Fifteenth Century Tibet: Cultural Blossoming and Political Unrest Proceedings of a Conference Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March 2015 Edited by Volker Caumanns and Marta Sernesi Lumbini International Research Institute Lumbini 2017 227 DID MKHAS GRUB RJE CHALLENGE THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE SA SKYA LAM ’BRAS TRADITION?* YAEL BENTOR (The Hebrew University of Jerusalem) Introduction Tibetologists have taken some note of the dispute between mKhas grub rje and Ngor chen concerning the body maṇḍala of Hevajra. In 1985, van der Kuijp1 wrote that mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) and Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456) “had a tremendous fall-out over the interpretation of the lus-dkyil of Hevajra.”2 The autobiography of Glo bo mKhan chen bSod nams lhun grub (1456–1532), translated into English by Jowita Kramer,3 provides crucial information concerning this issue. There, we read that when Ngor chen was invited to Glo bo, he replied that he could not leave central Tibet4 “because of a work by mKhas grub rje which says that the body maṇḍala of Hevajra is not an authentic teaching.” Heimbel studied a later biography of Ngor chen, written by mNga’ ris pa Sangs rgyas phun tshogs (1649–1705). In this work, the problem was framed in the following way: Ngor chen could not travel because of a dispute in which it was claimed that,5 “the body maṇḍala * 1 2 3 4 5 This research was supported by The Israel Science Foundation, grant no. 401/13. I would like to thank Jörg Heimbel for his valuable comments on a draft of this paper. Van der Kuijp 1985a: 51. In another paper written the same year van der Kuijp described the compositions of Ngor chen on this topic, the sMra ba ngan ’joms and the lTa ba ngan sel: “Written during the first half of 1426, these are two prints of the same text, with some interesting variant readings. It is a polemical work dealing with the maṇḍala of Hevajra, conceived as a reply to and criticism of Mkhas-grub-rje’s aside on the same in his Rgyud thams-cad-kyi rgyal-po dpal-gsang-ba ’duspa’i bskyed-rim dngos-grub rgya-mtsho. The latter wrote a reply to Ngor-chen’s work which, in the later literature, is usually referred to as the Ngor-lan.” Van der Kuijp 1985b: 88. The Ngor lan is the gNam lcags ’khor lo, or in its complete title: Phyin ci log gi gtam gyi sbyor ba la zhugs pa’i smra ba ngan pa rnam par ’thag pa’i bstan bcos gnam lcags ’khor lo. Kramer 2008. The Tibetan text is found on pp. 116–117, and the English translation on p. 146. See also Heimbel 2014: 304–305. Tib.: lcang ra bka’ bcu pas kye rdor lus dkyil chos rnam dag ma yin zer ba’i yi ge mdzad pa la brten nas, my translation. Tib.: sa skya pa’i lus dkyil rgyud gzhung nas ma bshad zer ba, my translation. For the Tibetan text and an English translation see Heimbel 2014: 300–301. 228 of the Sa skya pa was not explained in the Tantra and treatises.” David Jackson, for his part, describes the events thus:6 A few years before founding Ngor, while in his early forties, Ngorchen was forced to assume much responsibility for the Sakya School. In 1425, when Thekchen Chöje passed away, that school and the Sakya Khön family lost their most eminent representative, who had been honored as the Ming emperor’s preceptor. The same year, when the learned tantric expert within Tsongkhapa’s new Geluk Order, Khedrupje, wrote his anti-Sakya tantric polemics, it fell to Ngorchen to reply.7 On this basis we may conclude that mKhas grub rje’s bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho was written as an anti-Sa skya attack that challenged the authenticity of the body maṇḍala of Hevajra practiced by this school. Achieving its goal, this polemical writing provoked such a commotion in Sa skya that Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po could not travel until he responded to the criticism of mKhas grub rje. Moreover, though he had no part in this dispute, Ngor chen was chosen for the task of countering the opinion of mKhas grub rje. This seems to be indeed the common oral tradition among members of the Sa skya school. Inspired by Elijah Ary, who probes the oral tradition of the dGe lugs pa school through a chronological scrutiny of biographies,8 we shall take a close look at these accounts. In fact, much work has already been done in this direction. In his recent study of the life of Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po,9 Heimbel pointed out the difficulty in establishing a time frame for the travel ban that delayed Ngor chen’s visit to Glo bo. Our two above-cited sources pertaining to Ngor chen and travel do not agree on the specific event, and in any case neither speaks of the period before 1426, the year Ngor chen composed his replies to mKhas grub rje.10 Jackson 2010: 178. In another publication Jackson described the unrest caused by mKhas grub rje’s criticism in these words: “mKhas grub rje’s polemical writings concerning the Hevajra body-maṇḍala stirred up the emotions of monks in gTsang to such an extent that the religious scholars at Sa skya were temporarily forbidden to travel until the outstanding tantric expert Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456) had written his two replies in 1426.” Jackson 2007: 354–355. 8 Ary 2015. 9 Heimbel 2014: 356. 10 As Heimbel notes, neither [auto]-biography was written during the lifetime of Ngor chen, still, Glo bo mKhan chen was not only closer to the events, he had access to some of the letters that Ngor chen sent in reply to his invitation by the Glo bo ruler A ma dpal (1388–ca. 1456) to visit Glo bo. This correspondence specifically refers to Ngor chen’s second visit to Glo bo during 1436–1437, which took place about ten years after he wrote his two replies to mKhas grub rje. While Ngor chen wrote his two replies in the third day of the first half of the third month of 1426, the earliest letter from Ngor chen that Glo bo mKhan chen cites is from the tenth month of that year. See Kramer 2008: 145–146. The Tibetan text is found on pp. 116–117. See also Heimbel 2014: 347–348 & 571. 6 7 229 In his biography of Ngor chen, Sangs rgyas phun tshogs links the controversy over the Hevajra body maṇḍala not only to the travel ban, but also to Ngor chen’s defense of the Sa skya tantric tradition against the claim that its theoretical basis is Mind-only, written in 1406.11 But already in 1991 Davidson cautions us:12 Modern Tibetan religious folklore often reifies all Sa-skya-pa critics into dGelugs-pa monks and, in the case of Ngor-chen, into mKhas-grub dge-legs dpalbzang-po (1385–1438). Certainly, mKhas-grub-rje was one of Ngor-chen’s critics in his later life… However, the circumstances were more complex than reification into a single antagonist. For example, the dates themselves are difficult—in 1404,13 mKhas-grub-rje turned 19 years of age and was still a good Sa-skya-pa monk studying with Red-mda’-ba; he did not even visit Tsong-kha-pa until 1407. Ngor chen, Tsong kha pa and mKhas grub rje The early fifteenth century, the floruit of these three scholars, was important for the systematization of Buddhist thought and practice in Tibet, and especially for the crystallization of tantric traditions, with various polemical compositions appearing. In an early article, Davidson introduced Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po by comparing his attempt to formulate a coherent system to that