On the date of the P?timokkha and Vibhan.ga see Oldenberg (1997: xvff); on the pre­A?okan origins of the Vinaya see Frauwallner (1956, chapter 1).

  On the possibility that parallels between canonical Pali texts and their equivalents preserved in Chinese translation prove a pre­Mauryan origin, see the different opinions of Schopen (1985) and Wynne (2005: 42ff). 74. For the Vinaya section on the earliest permanent dwellings (vih?ra) see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 157ff) and Wijayaratna (1990: 22); these apparently has no doors or windows and were roofed with grass, so that large numbers could be constructed in a single day. The P?timokkha (Pruitt and Norman, 2001: 14–15) refers to even simpler abodes than this (termed kut.i, ‘hut’). On the Buddha’s permission to delay the pav?ran.? ceremony (which ends the period of rains retreat) see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 353ff). 75. On the early Buddhist centres from which monastic communities developed see Daswani (2006: 22ff). Härtel’s archaeological overview (1995) shows that while some monumental structures at Buddhist sites of the Ganges plains date to the Mauryan era, brick built monasteries usually do not pre­date the second century bc (e.g. at Kusin?r?, Härtel 1995: 144). 76. On the Lomas Rishi cave see Allchin (1995: 247, 249); on the stone panel from Bh?rhut depicting An?thapin.d.ika’s gift of the Jetavana see Zimmer (2001: 31e). According to Schopen (2000, 2006) settled monasticism developed well after the Mauryan period. 77. For the rules outlining observance at the Uposatha ceremony see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1881: 239ff); on this ceremony see Wijayaratna (1990: 123ff) and Daswani (2006: 106ff); on the rulings forbidding mendicants to dig or store food see Pruitt and Norman (2001: 49, 59); on the monastic dependency on the laity see Wijayaratna (1990: 128ff). On the nature of Vinaya law see Huxley (2002); on the pragmatic orientation of the Vinaya see Gombrich (2009: 173ff).

  Local autonomy and yet consultation between different monastic guilds (?v?sa) can be seen in the section of Vinaya which deals with settling disputes, which advises that advice can be taken from another monastic centre nearby (Rhys Davids and Oldenberg, 1885: 47ff). On monastic democracy see Daswani (2006: 136ff). 78. On whether or not the Buddha should be considered a philosopher see Gombrich (1996, chapter 2; 2009: 164ff). 79. For the simile of the man shot by an arrow see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 534–35). For the Buddha’s teaching to Prince Abhaya see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 498ff), and Gombrich (2009: 166–167). 80. On the contemplations of bodily foulness, decay and the constituent elements see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 147–49) and Gethin (2008: 144–45). 81. For the contemplation of the five aggregates see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 152) and Gethin (2008: 148). For the Khemaka Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 942ff); for analysis see Wynne (2009b: 94ff).
82. For the Sus?ma Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 612); for analysis see Gombrich (1996: 123ff), Bodhi (2007) and Wynne (2009b: 97ff). On the idea of instantaneous liberation see Wynne (2009a: 70ff); for the account of S?riputta’s liberation while standing behind the Buddha fanning him see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 606); for a different account see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 902). On the idea of liberation by insight alone (paññ?-vimutti) see Gombrich (1996, chapter 4). 83. For the reason why ‘consciousness’ appears out of order in the list of five aggregates see Wynne (2010a). 84. For the citation from the Vajir? Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 229– 30); for analysis see Wynne (2010: 104–05); for the Mah?hatthipadopama Sutta see Bodhi (1995: 278ff); for analysis see Wynne (2010: 158ff). 86. On early Buddhist thought as process philosophy see Ronkin (2005: 266ff) and Gombrich (2009, chapter 9). 88. For a collection of key canonical texts on Dependent Origination see Bodhi (2000: 533ff); for further analysis see Frauwallner (1973: 157ff) and Jurewicz (2000). 89. For the Acela-kassapa Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 545ff) and Ronkin (2009: 15–16).

90. On element meditation in early Brahminism see Wynne (2007: 30ff); on the ‘spheres of totality’ see Shaw (2006, chapter 6) and Wynne (2007: 28ff); on the eight ‘spheres of mastery’ and eight ‘releases’ see Shaw (2006: 91ff). 91. On the ‘cessation of perception and sensation’ see Griffiths (1986, chapters 1–2), Shaw (2006: 176) and Wynne (2007: 103–4); for texts in which cessation appears to be the state of liberation itself see Bodhi (2012: 1317–18). 92. On early Brahminic parallels to the insentience of cessation see Wynne (2007:
43, 95); for the passages from the Ud?na see Masefield (2007: 165–66) and Wynne (2007: 100); for the Upanis.adic passages see Olivelle (1998: 399, 433, 447); on the Nirvana realm without remainder see Bodhi (2012: 1144) and Masefield (2001: 35, 112; 2007: 98). 93. For the citation from the Mun.d.aka Upanis.ad see Olivelle (1998: 453).

94. For differing perspectives on doctrinal debates in early Buddhism see Gombrich (1996, chapter 4), Bodhi (1997: 244–45; 2003) and Wynne (2002; 2007: 102ff; and 2009b: 109ff). For the debate about the state of meditation in which the Buddha died see Wynne (2002: 37–38). 95. On the Mah?-cunda Sutta see Bodhi (2012: 917ff) and Wynne (2002: 37; 2007: 102ff); on the notion of being ‘released on both sides’ see Wynne (2002) and Gombrich (1996: 97ff); for the At..thakan?gara Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 454ff) and Schmithausen (1981: 225). On the likelihood that insight into the Four Noble Truths is a later stratum in the canonical discourses see Schmithausen (1981: 202ff). 96. On ‘calming’ and ‘insight’ meditation see Griffiths (1981) and Cousins (1984). A temporal understanding on the eightfold path is supported by the texts which elaborate it into a tenfold version, by adding ‘right knowledge’ and ‘right release’ to it (for references see Collins, 1982: 90). 97. On the supposed schism between Sthavira and Mah?s?m. ghika see Prebish (1974, 1996), Prebish and Nattier (1977), Cousins (1992), Suj?to (2006) and Daswani (2006: 39ff). For the passage on a schismatic being reborn in hell see Rhys Davids and Oldenberg (1885: 254). 99. On A?oka’s ‘schism edict’ see Bechert (1984), Norman (1997:

160ff) and Sujato (2006, Part I).

Chapter V Buddhist India

101. The title of this chapter refers to Rhys Davids’ monograph of 1911, the only attempt (prior to Bronkhorst 2007) to write a history of early India from the perspective of the Buddhistinspired civilization, which lasted for almost a millennium until it finally collapsed under the Guptas; for an overview of the Mauryan empire see Thapar (2002, chapter six). 102. On A?oka’s relationship with the Buddhist tradition see Basham (1982). For translations of A?oka’s edicts see Nikam and McKeon (1958) and Dhammika (1994); on the discovery and decipherment of A?oka’s edicts see Allen (2002, 2012). Different perspectives on A?oka’s dhamma are found in Gombrich (1994), Guruge (1994) and Norman (1997, chapter seven). 103. For the passage in the Brahmaj?la Sutta echoed by A?oka’s advice to his ministers at Tosali, see Rhys Davids (1923: 3). 105. On Rock Edict XIII and the Buddhist missions see Norman (2004) and Wynne (2005: 48ff). For the evidence of the Pali chronicles see Mah?vam. sa XIII (Geiger 1912: 88ff). 106. For an overview of post­Mauryan India see Thapar (2002: 209ff); on the archaeological record of this period see Chakrabarti (1995). On the damage to the Sanchi st?pa and hiatus in Buddhist activity there see Marshall (1918: 38), Willis (2001: 225) and Verardi (2011: 97–98); on the ?un.ga persecution of Buddhism see Verardi (2011: 101). On the post­Mauryan donative record see Thapar (2002: 261) and Daswani (2006: 255ff). 107. On the Indo­Greeks see Thapar (2002: 213ff), Seldeslachts (2007: 139ff) and Neelis (2011: 98ff); on their association with Buddhism see Allon (2007); on the donation of Theodorus see Seldeslachts (2007: 140). The sections of the Milindapañha referred to can be found in Horner (1969: 26ff, 34ff); for important philosophical sections of the dialogue between Milinda and N?gasena see Frauwallner (2010: 72ff). On the possibility of Buddhist influence on Greek thought see Kuzminski (2008). 108. On ?aka, Pahlava and Kus.?n.a support for Buddhism see Thapar (2002: 213ff), Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 74ff), Liu (2009, chapter 4), Neelis (2011: 109ff) and Verardi (2011: 91–92); on Huvis.ka’s possible conversion to Mah?y?na see Allon and Salomon (2010: 4). On the connection between Buddhism and commerce in the post­A?okan period see Thapar (2002: 248ff).

  On the post­Mauryan period in central and South India see Ray (1986), Chakrabarti (1995, especially 305–6) and Thapar (2002: 225ff); on urban support for Buddhism in this period in the ?ndhra region see Padma (2008).

  On the proximity of Buddhist st?pa sites to megalithic burial sites see Schopen (2004, chapter 12) and Padma (2008: 13ff); with regard to the Buddhist appropriation of megalithic burial sites, the Mah?vam. sa suggests (Geiger 1912: 95–96) that Buddhist missionaries to Anur?dhapura highlighted their expertise in mortuary matters by teaching the Vim?vatthu and Petavatthu, texts which describe the destinies which result from good and bad karma. 109. On the mythic significance of A?oka’s Rummindei and Nigali Sagar edicts see Wynne (2010a: 193–95). On the myth of former Buddhas see Bareau (1980) and Gombrich (1980). 110. For the Mah?pad?na Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 1ff).

