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Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Lode Rosseels Gaṇeśa’s Underbelly From Hindu Goblin God to Japanese Tantric Twosome Promotor: Dr. Andreas Niehaus Vakgroep Talen en culturen van Zuid- en Oost-Azië Masterproef voorgelegd tot het behalen van de graad van Master in de Oosterse Talen en Culturen Japan 2015-2016 De auteur en de promotor(en) geven de toelating deze studie als geheel voor consultatie beschikbaar te stellen voor persoonlijk gebruik. Elk ander gebruik valt onder de beperkingen van het auteursrecht, in het bijzonder met betrekking tot de verplichting de bron uitdrukkelijk te vermelden bij het aanhalen van gegevens uit deze studie. Het auteursrecht betreffende de gegevens vermeld in deze studie berust bij de promotor(en). Het auteursrecht beperkt zich tot de wijze waarop de auteur de problematiek van het onderwerp heeft benaderd en neergeschreven. De auteur respecteert daarbij het oorspronkelijke auteursrecht van de individueel geciteerde studies en eventueel bijhorende documentatie, zoals tabellen en figuren. De auteur en de promotor(en) zijn niet verantwoordelijk voor de behandelingen en eventuele doseringen die in deze studie geciteerd en beschreven zijn. Preface During my last stay in Japan, I was graciously accepted into the IMAP program at Kyushu University, where most of my courses were centered on Buddhism. I thus came in contact with the wondrous and complex religion and art of Buddhism, which I soon came to find very interesting. Buddhism and Hinduism are closely related and cannot be studied separately, yet I found it remarkable that there seemed to be no representations of the very popular Hindu god Gaṇe a in Japan. I then came across Japanese representations of a couple of elephant-headed deities in an erotic embrace, which is in fact the Japanese version of Gaṇe a. This remarkable representation prompted me to to look further into the evolution of this figure, which I will describe briefly in this paper. This paper is intended for those with a basic knowledge of Japanese religions and Buddhism. Even though it may be possible to enjoy the reconstruction of Gaṇe a’s transformation without any background knowledge of these religious topics, the uniqueness of the concurrence of developments that has led to the remarkable appearance of the Japanese version of Gaṇe a may not become fully apparent. I would like to offer my gratitude toward the teachers and staff of the Department of Eastern Languages and Cultures of Ghent University, who supported me during my research and helped me to adopt an interdisciplinary approach to this topic. I am especially grateful to Dr. Andreas Niehaus for his guidance throughout this project. Contents Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 2 Chapter 1: The Indian Gaṇeśa ............................................................................................................. 4 1.1. The Development of the Indian Gaṇe a ........................................................................................... 4 1.1.1. The Emergence of a Demonic Proto-Gane a ........................................................................... 4 1.1.2. Gaṇe a’s Adoption into the Indian Pantheon ........................................................................... 6 1.1.3. The New Benevolent Gaṇapati................................................................................................. 8 1.1.4. The Emergence of a Tantric Gaṇe a Cult ................................................................................ 9 1.1.5. Gaṇe a after the Gupta Period ................................................................................................ 10 1.2. Some Notes in Regard to Femininity ............................................................................................. 11 1.2.1. Vin yakiŚ a Female Gaṇe a .................................................................................................... 11 1.2.2. Gaṇe a’s Marital Status .......................................................................................................... 12 1.2.3. Yog c ra and the Significance of Consorts ........................................................................... 13 Chapter 2: Gaṇeśa’s Journey to Japan ............................................................................................. 14 2.1. The Diffusion of Buddhism ............................................................................................................ 14 2.1.1. The Interaction between Hinduism and Buddhism ................................................................ 14 2.1.2. The Rise of Vajray na Buddhism .......................................................................................... 15 2.2. Tibetan Interpretations of Gaṇe a .................................................................................................. 16 2.1.1. Tibetan Tantric Buddhism ...................................................................................................... 16 2.1.2. Tibetan Fearsome and Erotic Representations ....................................................................... 17 2.3. Chinese Interpretations of Gaṇe a .................................................................................................. 18 2.3.1. Gaṇe a’s First Appearance in China ...................................................................................... 18 2.3.2. A Four-legged Gaṇe a from Endere ....................................................................................... 19 2.3.3. Some Dual-Vin yaka Sūtras .................................................................................................. 20 2.3.4. Occult Versions of Vin yaka-Gaṇapati .................................................................................. 22 2.3.5. The Construction of the Ry kai Mandala .............................................................................. 23 Chapter 3: The Japanese Kangiten.................................................................................................... 