of Tsong kha pa,14 and in another study the author characterizes Ngor chen as a scholar who:15 “displayed his penchant for harmonizing the exegesis of all his available sources,” a description that equally portrays Tsong kha pa, who sought a comprehensive Buddhist system of both Sūtra and Tantra. For him the slightest internal contradiction could invalidate the complex system of both Sūtra and Tantra. Yet a perfectly systematized presentation required that these two scholars include in their works multiple disputations and distance themselves from the methods of several of their Indian and Tibetan predecessors. Still these two polymaths had different methods for creating uniform structures of tantric practices.16 On the other hand, mKhas grub rje, a great scholar in his own right, did not produce a new complete system. An admirer of Tsong kha pa’s comprehensive overview, in his own works he reproduced and elaborated on it. Thus, in the main, the arguments mKhas grub rje presents in his bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho do not originate with him. Taken as a whole, mKhas grub rje’s work contains explanations 11 rGyud gsum gnod ’joms kyi ’grel pa. 12 Davidson 1991: 221. 13 Davidson refers here to Ngor chen’s Log rtog ngan sel, written in 1404 as well as to his rGyud gsum gnod ’joms kyi ’grel pa, written in 1406. 14 Davidson 1981: 79. 15 Davidson 1991: 211. 16 See Bentor, forthcoming. 230 and rebuttals which Tsong kha pa provided in multiple writings on the creation stage of the Guhyasamāja. mKhas grub rje arranges them according to the steps of the Guhyasamāja sādhana, and presents them in his polemical style. mKhas grub rje drew no attention to the instances in which he did not agree with Tsong kha pa or improved on his design.17 However, even among the dGe lugs pa he is known for his hot temper and sharp tongue. Without a doubt, mKhas grub rje’s personality played a role in the disputes. The strife between mKhas grub rje and Ngor chen was no mere scholarly debate. Political considerations certainly figured in the contestation. However, my aim is to investigate the disagreements themselves rather than their political and historical circumstances. Toward this purpose, I propose that we carefully consider the actual words of these three Tibetan scholars. Disagreements in the early 1420s Though Tsong kha pa and Ngor chen both strived to create consistent and coherent traditions, their choices were not always the same. In 1420, the year following Tsong kha pa’s death, Ngor chen wrote two works on the Kriyā and Caryā Tantras,18 objecting to Tsong kha pa’s position in the sNgags rim chen mo penned in 1405.19 For Tsong kha pa, deity yoga20 is the characteristic of the Mantra Vehicle that distinguishes it from the Perfection Vehicle, and thus is practiced in all four tantra classes.21 For his part Ngor chen maintains that:22 Nowhere in any Kriyā Tantra was it taught to meditate on divine identification in which you have the appearance of being endowed with the major and minor marks of the Buddha’s form body.23 For a contrary example see, Bentor 2015a. sPyod pa’i rgyud spyi’i rnam gzhag, and Bya rgyud spyi’i rnam bshad. Tse tan zhabs drung 1982: 211. Deity yoga is the tantric visualization of oneself in the pure appearance of the deity while maintaining divine identification with this deity. 21 sNgags rim chen mo, 21 & 54–62, translated by Hopkins 1977: 116 and Hopkins 1981: 47–62. 22 sPyod pa’i rgyud spyi’i rnam gzhag, folio 69b, p. 249.4.4-5, see also Bya rgyud spyi’i rnam bshad, folios 105b–106a, pp. 267.4.6–268.1.1. On this matter see, Khenpo Sonam Gyatso and Wayne Verrill 2012: 200–219. For Sangs rgyas phun tshogs’s narration on Ngor chen efforts to revive the Lower Tantras, see Davidson 1981: 84–86. The account is translated by Heimbel 2014: 294. 23 In his rGyud sde spyi’i rnam par bzhag pa rgyas par bshad pa, folios 47b–50a, pp. 536.5– 541.6, mKhas grub rje as well partook in this discussion (translated in Lessing and Wayman 1968: 162–171). Clearly mKhas grub rje wrote against Kun dga’ snying po’s rGyud sde spyi’i rnam gzhag, folio 11a, p. 6.1.2-6 (translated in Wilkinson 214: 27). Whether mKhas grub rje alludes to Ngor chen as well remains an open question. 17 18 19 20 231 In 1423, Ngor chen criticized Tsong kha pa once more in his Guhyasamāja sādhana entitled dPal gsang ba ’dus pa’i dkyil ’khor gyi sgrub pa’i thabs dngos grub rgya mtsho. We should note that dNgos grub rgya mtsho is also the poetic title of mKhas grub rje’s work on the Guhyasamāja, which as we saw is regarded as an attack on the Sa skya practice of the body maṇḍala of Hevajra. In the appendix to this sādhana,24 Ngor chen points out that the two sādhanas composed by Nāgārjuna, the Piṇḍīkramasādhana and the Sūtra-melāpaka, describe two slightly different methods for the atiyoga, the third of the four yogas within the creation stage. After discussing the dissimilarities, Ngor chen concludes:25 Therefore, it seems that the later lamas (phyis kyi bla ma rnams) who wrote many inadequate explanations by only taking into account one method of the atiyoga, did not investigate this matter in detail. Tsong kha pa is unquestionably one of these ‘later lamas.’ Tsong kha pa took Nāgārjuna’s Piṇḍīkrama-sādhana as the basic scriptural authority for his own sādhana, while in the Sūtra-melāpaka he found passages from the Guhyasamāja Tantra in support of his sādhana.26 In a similar fashion the commentary of Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po on the body maṇḍala of Cakrasa vara Vajragha ṭa, titled Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa, is a polemical work that uses the common Sa skya method of argument consisting of three steps dgag, bzhag, and spang. One of these rounds is highly critical of Tsong kha pa. Though this work is undated, it cites verbatim Tsong kha pa’s sNgags rim chen mo written in 1405, and his commentary on the practice of Cakrasa vara, which may have been written in 1415.27 We may note that the secret biography of mKhas grub rje, penned by Se ra rJe btsun Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/56), faults Ngor chen for slandering Tsong kha pa, who taught him tantric teachings.28 Possibly mKhas grub rje neither spent much time in Tsong kha pa’s presence nor was one of Tsong kha pa’s two closest disciples,29 yet, mKhas grub rje’s admiration for Tsong kha pa’s wisdom and research shines through in his bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, composed a few years after Tsong kha pa passed away. The intense 24 Shin tu rnal ’byor gyi khyad par sgrub thabs kyi yan lag tu bris pa. This is an appendix to the sādhana dedicated to differences in the step of atiyoga, hence its title. 25 Ibid., 102.4.5. 26 See Bentor 2015b: 177. 27 More on this below. The ’Dod ’jo, a lengthy commentary on the practice of Cakrasa vara according to Lūyipā, may have been composed late in Tsong kha pa’s life, perhaps in 1415. See Tshe tan zhabs drung, 1982: 213. 28 mKhas grub thams cad mkhyen pa’i gsang ba’i rnam thar, folio 7b, p. 434.4, translated in Ary, 2015: 128 and in Heimbel 2014: 310. 29 See Ary, 2015: 39–66. 