Journal of Dharma Studies
https://doi.org/10.1007/s42240-019-00038-x
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Female Buddhist Adepts in the Tibetan Tradition.
The Twenty-Four Jo Mo, Disciples of Pha Dam Pa
Sangs Rgyas
Carla Gianotti 1
# Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019
Abstract
The Tibetan term jo mo, generally translated as ‘noble Lady,’ ‘female adept,’ or ‘nun’
and documented from the very beginning of Tibetan history, has a mainly religious
meaning (and to a lesser degree a social one). Besides various women adepts referred to
as jo mo present throughout Tibetan tradition up to the present day, a hagiographic text
from the late thirteenth century entitled Jo mo nyis shus rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus, BThe
Stories of the Twenty-four Jo mo,^ has preserved the short life stories of twenty-four
female Tibetan adepts (Tib. jo mo) of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, disciples of the
Indian Tantric master Pha dam pa sangs rgyas (d. 1117). The realizations attained along
the Path by the jo mo in question were mainly attested to by relics (Tib. ring bsrel) and
other miraculous objects or events witnessed at the time of their deaths. The aim of this
paper is to analyze the religious identities of the twenty-four jo mo as described in the
JMLG, while exploring some of the ways in which the Tibetan Buddhist tradition has
negotiated the ambiguous religious status of these female Buddhist adepts.
Keywords Tibetan Buddhism . Pha dam pa sangs rgyas . Female adepts . Jo mo . Relics .
Female religious status
The Jo Mo in Tibetan tradition
In Tibetan culture, the term jo mo has been in use since ancient times, with the meaning
of Bgoddess,^ referring to mountains in Tibet, such as Jo mo Gangs dkar (White Snow
Goddess, Mount Everest), Jo mo Kha nag, and Jo mo Lha ri.1 In the Tibetan Buddhist
1
Among the mountains known as jo mo in Buddhist tradition, there is A ma yang ‘gri (‘gril) ri, also called Jo
mo yang ‘gri (‘gril) ri, located in the Helambu valley (Nepal). I owe this information to Davide Torri, whom I
thank here.
* Carla Gianotti
info@carlagianotti.it
1
Scuola Superiore di Filosofia Orientale e Comparativa (Superior School of Oriental and
Comparative Philosophy), Rimini, Italy
Journal of Dharma Studies
tradition, however, it has been applied to women connected directly or indirectly to
Buddhist Dharma.
During the historical period of the Tibetan Dynasty (seventh–ninth centuries), the
word jo mo was used for ladies of royal status devoted to the Buddhist Doctrine. This is
the case of Jo mo Khri btsun, possibly one of the consorts of the king Khri lde gtsug
rtsan (d. 754), of whom only the date of her funeral ceremony (745) is recorded.2 A
better known noblewoman from the same period is Jo mo Byang chub, the religious
name taken by the Chinese queen Rgyal mo brtsan of ‘Bro. Together with her son Mu
khri, she dedicated the great bronze bell at Bsam yas monastery to her husband, King
Khri srong lde brtsan (who reigned from 755 to 797). Later, perhaps following the
death of Mu khri, her only son, the queen shaved her head and wore monastic robes in
the Chinese Buddhist tradition of Hva šan Mahāyāna, taking the religious name Jo mo
Byang chub. According to Chinese sources, she was a spiritual leader among the noble
ladies of the Tibetan court in that period.3
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the term jo mo is employed for women
connected to the Buddhist Doctrine in various ways, both directly (as religious adepts)
or indirectly (as consorts or mothers of eminent Buddhist teachers). In the first case, jo
mo indicates a female disciple or a female adept of extraordinary qualities. This applies
for instance to Jo mo BA ‘u ma and Jo mo Mang chung ma, two great disciples of Sa
chen kun dga^ snying po (1092–1158), and to Jo mo Sgre mo (or Bgres mo), the
venerable Sgre mo mentioned in the Blue Annals as a siddhā, a female siddha (Tib.
grub thob ma), with the gift of prophecy.4
But perhaps the best known jo mo of the whole Tibetan religious tradition, and a rare
female Btreasure revealer^ (Tib. gter ston ma) of the Land of Snow is Jo mo Sman mo
(1248–1283): BJo mo (possessed by a she-demon) sman mo,^ or BJo mo (the shedemon) sman mo.^5 Initially, an itinerant ascetic and subsequently the Tantric consort
or mudrā (Tib. phyag rgya) of Chos kyi dbang phyug (1212–1270), a reputed treasure
revealer (Tib: gter ston) of the Rnying ma school, Jo mo Sman mo is considered a great
yoginī, having achieved the highest realizations in the Vajrayāna Path.
As mentioned above, the term jo mo may also indicate a woman linked to Buddhist
Doctrine through family relationships. Jo mo was used for the consort of a distinguished master, like Gaṅgādharā, for the consort or jo mo of Maitrī pa,6 or the mother
of Dharma masters, such as Jo mo Dar ma, mother of Kung dga’ (1062–1124), the chief
disciple of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas.7 In the Lam ‘bras cycle of Vajrayāna teaching, Jo
mo Zhang mo (alias Ma gcig Zhang mo) was both a consort and mother of great
2
Uebach (2005), p. 39.
On Jo mo Byang chub, see Demiéville (1987) (reprint), pp. 25–33; Houston (1980), p. 69 n. 28. Richardson
(1980), p. 64; Richardson (1985), pp. 32; 82–83. As a patron of Hva šan Mahāyāna, Jo mo Byang chub is
mentioned among those who sit on the right side at the Buddhist council of Bsam yas, i.e., the Chinese side
(Houston, ibid.).