111. For the Lakkhan.a Sutta see Rhys Davids and Rhys Davids (1921: 132ff); on the significance of the 32 marks see Boucher (2008, chapter 1). For an overview of the J?taka and Avad?na literature see Winternitz (1983: 266ff), Shaw (2007, introduction) and Appleton (2010, chapter 1). On the Buddhist legend that A?oka constructed 84,000 st?pas see Strong (2004: 136ff). 112. On the Buddhist architecture of the Mauryan period see Allchin (1995: 239ff). On Sanchi see Cunningham (1854) and Shaw (2007, 2009); on Bharhut see Cunningham (1879) and Hawkes (2009); on Bodhgaya see Cunningham (1892); on Amaravati see Burgess and Bühler (1887), Knox (1992), Kinnard (2008) and Shimada (2009); on Nagarjunakonda see Longhurst (1938); on the dating of art­historical remains at early Buddhist sites see Asher (2006). On the idealized natural order represented in the art at st?pa sites see Brown (2009). 113. For differing perspectives on the aniconic theory see Huntington (1990), Dehejia (1991), Karlsson (2006) and Kinnard (2008: 84ff).

114. For the statement ‘he who sees dhamma sees me’ see Bodhi (2000: 939). On the Buddha images of Gandh?ra and Mathura see Fisher (1993: 44). On the development of the image cult in orthodox monastic circles see Schopen (1988–89; 2005: 113ff). 115. On the foundation of mah?-th?pa in Anur?dhapura see Mah?vam. sa XXIX.29 ff (Geiger 1912: 193–94). On the identification of the Kukkut.?r?ma with the Asok?r?ma see Strong (1984: 86); on the Buddhist monasteries of this period see Dutt (1962: 118ff). On the ancient Indian trading networks used by Buddhists to maintain contact over long distances, see Neelis (2011, chapter 3). 116. Although Davidson (2002: 106ff) has argued that monastic feudalism emerged as Buddhists emulated the political structures of the early medieval period, an earlier origin is likely given monastic land­grants from the first century ad, for examples of which see Senart (1902–3: 57–58; 1905–6: 62) and Falk (2000). On the first monasteries built in stone and brick being copies of wooden structures see Allchin (1995: 239) and Daswani (2006: 271ff); for a different perspective on the emergence of Buddhist monasteries in the archaeological record see Schopen (1994).

  On the cave monasteries of western India see Dehejia (1972), Thapar (2002: 263ff) and Daswani (2006: 26ff, 277ff). On Ajanta see Burgess (1970) and Spink (1987, 2006); on Thotlakonda and other monastic cites along the coast of Andhra Pradesh see Fogelin (2006). 119. In the Pali Vinaya wandering bhikkhus seeking lodging in a monastery (?gantuka) are often distinguished from resident monks (?v?sika); on monastic peripatetics see Wijayaratna (1990: 28ff); on wandering and resident monks, and the administrative offices through which monasteries were managed, see Daswani (2006: 124ff) and Silk (2008, chapter 8). 120. On the arrangement of st?pas at Buddhist sites see Schopen (1987a); on Buddha­relics containing something of his awakened essence see Schopen (1987a, 1988) and Willis (2009); on the reliquaries of local monastics at st?pa sites see Schopen (1991) and Daswani (2006: 158). 121. For canonical sources on the San.gha as the ‘unsurpassed field of merit’ see Rhys Davids (1910: 100) and Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 119); on the belief that the merit of a donor depends to some degree on the virtue of its recipient see Jootla (1998), and Heim (2004, chapter 3); on the notion of a ‘economy of merit’ see Neelis (2011: 17ff, 34ff). For the inscription from Mathur? see Schopen (1997: 35).

  For canonical texts on the transference of merit see Rhys Davids (1910: 93–94) and Bodhi (2012: 1523ff); for different views on the subject see Masefield (1989: xxxviiiff), Gombrich (1991: 265ff)), Bechert (1992), Schopen (1997: 34ff) and Holt (1981). 122. On large­scale monastic endowments see Daswani (2006: 252ff); on monastic endowments, lending out at interest and donors ensuring an ongoing stream of merit, see Schopen (1994, 1996, 2000); on art as a means of generating donations see Schopen (2004: 31ff).

  On monastic education see Daswani (2006, chapter 4); on the monastic universities of the Gupta and early medieval periods see Dutt (1962, part 5) and Daswani (2006: 198ff). On monasteries as centres of medical knowledge and healing see Schopen (2000), Zysk (2000, chapter 3) and Daswani (2006: 185ff). 123. On women and the order of nuns in Buddhist India see Sponberg (1992), Skilling (2001) and Thapar (2002: 261); for the claim that equal numbers of men and women attained spiritual goals see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 596–98); for the Som? Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 222–23).

  On the fact that the Bodhisatta in the Pali J?takas is never a woman see Appleton (2010: 93ff); the Bahudh?tuka Sutta also states that a woman cannot become a fully awakened Buddha (Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi 1995: 929); on women in Mah?y?na s?tras see Nattier (2003: 99–100), Daswani (2006: 154ff) and Osto (2008, chapter 6). 124. On the founding of the order of nuns see Wijayaratna (1990: 158ff), Juo­Hsüeh (2000), Hüsken (2000), von Hinüber (2007) and An?layo (2011); for the Mallik? Sutta see Ñ?n.amoli and Bodhi (1995: 718ff). 125. For negative canonical depictions of women see Rhys Davids (1910: 154) and Bodhi (2012: 89–90, 683–84). On the inscriptional evidence relating to female participation in Indian Buddhism see Daswani (2006: 156, 259); on the prominent position of women as donors as reflected in the inscriptional record see Skilling (2001: 257ff); on the decline of women in the inscriptional record see Schopen (1988­89: 164–65); on problems with the inscriptional record in this regard see Skilling (2001: 267); on the position of women in classical Hindu texts see Lipner (1994: 79ff). 126. For a general overview of Buddhist sects in India see Daswani (2006: 59ff); for a comprehensive study see Bareau (2013). On the role of monastic law and doctrine in sectarian schism see Walser (2005: 98ff).

127. On the Sarv?stiv?din and M?lasarv?stv?din problem see Frau­wallner (1956, chapter 2) and Wynne (2008). On the schools in the Deccan and South see Dessein (2008); on the Prajñaptiv?dins see Bareau (2013: 97ff) and Walser (2005: 218ff). 128. For general introductions to the Abhidhamma see Cox (1995, chapter 1) and Frauwallner (1995, part 1); on the Therav?din Abhidhamma see Nyanaponika (1998) and Ronkin (2005, chapter 2). 129. On the two different Nirvanas of the Sarv?stiv?din system see Dhammajoti (2007: 613ff); on pratisam. khy?-nirodha see Frauwallner (2010: 138ff). For recent research on the development of the dhamma theory see Gethin (2004) and Bronkhorst (2009, chapter 2). 130. On ontological aspects of Abhidhamma thought see Ronkin (2005, chapter 6) and Cox (2004).

131. On the Abhidharma understanding of Nirvana as a dhamma see Cousins (1983–84: 97ff). On the emergence of Buddhist scholasticism from the Abhidhamma see Frauwallner (1995, chapter 5); on the Sarv?stiv?din system see Williams (1981), Sanderson (1994a: 34ff), Cox (1995, chapter 2) and Frauwallner (2010: 115ff). For the sabbatthi-vada debates in the Kath?vatthu see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969: 84ff); on the notion of k?ritra see Dhammajoti (2007: 157ff). 132. On the Sautr?ntikas see Sanderson (1994a: 41ff), Kritzer (2003) and Frauwallner (2010: 126ff); on the vibhajja-v?da see An?layo (2009) and Bareau (2013, chapter 28); on the Sarv?stiv?din understanding of the vibhajya-v?da schools see Cousins (2001: 145ff); on the vibhajya-v?da section on the Abhidharmako?a- bh?s.ya see Dhammajoti (2007: 68ff); for the Kath?vatthu critique of the existence of past karma see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969: 101–2). 133. On the Pudgalav?dins see Chau (1999) and Priestly (1994, 2005); for the primary canonical source of the personalist doctrine see Frauwallner (2010: 28­9); for the puggala-v?da section of the Kath?vatthu see Aung and Rhys Davids (1969: 8ff); on the debates on the person in the Kath?vatthu see Cousins (1994); on the possible Pudgalav?din ideas known to N?g?rjuna see Walser (2006: 245ff); for Vasubandhu’s arguments against the Pudgalav?dins in the Abhidharmako?a-bh?s.ya see Frauwallner (2010: 91ff). Chapter VI Debate, Adaptation and Extinction

135. For the citation from Candrak?rti’s Catuh.?atakat.?k? see Lang (2003: 198); a similar sentiment is expressed e.g. in Ya?odharman’s Mandasor edict (c.530 ad), on which see Davidson (2002: 25). 136. For overviews of scholarship on the origins of Mah?y?na see Walser (2006, chapter 1), Allon and Solomon (2010) and Drewes (2010, 2010a); on early Mah?y?na as a development within mythic Buddhism see Boucher (2008, chapters 1–2) and Wynne (2011: 195ff). Norman (1983: 79–80) has noted that the depictions of J?takas at the Bh?rhut st?pa shows a popular circulation of J?taka tales in the second century bc. 137. On the early translation of Mah?y?na s?tras into Chinese see Boucher (2008: 88ff), Nattier (2008) and Zürcher (2007: 32ff); on the date of the earliest Mah?y?na s?tras see Conze (2008: 1). A recently discovered G?ndh?r? manuscript of the As..tas?hasrik? Prajñ?p?ramit?, probably dated to the first century ad (Falk 2011: 20), uses the abbreviation pialo in some places (Falk and Karashima, 2012: 22), possibly indicating an older scribal tradition.