232 polemics we read in mKhas grub rje’s bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho were likely prompted, at least in part, by Ngor chen’s criticism of Tsong kha pa. Disagreements in relation to tathāgata-garbha theory Among the many points of disagreement in the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, over one hundred and twenty in all, those that relate to the body maṇḍala have proven the most perplexing. The bulk of criticism in the fifteen folios of mKhas grub rje’s chapter on the body maṇḍala seems unrelated to the famous debate with Ngor chen. Nor is this larger part of mKhas grub rje’s discussion in this chapter referred to in the two compositions by Ngor chen written in 1426, or the Ngor lan, which mKhas grub rje wrote in response to it while in dGa’ ldan. Nonetheless, mKhas grub rje, who was seldom kind in his appraisals, used exceedingly harsh words to attack his opponents in the context of the body maṇḍala:30 Therefore, if those deprived of the transmitted instruction of the lamas, who have not studied much the Tantras and the works of the Great Charioteers, and who lack the capacity to analyze the scriptures using pure reason, should rest a while in their investigation of the two stages of the path of Vajradhara, this would be of great advantage for them, for their followers who strive to out-do each other in the boldness of their explanations of the teachings, for those who are content merely to watch the mouths of these followers, and likewise, for the teachings of the Victorious One. mKhas grub rje wrote the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho while still residing in gTsang, in the monastery dPal ’khor chos sde, sometime in the early years of the 1420s.31 Whom was, mKhas grub rje referring to at that time and on what theoretical grounds? mKhas grub rje opens his chapter on the body maṇḍala by saying:32 Some Tibetan lamas say the master Vajragha ṭa taught that33 “sentient beings are naturally present non-dual maṇḍalas,” and “the body maṇḍala is an unconstructed maṇḍala,” and therefore, while the bodies of all beings have 30 bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 124b, p. 250.2-4. 31 In the colophon, mKhas grub rje does not date his composition, but he specifies that it was written in dPal ’khor sde chen [dPal ’khor chos sde]. According to Jackson 2007: 355, mKhas grub rje served as the abbot of this monastery from 1421 to 1427. In 1426 Ngor chen wrote his two works on Hevajra body maṇḍala, the sMra ba ngan ’joms and the lTa ba ngan sel in which he cites at length passages from the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho on the body maṇḍala. Hence mKhas grub rje completed this work between 1421 and 1426. 32 bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 116b, p. 234.1-2. 33 Vajragha ṭa, rDo rje dril bu or Dril bu pa, Seka, Toh. 1431, D. vol. 21 [wa], D. folio 219b, p. 438.5-6. For the Skt., see Finot 1934: 62. Elsewhere I have discussed certain Tibetan interpretations of the opening verses of this work by Vajragha ṭa in more detail; see Bentor forthcoming. 233 existed from the very beginning as maṇḍalas, they themselves do not recognize this; and in order to know it, they meditate by visualizing something that already exists. Such a position is utterly wrong and entirely unsubstantiated.” mKhas grub rje is here critiquing Tibetan lamas who interpret these lines of the Indian Master Vajragha ṭa to mean that the purpose of the meditation on the body maṇḍala is to recognize something of which they were previously unaware, namely, that all sentient beings have always existed as maṇḍalas, and therefore that the yogi should visualize something that already exists. In general, the Sa skya pas were not proponents of the tathāgata-garbha theory;34 hence it seems more likely that the aspersions were aimed at followers of the Jo nang, rNying ma or bKa’ brgyud schools. Thus the question is why this should have caused such an upheaval among the Sa skyas. Moreover, the standpoint of Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po in this matter seems surprisingly similar to that of mKhas grub rje. Like mKhas grub rje, Ngor chen’s commentary on Vajragha ṭa’s Seka, entitled Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa, attacks those who understand Vajragha ṭa as saying that sentient beings are actual maṇḍalas:35 Other lamas maintain that dharmadhātu, suchness, or ‘Sugata essence’ abides constantly and firmly in all sentient beings, and that this is the ultimate truth maṇḍala of Cakrasa vara. They explain that ‘Sugata essence’ is synonymous with the unconditioned, the profound truth of cessation and emptiness endowed with all the supreme aspects. This is incorrect. The terminology Ngor chen ascribes to those mistaken “other lamas” is even more characteristic of adherents to the tathāgata-garbha theory, leading us to assume that his target was the Jo nang pa school. Moreover, not only does Ngor chen side with the dGa’ ldan pas in objecting to the position of the unnamed opponent, he also criticizes the opponent on the same grounds as the dGa’ ldan pas. I specify “dGa’ ldan pas,” since Tsong kha pa too expresses a very similar opinion in both his sNgags rim chen mo and in his ’Dod ’jo. All three masters, Ngor chen, Tsong kha pa and mKhas grub rje, reject the position that Vajragha ṭa regarded all sentient beings as embodiments of maṇḍalas. Indeed, all three of them present the same alternative interpretation, which is neither the literal meaning of the line nor an obvious option. Hence it is clear that these scholars did not develop their interpretations independently but were familiar with each other’s works.36 34 We know that Red mda’ ba gZhon nu blo gros (1348–1412) and Go rams pa rejected the positions of Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1292–1361) as well. See Cabezón and Lobsang Dargyay 2007: 71–77, 97–113, 281–306 and passim. 35 Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa, folio 370a, p. 399.3.1-3. 36 All three masters argue that the meaning of maṇḍalas naturally present in sentient beings is that the basis for creating maṇḍalas is present, and therefore there is no need to create them anew. 234 Moreover, all three masters reject the literal reading of this line for the same reason: If we were to understand Vajragha ṭa as saying that sentient beings are naturally present maṇḍalas, it would contradict the following line in the same work, in which Vajragha ṭa explains that the purpose of the initiation is to turn disciples who do not know the nature of the maṇḍala into suitable vessels for the practice of Cakrasa vara. Had a maṇḍala been present in the bodies of the initiates, they would be all-knowing Buddhas, and therefore it would be impossible to refer to them as “those who do not know the nature.” Ngor chen explains the error of the “other lamas”:37 Because their position that the ultimate truth maṇḍala of Cakrasa vara actually abides in the continuum of all sentient beings contradicts the lines of Vajragha ṭa: “The intent of the initiation is to render into suitable vessels those who do not know the nature of that.” Hence their standpoint that sentient beings are the actual maṇḍala of Cakrasa vara likewise contradicts Vajragha ṭa’s position that the disciples undergoing the initiation do not know the nature of that and are not all-knowing Buddhas. Along the same lines, in sNgags rim chen mo, Tsong kha pa says:38 If beings have existed from the very beginning as the deity Cakrasa vara, it would be unreasonable for Vajragha ṭa to explain that “the intent of the initiation is to render into suitable vessels those who do not know the nature of that,” since this contradicts his position that the disciples undergoing the initiation do not know their Cakrasa vara body maṇḍala. Likewise, in ’Dod ’jo,39 Tsong kha pa explains that Vajragha ṭa’s statement: “Sentient beings are naturally present non-dual maṇḍalas,” “does not mean that the body’s channels, elements and so forth abide from the very beginning as the maṇḍala of Heruka.” Tsong kha pa continues: Because if this were so, it would internally contradict the following assertion, found in the same work: “The intent of the initiation is to render into suitable vessels those who do not know the nature of that,” since this contradicts his position that the disciples undergoing the initiation do not know the essence of the Cakrasa vara maṇḍala. In his own commentary on Vajragha ṭa’s Seka, mKhas grub rje repeats this point and concludes:40 Heruka—who does not know who he is—is most astonishing! 