4
Roerich (1979); (hencefoth BA), p. 409. Actually, Gzhon nu dpal, the author of the BA, mistakes this Jo mo
Sgre mo for another Jo mo Sgre mo, known as dge slong ma Sgre mo, who was a disciple of Vimalamitra
(eighth century); on Jo mo Sgre mo who is possibly to be identified with the known disciple of Ras chung pa
(1083–1161), see Martin (2005), pp. 58–59.
5
For the hagiographies on Jo mo Sman mo, see Dargyay (1977), Rev. Ed., (1979), pp. 771–774; Dudjom
Rinpoche–Jikdrel Yeshe Dorje (1991), pp. 119–123; see also Allione (1984), repr. 2000, pp. 291–294.
6
BA (1979), p. 731.
7
Id., 920.
3
Journal of Dharma Studies
masters in that tradition8 and was hailed in recent times as an authentic ḍākinī by the
Sde gzhung Rin po che (1906–1987).9
Jo mo appears as a synonym of ma gcig (Bunique mother^): in her hagiography, Ma
gcig Lab sgron (1055–1154 or 1055–1149)10 is often simply called jo mo or Jo mo
Zhwa chung, Lady Little Hat,11 while Ma gcig Zha ma (1062–1149) is indicated as Jo
mo Lha rje ma, and also as Jo mo Zha chung ma.12
The epithet jo mo was applied to Worldly Female Protectors too, like Jo mo Rje
chen, a dam can (lit. Boath-bound^) who vowed to protect the lineage of Ma gcig Lab
sgron teachings13; or Jo mo Yang gha bza’, one of the twelve Bstan ma goddesses14; or
Tshe ring mched lnga, the Five Sisters of Long Life.15
In the contemporary Buddhist tradition, the term jo mo is still in use in Spiti,
Ladakh, Zangskar, and other Himalayan regions. In Spiti, women renunciants
are addressed as jo mo (Brevered woman^), a respectful name for a nun.16 And
in the Himalayan Kinnaur district of Himachal Pradesh, in northeastern India,
there have been communities of jo mo for about a thousand years, contributing
to keeping the Buddhist tradition alive in this area. According to local traditions, the earliest recorded jo mo in Kinnaur was the sister of Rin chen bzang
po (958–1055), the Lo tsā ba credited with having brought Buddhism in that
area.17 The jo mo of Kinnaur are female religious practitioners with a somewhat ambiguous religious status, as they may be ordained or non-ordained.
Ordained jo mo (differentiated as rab byung ma, scr. Pravrajitā; dge tshul ma,
scr. Śramaṇerikā, and btsun ma) represent the female equivalent of a (male)
Lama, albeit with a lower religious status, and obliged to obey a greater
number of rules. Specifically, not only ordained jo mo but also non-ordained
jo mo are required to be celibate, whereas a Lama remains a Lama even if he
decides to marry and starts a family.18
Lastly, the jo mo designation is used in the present day among the Nye shang (or
sNye shang), an ethnic Tibetan Buddhist group established in northern and central
Nepal.19 Though in this context the term indicates a novice nun, the jo mo of this region
are highly respected and reported to have mastered advanced forms of yoga.20 When
they come out of their Bthree-year retreat,^ their particular accomplishments (such as
successful gtum mo practice, levitation, and so on) are widely acknowledged by the
people of the area.21
8
Jo mo zhang mo was a consort of Bla ma Dkon mchog rgyal po (1034–1102) and mother of Sa chen kun
dga’ snying po (1092–1158).
9
Stearns (2001), p. 133 n. 164.
10
Regarding other possible dates of Ma gcig Lab sgron, see Martin (2005), p. 52 n. 5.
11
Edou (1996), pp. 130–131.
12
Stearns (2001), pp. 126–127; 130–131; 131 n. 159.
13
Edou (1996), pp. 148–149.
14
Nebesky-Woikowitz (De) (1975), p. 195.
15
On the Tshe ring mched lnga, see also id., pp. 177–181.
16
Tsomo (1999), p. 178.
17
LaMacchia (2008), p. 41 ff.
18
Id., pp. 42–47.
19
Watkins (1996).
20
Id., pp. 191–194; 241–243.
21
Ibid.
Journal of Dharma Studies
Pha Dam Pa Sangs Rgyas and his Approach to Tantric Teaching
Besides the jo mo recorded throughout the Tibetan tradition, whether brief
mentions or precise records of historical figures, the Land of Snow also
preserves a short text, which was part of a collection of volumes kept until
recently in Ding ri lhang ‘kor (in the Gtsang region near the border with
Nepal). It is entitled Jo mo nyis shus rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus, BThe Stories of the
Twenty-four Jo mo^ (henceforth JMLG)22, and it contains the hagiographies of
twenty-four female Tibetan adepts of the eleventh and twelfth centuries referred
to as jo mo.23These twenty-four jo mo, all except one of whom are thought to
have achieved highrealizations along the Path, are recorded as female disciples
of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas,24 BHoly Father Buddha.^.25 This distinguished
Indian Tantric master (d. 1117 in Tibet) was the one who introduced into Tibet
the gcod (BCutting^) and zhi byed (BPeacemaking^) teachings, both derived
from the Prajñāpāramitā literature.26
BHis extraordinary method was to teach by means of symbolic signs^ (Tib.
thabs khyad par du gyur pa brdar bstan te).27 Everything Dam pa did, every
glance, movement, or utterance, was infused with symbolic power, and it seems
that his symbolic actions themselves were his main way of transmitting the
Tantric path.28
22
The JMLG is part of an old collection of manuscripts, now available in a five volume reprinted edition (Kun
dga’ et al. (1979), p. 4, 314–323). It was compiled by Kun dga’ (1062–1124), the chief disciple of Pha dam pa
sangs rgyas. The JMLG is actually the second part of the text entitled Jo mo nyis shus rtsa bzhi’i zhu lan lor
rgyus dang bcas, BAnswers to the Questions of the Twenty-Four Jo mo, together with their Stories,^ in Kun
dga’ et al. (1979), vol. 4, pp. 302–323; the first part of this text, Jo mo nyis shus rtsa bzhi’i zhu lan, BAnswers
to the Questions of the Twenty-four Jo mo^ (in Id., 302–314), is not taken into consideration here and will be
the subject of a forthcoming publication.