  On the general lack of the term mah?y?na (and h?nay?na) in the earliest Mah?y?na literature translated into Chinese, see Harrison (1987: 72–73, 79); on Mah?y?na as a non­sectarian phenomenon see Bechert (1973a); on the possibility that Mah?y?na views could have provoked schism see Walser (2005: 98ff). On early Indian Mah?y?na as a minority movement see Schopen (2000a); on the Ugra-paripr.cch? as a charter for following the Bodhisattva path by both monastics and the laity see Nattier (2003a: 100); on its date see Nattier (2003a: 44–45); on the ascetic background to early Mah?y?na see Harrison (1995), Schopen (1995, 1999) and Boucher (2008, chapter 3); on lay Bodhisattvas in early Mah?y?na see Nattier (2003a, chapter 4). 138. On early epigraphic evidence for Mah?y?na see Schopen (1979) and Cousins (2003); on the early art­historical evidence from Gandh?ra see Rhi (2003); on the composition of Buddhist literature in Sanskrit see Gombrich (1988) and Bronkhorst (2011, Part III.3). On the similarities between mainstream and Mah?y?na Bodhisattva literature see Boucher (2008: 21); on the Pali Buddh?pad?na as a Mah?y?na­oriented work see Bechert (1992: 102); for the Buddhavam. sa and Cariy?pit.aka see Horner (1975); on early Mah?y?na as a natural development from the J?taka corpus see Nattier (2003a: 186ff). 139. On early Mah?y?na literature as spiritually inspired see Harrison (2003) and MacQueen (1981­82). On the defensive attitude of early Mah?y?na s?tras see Schopen (2000a). For the passages on meditation in the Bodhicary?vat?ra see Crosby and Skilton (1996, chapter 8); for a systematic study of meditation in early Indian Mah?y?na see Deleanu (2000). 140. On the Bodhisatta perfections in Therav?da Buddhism see Ratnayaka (1985: 89); on the perfections in Buddhist Sanskrit literature see Dayal (2004: 165ff); on the six perfections see Wright (2009); on the advice of the Ugra-paripr.cch? with regard to the Bodhisattva perfections see Nattier (2003a: 112ff); on ascetic practices in mainstream and Mah?y?na Buddhism see Ray (1994, chapter 9).

  On visualization in early Mah?y?na see Harrison (2003); on its mainstream sources see Gethin (2006); on the difference between meditation in the prajñ?-p?ramit? corpus and ‘visualization sutras’ see Deleanu (2000: 69–70); on the emergence of visionary Mah?y?na see Beyer (1977) and Nattier (2000, 2003).

  For the Mah?-sudassana Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 192ff); for the Sukh?vat? S?tras see Cowell et al. (1894), Gómez (1996) and Inagaki and Stewart (2010); for the Pratyutpannabuddha- sam. mukh?vasthita-sam?dhi see Harrison (1998). 141. On Buddha recollection see Harrison (1978 and 1992). On the early prajñ?-p?ramit? tradition see Conze (1967, chapters 6 and 8; 2008), Lancaster (1975) and Frauwallner (2010: 157ff). 142. On the animitta, apran.ihita and ??nyat? meditations see Deleanu (2000: 74ff). Conze’s translation of the As..ta frequently misunderstands the passages which state that a Bodhisattva can attain Buddhahood quickly, apart from in a few places (e.g. 1994: 87); on blocking meditative progress in the As..tas?hasrik? see Deleanu (2000: 71, 76). 143. See the opening of the As..tas?hasrik? (Conze 1994, e.g. 83–85, 97) for the negation of standard concepts as bodhisattva, buddha, nirv?n.a and prajñ?-p?ramit?; on the As..tas?hasrik? teaching that the five aggregates are illusory see Conze (1994: 88). 144. Conze’s translation (1994: 99) of the key sentence cited from the As..tas?hasrik? is misleading: ‘Even Nirvana, I say, is like a magical illusion, is like a dream. How much more so anything else?’

  On locating N?g?rjuna in the Andhra region of central East India see Walser (2006, chapter 2).

145. For the Kacc?yana-gotta Sutta see Bodhi (2000: 544) and Ronkin (2009); see Salvini (2011) for the Sanskrit version of the text, which is simpler but agrees in essentials. 147. For general overviews of N?g?rjuna’s thought and the Madhyamaka school see Robinson (1976: 39ff), Arnold (2005) and Frauwallner (2010: 182ff); for a more detailed study and Westerhoff (2009); for translations of the M?lamadhyamakak?rik? see Kalupahana (1986), Garfield (1995) and Siderits and Katsura (2013); useful sections are translated in Frauwallner (2010: 188ff). The translation of sva-bh?va as ‘intrinsic identity’ seems the best way of capturing the different senses of the term as pointed out by Westerhoff (2009: 12–13). 148. Nihilistic interpretations of N?g?rjuna have been proposed by Burton (2001) and Bronkhorst (2009: 136); Frauwallner, by drawing attention to N?g?rjuna’s dialectical focus on ‘opposed pairs of concepts’ (2010: 183–84) correctly points out (2010: 187) that Nirvana is neither existent or non­existent. 153. On the notion that Yog?c?ra thinkers used Abhidharma terminology to expand the scope of Madhyamaka or prajñ?p?ramit? thought see Saito (2010); although Frauwallner notes that Madhyamaka was an important influence on early Vijñaptim?tra (e.g. in his account of the Sam. dhi-nirmocana S?tra, 2010: 296ff), he also identifies the absolutist/substantialist school of S?ramati as an influence on Maitreyan?tha (e.g. 2010: 483ff). Masaaki (1988) has argued that Vasubandhu’s Yog?c?ra works are critical of philosophical realism. 154. On the meaning of the term yog?c?ra see Silk (2000); for an overview of different interpretations of early Yog?c?ra history see D’Amato (2009); on the history of the Yog?c?ra-bh?mi see Deleanu (2006, chapter 5); on the same text see Frauwallner (2010: 281ff); on the substratum consciousness see Schmithausen (1987) and Waldron (2003, chapter 3). On the relationship between the Yog?c?ra-bh?mi and the Sam.dhi-nirmocana S?tra see Deleanu (2006: 172ff); the Sam. dhi-nirmocana S?tra has been translated by Powers (1995) and Cleary (1999); important sections are contained in Frauwallner (2010: 302ff).

         On Asan.ga, Vasubandhu and Maitreyan?tha see Frauwallner

(2010: 313, 346, 374–75, 478ff), Tola and Dragonetti (2004: xivff), Jamspal et al. (2004: xviff) and Sakuma (2013); on the possibility that the Yog?c?ra works were authored by a different Vasubandhu from the author of the Abhidharmako?a, see Frauwallner (1951a), Jaini (1958) and Skilling (2000); for the Yog?c?ra works of Vasubandhu see Tola and Dragonetti (2004, parts II and III), Anacker (2005) and Frauwallner (2010: 392ff); on early Yog?c?ra thought prior to Vasubandhu and Asan.ga see Keenan (1982). 157. On Vasubandhu’s refutation of atomism see Kapstein (2001: 188ff).

161. For the Buddha’s claim to longevity in Mah?-parinibb?na Sutta see Rhys Davids (1910: 110); for similar claims in the Lotus S?tra see Kubo and Yuyama (2009: 223ff); similar ideas are also implied in the Pali version of the Buddha’s second sermon, on which see Wynne (2009b). 162. For the Lotus S?tra see Kern (1884), Watson (1993) and Kubo and Yuyama (2007); on the single path in the Lotus S?tra see Kubo and Yuyama (2009: 31ff); on the possibility that the Lotus S?tra set the doctrinal background for the Tath?gata-garbha S?tra see Zimmermann (2002: 77). For the citation from the Tath?gata-garbha S?tra see Zimmerman (2002: 102ff). 163. For statements in the Tath?gata-garbha S?tra which imply that the ‘Buddha within’ is a transmigrating substance see Zimmerman (2002: 132ff); on the general doctrinal content of the Tath?gatagarbha S?tra see Zimmerman (2002: 50ff). On the relationship between the Lok?nuvartana S?tra and the early prajñ?-p?ramit? tradition, and the location of both in the Andhra region, see Harrison (1982: 225). Verses 21–23 of the Lok?nuvartana S?tra suggest that the Bodhisattva career of the Buddha was just a show (Harrison 1982: 218). 164. On the authorship of the Mah?y?na-s?tr?lam. k?ra see Frauwallner (2010: 314). On the concept of dharma-k?ya in canonical literature see Harrison (1992a: 56) and Xing (2005: 35ff); on early formulations of the dharma-k?ya idea see Harrison (1992a). 165. For the section on the dharma-k?ya, the enjoyment and emanation bodies in the Mah?y?na-s?tr?lam. k?ra see Jamspal et al. (2004: 95ff); for the statement ‘the entire collection of bodies . . .’, see Jamspal et al. (2004: 97). 166. For overviews of Tantric Buddhism in India see Samuel (1993: 409ff; 2008: 258ff), English (2002: 1ff) and Davidson (2011); for a more detailed account see Davidson (2002, chapter 4). On the distinction between mantra-naya (or mantra-y?na) and Vajray?na in the archaeological record see Samuel (1993: 411ff). On the classification of early Buddhist Tantric literature and practices see Snellgrove (2004: 117ff, 147ff); on the formation of Tantric literature, beginning with ‘proto­Tantric’ dh?ran.? texts, see Davidson (2002: 144ff); on the general difference between Kriy?/Cary? and Yoga Tantras see Samuel (1993: 412). 167. On the difference between the ritualistic aspects of Mah?y?na and the rapid emergence of mature Tantric systems from the late seventh century onwards see Davidson (2002: 117–18) and Gray (2007: 79ff). According to Isaacson (1998: 4) Tantric Buddhism had developed into a soteriological vehicle no later than the composition of the Sarva-tath?gata-tattva-sam. graha (translated into Chinese in ad 723, on which see Snellgrove 2004: 180ff); on the man.d.ala and different Buddha families see Snellgrove (2004: 189ff).