37 38 39 40 Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa, folio 370a, p. 399.3.3-4. sNgags rim chen mo, 303–304. ’Dod ’jo, folio 122a-b, pp. 441.3–442.1. bDe dril bskyed rim, folio 9b, p. 782.3. 235 And in his bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, mKhas grub rje says:41 If one is a Buddha, but does not recognize this, then how could a Buddha who does not know even who he is, know all phenomena? Therefore, such a stupid Buddha, who does not know any knowable, would be most astonishing! This is rather unpleasant on the part of mKhas grub rje, but it is not possible that his vitriol is being directed at Ngor chen since he agrees with the dGa’ ldan pas that there are no actual maṇḍalas in the continuum of all sentient beings. Yet we are left with the question: What precisely was it that triggered the rage of the Sa skya pa in mKhas grub rje’s writings on the body maṇḍala? A partial answer lies in the fact that the first master criticized by both Tsong kha pa and mKhas grub rje in this context is a Sa skya school founder. About ten years after the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho had been completed, and after his bitter dispute with the Sa skya masters and while residing in dGa’ ldan,42 mKhas grub rje composed his own commentary on Cakrasa vara initiation practice according to Vajragha ṭa. In this work mKhas grub rje identifies the opponent Tsong kha pa had apparently not wished to disclose. Such uncharacteristic behavior was perhaps the result of his acrimony with the Sa skyas. mKhas grub rje says:43 In his commentary on the Sādhana by Vajragha ṭa, the master bSod nams rtse mo teaches that the yogis visualize their bodies existing from the very beginning as maṇḍalas. Indeed, in the opening of his own commentary on Vajragha ṭa’s Seka, bSod nams rtse mo (1142–1182) maintains that although people are not ordinarily aware of this, maṇḍalas are present naturally in their bodies, and the purpose of the initiation is to make the disciples aware of this presence:44 The purpose of the initiation is to turn [the disciples] into suitable vessels and to arouse in their minds the notion that has not yet arisen—that maṇḍalas are naturally present in their bodies… In essence, the sixty-two or thirty-seven deities abide in all sentient beings in the three realms. The purpose of the initiation is to cause to exist the notion of [the deities] abiding in this way— which does not exist in their minds.45 41 bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 116b, p. 234.6. 42 While the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho was written in dPal ’khor sde chen (dPal ’khor chos sde), the bDe dril bskyed rim was written in dGa’ ldan. There are no dates in the colophons, however from 1432 up to his death in 1438, mKhas grub rje was the abbot of dGa’ ldan. If he completed his commentary on Vajragha ṭa in dGa’ ldan, it was after he had to leave dPal ’khor chos sde, and about ten years after he wrote the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho. 43 bDe dril bskyed rim, folios 8a–9b, pp. 780.6–781.1. See also his dGe bshes kon ting gu[g] rī ba la phul ba, Zhol, folio 158a, p. 785.5. 44 bSod nams rtse mo, De’i dbang gi bya ba mdor bsdus, folio 118a1, p. 407.4.1-4. 45 In his Lus dkyil dbang chog, folio 1b, p. 386.3-5, Bu ston Rin chen grub provides a very similar 236 This is very similar to the position held by the opponents in mKhas grub rje’s description, cited above: While the bodies of all beings have existed from the very beginning as maṇḍalas, they themselves do not recognize this; and in order to know it, they must meditate by visualizing something that already exists. In support of his argument, bSod nams rtse mo cites the Hevajra Tantra:46 Sentient beings are Buddhas, but they are obscured by superficial taints. Once these are removed they are Buddhas. This verse is often cited in support of the theory of tathāgata-garbha and can indeed be interpreted as expounding a theory resembling it. As we have noted, Ngor chen did not accept the theory of Buddha essence as the theoretical basis for the meditation on the body maṇḍala. And here we come to the first crucial point. In his bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, mKhas grub rje ridicules the very uneasy position in which Ngor chen found himself. On the one hand he agreed with Tsong kha pa while on the other he belonged to the tradition attacked by Tsong kha pa. Ngor chen agrees with Tsong kha pa on the issue of tathāgata-garbha, although he belongs to the same school as bSod nams rtse mo. Thus in the following passage, mKhas grub rje criticizes unnamed Tibetans who accept the position of bSod nams rtse mo regarding maṇḍalas naturally present in the bodies of sentient beings, but who at the same time reject the theory of tathāgata-garbha:47 Those who accept this [the tradition of bSod nams rtse mo] and at the same time say that they cannot tolerate the position that in the continuum of sentient beings there is an “essence body”48 endowed with all the qualities of permanence, stability, freedom and the fruit, [must] wail loudly: we are unable to analyze anything through any method that follows reasoning, yet nevertheless everything we say is driven by desire, driven by hatred, driven by ignorance. In the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, mKhas grub rje takes several full pages to describe the errors of “some Tibetan lamas,” and why their premises lead them to absurd consequences. Here is a short excerpt:49 46 47 48 49 explanation: “Although the maṇḍala–with its celestial mansion and deities–is present on its own in their body, the ritual of initiation into the naturally present maṇḍala is intended to make those who do not know that it is present into suitable vessels.” II.iv.69: sattvā buddhā eva kiṃ tu āgantuka-malāvṛtāḥ | tasyāpakarṣaṇāt sattvā buddhā [eva na saṃ ayā]. bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 118a-b, pp. 237.5–238.1. Tib. ngo bo nyid sku, Skt. svābhāvika-kāya. bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 116b, p. 234.3-5. 