23
On the JMLG and women’s spirituality in the circle of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas, see Martin (2005), 74–82.
The brief life stories of the twenty-four female disciples of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas have long been available
in English, mostly abridged and with various omissions (such as the life story of Jo mo Gzhon nu ma,
mistakenly identified with Ma gcig Lab sgron), reproduced in ‘Gos lo gzhon nu dpal (1984), vol. 2, pp. 1068–
1073 henceforth(DT), English tr. Roerich (1979), pp. 915–920 (BA), with the title of Ma jo nyi shu rtsa bzhi’i
lo rgyus (DT 1984, vol. 2, pp. 1068–1073). In the English translation of the text (BA (1979), pp. 915–920), the
twenty-four women are referred to either as Bnun^ (Tib. ma jo) or BLady^ (Tib. jo mo).
25
Other names often used for Pha dam pa are Kamalaśīla and Kamalaśrī, and, less frequently, Karuṇasiddhi or
Ajitanātha. He is also referred to as Little Black Holy Man (Dam pa nag chung or Nag gu: Martin (2006),
pp. 111, 119); or Black Atsara (Black ācārya: BA (1979), pp. 872–73.
26
BA (1979, pp. 867–920) gives a long account of the life, miracles, teachings, and disciples of Pha dam pa,
together with the lineages of the Zhi byed school. On the rnam thar of Dam pa, see PDNT (1992), pp. 1–242,
and Padampa Sangye (2008). A short life-story of Pha dam pa, entitled Dam pa rin po che’i lo rgyus, is
available in Zhi byed dang gcod yul gyi chos ‘byung rin po che’i phreng ba thar pa ‘i rgyan, in Gcod yi chos
skor, 1974, pp. 419–606, at pp. 431–439, 1974 [TBRC W00EGS1016278]. I owe this indication to Elena De
Rossi Filibeck, whom I thank here. In the Bstan ‘gyur of the Tibetan Buddhist canons and in other extracanonical collections, around seventeen Tibetan-language anthologies of Buddhist Tantric verses were brought
to Tibet, thanks to Pha dam pa sangs rgyas and his translator Zha ma ston pa seng ge rgyal po. In both prose
and verses, authored or simply compiled by Dam pa, these anthologies include symbolic songs (Tib. brda
mgur), expressions of realization (Tib. rdo rje’i ‘ghur) and diamond songs (Tib. rdo rje’i ‘ghur): see Schaeffer
(2007), pp. 5–73.
27
ZC II, 139; see also Martin (2006), p. 111.
28
Martin (2006), pp. 115–116.
24
Journal of Dharma Studies
Auspicious objects were handed over to some of his disciples, male and female, such
as, for instance, the Objects of Interdependence entrusted by Dam pa himself into the
hands of his female disciple Ma jo Cug mo za dge‘dun skyid.29
Yet in portrayals of Dam pa, the most distinctive element is his piercing gaze.30 The
Indian yogin is represented with his eyes staring directly ahead and sometimes turned
slightly upwards.31 In the Blue Annals, when questioned by Kun dga’ on how to
meditate, Dam pa replied: BYou should meditate by turning the gaze upwards, this
being a Posture of Interdependence32 in the Prajñāpāramitā^.33 And elsewhere, Dam
pa is defined as BThe Black A tsa ra34 endowed with the radiance of a targetting
[gaze]^.35 According to Tibetan tradition, staring gazes are believed to stop the flow of
thoughts and focus awareness, enabling the practitioner to find unlimited space within.36 In the rnam thar of Dam pa, the following verses are attributed to him: BIf you
realize everything to be mind, nothing is in discord, son. / If you drink the milk of
space, you will be satiated, son.^37 Elsewhere in the same text, when asked where he
had disappeared to, Dam pa replied, as he often did, with a single poetic line: BI went
nowhere. I am made of [uncompounded] space.^38
Pha dam pa sangs rgyas was thus famous in his time39 for his highly symbolic
utterances, his approach to teaching using parables, paradoxes, and riddles, and his
eccentric behavior (such as his Breligious^ nudity or semi-nudity).40 But one of the
most distinctive, even unique features about his approach to Tantric teaching was the
fact that he encouraged women to pursue enlightenment. Although both male and
female Tibetan disciples gathered around him in Ding ri lhang ‘khor, the Indian master
is to be regarded as Ban advocate of a kind of women’s liberation, in both the spiritual
and mundane senses of the word,^41 as he demanded that his female disciples find the
courage to cut their ties with their domestic lives and stop slaving for their husbands.42
Nonetheless, while Pha Dam pa supported women’s religious practice and their need to
break free from the constraints of their usual social roles, he cannot be regarded as a
protagonist of some kind of proto-feminist phenomenon: the teachings attributed to him
include stereotypical negative statements about women’s spiritual potential, as well.43
29
DT (1984), p. 1065 (BA 1979, p. 913). The nature of these Objects is not explained here. Nevertheless,
elsewhere it is reported that they referred to all kind of things that could serve as causes and conditions for the
emergence of Dharma (such as pebbles or special stones, for instance, or the mysterious Wheel of Interdependence, probably a chart that served for focusing concentration: see Martin (2006), pp. 115–116).