  On the Mah?y?na expansion of skill in means to include immoral acts, such as killing, see the Up?yakau?alya S?tra (Chang 1983, chapter 8); on this issue see Gethin (2004b: 189); on the transgressive aspects of Buddhist Tantra see Snellgrove (2004: 160ff). On dh?ran.?s see Braavig (1985), Snellgrove (2004: 122, 141ff) and Davidson (2009). On the significance of the term vajra-y?na see Snellgrove (2004: 128ff). 168. On the use of the cakravartin ideal as a metaphor for the spiritual path in Buddhist Tantra see Davidson (2002: 118ff); on Tantra as the sacralization of medieval society see Davidson (2002: 160ff). For the Cakkavatti-s?han?da Sutta see Rhys Davids (1921: 59ff). 169. On the Siddhas see Samuel (1993: 419ff) and Jackson (2004: 3ff); on the pre­Buddhist background to the Siddhas see Davidson (2002: 174ff); on the relationship between vidy?-dharas and Siddhas see Davidson (2002: 194ff); On the association between the Siddhas and Yogin? Tantras see Jackson (2004: 10ff). On the different social circles in which Buddhist Siddhas moved, and the different forms of their religious activities, see Davidson (2002: 291, 334–35). On the ?aiva sources of Buddhist Tantra see Sanderson (1994: 92ff; 2009: 124ff), Davidson (2002: 202ff) and Gray (2007: 7ff); on d.?kin?s and yogin?s see Gray (2007: 77ff). On the difficulty Buddhists faced in competing with ?aivism for patronage see Davidson (2002: 86). 170. On village shamanism as a possible source of Tantrism see Samuel (1993, chapter 12); Davidson (2002: 129) believes there is no textual proof that the visualization of oneself as a Buddha originated in spirit possession, but also notes that many practices originated beyond monastic circles (2002: 153), and that the Buddhist Siddhas derived an important input from tribal groups (2002: 173ff, 224ff). According to Sanderson (2009: 133ff) possession was absorbed from the ??kta ?aiva tradition.

  For an overview of the monastic response to the sexual practices of the higher Tantras see Sanderson (1994: 97), Isaacson (1998: 8–9) and Davidson (2002: 197ff). For an overview of Tantric initiation ceremonies see Snellgrove (2004, chapter 13). With regard to the idea that the turn towards esotericism was a response to the cultural trauma of the early medieval period, Gombrich and Obeyesekere have defined similar developments in modern Sri Lanka as ‘Tantric’ (1999: 55–56, 346, 456ff); on the recent growth of interest in spirit cults in northern Thailand see Tambiah (1970); on the increasing popularity of spirit mediums in northern Thailand see Muecke (1992). 171. On the fourfold classification of Tantric initiations see Snellgrove (2004: 243ff) and Isaacson (1998: 10ff); for an account of the higher initiations according to the tradition of the Hevajra Tantra see Snellgrove (2004: 254ff); for an overview of initiation in the Yogin? Tantra tradition see Sanderson (1994: 88ff); on initiation in general see Davidson (2011a).

  For an example of post­initiatory s?dhana literature see English (2002, chapter 3); for an overview of the visualization practices advocated in association with the man.d.ala of the Cakrasam. vara Tantra see Gray (2007: 54ff). 172. On the yoga practices concerned with the subtle body see Snellgrove (2004: 288ff); on sexual practices in Tantric yoga see Jackson (1992) and Gray (2007: 103ff); on the yogic and sexual practices of the Siddhas see Jackson (2004: 25ff). On sahaja see Kvaerne (1975) and Snellgrove (2004: 245–46); on the four ecstasies of advanced Tantric practice, culminating in ‘innate ecstasy’ (sahaj?nanda), see Jackson (2004: 21ff).

  On Xuanzang’s trip to India see Beal (1884, 1911), Lee (2004, part two) and Watters (1904); for the travel account of Faxian see Legge (1886); on the travel observations of Faxian and Xuanzang see Verardi (2011: 132ff, 170ff); for an overview of the data on Buddhist decline from the Gupta period onwards, including the statistics and observations of Xuanzang and Faxian, see Sarao (2012, chapter 2).

  On the decline in the donative record during the fifth century ad see Schopen (1987: 120; 1988–89). On the P?la and Sena support for Buddhism throughout the medieval period see Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 118–19); on Buddhist monasticism under the P?las see Dutt (1962: 349ff); on continued support for Buddhism under the Guptas and V?k?t.akas see Dutt (1962: 195ff) and Neelis (2011: 146ff); for a different opinion see Verardi (2011: 129ff). On the Islamic attacks on the monastic universities of Magadha see Verardi (2011: 155ff). 173. On the lack of a tradition of statecraft among Indian Buddhists see Bronkhorst (2011: 99ff); on the confinement of Brahminic culture to the doab until the late first millennium bc see Bronkhorst (2007: 1ff); on the spread of Brahminism across South Asia in the post­Mauryan period, and appearance of Sanskrit in Indian inscriptions, see Bronkhorst (2011: 42ff). On the antiBrahminic aspects of the A?okan edicts see Bronkhorst (2011, introduction); on the Brahminic reaction to the non­Brahminical order established by the Mauryans, and the re­emergence of Brahminism under the Guptas, see Witzel (2006); on pre­Gupta attempts to re­assert Brahminism see Verardi (2011: 103ff).

         For an overview of the Gupta empire see Kulke and

Rothermund (2004: 87ff); on the rise of Brahminical orthodoxy under the Guptas Verardi (2011, chapter 3); Hazra’s tabulation of Xuanzang’s observations (1995, chapter 11) includes details on non­Buddhist developments. Davidson (2002: 85) and Verardi (2011: 155) have noted that P??upata ascetics played an important role in spreading Brahminism beyond orthodox circles, among outcastes, tribals and other ‘barbarian’ social groups; on the Buddhist acceptance of the Brahmanical ideology of four classes see Bronkhorst (2011: 153ff). 174. On the different versions of the R?s..trap?la S?tra see Boucher (2008: 108ff); on the Hun invasions and economic decline of urban centres during the Gupta period see Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 96ff); on archaeological evidence for the decline of Buddhist and contiguous urban sites see Sarao (2012, chapter 10); on the Kus.?n.a empire as last surviving remnant of the open society which flourished after A?oka, see Verardi (2011: 107); according to Sharma (1987: 178) the urban period peaked between the period 200 bc–300 ad, exactly the same time when Buddhism flourished after the Mauryan expansion; Sharma (1987: chapter 7) has also charted the lack of urban remains in Buddhist monasteries from the Gupta period onwards; on the devaluation of Gupta coins see Thapar (2002: 297ff) and Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 92); on the general lack of a monetary economy in the Gupta period see Sharma (1987:124–25) and Verardi (2011: 133). 175. On the different factors in the early medieval period which placed Buddhism in a precarious position see Davidson (2002: 167). On the martial ethos of early medieval India see Davidson (2002, chapter 2); on the use of the Bhagavadg?t? as a justification for war see Lang (2008: 137); on religious antagonism and conflict in early medieval India see Davidson (2002: 192ff). On the success of ?aivism in attracting patronage in the early medieval period, especially at the Chalukya, Pallava and Cola courts of the South, see Davidson (2002: 177); on the early medieval inscriptions which praise ?iva’s wrathful form, see Lang (2008: 133ff).

  For Candrak?rti’s pacifism and appraisal of Brahminic martialism see Lang (2008: 135ff). On the effect of the Islamic incursions on Buddhism see Sarao (2012, chapter 7); see Verardi (2011: 376ff) and Sarao (2012: 29–30, 32, 59, 66–67) for some facts on Buddhist traditions which survived to the late medieval and early modern periods. Chapter VII Guild Monasticism in the East

177. For Huiyuan’s statement on not bowing to an emperor see de Bary and Bloom (2008: 231ff).

178. On the problem of distinguishing Mah?y?na from Therav?da/?r?vakay?na, see Skilling (2013, especially p.75ff on the inadequacy of the H?nay?na/Mah?y?na dichotomy; and p.111ff on the fact that Bodhisattva ideology belongs to both Mah?y?na and Therav?da/?r?vakay?na forms of Buddhism).

  On differing standards of scriptural authenticity being the major difference between mainstream and Mah?y?na Buddhism see Schopen (1975), Walser (2005: 95ff) and Wynne (2011: 98ff); on post­canonical Therav?din literature composed in Southeast Asia see von Hinüber (1996, chapter 12); for examples of paracanonical Therav?din Suttas see Hallisey (1990, 1993). 179. For an overview of Buddhism in Gandh?ra see Salomon (1999, chapter 1) and Dietz (2007).