237 Such a position is utterly wrong and entirely unsubstantiated, for if this were so, it would follow that there is no truth of suffering, according to which the bodies of beings are born through karma and afflictive emotions, or that the maṇḍala of Vajradhara is formed by karma and afflictive emotions. Moreover, there would be a common basis here for being both real Vajradhara and a saṃsāric being. And furthermore, sentient beings experiencing saṃsāric suffering would necessarily be Vajradharas. No part of the body and mind would then be omitted from the meditation of the maṇḍala, and all parts of the body and mind would be true aspects of the maṇḍala. In addition to this offensive on the position of bSod nams rtse mo, in this chapter of the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, mKhas grub rje continues to subtly allude to other works of Ngor chen that do not agree with bSod nams rtse mo50 and refutes the reasoning of Red mda’ ba gZhon nu blo gros (1348–1412), one of his own teachers.51 It is no wonder, then, that the Sa skya pas were unhappy. But did this ignite the crisis? The two refutations Ngor chen wrote in 1426 do not engage with the cycle of Cakrasa vara and the theory of tathāgata-garbha, but with the Hevajra Tantra and the Lam ’bras tradition. We shall now turn to the latter. Disagreements in the context of correlations between the body and the maṇḍala We ought to bear in mind that mKhas grub rje’s bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, written sometime in the early 1420s did not initiate the debate as such, but contains responses to one argument and gives rise to another. As we have noted, in the first part of his chapter on the body maṇḍala, mKhas grub rje reacts against Ngor chen for criticizing Tsong kha pa in his Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa. Towards the end of the same chapter mKhas grub rje launches an attack that seems enigmatic to the casual reader, though apparently it was quite comprehensible to Sa skya masters of his time:52 In many [works on] the body maṇḍala of the Mother Tantra, Tibetans write that: “The crown of the head is the crossed vajra, the soles of the feet — the vajra-ground, the ribs — the vajra-fence, the skin — the vajra-tent and canopy, the bodily hair — the net of the arrows, and the nails — the blazing fire mountain,” and that: “the four channels at the heart are the four gates, the eyes 50 In the following paragraph of the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, mKhas grub rje alludes to Ngor chen’s Log rtog ngan sel, folio 334b, p. 168.1-3. 51 See Roloff 2009. 52 mKhas grub rje, bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folios 126b–127a, pp. 254.6–255.1. My translation of this passage is most tentative. 238 — the wall with five lines, the nose — the jeweled bricks, the teeth — the hanging jeweled nets and nets with half loops, the tongue and lips — the offering ledge,” and so on.53 In these lines on Mother Tantra mKhas grub rje disapproves of certain correlations “Tibetans” made between parts of the body and elements of the celestial mansion of the maṇḍala. It is precisely in response to these highly perplexing comments that Ngor chen wrote his refutation in two versions in 1426. We may recall that Ngor chen could not leave central Tibet “because of a work by mKhas grub rje that says that the body maṇḍala of Hevajra is not an authentic teaching.” Were these terse and apparently obscure statements in mKhas grub rje’s bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho understood by adherents of the Sa skya tradition to invalidate their understanding of the body maṇḍala of Hevajra? Thus we recall the title of this paper: Did mKhas grub rje indeed refute in these lines the authenticity of the body maṇḍala of Hevajra as practiced by the Sa skya school? Notably, the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho is mostly composed of arguments that had already been raised by Tsong kha pa, beginning with his sNgags rim chen mo, written in 1405, until his death in 1419. How then might we explain the timing of the Sa skya crisis, which took place in the mid-1420s? In an attempt to address these questions, let us look at Tsong kha pa’s commentary:54 Some Tibetans maintain: “The eyes are the wall with five lines,” and so on. With regard to this position, scholars say: The Saṃvaravyākhyā teaches:55 “When the body is generated in due order, the vajra stakes arise simultaneously. With the binder of chalk string, you should bind most tightly without any gaps. The tent is a string of bones.” Other than this I have not seen any other [explanation] in the cycle of Cakrasaṃvara.” So say [the scholars]. It seems to be like this. Regarding the explanation of the [some] Tibetans, it appears that there are many such fanciful statements about the meditation on the body maṇḍala. Tsong kha pa speaks here about “scholars” who criticize “some Tibetans”. The “scholars”, with whom Tsong kha pa sides, cite the Saṃvaravyākhyā by Nag po pa, and conclude: “Other than this I did not see any other in the cycle of Cakrasa vara.” mKhas grub rje reproduces Tsong kha pa’s argument, but whereas Tsong kha pa presents only a very few words of the opponent, mKhas grub rje cites the entire passage, thus enabling us to identify the criticized Tibetan scholar. 53 mKhas grub rje continues: Furthermore, they say: “Even though there are only nine deities in the outer maṇḍala, in the body maṇḍala they set hundred fifty-seven and more deities.” They also say: “Among the deities of the body maṇḍala there is not a single one in common with those set in the outer maṇḍala, and so on.” 54 ’Dod ’jo, folio 124a, p. 445.2-4. 55 Kṛ a, Nag po pa, Saṃvaravyākhyā, sDom pa bshad pa. Toh. 1460, on folio 7a, p. 13.4. 239 Indeed, having read early Sa skya compositions on this subject, we can see that in his Sādhana of Hevajra Body Maṇḍala, ’Phags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan (1235– 1280) draws the same correlations between the body of the yogi and the maṇḍala that Tsong kha pa and mKhas grub rje criticized. In his Sādhana of Hevajra Body Maṇḍala ’Phags pa writes:56 The crown of the head is the crossed vajra, the soles of the feet — the vajraground, the ribs — the vajra-fence, the skin — the vajra-tent and canopy, the bodily hair —the net of the arrows, and the hair and nails — the blazing fire of wisdom [mountain]. This is the protection wheel… The winds of the four elements that arise from the dharma wheel at the heart are the four gates, the eyes — the wall with five lines, the nose — the jeweled bricks, the teeth — the hanging jeweled nets and nets with half loops, the tongue and lips — the offering ledge, the ears the portals, the eight bones — the eight columns. This is the celestial mansion.57 In Sa skya works on the Hevajra body maṇḍala these correlations are standard. Mus chen dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1388–1469),58 sTag tshang Lo tsā ba Shes rab rin chen (b. 1405)59 and Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun grub (1497–1557),60 among others, follow ’Phags pa. Ngor chen as well makes the same analogies in his own work written in 1410 on the body maṇḍala of Hevajra according to the tradition of ’Phags pa.61 56 Kyai rdo rje lus dkyil gyi sgrub thabs, folios 263b–264a, p. 130.4.6–131.1.2. mKhas grub rje 57 58 59 60 61 omits the “hair”, and has “fire mountain” for “fire of wisdom” and “the four channels at the heart” for “the winds of the four elements that arise from the dharma wheel at the heart.” bSod nams rtse mo points to similar parallels with the protection wheel — although not with the celestial mansion — in his commentary on Cakrasaṃvara Sādhana according to the system of Vajragha ṭa: “Then visualize the protection wheel: The crown of the head is the crossed vajra, the soles of the feet — the vajra-ground, the ribs — the