30
For the iconography of Pha dam pa, see Martin (2006).
31
Martin (2006), p. 118.
32
Auspicious posture.
33
DT (1984), vol. 2, p. 1075 (BA (1979), p. 921). The translation here is my own.
34
A Tibetanized version of the Sanskrit ācārya (teacher).
35
The Tibetan term gzir, Btargeting [gaze]^ (Tib. gzir [bltas]) or Bpiercing [look],^ indicates a Bgaze targeting
[with concentration]^: JMLG, 314.
36
On the different meanings of the staring gaze in Tibetan tradition, see Martin (2006), p. 118.
37
PDNT (1992), 120.
38
Tib. nam kha: PDNT (1992), 97.
39
It is worth briefly noting that the tradition of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas survived into the twentieth century and
is still present throughout the Buddhist Himalayas: see Aziz (1979), p. 22; Aziz (1980), pp. 21ff.
40
Martin (2005), p. 74 and n. 70
41
Id., 75.
42
Ibid.
43
Id. pp. 78–79.
Journal of Dharma Studies
On the Twenty-four Jo Mo in the JMLG
At this point, let us turn to the JMLG and the twenty-four jo mo disciples of Pha dam pa
sangs rgyas to whom the text is dedicated.
What are the different meanings the word jo mo conveys in Tibetan tradition and
who were the Indian master’s female disciples called jo mo?
According to Tibetan dictionaries, the term jo mo can apply to a noble or
high-ranking woman, a Buddhist nun (as a synonym of btsun ma) or a
proficient female practitioner; it may refer to a wife, mistress or consort,44 be
a synonym of rje rigs ma (woman from a noble or merchant caste) or signify
goddess or queen. The masculine equivalent, jo bo, which refers to a noble or
high-ranking religious man, was applied to the famous statue of the Buddha, Jo
bo, in the Lhasa Jo khang, and to Jo bo Atiśa, Lord Atiśa (982–1054), the
eminent Indian paṇḍita who reached the Land of Snow in 1042.45 While the
term jo bo clearly implies a religious (and to a lesser degree, social) status and
authority, the feminine form, jo mo, is more difficult to pin down.
The JMLG provides interesting insights to point out to the religious (and social)
status of the jo mo in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.46
One jo mo, Nya ma khyim pa mo (the twentyfourth), is recorded as a
Bfemale lay disciple^ or Bpractitioner^ (Tib. nya ma) 47 and a Bfemale
householder^ (Tib. khyim pa mo), hence her name. She had children, a husband, and wealth, and is portrayed as being endowed with compassion and
generosity towards those in need.48
The sixth jo mo, Jo mo Ye shes lcam, is referred to as an B... attendant (Tib. nye gnas
ma) of a famous 'female siddha' (Tib. grub thob ma), called Jo mo Rje’u,49 (who lived)
until the age of 104.^50
Jo mo ‘Phan mo (the eighteenth) is recorded as having lived in Glang khor for many
years with a Bfemale attendant^ (Tib. nye gnas ma),51 both dedicating themselves to
44
The term jo mo is always an honorific and can be used for either a nun or a gsang yum. The term gsang yum
is not always an honorific, but merely indicates the wife of a Lama or a Tantric consort in secret mantra
practice.
45
The epithet jo bo is also used for some Tibetan mountain deities, such as Jo bo mchim lha, Jo bo nges sum,
Jo bo g.ya’ spang, and Jo bo lha bcas, or local protective deities like Jo bo ‘bo lha, or even Jo bo klu bdud
mched dgu, the malevolent deities held to cause various diseases: see Nebesky-Wojkowitz De (1975), pp. 224,
239, 286, 312.
46
The English translation of the complete Tibetan text will be the subject of a forthcoming publication.
47
The Tibetan nya ma is a rather difficult term, as it can indicate a generic female being (without a
grammatical male counterpart), a lady, mistress of the house, housewife, female devotee of a master, or
female student; a female Buddhist beginner or part-time female practitioner. Moreover, in the hagiographies of
Milarepa, nya ma refers to either his female disciples and patrons, or to both male and female disciples and
patrons: see Martin 2005, p. 61, n. 29, 30; Uebach (1993), p. 393 n. 3.
48
JMLG, 323.
49
In all probability the 19th jo mo of the JMLG.
50
JMLG 316.
51
The term nye gnas ma (the feminine form of nye gnas) indicates either a generic female disciple, or the
personal assistant of a spiritual master, who is performing her /his apprenticeship beside the teacher; the latter
implies a significant role for the disciple: in Tibetan texts nye gnas is used to describe Ānanda’s important role
as the Buddha’s personal assistant (Sk. /Pāli antevāsika).
Journal of Dharma Studies
ascetic practice (Tib. dka’ba).52 Some of the jo mo may have lived and practiced
together as master and disciple (or attendant).53
One of our jo mo, Jo mo Ma gces (the eighth), is described as the jo mo of
Kun dga’ (the spiritual son of Dam pa), who Btook [her] as his wife (Tib. jo
mo)^ (or his Tantric consort). The Tibetan expression jo mo bzungs can be
understood in both senses, i.e., either Bto take [a woman] as a wife^ or Bto take
[a woman] as a mudrā^ (Tib. phyag rgya), and without further context, thus
remains somewhat vague (and ambivalent). In the same way, the seventh Jo
mo, Jo mo Chos sgron, is indicated as the wife (or mistress or Tantric consort,
Tib. jo mo) of the bodhisattva Kun dga’.54 This ambiguity of the term jo mo
also applies to ‘Bar ma (the fourth) who became the jo mo of Dam pa cug.55
Another jo mo, Jo mo Sgron ne (the seventh), who belonged to the Myang family,56
is reported to have had a retinue of servants and to have been generous with the poor.