180. On doubts that that Buddhism reached Bactria in or soon after Mauryan period see Seldeslachts (2007: 138); on the western limits of Buddhism see Seldeslachts (2007: 142ff) and Trembley (2007: 80). On Manichean texts showing signs of Indian Buddhist terminology see Trembley (2007: 80); on Buddhism in and around the Iranian cultural region see Utz (2012). On the possibility of Buddhist influence on Greek thought see Kuzminski (2008, chapter 2). 181. For an overview of Buddhism on the Silk Road see Kudara (2002) and Trembley (2007). On Buddhism in Bamiyan see Yamada (2002); on recent discoveries of Gandh?ran texts see Salomon (2006); on Buddhist manuscripts recovered from Silk Road sites see Sims­Williams (2006), Hartmann (2012) and Sander (2012); on the art of the Silk Road see Härtel (1983: 46ff) and Rhie (1999–2010). On the lay Buddhism of Niya see Hansen (2012, chapter 1). 182. On Buddhism in Khotan see Skjœrvø (2012), Kumamoto (2012) and Hansen (2012, chapter 7); on Buddhism in Kucha and Turfan see Hansen (2012, chapters 2–3). The account of Faxian’s visit to Khotan is found in Legge (1886, chapter 3). On the Mah?y?na presence in Khotan in 401 see Trembley (2007: 100); on the possible Khotanese transition from H?nay?na to Mah?y?na in the third century ad see Zürcher (2007: 62ff). On the M?la­Sarv?stiv?din tradition in Kucha and Kashgar see Trembley (2007: 106). For the Book of Zambasta see Emmerick (1968, 1989). On decline of Indian influence and rise of Tibetan and Chinese influences on the Silk Road from the sixth century onwards, see Trembley (2007: 116). On the disappearance of Buddhism from Gandh?ra in the tenth century see Trembley (2007: 79). 183. On the earliest evidence for Buddhism in China see Zürcher (2007: 18ff) and Kieshnick (2009: 550). On An Shigao see Zürcher (2007: 32ff) and Trembley (2007: 93); on Lokaks.ema see Zürcher (2007: 35ff). On early Buddhist translation into Chinese see Heirman (2007: 169–70), Trembley (2007: 94) and Boucher (2008: 88ff). For an example of an exegetical work of An Shigao see Zacchetti (2004). 184. On the awareness of Buddhism in elite Han circles see Zürcher (2007: 36); on the Daoist knowledge of Buddhist meditation and texts see Bumbacher (2007: 217ff); on the early Daoist support for Buddhism see Zürcher (2007: 35ff). On meditative aspects of An Shigao’s texts see Zürcher (2007: 33) and Zacchetti (2002). On ‘Dark­Learning’ (xuanxue) and Buddhism see Zürcher (2007: 45–46, 87ff); on Zhi Qian and Kang Senhui see Zürcher (2007: 47ff) and Nattier (2008: 116ff). 185. On the beginnings of Chinese Buddhist monasticism see Zürcher (2007: 55–56), Heirman (2007: 170ff) and Kieshnick (2009). On the fourth century ad neo­Daoist interpretation of the Perfection of Understanding see Zürcher (2007: 73ff); on the idea of ‘gentry Buddhism’ see Zürcher (2007, chapter 1). 186. On Dharmaraks.a see Boucher (2008: 90ff) and Zürcher (2007: 65ff); on Fotudeng see Wright (1948); on Fotudeng and Dao’an see Zürcher (2007: 181ff). 187. On Kum?raj?va’s transmission of Madhyamaka thought see Robinson (1967: 90ff, 156).

188. On Sengrui see Zürcher (2007: 115ff) and Robinson (1967: 127); on Sengzhao see Zürcher (2007: 123ff) and Robinson (1967: 118ff); on Huiyuan’s philosophical realism see Robinson (1967: 157). 189. For an overview of Pure Land Buddhism in China see Mochizuki (1999); on the early development of Pure Land Buddhism in China see Tanaka (1990, chapter 1); on East Asian Pure Land Buddhism in general see Corless (1993) and Blum (1994). On the attribution of the translation of the Pratyutpanna-buddhasam. mukh?vasthita-sam?dhi S?tra to Lokaks.ema see Nattier (2008: 86ff); on early Pure Land texts translated into Chinese see Mochizuki (2001, chapter II).

         The Amit?yur-dhyana S?tra (Inagakai and Stewart, 2010:

63ff), an important visionary Sutra concerned with Amit?bha/ Amit?yus, was translated or composed in the fifth century ad. For the citations from the shorter Sukh?vat?-vy?ha S?tra see Cowell, Muller and Takakusu (1894: 98–99, 101–2), and Inagaki and Stewart (2010: 119ff). 191. For the citation from the Pratyutpannabuddha-sam. mukh?vasthitasam?dhi S?tra see Harrison (1998: 17ff). On Dao’an’s Maitreya cult see Zürcher (2007: 194); Mah?y?na S?tras concerning Maitreya existed in China at least from the time of Dharmaraks.a (Legittimo 2008: 252); on early Maitreya cults in East Asia see Sponberg (1988: 94ff); Tanaka has pointed out (1987: 39) that the cult of Maitreya exceeded the cult of Amit?bha up to the Tang period. 192. On Huiyuan see Mochizuki (2001, chapter III) and Zürcher (2007: 204ff); on Tanluan see Mochizuki (2000) and Corless (2000, 2006); for an example of Shandao’s writing on visualization and chanting see Inagaki (1999). 193. On the different sorts of nien-fo see Jones (2001); on Buddha recollection and the Indian background to nien-fo see Keenan (1989). For an overview of the Pure Land tradition in early medieval China see Mochizuki (2002). On the elevation of devotion above spiritual effort in the shorter Sukh?vat?-vy?ha S?tra see Inagaki and Stewart (2010: 94–95); on the practice of reflecting on Avalokite?vara in early Mah?y?na S?tras see Harrison (1992: 224ff); on Avalokite?vara’s subordinate role in the S?tras focused on Amit?bha see Studholme (2002: 49–50); on the cult of Avalokite?vara in East Asia see Tay (1988). On the roots of lay Pure Land practice in the teachings of Tanluan and Daochuo see Velasco (1996); on the ecumenical nature of Pure Land societies in the Sung see Getz Jr. (1999).

         On the general lack of a meditative tradition until the fourth century see Zürcher (2007: 187); on Huiyuan’s understanding of dhy?na see Zürcher (2007: 222–23). 194. On the oldest occurrence of the term chan zhong see Foulk (2007: 444). For Tanlin’s seventh century biography of Bodhidharma see Broughton (1999: 8­9, 52ff); on the possibility that Bodhidharma was an Iranian see Broughton (1999: 53); Huike and Daoyu, Bodhidharma’s two disciples, are mentioned in the biography of Tanlin and Daoxuan (Broughton 1999: 9, 55–56); on the invention of a mythical Chan transmission via 28 patriarchs see Foulk (1992, 2007: 444ff); on the Chan background to this mythological formation see McRae (2003: 48, 55) and Morrison (2010, chapter 2); on the development of the idea of Chan as a tradition of mind to mind transmission see Welter (2000). On Bodhidharma’s two entrances see Broughton (1999: 9ff, 68ff), McRae (2003: 28ff) and Suzuki (1935, part IV); on the meaning of wall­gazing see Broughton (1999: 66ff). 195. For the Lan.k?vat?ra S?tra see Suzuki (1932); on its position in early Chan see McRae (2003: 62) and Morrison (2010: 57ff); for translations of the ?r?m?ladev?-mah?sim. han?da S?tra see Wayman and Wayman (1974) and Paul and McRae (2004); on its Buddha­nature doctrine see Paul (1979); for a translation of the Mah?-parinirv?n.a S?tra see Blum (2013); on its Buddhanature thought see Lai (1982) and Liu (1982).

  For the Ratnagotravibh?ga see Takasaki (1966: 135ff); for key sections and analysis see Frauwallner (2010: 274ff, 480ff); according to Takasaki (1966: 57ff) there is no vijñaptimatra doctrine in the Ratnagotra-vibh?ga. For a translation of the ‘Awakening of Faith’ see Hakeda (1967); on Param?rtha’s likely authorship of it see Grosnick (1989); on its Buddha­nature doctrine see Lusthaus (1998, section 5).

  On the synthesis of Yog?c?ra and Tath?gatarbha thought in China see Lai (1977) and Keenan (1982); on this synthesis and Param?rtha’s identification of a purified consciousness with the Buddha­nature see Lusthaus (1998, section 4); for this synthesis in the Lan.k?vat?ra S?tra see Suzuki (1932: 190ff). 196. For the Xin Xin Ming see Suzuki (1935, part IV). On the Chan lineage from Hongren to Shenxiu see McRae (2003, chapter 1). 197. On literary activity in early Chan, especially among the disciples of Shenxiu, see McRae (2003, chapter 3); on Shenhui and his polemical campaign against the Northern School see McRae (1987, 2003: 54ff). 198. On the composition of the Platform S?tra see McRae (2003: 56ff); on its verse competition see McRae (2000: 19ff, 2003: 61–62); for further studies of sudden and gradual approaches to meditation in Chan see Gómez (1987) and Foulk (1993). 199. On the An Lushan rebellion see Dalby (1979: 561ff); for its effects on Chinese Buddhism see McRae (2003: 71); on Mazu’s Hongzhou school see Jia (2006) and Poceski (2007); on ‘encounter dialogue’ and the Song depiction of Mazu as an iconoclast see McRae (2000a; 2003, chapter 4) and Jia (2006, chapter 3); on Chan as an orthodox rather than iconoclastic school see Faulk (1993a) and Poceski (2007, chapters 3–4); on the general lack of instantaneous rhetoric and ideas in the Hongzhou school see Poceski (2007, chapter 6).

  On the emergence of the scheme of five Chan houses in the eleventh century see Schlütter (2008: 20ff); on the Chan dominance of Buddhist monasticism in the Song see McRae (2003, chapter 5) and Schlütter (2008: 45ff); on the historical development of kongan literature see Foulk (2000); on the revival of the Caodong school in the early twelfth century see Schlütter (2008, chapter 4); on the teachings of the Linji school see Sasaki (2009: 3ff) and Welter (2008). 200. On Honghzi’s ‘silent meditation’ see Schlütter (2004; 2008, chapter 7); on the ganhwa method of Dahui see Buswell (1987) and Schlütter (2008, chapter 5); Schlütter (2000) has shown that the Linji and Caodong traditions were not clearly distinct before Honghzi and Dahui, despite Dahui’s attack on silent meditation (on which see Schlütter, 2008: 116ff). 201. On the literary activity of Param?rtha and Xuanzang see Lee (2004, part 3) and Lusthaus (2002: 274, 318ff, 369ff); on the composition and literary history of the Lotus S?tra see Karashima (2001) and Pye (2003, Appendix B); on its worship and the results to be expected thereof see e.g. chapters 17, 19; on its ridicule see Kubo and Yuyama (2007: 73, 76, 158, 189– 90, 265).