vajra-fence, the skin — the vajra-tent, the bodily hair — the net of the arrows, the nails are the blazing fire mountain.” However the correlations bSod nams rtse mo draws with the celestial mansion are somewhat different: “Then visualize your body as a maṇḍala: Your legs in the shape of a bow are the wind disk, your triangular crotch/groin — the fire disk, your round belly —the water disk, your square heart [chest] — the earth disk, your spine in the form of a stick — Mt. Meru, [your body] one span long equally on [four] sides is the square [celestial mansion], and the four channels at your heart — the four gates. Your eyes, ears, teeth, nose and so forth are respectively, the toraṇa, the hanging jeweled nets and nets with half loops, the jeweled bricks and so forth.” bSod nams rtse mo’s commentary on Cakrasa vara Sādhana according to the system of Vajragha ṭa, ’Khor lo bde mchog dril bu pa’i gzhung gi mngon par rtogs pa, folio 113a, p. 405.2.3-6. This is his commentary on Vajragha ṭa’s Cakrasaṃvara-sādhana, Toh. 1432. dPal kye rdo rje’i lus dkyil lam dus kyi dbang chog dang bcas pa bya bral mar grags pa, p. 64. Kyai rdo rje’i lam dus kyi dbang ’bring du bya ba, pp. 127–128. dPal kye rdo rje’i lus dkyil mdzes rgyan, p. 239. I would like to thank Jörg Heimbel for drawing my attention to this matter and for providing me with a copy of this work. dPal kye rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor gyi sgrub pa’i thabs rnal ’byor snying po, p. 298. 240 Not only does mKhas grub rje enable us to verify the identity of the opponent, he also identifies the scholar who criticized those “some Tibetans” not named by Tsong kha pa:62 In this regard the All Knowing Bu ston Rinpoche says: The Saṃvaravyākhyā teaches: “When the body is generated in due order, the vajra stakes arise simultaneously. With the binder of chalk string, you should bind most tightly without any gaps. The tent is a string of bones.” No other Indian treatise explains it in this way. It is very true, because it accords with the method of visualizing the body as a celestial mansion. This “scholar” is Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364).63 However, and this is crucial, whereas according to Tsong kha pa, the scholar said: “Other than this I have not seen any other [explanation] in the cycle of Cakrasa vara,” mKhas grub rje cites him as saying: “No other Indian treatise explains it in this way.” When consulting Bu ston’s own writing,64 we see that Tsong kha pa is accurate here, whereas mKhas grub rje uses a great deal of hyperbole in his rhetoric. Notably, in the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho mKhas grub rje seldom distorts the position of his opponent in such a way. In this instance, mKhas grub rje is clearly led by his passion. In partly following Tsong kha pa, mKhas grub rje concludes:65 No authentic Tantra or Indian treatise ever explains this, and there is nothing in what they explain from which anyone could derive such a meaning. Still they fancy in their minds that there are no distinctions whatsoever between the body maṇḍala and merely setting the deities on the body. In manuals on the practice of the body maṇḍala written by Tibetans numerous foolish talks that 62 mKhas grub rje, bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 127a, p. 255.1-3. 63 Obviously Bu ston could not have written against Ngor chen, Mus chen and sTag tshang Lo tsā ba. His criticism was aimed at ’Phags pa. 64 In his commentary on the Yoginī-sañcaryā Tantra, Toh. 375, entitled Kun spyod rgyud ’grel, Bu ston writes, folio 39a, p. 795.1-4: Some say: “The crown of the head is the crossed vajra, the soles of the feet — the vajra-ground, the ribs —the vajra-fence, the skin — the vajra-tent and canopy, the bodily hair — the net of the arrows, the hair and nails — the blazing fire of wisdom. These are the protection wheel. The eyes are [the wall with] five lines, the nose — the jeweled bricks, the tongue and lips — the offering ledge, the teeth — the hanging jeweled nets and nets with half loops, and the nose — the portal [toraṇa].” While the Saṃvaravyākhyā teaches: “When the body is generated in due order, the vajra stakes arise simultaneously. With the binder of chalk string, you should bind most tightly without any gaps. The tent is a string of bones.” Other than this I have not seen any other [explanation] in the cycle of Cakrasaṃvara. [Underline denotes the differences between the texts of Bu ston and mKhas grub rje.] 65 bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, folio 127a, p. 255.4-5. 241 received the title ‘supreme transmitted instructions’ have appeared. I shall not go into detail refuting or accepting them here. Is this where mKhas grub rje’s criticism of the authenticity of the Sa skya Hevajra body maṇḍala is found? Under discussion here are certain specific correlations between parts of the body and elements of the maṇḍala and not the body maṇḍala of Hevajra as such. As we know, Ngor chen wrote two responses, namely, the sMra ba ngan ’joms66 and the lTa ba ngan sel.67 Both of these texts open with a direct quotation of the passages by mKhas grub rje on correlating parts of the body with elements of the maṇḍala cited above,68 and continue with a point-for-point refutation of his positions. In sMra ba ngan ’joms, Ngor chen defends the transmitted instruction of the Sa skya pa-s criticized by mKhas grub rje:69 And even if it were not taught explicitly, ‘those who understand the meaning’ explained that it is necessary to meditate after completing what is missing according to the transmitted instructions of the lineage of the lamas. Although there is much variation in the instructions of the different lineages of lamas with regard to the means of completing what has been missing, the venerable Sa skya lamas, endowed with the Dharma eyes, hold this position that has arisen from the transmitted instruction, and accords with the position of the master Jitāri. Ngor chen then cites the Catur-mudrā-sādhana,70 a work by Jitāri belonging to the cycle of Hevajra that describes the correlation between the body and the celestial mansion of the maṇḍala in a similar way to that of ’Phags pa. According to Ngor chen, ’Phags pa completed the correlations between parts of the body and elements of the maṇḍala that were missing in the tradition of Cakrasa vara by relying on this work on Hevajra by Jitāri. In his lTa ba ngan sel, Ngor chen repeats this and then asks:71 What contradiction is there in completing what is missing in the case of Cakrasa vara in accordance with the work on Hevajra by the master Jitāri? 66 dPal kyai rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor la rtsod pa spong ba smra ba ngan ’joms, Sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum, vol. 9, work 49, folios 270a–287b, pp. 135.4.1–144.3.6. 67 dPal kyai rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor la rtsod pa spong ba lta ba ngan sel, ibid., work 50, folios 287b–310a, pp. 144.3.6–155.4.3. 68 sMra ba ngan ’joms, folios 271b–272a, pp. 136.3.1–4.1, and the lTa ba ngan sel, folios 288b–289a, pp. 145.1.3–2.3. 69 sMra ba ngan ’joms, folio 273a, p. 137.2.1-3. 70 Jitāri, dGra las rnam rgyal, Catur-mudrā-sādhana, Phyag rgya bzhi yi sgrub thabs, Narthang Tengyur, vol. 76 [phu] folios 143b5–144a2, pp. 286.5–287.2; and in the Peking Tengyur, no. 4690, vol. 82, [phu], folios 144b7–147a4, pp. 162–163. 71 lTa ba ngan sel, folio 290a, p. 145.4.3-4. 