After meeting Dam pa, she left her previous life and became a Bgood female
practitioner^ (Tib. bzang mo).57
Jo mo Rdo rje rgyan (the fifteenth) was recognized thanks to a Bkhrul ‘khor
(Bhatha-yoga-like exercise,^ literally Bmagical wheel^) she once performed as
an authentic [s]myon ma. On seeing the wondrous events that occurred at the
time of her death (when her body was carried to the mountain58 and a mass of
light was witnessed for 7 days), all present were filled with wonder, and
regretted they had not performed a proper Brespectful service^ (Tib. zhabs
tog) for her when she was still alive.59 In the same way, Jo mo Rje’u ma
(the nineteenth) is also referred to as a famous siddhā (Tib. grub thob ma)
whose dead body was carried into the mountains. A skilled weaver, infused
with bliss, Jo mo Rje’u ma had become a female Bdevotee^ (literally Blistener,^
Tib. nyan ba) of master Dam pa.60
Though the presence of ordained disciples might not have been an isolated case in
the circle Pha dam pa sangs rgyas gathered around him, only Jo mo Gser btsun (the
second) is clearly referred to as a Bnun^ (Tib. btsun ma) in the JMLG: BOne day she
said to her father: ‘I am going to meet Dam pa. I ask you for advice’. ‘Do not go!’
answered her father. ‘Yogin and nuns follow two religious traditions that are not
52
JMLG, 320–321.
In all probability, spiritual instructions and teachings were imparted from female master to female disciples,
but unfortunately the JMLG does not provide any evidence of this.
54
Though her name translates as Jo mo Lamp of Dharma, she is actually recorded as the Bworst^ (Tib. ngan
shos) of the twenty-four as she broke her samaya vows: JMLG , 317.
55
Id., 315–316.
56
The Myang is documented to have been a powerful and influential clan in Tibetan history, instrumental in
the construction of the Tibetan kingdom from an early date (seventh century): see Richardson (1985), p. 44;
Snellgrove and Richardson (1968), pp. 27–28. Belonging to the Myang clan was considered evidence of noble
origin: see for instance Myang tsha dkar rgyan, the name of Milarepa’s mother (Mi la ras pa’i rnam thar
(1959), pp. 29ff; Gtsang smyon Heruka (2001), pp. 76 ff.).
57
JMLG, 320. The term bzang mo translates as Bnoble lady,^ Bgood lady.^
58
In the same way, two other jo mo in the JMLG also had their dead bodies carried into the mountains: the
nineteenth, Jo mo Rje’u ma, who is referred to as a famous siddhā (Tib. grub thob ma) and the twelfth, Jo mo
Lha mo. According to Martin (2005, 76 n. 74), the JMLG may have the earliest known reference to Bcarrying
corpses up the mountains^ (what is called Bsky burial^ by non-Tibetans).
59
JMLG, 319–320.
60
Id., p. 321.
53
Journal of Dharma Studies
compatible.’^61 But she did not follow her father’s advice and went to Dam pa to ask
for instructions. BRealizations arose in her. She dedicated herself to her accomplishments with much perseverance. Sometimes she would say: ‘The thief is coming! The
thief is coming!’[i.e., death is approaching].^62 Out of all twenty-four life-stories, this is
the only teaching attributed to one of the jo mo.
As far as we know, none of the twenty-four jo mo in the JMLG left behind any
written texts. Nevertheless, in the hagiography of Pha dam pa, we encounter seven
other women disciples also referred to as jo mo (or ma jo)63 who are not included in the
list of the twenty-four. BSongs of realization^ (Tib. mgur) are attributed to three of
these: Jo mo Lcug mo bza’ dge ‘dun skyid, Jo mo Rgya sgom ma (or Ma jo Rgya sgom
ma), and Ma jo Dar sgom ma.64
The next issue to consider is the female image the term jo mo frames in the JMLG.
Jo mo conveys here both a religious and a social status as it indicates a female beginner
on the Path, a young, or occasional practitioner (Tib. nyan ba, nya ma); a female
disciple or attendant (Tib. nya ma, nye gnas ma); a novice nun (Tib. btsun ma); a
proficient or noble female practitioner (Tib. bzang mo). To a lesser degree, the word jo
mo designates a solitary female ascetic (a female spiritual master?), endowed with
significant Buddhist Tantric accomplishments (as the terms grub thob ma and [s]myon
ma imply). According to the JMLG, in most cases, a Breligious^ jo mo is therefore a
(proficient) female beginner or practitioner, or occasionally an accomplished adept in
the Tantric path.
However, given that the text also uses the term jo mo to signify wife, mistress, or
mudrā (Tib. phyag rgya), i.e., social roles, it follows that a jo mo could be the jo mo of
someone, a male spiritual master (such as Kun dga’ or Dam pa cug in our text), as well.
The term jo mo thus covers many of the possible roles, religious, or lay of women in
Tibetan society, and in the JMLG (and elsewhere, as we have already observed), it is
employed to indicate this varied range of different identities: for this reason, it is
imprecise, fluid, and ambivalent in nature. Apart from referring to a female human
being (this being the only common denominator to all of its meanings), the expression
jo mo has no precise defining features, and is therefore open to semantic confusion;
semantically speaking, the term’s unclarity is also its weakness.