  On the apotropaic and gnostic goals achieved through reciting the Lotus S?tra see Kubo and Yuyama (2007: 205­07); on its conception of the Buddha’s longevity see chapter 16. 202. The idea of a single ‘vehicle’ first appears in the verses that conclude chapter 2 of the Lotus S?tra (Kubo and Yuyama 2007: 34ff); on its notion of skill in means, see Pye (2003, chapters 2–3). On the historical background to panjiao exegesis in early medieval Chinese Buddhism see Gregory (1991, chapter 3); on Zhiyi’s panjiao see Chappell (1976); on the similar scheme of the Huayan scholar Zongmi see Gregory (1993: 134ff; 2009); for an overview of Zhiyi's thought see Chappell (1987); for an overview of Zhiyi's teachings on meditation see Stevenson (1986). 203. For an overview of Fazang’s life and work see Chen (2005); on Fazang’s thought see Chen (2007, chapter 7); on the panjiao scheme of Fazang see Ming­Wood (1981); for a translation of the Avatam. saka S?tra see Cleary (1984); on Huayan as a philosophical rendering of the Avatam. saka S?tra’s mythic Buddhism in terms of li and shih see Kang­nam (2000); for a introduction to Huayan thought see Chang (1971).

  On the early history of Buddhist monasticism in China see Heirman (2007) and Kieschnick (2009); on the Tantric Buddhism of the Tang period see Chou (2006), Orzech (2011) and Sørenson (2011); on ?ubh?rakarasim. ha, Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra see Pinte (2011), Orzech (2011a) and Lehnert (2011) respectively. 204. According to Gernet, despite the large expenditure required to maintain a non­productive monastic class, Buddhism in early medieval China led to an increase in commerce and manufacture (1995: 14); on the economic activities of Buddhist monasteries see Kieschnick (2009: 567ff). 205. For the text of Wuzong’s suppression edict see de Bary (2008: 306–7); for observations on its causes and effect see Dalby (1979: 666ff). On elite support for Buddhism in the Song see Schlütter (2000: 26ff); on the Song as a period of Buddhist consolidation see Gregory and Getz (1999, introduction); on the regulation of monasticism in the Song, and the increased level of state interference in Buddhism, see Schlütter (2000, chapter 2). 206. On Buddhism during the Ming period see Chün­Fang (1998). On Buddhist vitality in early twentieth century China see Welch (1967). 207. On the impact of the Cultural Revolution on Chinese Buddhism see Welch (1972); on Ven. Taixu see Long (2000); on Buddhism in contemporary China and Taiwan see Chandler (2006). Chapter VIII State Buddhism in Asia

209. For the statement of King Taejo see Vermeersch (2008: 92). On the problems involved in applying the term ‘nation’ to Buddhist societies in Asia see Dreyfus (1995: 117) and McDaniel (2002). 210. For canonical sources on the ‘wheel turning Dharmar?ja’ see Rhys Davids (1995: 110, 2002: 59ff); for a discussion of this ideology see Tambiah (1976, chapter 2); on the presentation of A?oka as a Cakravartin Dharmar?ja in the A?ok?vad?na see Strong (1984: 44ff). For useful data on the royal patronage of Indian Buddhism see Hazra (1984), Daswani (2006: 246ff) and Strong (1984, chapter 2); on the general lack of Indian Buddhist involvement in state affairs see Bronkhorst (2011: 99ff). 211. On the different forms of Sangha governance in ancient India and the Therav?da nations see Bechert (1973); for an overview of early Buddhist conceptions of kingship see Gokhale (1966; 1994, chapter 9). On the royal appropriation of Buddhist cosmology and mythology see Heine­Geldern (1942), Tambiah (1976, chapter 6), Vermeersch (2008: 133ff) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 141ff).

  On the royal appropriation of the terms cakravartin and bodhisattva in Pagan see Luce (1969: 14, 56); on the identifications of kings as Bodhisattvas, Cakravartins and Buddhas in Siam see Skilling (2007: 188ff); on the symbiosis of Sangha and state and dhammar?ja/cakkavatti mythology in Laos since the fifteenth century see Grabowsky (2007: 126ff); with regard to royal patronage as a form of pious generosity, see the statements of R?ma I (Skilling 2007: 185).

  On the state involvement of Buddhism in historical Asia see: Skilling (2007) for Thailand; Tambiah (1976: 93ff), Ray (2002: 269ff) and Huxley (2007) for Burma; Rahula (1966: 69ff; 1974, chapter 5) for Sri Lanka; Vermeersch (2008, chapter 5) for Korea; Kitagawa (1990) and Blum (2006) for Japan; and Dreyfus (1995) for Tibet.

  On Buddhists as lawmakers see Reynolds (1995) and Huxley (2002); on the Buddhist sources of Southeast Asian law see Lingat (1950) and Huxley (1995); on the relationship between Buddhist and Tibetan law see Dreyfus (1995) and French (1995, 1995a). Ray’s overview of the Sangha in Burmese society (2002: 266ff) highlights the most salient socio­cultural features of Buddhism as a state religion.

  On monastic roles approximating the Sangha­r?ja in medieval Sri Lanka see Tambiah (1976: 176–77); on Sangha­r?jas in the Siamese Sangha since the Sukhothai period see Taylor (1992: 114ff) and Tambiah (1976: 181, 230ff); on the different sorts of Sangha­state relations which developed in India and China on the one hand, and the rest of Asia on the other, see Dreyfus (1995: 117); the relationship between Chan and the Song state outlined by Schlütter (2008, conclusion) describes the general situation in China well. For a different perspective on the historical relationship between Buddhism and the state see Harris (1999, chapter 1). 212. With regard to the lack of any absolute distinction between guild and state Buddhism, Ray’s overview of the organization of the Burmese Sangha (2002: 272ff) highlights the relative autonomy of monastic guilds even in a religious culture headed by a Sangha­r?ja. 213 For an overview of Sinhalese Buddhist history see Gombrich (1991: 23ff); on the A?okan mission to Sri Lanka see Gombrich (1994: 10ff), Gurguge (1994: 70ff), Seneviratna (1994a: 115ff), Norman (1997: 118) and Wynne (2005: 51ff); on elite patronage of the early Sangha in Sri Lanka see Conningham (1995); the epigraphical evidence which supports the Pali record of the mission is analyzed in Willis (2001); on the transportation to and ritual use of relics in Sri Lanka see Strong (2004, chapter 6).

  On the historical relationship between the different Vibhajjav?din sects see Cousins (2001) and Sujato (2006, chapter 6); on the use of the terms therav?da and theriya see Skilling (2009), Gethin (2012) and An?layo (2103b); on the lack of the terms sthavira-v?da/v?din in Indian Buddhism see Skilling (2009: 65). 214. On the foundation of the Mah?vih?ra see Geiger (1912: 110ff, especially v.180ff) and Rahula (1966: 52–53); on the tradition of the Mah?vih?ra see Skilling (2009: 71–72) and Gethin (2012: 14ff).

215. For the account of the war between Dut.t.hag?mini and the Tamils see Geiger (1912: 178, especially v.109–11); on writing down of Tipit.aka see Geiger (1912: 237), Rahula (1966: 81), Collins (1990: 97ff) and Norman (1997, chapter 5); on monastic feudalism in Sri Lanka see R?hula (1966: 141ff; 1974, chapter 8) and de Silva (1981, chapter 5); on ?r?mikas, kappiya-k?rakas and other sorts of monastic slaves and servants see Rahula (140– 41, 146ff). 216. On the foundation of the Abhayagiri­vih?ra see Geiger (1912: 235) and Rahula (1966: 83ff); on the relationship between the Mah?vih?ra and Abhayagiri traditions see Cousins (2012: 68ff); on the literature of the Abhayagiri school see Norman (1991), Skilling (1993) and von Hinüber (1996: 22–23); on the Jetavan?r?ma see Geiger (1912: 269) and Rahula (1966: 95); on relations between different Sinhalese fraternities from the third century ad onwards see Rahula (1966, chapter 7, 194ff) and Bechert (1993).

  On the introduction of Buddhism to mainland Southeast Asia see Skilling (1997a; 2009: 74) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010, chapter 3); on Amaravati style dharma-cakras in Southeast Asia see Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 67–68); on the Indian sources of Buddhist art and architecture in Southeast Asia see Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 91ff); on the South Indian origins of Buddhism in ?r? Ks.etra see Ray (2002: 44ff).

  On the kingdoms of Dv?ravat? and ?r? Ks.etra see Hall (1981: 153ff, 182ff); on Dv?ravat? see Brown (1996, chapter 3); on the Buddhism of the early Southeast Asian kingdoms see Assavavirulhakarn (2010, chapter 4), de Casparis and Mabbett (1992: 291ff) and Indrawooth (2011). According to Mah?thera (1968: 5ff) Buddhism flourished in Tamil South India between the third and seventh centuries ad, and persisted until the fourteenth century. 217. On the Golden Pali text see Stargardt (1995, 2000), Ray (2002: 37ff) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 79ff); on early Buddhist inscriptions in Southeast Asia see Skilling (1997, 2002) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010, chapter 4). 218. On Brahminic and Mah?y?na images from Dv?ravat? and ?riks.etra see Behrendt (2007) and Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 94). On Funan, Chenla and Champa see Harris (2005: 3ff); on the mixture of Buddhism and Brahmanism which flourished in Southeast Asia during the first millennium ad see Brown (1992), de Casparis and Mabbett (1992: 286ff) and Stargardt (2005); on Mah?y?na and Brahminic aspects of religion and art in the kingdom of Pagan see Strachan (1989: 10); on the lin.gas which suggest strong support for ?aivism in medieval peninsular Thailand see O’Connor (1983).