242 Ngor chen is aware of the fact that Bu ston criticized a Sa skya founder:72 In his commentaries on the Kun tu spyod pa73 and on the Sādhana of Nag po pa,74 All Knowing Bu ston employs similar language; however he says “other than merely ‘the tent is a string of bones,’ I have not seen another [such explanation] in any cycle of Cakrasa vara.” But he says nothing like: “no other Indian treatise explains it in this way.” This is an obvious lie; therefore, what need is there for proof? Still in this passage Ngor chen does not write against Bu ston, but rather objects to mKhas grub rje’s misrepresentation of Bu ston’s last lines, using the laden term “lie.” mKhas grub rje certainly raises graver charges than does Bu ston, as the former denies any Indian scriptural authority for the specific correlations between the yogi’s body and [the protection wheel of] the maṇḍala. However, taking these charges against specific correlations as a total refutation of the authenticity of the Sa skya tradition of Hevajra body maṇḍala — as the Sa skya oral tradition upholds — is something that could have taken place only in the context of very high tensions. Yet Ngor chen’s reply to mKhas grub rje did not put the matter to rest. Still other Sa skya masters wrote against mKhas grub rje in their works on the Hevajra body maṇḍala. These include Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489),75 dPal ldan Chos skyong bzang po (15th c.),76 and gTsang byams pa rDo rje rgyal mtshan (1424– 1498).77 mKhas grub rje was quite aware of the charges that had been lodged against him. In his reply to another Sa skya master known as Kon ting Gu śrī,78 mKhas grub rje protested against those who claimed that he refuted the Lam ’bras teachings — whose foundation is the Hevajra cycle:79 Those who say that I refuted the Lam ’bras should examine carefully: Where did I refute the Lam ’bras? When did I refute it? How did I refute it? In the 72 Ngor chen, sMra ba ngan ’joms, folio 272a, p. 136.4.3-4. In his lTa ba ngan sel, folio 289b, p. 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 145.3.1, the other version of his reply to mKhas grub rje, Ngor chen repeats his words and concludes: “Do not speak such obvious lies!” Bu ston’s commentary on the Yoginī-sañcaryā Tantra, Toh. 375, entitled Kun spyod rgyud ’grel, cited above. Bu ston, Nag po pa’i sgrub thabs, vol. 7 [ja], 18 folios, pp. 143–177. dPal kyai rdo rje’i lus dkyil gyi rnam par bshad pa bde chen bcud kyi snying po. See van der Kuijp 1985b: 87. Or dPal chos pa, a disciple of rDzong pa kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1382–1446), dPal kyai rdo rje’i mngon par rtogs pa man ngag gi gter mdzod gsal bar byed pa’i bka’ ’grel rgyud don gnad kyi lde mig gi rgyas bshad ’khrul ’joms nyi ma’i ’od zer. dBang chu’i rtsod spong. He is identified by Heimbel 2014: 305, note 97 as Nam mkha’ dpal bzang. dGe bshes kon ting gu[g] rī ba la phul ba, Zhol, folio 153a, p. 775.4-5. See also Davidson 1991: 221–222 and Heimbel 2014: 305–306. 243 presence of whom did I refute it? In what writing of mine did I refute it? They should search for the source that would not ultimately vanish like a rainbow in the sky. I, for my part, have indeed found no evidence to support the contention that mKhas grub rje refuted the authenticity of the Sa skya Hevajra cycle. Conclusions I shall conclude by noting that it is easy to see how the claim that mKhas grub rje questioned the validity of the Hevajra Tantra or Lam ’bras tradition of the Sa skya pas snowballed as it did. We have inquired into writings that predated mKhas grub rje’s criticism of Sa skya pas, beginning in 1404 when Ngor chen composed his Log rtog ngan sel and 1405 the year Tsong kha pa penned his sNgags rim chen mo. We noted that since both Ngor chen and Tsong kha pa aspired to create a systematized tantric tradition in Tibet, it was inevitable that they did not concur with earlier lamas. Moreover, they also disagreed with each other, which was reflected in the fact that the structures they created were not identical. We provided several examples of Ngor chen’s critique of Tsong kha pa in works written in the early 1420s. We pointed out the difficulty in dating the travel ban to the period before 1426 when Ngor chen composed his replies to mKhas grub rje’s bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho. Still the Sa skya tradition maintains that it was this work by mKhas grub rje that triggered the turmoil and the travel ban. Undoubtedly the conflict was highly political, with the hot temper and provocative writing style of mKhas grub rje playing a vital role. In the bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, Ngor chen, who concurred with the position of Tsong kha pa but belonged to the same school as bSod nams rtse mo, was roundly ridiculed. Yet we have seen that the real problem concerned the controversy on seemingly obscure correlations between parts of the yogi’s body and elements of the maṇḍala that we have traced to ’Phags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan. mKhas grub rje indeed distorted Bu ston’s criticism of ’Phags pa. Nonetheless, it took heated spirits to light the fire. 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New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1967: ___ Nag po pa’i sgrub thabs = dPal bde mchog nag po pa’i sgrub thabs ’khrul ba’i dri bral, vol. 7 [ja], 18 folios, pp. 143–177. ___ Lus dkyil dbang chog = dPal ’khor lo sdom pa’i rang bzhin gyis grub pa’i dkyil ’khor du dbang bskur ba’i cho ga zab don gsal ba, vol. 7 [ja], 20 folios, pp. 385–424. ___ rNal ’byor ma’i kun tu spyod pa’i rgyud kyi bshad pa bde mchog gi don rab tu gsal ba, vol. 6 [cha], 76 folios. pp. 719–869. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, rJe btsun (1469–1544/56). Mkhas grub thams cad mkhyen pa’i gsang ba’i rnam thar. In Collected Works of mKhas grub dge legs dpal. New Delhi: Gurudeva, 1983, vol. 12, pp. 421–470. 245 dPal ldan Chos skyong bzang po (15th century). dPal kyai rdo rje’i mngon par rtogs pa man ngag gi gter mdzod gsal bar byed pa’i bka’ ’grel rgyud don gnad kyi lde mig gi rgyas bshad ’khrul ’joms nyi ma’i ’od zer. In sNgon byon sa skya pa’i mkhas pa rnams kyi rgyud ’grel skor. Kathmandu: Sa skya rgyal yongs gsung rab slob gnyer khang, 2007, 4 vols, vol. 2, 185 folios, pp. 1–370. Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158), rGyud sde spyi’i rnam gzhag. In Sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum. Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, 1968, vol. 1, work 3, folios 4a–14b, pp. 2.3.4– 75.4.6. Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489). In Sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum. Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, 1969, vol. 15: ___ dPal kyai rdo rje’i sgrub pa’i thabs kyi rgya cher bshad pa bskyed rim gnad kyi zla zer la rtsod pa spong ba gnad kyi gsal byed, work 108, folios 285a–353a, pp. 281.4.1–315.4.6. gTsang byams pa rDo rje rgyal mtshan (1424–1498). dBang chu’i rtsod spong. In sNgon byon sa skya pa’i mkhas pa rnams kyi rgyud ’grel skor. Kathmandu: Sa skya rgyal yongs gsung rab slob gnyer khang, 2007, 4 vols., vol. 2, 101 folios, pp. 636–855. mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang po (1385–1438). Collected Works. New Delhi: Gurudeva, 1982, reproduced from the 1897 Old Zhol blocks: ___ gNam lcags ’khor lo = Phyin ci log gi gtam gyi sbyor ba la zhugs pa’i smra ba ngan pa rnam par ’thag pa’i bstan bcos gnam lcags ’khor lo, vol. 2, 47 folios, pp. 3–95. ___ bDe dril bskyed rim = bDe mchog dril bu lus dkyil gyi dbang du byas pa’i bskyed rim gyi dka’ gnas, vol. 6, 11 folios, pp. 765–787. ___ bsKyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho = rGyud thams cad kyi rgyal po dpal gsang ba ’dus pa’i bskyed rim dngos grub rgya mtsho, vol. 7, 190 folios, pp. 3–381. ___ rGyud sde spyi’i rnam par bzhag pa rgyas par bshad pa, vol. 8, 94 folios, pp. 443–630, translated by Lessing and Wayman 1968. ___ dGe bshes kon ting gug rī ba la phul ba, work no. 43 in the gSung thor bu, vol. 9, folios 153a–169b, pp. 775.1–808.1. mNga’ ris pa Sangs rgyas phun tshogs (1649–1705). rGyal ba rdo rje ’chang kun dga’ bzang po’i rnam par thar pa legs bshad chu bo ’dus pa’i rgya mtsho yon tan yid bzhin nor bu’i ’byung gnas. Published by Yab chen Tshe dbang rdo rje rig dzin. New Delhi: Trayang and Jamyang Samten, 1976, pp. 135–315. TBRC Work W18115. Mus chen dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1388–1469). dPal kye rdo rje’i lus dkyil lam dus kyi dbang chog dang bcas pa bya bral mar grags pa. In E waṃ bka’ ’bum: Collection of writings by Sakya masters of the Ngor order. 20 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2009–2010, vol. 10, pp. 63–83. Also included in the Lam ’bras slob bshad, Dehra Dun, 1983–85, vol. 13, pp. 516–538. Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456). Sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, 1968–69, vols. 9–10: 246 ___ sMra ba ngan ’joms = dPal kyai rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor la rtsod pa spong ba smra ba ngan ’joms, vol. 9. work 49, folios 270a–287b, pp. 135.4.1–144.3.6. ___ lTa ba ngan sel = dPal kyai rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor la rtsod pa spong ba lta ba ngan sel, vol. 9, work 50, folios 287b–310a, pp. 144.3.6–155.4.3. ___ rGyud gsum gnod ’joms kyi ’grel pa, vol. 9, work 52, folios 312b–327a, pp. 157.1.2–164.2.5. ___ Log rtog ngan sel = Zung ’jug rdo rje ’chang chen po’i sa mtshams rnam par bshad pa log rtog ngan sel, vol. 9, work 53, folios 327a–343a, pp. 164.2.5– 172.2.6. ___ dPal gsang ba ’dus pa’i dkyil ’khor gyi sgrub pa’i thabs dngos grub rgya mtsho, vol. 10, work 106, folios 184a–204b, pp. 91.4.1–102.1.2. ___ Shin tu rnal ’byor gyi khyad par sgrub thabs kyi yan lag tu bris pa., vol. 10, work 107, folios 204b–206a, pp. 102.1.2–4.5. ___ sPyod pa’i rgyud spyi’i rnam gzhag = sPyod pa’i rgyud spyi’i rnam par gzhag pa legs par bshad pa’i sgron me, vol. 10, work 134, folios, 67a–101b, pp. 248.3.1– 265.4.2. ___ Bya rgyud spyi’i rnam bshad = Bya rgyud spyi’i rnam par bshad pa legs par bshad pa’i rgya mtsho, vol. 10, work 135, folios 101b–208a, pp. 265.4.2–319.1.6. ___ Dril bu pa’i lus dkyil gyi bshad pa, vol. 10, work 184, folios 367a–382b, pp. 398.1.1–405.4.1. ___ dPal kye rdo rje’i lus kyi dkyil ’khor gyi sgrub pa’i thabs rnal ’byor snying po. In Sa skya’i chos mdzod chen mo, Si khron bod yig dpe rnying ’tshol bsdu rtsom sgrig khang, 2013, vol. 28, pp. 296–312. Ngor chen dKon mchog lhun grub (1497–1557). dPal kye rdo rje’i lus dkyil mdzes rgyan. In E waṃ bka’ ’bum: Collection of writings by Sakya masters of the Ngor order. 20 vols. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2009–2010, vol. 14, pp. 239–255. Also included in the rGyud sde kun btus, in 32 vols., Kathmandu: Sachen international, vol. 18, pp. 35–54. [Chos rgyal] ’Phags pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280). Kyai rdo rje lus dkyil gyi sgrub thabs. In Sa skya pa’i bka’ ’bum, Tokyo, The Toyo Bunko, 1968, vol. 6, work 51, folios 263b–265b, pp. 130.4.4–131.4.3. Se ra rje btsun Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/56). mKhas grub thams cad mkhyen pa dge legs dpal bzang po’i rnam thar rje btsun chos kyi rgyal mtshan gyis bsgrigs pa dad pa’i rol mtsho. In Collected Works of Mkhas grub rje, Zhol, vol. 12, pp. 425–498. sTag tshang Lo tsā ba Shes rab rin chen (b. 1405). Kyai rdo rje’i lam dus kyi dbang ’bring du bya ba. In Collected Works. Pe cin: Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2007, vol. 4, pp. 127–133. Published in the series Mes po’i shul bzhag, vols. 29–35. Tshe tan zhabs drung, bsTan rtsis kun las btus pa, Xining: Qinghai People’s Publishing House, 1982. 247 Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). Collected Works. New Delhi: Ngawang Gelek Demo, 1975–1979. 27 vols., Old bKra shis lhun po redaction. ___ sNgags rim chen mo = rGyal ba khyab bdag rdo rje ’chang chen po’i lam gyi rim pa gsang ba kun gyi gnad rnam par phye ba, vol. 4, 512 folios, pp. 1–494 and vol. 5, pp. 1–530. My notes refers to the edition published in Xining: mTsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1995. ___ ’Dod ’jo = bCom ldan ’das dpal ’khor lo bde mchog gi mngon par rtogs pa’i rgya cher bshad pa ’dod pa ’jo ba, vol. 14, 195 folios, pp. 72–460. Secondary Literature Ary, Elijah Sacvan. 2015. Authorized Lives: Biography and the Early Formation of Geluk Identity. 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Freedom from Extremes: Gorampa’s “Distinguishing the Views” and the Polemics of Emptiness. Boston: Wisdom Publications. Davidson, Ronald M. 1981. “The or-pa Tradition.” Wind Horse 1: 79–98. ___ 1991. “Reflections on the Maheśvara Subjugation Myth: Indic Materials, Saskya-pa apologetics, and the birth of Heruka.” The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 14/2: 197–235. Finot, Louis 1934. “Manuscrits Sanskrits de sādhana’s retrouvés en Chine.” Journal Asiatique 225 (Jul-Sep): 1–85. Heimbel, Jörg. 2014. “Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456): An Investigation into the Life and Times of the Founder of the Ngor Sub-school of the Sa skya Order.” Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Hamburg. Hopkins. Jeffrey. 1977. Tantra in Tibet: The Great Exposition of Secret Mantra — Volume 1. London: Allen & Unwin. ___ 1981. The Yoga of Tibet: The Great Exposition of Secret Mantra — 2 and 3. London: Allen & Unwin. 248 Jackson, David. 2007. “Rong ston bKa’ bcu pa: Notes on the title and travels of a great Tibetan scholastic.” In: Birgit Kellner et al. (eds.), Pramāṇkīrtiḥ: Papers Dedicated to Ernst Steinkellner on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday. Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 345– 360. ___ 2010. The Nepalese Legacy in Tibetan Painting. From the Masterworks of Tibetan Painting Series, New York: Rubin Museum of Art. Khenpo Sonam Gyatso and Wayne Verrill 2012. The Yogini’s Eye: Comprehensive Introduction to Buddhist Tantra, vol. 1, Xlibris Corporation. Kramer, Jowita. 2008. A Noble Abbot from Mustang: Life and Works of Glo-bo mKhan-chen (1456–1532). Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien. van der Kuijp, Leonard. 1985a. “Apropos of a Recent Contribution to the History of Central Way Philosophy in Tibet: Tsong Khapa’s Speech of Gold.” Berliner Indologische Studien 1: 47–74. ___ 1985b. “A Text-Historical Note on Hevajratantra II:v:1-2.” The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 8/1: 83–89. Lessing, Ferdinand, D. and Alex Wayman. 1968. Introduction to the Buddhist Tantric systems. The Hague: Mouton. Roloff, Carola. 2009. Red mda’ ba: Buddhist Yogi-Scholar of the Fourteenth Century. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag. Wilkinson, Christopher. 2014. An Overview of Tantra and Related Works. Concord: MA Suvarna Bhasa Publishing.