61
Id., p. 315. The term btsun ma (feminine of btsun pa) generally refers to a nun. If it is not possible to
identify the religious status to which Gser btsun ma belonged, we might nevertheless hypothesize that she was
related to the Bka’ gdams pa tradition founded by the Indian paṇḍita Atīśa, a lineage which privileged the
cenobitic status as opposed to the reclusive lifestyle of wandering yogin and yoginī. Jo mo Gser btsun ma may
have lived as a nun in her father’s house, either permanently or at certain times of the year during major
agricultural jobs; for references on the close ties between village life and female religious and monastic
practitioners in the Tibetan tradition, see: Aziz (1978), pp. 203 ff.; Tsomo (1999), pp. 177–178; Willis (1987),
p. 102.
62
JMLG , 315; Gianotti (2017), p. 240.
63
The title ma jo, not extant in Tibetan dictionaries and sometimes employed as a synonym of jo mo, can
perhaps be interpreted as a contraction of ma gcig jo mo, an honorific referring to a more elevated condition
than that of a simple Bnun,^ i.e., a Bnun-teacher.^ In the same way the expression ma jo smyon ma (which does
not have a corresponding masculine term) presents some ambiguities regarding the religious status it conveys
(maybe a female Tantric master?). Furthermore, in the English version of the BA the terms ma jo, jo mo and
btsun ma are often all translated as Bnun^; but though all three terms may refer to a woman following a
religious Path, they do not imply the proper status of a Buddhist nun: see Martin (2005), p. 57 n. 16.
64
See Gianotti (2017), p. 240.
Journal of Dharma Studies
Moreover, the term, when used for Buddhist female adepts, does not seem to
correspond to any recognized religious rank achieved by progressing along the Path
(referred to by the titles of Bla ma, Dge bshes, Lo tsa ba, and bodhisattva given to male
disciples in the Pha dam pa sangs rgyas), or imply any acknowledged status pertaining
to an individual’s spiritual achievements. It thus denotes female religious adepts in a
generic way: no distinction emerges between a beginner and an advanced female
practitioner.
Miraculous Signs and the Invisible Body
Though the JMLG provides very little in the way of biographical information on the
twenty-four jo mo, almost all of the stories mention wondrous signs being witnessed
upon their deaths or immediately afterwards (with the sole exception of Jo mo Chos
sgron). Another common element in these stories is the turning point in their lives
represented by their encounter with Pha dam pa sangs rgyas, the Tantric master who
radically transformed their religious and social existences. But though most of these
women significantly broke with traditional Tibetan female roles, the JMLG does not
thematize gender. The female body is not viewed here as a source of suffering and no
evidence of the difficulties the jo mo had to face as women meditators is reported.
These twenty-four women were apparently not critical of their gendered status. Yet of
course, the stories are not told by the jo mo themselves: they were recorded by Kun
dga’ with the sole purpose of praising their master Dam pa, by giving an account of the
realizations achieved by his most accomplished disciples, male and female.65
The twenty-four jo mo are in fact described above all as Bfemale disciples of Pha
dam pa,^ albeit very special female disciples who left prodigious signs, especially on
their passing. According to the JMLG, although some of the jo mo are credited with
miracles when alive,66 the main supernatural events took place upon or just after their
deaths. The jo mo in the JMLG thus made more of a mark dead than alive. And as far as
we know, in life, none of them presented any distinctive signs of being a jo mo, such as
a shaved head, special robe, or any other indication of belonging to a specific spiritual
community with a particular religious or social status. The jo mo were in most cases
formally recognized as great female Buddhist adepts only at the very moment of their
death, when ring bsrel (relics) or other prodigious signs appeared.
Moreover, the jo mo in the JMLG mainly lived alone in solitary, secluded places,
silent, mute, and disguised as ascetics, Binvisible^ to the world, their religious lives, and
extraordinary attainments remaining mostly unacknowledged. It therefore follows here
that a jo mo’s religious status as an advanced female adept could only be conclusively
verified through signs of her achievements, especially miraculous signs that appeared
after her death. In other words, only when the female body of one of these jo mo had
disappeared could her identity as a highly realized female practitioner be formally
validated. Lights, rainbows, images of divinities, and ring bsrel are those supernatural
elements which proved that the jo mo of the JMLG were distinguished female disciples
65
Gianotti (2017), p. 242.
The ninth jo mo lived on water alone for 12 years; it is said of the sixteenth jo mo that her urine turned into
honey, and the twenty-second jo mo transformed herself into a pigeon (Tib. phu ron).
66
Journal of Dharma Studies
of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas, thus exalting the teachings of the Indian master and his
spiritual lineage.
The Relics of the Jo Mo in the JMLG and postmortem miracles
In general, the funeral rites of any holy person are a significant event, imbued with
powerful religious (and social) meaning for followers. In Tibetan society, in particular,
the relics and other signs that can be witnessed on the death of a saintly person are held
to reflect his or her spiritual achievements, confirming the spiritual level reached by the
deceased and eliciting faith and devotion in the individual and the spiritual lineage in
question.67
Apart from one exception, that of the seventh jo mo, Jo mo Chos sgron, the wife (or/
and the Tantric consort) of bodhisattva Kun dga’, who is notably recorded in the JMLG
for her angry and violent outburst, all of the other jo mo in the JMLG left specific
Brelics^ or visible signs of their spiritual accomplishments after their deaths, either
when they were cremated (in fifteen cases), or when their bodies were carried to the
mountains (Tib. rir skyel) (in three cases),68 or during unspecified death ceremonies (in
five cases).