24 3.1. The Japanese Religious Landscape ................................................................................................ 24 3.1.1. The Introduction of Buddhism and its Art ............................................................................. 24 3.1.2. The Development of Honji Suijaku and Ry bu Shint .......................................................... 25 3.1.3. Kūkai and the Ry kai Mandala .............................................................................................. 26 3.1.4. Shingon and Secrecy .............................................................................................................. 27 3.2. The Japanese Interpretations of Gane a ......................................................................................... 28 3.2.1. Demon Vin yakas and K jin ................................................................................................. 28 3.2.2. Vin yaka’s Double Nature as Placenta K jin ........................................................................ 30 3.2.3. Gaṇapati and the Three Devas Triad ...................................................................................... 31 3.3. The Esoteric S shin Kangiten ........................................................................................................ 32 3.3.1. The New Twin Deva .............................................................................................................. 33 3.3.2. S shin Kangiten as a Transcendental Esoteric God ............................................................... 34 3.3.3. Rituals and Worship of S shin Kangiten ............................................................................... 36 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................ 38 Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................ 41 Appendices ........................................................................................................................................... 44 (19166) 1 Introduction A legend tells that there is a mysterious statue in the H kaiji Temple in Kamakura that is able to grant fertility and success to those who pray to it, but also curses those who do not come back show their gratitude afterwards. A young woman who had once prayed for a child to this statue had died shortly after giving birth, which made her unable to make a return visit. Her soul could not find peace until she appeared in the dreams of another woman who lived near the temple shortly after the Second World War. The spirit of the young woman repeatedly appeared at her bedside and asked her to perform a ritual to thank this statue in her stead, which she eventually also did. Afterwards, the young woman appeared once again to thank her and promised that she would be rewarded. The woman who saw this spirit and prayed to the statue for her was the wife of the famous Kawabata Yasunari 川端康 成 (1899-1972), who won the Nobel Prize in 1968, which is one year after these events. He committed suicide on the sixteenth of April four years later, which is also the monthly celebration day of this statue.1 The statue in question shows a male and a female elephant-headed deity in an erotic embrace, and is called the Dual God of Bliss (S shin Kangiten 雙身歡喜 ), which is the Japanese version of the Hindu god Gaṇe a. This legend reveals the enigmatic nature of the Japanese interpretation of Gaṇe a, as there are still many questions concerning the meaning and origin of this unique dual figure. (Fig. 1) Kangiten is the only Japanese god that is depicted as an embracing couple, and the explicit erotic aspect, which is only rarely shown in Buddhist depictions, makes this figure even more remarkable. It also raises the question of how the Hindu Gaṇe a, a corpulent elephant-headed male, relates to a Buddhist erotically embracing couple, and what the significance of this new form is. It is also remarkable how such a twin form could even develop, as the depiction of a god as an amourous couple seems to be very rare in Asia. Whereas Gaṇe a is a very powerful and popular Hindu deity in the whole of South-East Asia, this Japanese form is seen extremely rarely, which raises the question of why and how he was imported into a Buddhist nation and underwent such a dramatic transformation, only to be forgotten and hidden. The difference between the benevolent Gaṇe a and the Japanese blissfully copulating couple also makes one wonder if Kangiten is indeed the rightful and only Japanese version of Gaṇe a. This paper aims to demystify the Japanese notion of Gaṇe a and will attempt to expose the underbelly of the unique and very elusive S shin Kangiten. To accomplish this, the development and subsequent transmission and transformation of the general concept of Gaṇe a will be situated in the broader framework of cultural and religious interactions between India and Japan, in order to give a This story was published in “Kawabata Yasunari fujin no mamakura de uttae – yoroi musha no gan wo toku 川 端康成 人の夢まくら 訴え・ヨロイ武者の願を く,” Kanagawa Shimbun 神奈川新聞 No. 313. November 11, 1970. 1 2 complete oversight of the developments and underlying dynamics that led to the unique Japanese interpretation of Gaṇe a. This method will also illustrate how, why and when the figure of Gaṇe a underwent several processes of assimilation and reinterpretation that other deities were not subject to. Additionally, throughout the whole paper, additional information will be given on topics such as the synergy and conflicts between different religious schools of thought, the development of tantrism and the iconography of religious art, to ensure a complete account of the development of the Japanese interpretation of Gaṇe a. Due to the esoteric nature of the Japanese S shin Kangiten and his seemingly marginal position in the Japanese pantheon, depictions and literature that refer to him are very rare. This also explains the lack of research on this topic, as there is a significant shortage of information. Most literature on Gaṇe a is very subjective and contains information pertaining to a single