  On the hybrid of Theriya, Mah?y?na and Brahminic elements that characterized Southeast Asian religion in the medieval period see Skilling (2009: 75); on Brahminic influences in medieval Burma see Luce (1969, chapter 11); on the ceremonial importance of Brahminism in Pagan see e.g. Luce (1969: 68ff); on the mixture of Buddhist and Brahminic elements that have characterized royal ritual in Siam from the early medieval period onwards see Skilling (2007: 185–86); for an overview of the presence of Brahminism in the various kingdoms in the region of Thailand since the early medieval period see Skilling (2007: 198ff).

  Early medieval contact between Burma and the P?la empire is indicated by the Burmese votive tablets in the N?gar? script, which appear from the seventh century onwards (Luce 1969: 97–98); on the presence of Mah?y?na and Tantric influences in Burma since the early medieval period see Luce (1969, chapter 10); for an overview of the archaeology and epigraphy of Pagan see Ray (2002: 57ff); Aniruddha’s restoration of the Mah?bodhi temple of Bodhgay? in the twelfth century (Luce 1969: 62; Ray 2002: 105) shows that contacts between Burma and East Bengal persisted until the final period of Indian Buddhism; on the mixture of Therav?da, Mah?y?na and Brahminism that flourished in Pagan see Ray (2002: 147ff); according to Luce (1969: 61, 97) the elevation of Therav?da over Mah?y?na occurred in the reign of Kyanzittha (c.1084–1112).

  On the man.d.ala mode of governance see Tambiah (1967, chapter 7) and Kulke and Rothermund (2004: 128ff); according to Holt (2009: 28ff) man.d.ala polities were easily assimilated with the muang village organization of Tai peoples in Southeast Asia.

  On the predominance of Tantric ?aivism in Angkor (and earlier) see Sanderson (2003–4); on the Tantric deification of the king at Angkor see Harris (2005: 11ff); on kingship in Angkor see Mabbett (1978); Skilling (2007: 194) has noted that the deification of the king has been a feature of kingship in Siam since the Ayutthaya period; on Angkorian support for Mah?y?na prior to and under Jayavarman VII see Harris (2005: 16ff). 219. On the presence of Theriyas during Angkorian period see Harris (2005: 17, 22ff); on the influence of Siamese Therav?da since the fifteenth century see Harris (2005: 30ff); on the rise of the Therav?dins in Southeast Asia in the early second millennium ad see Assavavirulhakarn (2010: 163ff); on Aniruddha’s appropriation of the Mon Buddhism of lower Burma see Luce (1969: 23, 40, 44), Ray (2002: 76ff) and Stadtner (2008); on Burmese contacts with Sri Lanka in the eleventh century see Luce (1969: 38ff) and Ray (2002: 99f); on the flourishing of the Sinhalese monastic lineages in northern Thailand since the late medieval period see Skilling (2007: 183–84; 2009: 76ff) and Veidlinger (2007: 43ff); for reflections on the transference of monastic lineages from one Therav?da state to another see Blackburn (2003).

  On Chiang Mai and the kingdom of Lanna see Veidlinger (2007: 2ff); on Sukothai see Tambiah (1967: 84ff); on the Mon origins of Therav?da Buddhism in northern Thailand see Veidlinger (2007: 31ff); on the ‘golden age’ of Buddhism in Lanna see Veidlinger (2007, chapter 3); on Sinhalese Buddhism in the Polonnaruva period see de Silva (1981: 73ff) 220. On the unification of the Sinhalese Sangha see Bechert (1993); on Buddhism at the court of Kandy see de Silva (1981, chapter 15). 221. On the projection of Buddhist mythology on to the ‘known world of men’ in the Traibh?mikath? (Reynolds and Reynolds, 1982) see Tambiah (1984: 79); Tambiah (1976, chapter 7) has similarly noted how the medieval man.d.ala states of Southeast Asia were constructed around cosmological ideals, as has Harris (2005: 19) for Angkor. 222. On the cycle of royal support, monastic decline and purification see Tambiah (1967, chapter 9); on purification of the Sangha in Sri Lanka see Rahula (1966: 67); for information on monastic reform at the beginning of new regimes in Burma see Ray (2002: 182ff, 233ff); on the regulatory or ‘purificatory’ measures introduced at the beginning of the current Cakri dynasty see Taylor (1992); on the royal purification of the Sangha in Thailand since the nineteenth century see Skilling (2007: 197). 223. On the use of protectional formulas and chants in Therav?da see Skilling (1992); on animistic elements in Therav?da see Sharot (2001, chapter 6), Obeyesekere (1963), and Ames (1964); on the historical background to Southeast Asian animism see Assavirulhakarn (2010: 113ff); on the supernatural beings of the Therav?din cosmos as understood in rural Sri Lanka see Gombrich (1991, chapter 4); on the difference between the Sinhalese and Lao approach to animistic deities see Holt (2009: 16ff); on apotropaic elements of modern Thai Buddhism see Terwiel (2012, chapter 4); on some of the various means of making merit in modern Thai Buddhism see Terwiel (2012, chapter 9); on the close relationship between karmic and apotropaic Buddhism in modern Thailand see Terwiel (2012, chapter 8).

  On the Yog?vacara tradition see Cousins (1997) and Crosby (1999, 2000); for an overview of esoteric Buddhism in Cambodia see Harris (2005: 93ff, 100ff); on Buddhist wizards in modern Burma see Pranke (1995, 2010). 224. On Mah?y?na and Tantric Buddhism in Sri Lanka see de Silva (1981: 49ff), Skilling (2013: 92ff) and Schopen (2005, chapter 11); for an overview of Tantric Buddhism in Southeast Asia see Woodward (2004: 334ff); for the reference to secret or ‘cryptic’ (g?l.ha) books on meditation in the Visuddhimagga see Ñ?n.amol.i (2010: 110).

  For an overview of vipassan? teachings in modern Southeast Asia see Kornfield (2010); on its revival in the nineteenth century see Carrithers (1983, chapter 11) and Braun (2013); on the possible links of modern vipassan? practice to ancient Therav?din or even Indian tradition, see An?layo (2006). On Buddhaghosa see Law (1932), Malalasekera (1958, chapter 5), Norman (1983: 120ff), Ñ?n.amoli (1999: xxviii ff), von Hinüber (1996: 102–3), and Gethin (2012). 225. With regard to the persistence of old traditions in modern Thailand, see Reynolds’ comments (1975: 41) on the cosmic symbolism of contemporary royal architecture; Tambiah (1984) has also noted the persistence of old Buddhist ideas and traditions in Thailand. For an overview of modernism in Thai Buddhism see McDaniel (2006); on the Dhammakaya temple see Mackenzie (2007) and Scott (2009); on Santi Asoke see Mackenzie (2007). 226. On King Mongkut’s reforms see Swearer (1999); for reflections on the life and times of King Mongkut see Pramoj (1950), Rajathon (1954) and Griswold (1957); on the growth of the Thammayut network in the early twentieth century see Taylor (1992: 117ff); on the Sangha Act of 1902 see Tambiah (1967, chapter 12) and McDaniel (2009, chapter 3); on the issue of Buddhist centralization in modern Thailand see McDaniel (2006: 102ff; 2008, chapter 3); with regard to the vibrancy of Thai Therav?da beyond the institutional level see the study of Stengs (2009) on the cult of Rama V. 228. On the fifth and sixth Buddhist councils see Frasch (2013). For an overview of Buddhist modernism in Burma see Schober (2006). 229. On the effects of the Khmer Rouge on Buddhism in Cambodia see Harris (2005, chapter 7); on modernist trends in Cambodian Buddhism see Harris (2005, chapter 8); on the impact of Marxism on Lao Therav?da see Holt (2009, chapter 3); on Buddhism in modern Laos see Stuart Fox (1999).

  On Anagarika Dharmapala see McMahan (2007: 91ff) and Grant (2009, chapter 4); on the variety of Sinhalese Buddhist responses to British colonialists see Harris (2006, parts IV–V); on Protestant Buddhism see Gombrich and Obeyesekere (1988, chapter 6); on Buddhist nationalism in Sri Lanka see Tambiah (1992), Seneviratne (1999) and Grant (2009, chapters 5–6). 230. On the revival of the Therav?din order of nuns see Bodhi (2009) and An?layo (2013, 2013a); on the order of nuns in ancient Sri Lanka see Bartholomeusz (1992: 37ff).

  For an overview of Korean Buddhist history see Buswell (1992: 22ff); on the introduction of Buddhism to Korea see Ahn (1989); on Buddhism among the early Korean kingdoms see Inoue (1989) and Rhi (1989); on the relation between Buddhism and the Silla state see Ki­baek (1989) and Vermeersch (2008, chapter 1). 232. On early scholastic traditions in Buddhist Korea see Kim (1989); on Wonhyo see Muller et al. (2012, introduction); on the arrival of esoteric Buddhism in Korea see Sørenson (2006a: 63ff). 233. On the establishment of the Seon school in Korea see Lee (2013, chapter 1); on the practice of Seon in Korea see Buswell (1992, chapter 7). 234. For an overview of the life and work of Jinul see Buswell (1983, introduction; 2012, introduction). 236. On Buddhism in the Goryeo period see Vermeersch (2008); on Buddhism in the Goryeo and Joseon periods see Han (2002); on esoteric Buddhism in the Joseon period see Sørenson (2006). 238. On Buddhism in modern Korea see Buswell (1992, chapter 1) and Park (2006).