In detail, the funeral pyres produced divine images (whether on the surface of the
ring bsrel or on nearby stones, this is not specified in the text). These images portrayed
Rdo rje sem pa (story 2), or Sgrol ma (stories 7, 19), or Rdo rje phag mo (story 13), or
mkha’ ‘gro ma (Sk. ḍākinī) from ‘U rghyan (Sk. Uḍḍiyāna) (story 3), or unidentified
divinities (21). In some cases, sounds (story 6), lights (stories 6, 9, 15, 20, 22),
fragrances (story 18), or (undefined) auspicious signs (story 14) were observed; in
others, the funeral ceremony was illuminated by rainbows of light (stories 1, 2, 6, 12,
13, 24). In one circumstance, golden coins appeared (story 22), and in most cases, ring
bsrel manifested themselves (stories l, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 10, 11, 16, 21, 24).69
Often translated as Brelics^ (Sanskrit śarīraṃ), the term ring bsrel designates small,
crystalline spheres, or globules, usually whitish in color (but also reddish or bluish).
These glittering pearls appearing in the ashes of the holy person should be taken as a
visible sign of their spiritual accomplishments. The term ring bsrel comes from Bheld^
(Tib. bsrel) for Ba long time^ (Tib. ring); more specifically, the verb srel indicates Bto
keep^ in the sense of cherishing or treasuring something valuable, to ensure it does not
decay or fade away. Ring bsrel thus means Bto keep [the production],^ hence
Bproliferating long afterwards^ (as these small, lustrous spheres are believed to
67
In the Tibetan Buddhist tradition the interpretation of relics can also be related to the theory that the
awakening of Buddha nature may manifest in physical form. Klong chen pa (1308–1364) describes the ring
bsrel as a manifestation of the Buddha-nature, primordially present and inherent in all sentient beings, visible
after the spiritual maturity of the adept. Moreover, the various relics are interpreted by the Rnying ma master as
a post mortem spiritual experience, i.e., an enlightenment occurring either during death or in one of the postmortem stages: see Germano (2004), 56 ff.
68
The two common Tibetan terms for Brelic^—ring bsrel (which means Bkept for a long time^ or
Bcherished^) and gdung (or sku gdung, honorific for Bbone,^ but also Bremains^ in general)—have a broad
and a narrow meaning. The broad meaning includes mantra, dhāraṇī, images of various material, tsha tsha,
consecrated articles such as dam rdzas and so on, while in the narrow sense they are the so-called Bmustard
seed like relics^: see Martin (1994), pp. 274; 278–279. The JMLG only uses the term ring bsrel.
69
Gianotti (2012), pp. 203–208.
Journal of Dharma Studies
multiply over time if conserved with particular care), or Bto hold or revere for a long
time^ (to indicate their lasting value).70
Yet the ring bsrel and the other exceptional signs that emerge at the time of death are
more than just a visible manifestation of the sanctity of the holy person. They are
considered a special source of blessing and devotion for the faithful, both human and
non-human, that is believed to accelerate the spiritual advancement of the adepts. This
is evidence of the issue of the Bdivision of relics^ and of the various disputes over
ownership of property, between human and/or non-human disciples, a known topos
already reported in Indian Buddhist narrative and widely developed in Tibetan hagiographic texts (Tib. rnam thar).71
The Sku Gdung ‘bar ba chen po’i rgyud and the signs of sainthood
The Rnying ma tantra entitled Sku gdung ‘bar ba chen po’i rgyud (henceforth
KDBG) BTantra of Blazing Relics [of Enlightened Body],^ one of the seventeen
tantric texts of the esoteric instruction cycle (Man ngag sde’i rgyud bcu bdun)
of the Great Perfection (Tib. Rdzogs chen), is a seminal work entirely dedicated
to the signs of sainthood.72 The third and last chapter of the text—structured as
a dialogue between Rdo rje sems pa (Vajradhāra) and a mkha’ ‘gro ma (Sk.
ḍākinī) called Clear Mind (Gsal yid)—gives a detailed description of the signs
of a saintly death, such as images, bones (Tib. gdung), lights, sounds, earth
tremors, and strange atmospheric phenomena, interpreted as Bsigns of nirvāṇa
of the knower^ (Tib. rig ldan mya ngan ‘das pa’i rtags).73
Three of these manifestations—images, bones, and lights—are recorded in the
JMLG upon the deaths of our jo mo disciples of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas.
The KDBG provides a detailed description of the images, both peaceful and
wrathful, left behind after cremation74; the five types of bones (Tib. gdung), i.e., sha
ri ram, ba ri ram, chu ri ram, bse ri ram, and nya ri ram,75 each linked to one of the
Bfive families^ (Tib. rigs lnga), namely Tathāgata, Vajra, Ratna, Padma, and Karma,
and each with a distinctive shape and color, emerging from a specific part of the dead
70
Germano (2004), p. 69.