241. On the introduction of Buddhism to Japan see Kamata (1989); on Buddhism prior to and during the Nara period see K?y? (2006); for an overview of Japanese Buddhism see Stone (2006). 242. On the transition from Nara to Heian see Hurst (2009: 32–33); on Buddhism in the Heian period see Weinstein (1999); on Saich? and Tendai Buddhism see Groner (2000) and Chen (2009); on Tendai esotericism see Dolce (2011); on K?kai and Shingon Buddhism in Japan see Yamasaki (1988) and Abé (1999). 243. On Buddhism in the Kamakura period see Dobbins (1988) and Osumi (1990); on mapp? see Blum (2002: 87ff); on Pure Land Buddhism in Japan see Dobbins (2002). 244. On H?nen and his followers see Blum (2002, chapters 1–2); on Shinran see Bloom (2007) and Dobbins (1999); on Nichiren see Asai (1999), Sato (1999) and Stone (1999). 246. On Eisai and early Zen in Japan see Colcutt (1981: 36ff); on Rinzai Zen see Collcutt (1981); on D?gen see Bielefeldt (1988). On S?t? Zen see Bodiford (1993) and Williams (2005).

247. For the citations from D?gen see Kim (2004: 127, 132).

248. For an overview of the medieval growth of Zen see Collcutt (1990); on Zen in the late medieval period see Bodiford (1993, chapter 11) and Colcutt (1981, chapter 3); for studies of the Buddhist influence on Japanese culture see Sanford et al. (1992). On Buddhism in the Tokugawa period see Hur (2007); on the disestablishment of Buddhism see Ketelaar (1990). 249. On Buddhist support for Japanese militarism in the twentieth century see Heisig and Maraldo (1995) and Victoria (2006); on Buddhism in contemporary Japan see Covell (2006); on modern Buddhist movements in Japan see Reader (1991); on the role of traditional Buddhist institutions in modern Japan see Covell (2005) and Porcu (2008). 250. For a useful overview of the history of Tibetan Buddhism see Dreyfuss (2003: 17ff); for a timeline of Buddhism in medieval Tibet see Kapstein (2000: xvii–xx); on the establishment of Buddhism in imperial Tibet see Kapstein (2000, chapter 4) and Kollmar­Paulenz (2007). 251. On Lang Darma and the collapse of imperial Tibet see Kapstein (2000: 10ff) and Davidson (2005, chapter 2); on the Buddhist revival beginning in the late tenth century see Davidson (2005, chapter 3) 252. On the emergence of the Tibetan Buddhist schools see Davidson (2005, chapters 7–8); for an overview of the schools of Tibetan Buddhism see Kapstein (2005); on the Sakya order see Samuel (1993: 473ff) and Tseten (2008). 253. On the Nyingma tradition see Samuel (1993: 458ff); on ‘treasure’ literature see Davidson (2005: chapter 6); on Dzogchen meditation see Karmay (1988), Dudjom Rinpoche (1991) and Germano (1994); on the utilization of Tantra in establishing cultural unity in Tibet see Davidson (2005: 372–73); on the Bön school see Tucci (1980, chapter 7) and Kvaerne (1994). 254. On the Mongols and Sakya Pan.d.ita see Kapstein (2000: 89ff); on Ati?a and the Kadampa tradition see Davidson (2005: 108ff); on the Kagyu school see Samuel (1993: 473ff). 255. On Tsongkhapa see Samuel (1993: 506ff); on the Geluk school and the Dalai Lamas see Samuel (1993, chapter 27). 256. For Heinrich Harrer’s account of his time in Tibet see Harrer (1954). On the Chinese invasion of Tibet see Sihlé (2006: 266ff). On the Younghusband mission see Allen (2004) and French (2004, chapter 13). Chapter IX

Why has Bodhidharma left for the West?

259. For the citation from The Dharma Bums see Kerouac (1986: 5); on this novel see Levering (2004). 260. On the pre­modern and early modern knowledge of Buddhism in the West see de Jong (1976, chapter 1) and Almond (1988, chapter 1); on the discovery of Indian Buddhism by British colonialists see Allen (2002); on the formation of Buddhist studies in the West in the late nineteenth century see de Jong (1976, chapter 2).

  On the Victorian response to Buddhism see Almond (1988, chapter 4–5) and Tweed (1992, chapters 1–2); on the positive and negative appraisal of British colonialists in Sri Lanka see Harris (2006, chapters 10–12); on the Theosophists and Buddhism see Harris (2006, chapter 14) and McMahan (2007: 97ff); on the influence of the Theosophists in America see Fields (1992, chapter 6); on The Light of Asia see Harris (2006, chapter 9). 261. On early migrant Buddhist communities in America see Fields (1992, chapter 5) and Seager (1999, chapter 5); on immigrant Buddhists in the West see Prebish and Baumann (2002, Part II). On the ‘two Buddhisms’ of immigrant and convert Buddhists see Numrich (2006); on the conceptual simplicity of the immigrant/ convert dichotomy see Baumann (2002: 52ff) and Seager (1999: 233ff, 247). For William Prufurst’s account of his life as a monk in Thailand see Randall (1990); on this episode in modern Buddhism see Batchelor (1994: 41–42) and Skilton (2013).

  On the Buddhist response to scientific rationalism see McMahan (2007: 63ff, chapter 4); on the appeal of Buddhist rationalism in late Victorian America see Tweed (1992, chapter 3). 262. For an overview of mindfulness­based cognitive therapy see Siegel et al. (2009) and Williams and Kabat­Zinn (2011); on the theory and practice of mindfulness­based cognitive therapy see Segal et al. (2004); on the Buddhist background to the practice see Mace (2008, chapter 1), Gilpin (2008), Bodhi (2011) and Dreyfus (2011); on the scientific aspects of this practice see Mace (2008, chapter 2); on modern scientific approaches to Buddhist meditation see Austin (1998) and McMahan (2007: 204ff).

  On the Buddhist interaction with cognitive science see Houshmand et al. (1999), Hayward and Varela (2001), Payne (2002) and Flanagan (2011). 263. On the error of ascribing psychological predicates to the brain in modern cognitive science see Hacker and Bennett (2003, chapter 3); on the wider cultural significance of the dialogue between Buddhism and science see McMahan (2007: 113ff); on explorations of the common ground between Madhyamaka and modern particle physics see Wallace (2003, part 3).

  For a discussion of the protestant critique of Catholic ritual see Cameron (2011, chapter 13).

264. On the disenchanting effects of science see Weber (1946: 139ff); on the aesthetic function of religion see Weber (1946: 340ff); for an overview of Weber’s ideas on rationalism and disenchantment see Gane (2002, chapter 2). On the Chan critique of ritual see Heine and Wright (2008: 4); on the critique of ritual by Buddhadasa and Santi Asoke see Swearer (2006: 242ff); for a more positive modernist appraisal of the spiritual utility of ritual see the comments of P. A. Payutto (Swearer, 2004: 241).

  The practice and appeal of ritual have not been widely studied in the emerging Buddhist communities of the West: Prebish and Baumann (2002: 3) have stated that apotropaic aspects such as ritual have not been a factor in the spread of Buddhism to the West, whereas Wallace (2002: 46) believes that a ‘Buddhist protestant reformation’ is emerging in the West. Seager (1999: 114), in contrast, has noted that the rapid spread of Tibetan Buddhism could be due to the traditional forms in which it reached the West in the 1960s; Seager has also noted the devotional ethos (1999: 123) and ritualism (1999: 129ff) of Tibetan Buddhism in America.

  Baumann (2002: 59) has noted that re­enchantment may be a motive for Westerns attracted to Tibetan Buddhism, but argues that Tibetan Buddhism in the West is already substantially different from its traditional practice; on the issue of ritual appeal in general see Wilson (2009: 110ff). On the appeal of Buddhist aesthetics in Victorian America see Tweed (1992: 69ff); on the appeal of Tibetan Buddhism in the West see McMahan (2007: 255ff) and Konik (2009, Part II). 265. On the romantic background to the Western interest in Buddhism see Batchelor (1994, chapter 15), Clarke (1997, chapter 4) and McMahan (2007: 76ff, chapter 5); on the transcendentalist background to American Buddhism see Fields (1992, chapter 4); on Buddhism and the Beats see Fields (1981, chapter 11), Tonkinson (1995), Haynes (2005). 266. On modern Western individualism and Buddhism see McMahan (2007: 188ff); see also Gombrich (2009: 194–95) on the early Buddhist focus on personal responsibility. On the Western interest in Buddhist meditation see Clarke (1997: 160ff) and McMahan (2007, chapter 7). 267. On Buddhist and disenchantment see McMahan (2007: 11ff, 165ff, 236ff); on re­enchantment as a response to modernity see Jenkins (2000); on the various means of secular re­enchantment see Landy and Sale (2009); on ‘global folk Buddhism’ as an emerging post­modern religious ethos in the West see McMahan (2007: 261ff). 268. With regard to the replication of the autonomous guild structure in the West see the comments of Seager (1999: 232–33) on Buddhist decentralization in America; Baumann and Prebish have noted (2002: 3–4) that Western schools of Buddhism will develop at a much faster rate than in historical Asia. 269. Queen’s view (2003: 2–3) that engaged Buddhism is a path in its own right, distinct from ritual, meditation and so on, is based upon the misconception that ethical engagement has not been part of the traditional path; while King believes that engaged Buddhism emerged ‘dramatically in the twentieth century’ (2009: 1), and that it is not part of what many consider traditional Buddhism, she also notes Asian claims that Buddhism has always been engaged (2009: 8ff). 270. On the humanistic orientation of Stephen Batchelor’s approach to Buddhism see Batchelor (1997 and 2010); on the modern roots of the this­worldly ethos in contemporary Buddhism see McMahan (2008: 218ff). On this­worldly or secular Buddhism as an explicit development of canonical teachings see Batchelor (2012).

 



 

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