Regarding the division of relics in Indian literature, see for instance the Mahāparinibbānasuttanta, BThe
Great Discourse on the Definitive Nibbāna,^ (tr.) (2001), pp. 1191–92; for the division of relics in Tibetan
literature, see for instance the rnam thar of Milarepa, compiled by Gtsang smyon Heruka, which gives the
account of the long dispute between the mkha’ ‘gro ma and the human disciples of the master (Mi la ras pa’i
rnam thar (1959), pp. 182–204; Gtsang smyon Heruka (2001), pp. 286–311). In the same way, the rnam thar
of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas relates the unequal division of the ring bsrel between the mkha’ ‘gro ma of ‘U
rgyan, the nāga and the Indian master’s human disciples, male and female, who were only left with few relics:
PDNT (1992), pp. 153–54,
72
Sku gdung 'bar ba chen po'i rgyud, in Rnying ma rgyud ‘bum (Mtshams brag dgon pa’i bris ma), vol. 11,
788–815 [TBRC W21521]. For the commentary of the KDBG, see Sku gdung ‘bar ba rin po che’i rgyud ‘grel
(KDBGG), in Rig ‘dzin padma gling pa’i zab gter chos mdzod rin po che, (1975-1976) vol. 6, 623–636,
[TBRC W21727]. On the KDBG see Martin (1992), pp. 183–191, and Martin (1994), pp. 281–285.
73
KDBG, 808.
74
Id., 809.
75
Sha ri ram, Tibetan transliteration of the Sanskrit śarīram Bbody,^ is used interchangeably with ring bsrel:
see Martin (1994), p. 275. Ba ri ram, chu ri ram, bse ri ram, and nya ri ram are different types of sha ri ram
described in KDBG, 809-811 and in KDBGG, 626–636.
71
Journal of Dharma Studies
body etc.76; the three different types of light (around the corpse, rising vertically or
shining out of the ribs).77
But unfortunately, the JMLG does not go into any detail about the ring bsrel which
appeared or light shining out of the corpses. The only specifics here, as previously
mentioned, are the images of deities (i.e., Rdo rje sems pa, Sgrol ma, Rdo rje phag mo,
and mkha’ ‘gro ma from ‘U rghyan), witnessed after the funeral ceremonies of the jo
mo.
Nevertheless, the many different relics and signs which appeared during and after
the funeral ceremonies of the jo mo in the JMLG were indeed a reliable proof of their
saintly qualities, this being a well-known topic in Tibetan religious culture (analitically
described in an authoritative text like the KDBG).
Besides being a source of Bblessing^ (Tib. bying rlabs), eliciting faith, and devotion,
the relics and other signs witnessed at the funeral ceremonies of our jo mo provide
indirect yet physical (postmortem) proof of their spiritual attainments and definitive
(postmortem) confirmation of their status as great female adepts of Pha dam pa sangs
rgyas.
Concluding Remarks
In the JMLG, the term jo mo denotes a female religious status (a Tantric adept) or to a
lesser degree, a female social status (wife, consort or Tantric consort). It cannot be
interpreted simply as a synonym of Bnun,^ although this is the way the term is most
frequently used in contemporary parlance.
The relics left by the jo mo in the JMLG are a Tibetan communication code
embodying the high status of the master Pha dam pa sangs rgyas and his teachings in
Tibet through the spiritual accomplishments achieved by the jo mo as his successful
female disciples.
In the longest female-authored autobiography in Tibetan literature, Se ra mkha’ ‘gro,
the great gter ston ma of the twentieth century writes BI am not a nun, but I am
disciplined as a nun...^78 In the same way, it is feasible to affirm that due to their
attainments, the jo mo in the JMLG, who were, apart from one, all religious laywomen
and not officially nuns, lived their lives completely devoted to their Master and to the
Tantric practice transmitted to them, as if they were true and authentic Bdisciplined^
nuns.
The bodhisattva Kun dga’, the compiler of the JMLG, writes that BThe story of the
twenty-four jo-mo [is] an absolutely authentic account, written down as a message for
the women of future generations.^79 Although they contain little historically information and a great many gaps, the short life stories of the twenty-four jo mo that have
come down to us bear precious witness to the extraordinary existences of these
Buddhist female adepts of the Tibetan tradition. The message for future generations
that Kun dga’ refers to is that of cherishing the memory of the inspiring lives of these jo
76
KDBG, 809–811.
Id., 811–812.
78
Jacoby (2009), p. 47.
79
JMLG), 314.
77
Journal of Dharma Studies
mo disciples of Pha dam pa sangs rgyas, lives marked by faith and devotion, perseverance, and high spiritual accomplishments.
Abbreviations
BA
Roerich, G.N. (1979), The Blue Annals, Calcutta 1949, repr. Delhi.
DT
‘Gos lo gzhon nu dpal (1984), Deb ther sngon po, 2 vols, Chengdu.
KDBG
Sku gdung ‘bar ba chen po’i rgyud, in Rnying ma rgyud ‘bum (Mtshams
brag dgon pa’i bris ma), vol. 11, 788–815 [TBRC W21521].
KDBGG
Sku gdung ‘bar ba rin po che’i rgyud ‘grel (1975–76), in Rig ‘dzin padma
gling pa’i zab gter chos mdzod rin po che, vol. 6, 623–636, [TBRC
W21727]
JMLG
Jo mo nyis shus rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus (1979), in Kun gda’ et al., The
Tradition of Pha Dampa Sangyas: A Treasured Collection of His Teachings Transmitted by Tug (sic) sras Kun dga’, Ed. with an English Introduction by Nimri Aziz, B., Thimpu, 5 vols, vol. IV, 302–323.
PDNT
Chos kyi Seng ge and Gang pa (1992), Pha dam pa’i rnam thar in Pha
dam pa dang ma cig lab sgron gyi rnam thar (Xining: Mtsho sngon Mi
rigs Dpe skrun Khang, [Qinghai Nationalities Publishing House]).
ZC, II
Kun dga’ thugs sras (1979) Zhi byed snga bar phyi gsum gyi skor, vol. 2,
Thimpu.
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