geographical or temporal domain. Several of these works are also outdated and provide incomplete information. Both the theoretical framework of this paper and the sources on which the reconstruction of Gaṇe a’s evolution is based, thus consist of a variety of sources that contain overlapping information on several topics, which allows previous misconceptions to be corrected and correct information to be refined. This approach of overlapping several sources on a common topic is also applied to classical Indian, Chinese and Japanese texts that give accounts of Gaṇe a to ensure their reliability. Even though esotericism limits the production of texts and their accessibility, it also requires strict obedience to traditional rules and scriptures, which guarantees that worship of Kangiten has remained virtually unchanged for long periods of time, even though this is not apparent at first sight. This makes it more practical to older ut more reliable sources to re-trace the evolution of Gaṇe a than to reverse-engineer his evolution based on ill-documented recent developments. The first chapter will thus discuss the development of the Br hmanic and Hindu Gaṇe a and his subsequent rise in popularity before he left India. Some peculiar early traits that can be linked to the creation of the Japanese Kangiten will also be discussed. The second chapter bridges the gap between the Hindu Gaṇe a and the Japanese Kangiten both temporally and geographically. It will elaborate on the emergence of new Buddhist and tantric concepts and subsequently illustrates how different interpretations of Gaṇe a were created in Tibet and China, drawing upon several travel records, tantric manuals and iconographic representations. The last chapter gives an introduction to the Japanese religious climate that shaped the unique interpretations of Gaṇe a, followed by a detailed explanation of how the previous developments were reinterpreted and thus created several Japanese versions of Gaṇe a. The most remarkable S shin Kangiten form will be discussed more elaborately. 3 Chapter 1: The Indian Gaṇeśa In order to trace the origin of the Japanese interpretation of the god Gaṇe a as S shin Kangiten, it is first necessary to elaborate on the very diverse and complex development of the original Indian version of Gaṇe a in order to construct a standard form which will serve as the basis for further developments and comparisons. Even before this god left his birthplace of India and was introduced to neightbouring nations and religions, there was a remarkable degree of diversity in the interpretations and representations of Gaṇe a in India. Gaṇe a was for example known by countless other names (such as Vin yaka, Gaṇapati and Vighne a) which each referred to a particular set of characteristics. This chapter will thus give an oversight of the most important developments during the creation of the Indian Gaṇe a, followed by an explanation of several other remarkable issues that have later affected the formation of the Japanese Kangiten. 1.1. The Development of the Indian Gaṇeśa 1.1.1. The Emergence of a Demonic Proto-Ganeśa The precise origin of Gaṇe a is rather unclear, but orthodox believers assert that he has first emerged in the Vedic-Br hmanic period (1500-500 BCE). Nevertheless, the Vedas, the oldest Sanskrit literature, show no traces of an elephant-headed god. They do however contain vague references to evil demons called vināyakas, which is a term that was later used to refer to Gaṇe a.2 Yet another name for Gaṇe a, Gaṇapati (Leader of the Gaṇas), is found in the Rig Veda3 (2nd millennium BCE), but this name does not refer to Gaṇe a either. It was instead used as a title for other gods, and used the word gaṇa in an unusual sense.4 Gaṇa usually refers to a troop of demons and goblins ruled by iva, but here it was used in its more basic meaning of group or association.5 The connection between Gaṇe a and the titles gaṇapati and vināyaka will be explained further on. The Theravada Buddhist Piṭakas (ca. 500 BCE) also show no trace of him.6 The earliest Indian evidence of an elephant-headed god is found on a plaque from Rairh, Rajasthan (1st century BCE to 1st century CE), which depicts a female elephant-headed figure which was later identified as a different elephant-headed goddess.7 (Fig. 2) Near the Stupas of Amaravati and Mathura, sculptures dating from the second century have been found that depict several elephantheaded figures. These figures however still predate Gaṇe a, which suggests that they are merely Winternitz, M. "Gaṇē a in the Mah bh rata." The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (Cambridge University Press, 1898): 380-4. 3 RigVeda 2, 23, 1 uses ganapati as an honorific for Bṛhaspati, whereas RigVeda 10, 112, 9 uses it to refer to Indra, translated in Wilson, H. H. R̥ig-Veda-Sanhit Ś A Collection of Ancient Hindu Hymns. (New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1977). 4 Grimes, John A. Ganapati: Song of the Self. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995): 17-19. 5 Coomaraswamy, Ananda. "Ganesha." Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts 26, no. 153 (Museum of Fine Arts, 1928): 30. Wilson, vol IV: Mandalas 9 and 10. 6 Winternitz, 380-4. 7 Mundkur, Balaji. "The Enigma of Vain yak ." Artibus Asiae 37, no. 4 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1975): 292. 2 4 elephant-headed yakṣas (nature-spirits). It is in fact believed that these yakṣas are part of iva’s gaṇas and represent some of the aforementioned vināyakas.8 It is very likely that there were folk legends that involved yet other elephant-headed deities, but no evidence of Gaṇe a has been found before decriptions in iconographical treatises in the Hindu Pur ṇas.9 Such local deities would have stood for fertility and would be worshipped for good harvests, as is common for early agricultural societies. The existence of elephant-headed deities is supported by more recent Buddhist sources which showed that elephants were already worshipped in the Vedic period.10 One of the greatest Indian epics, the Mah bh rata, contains no references to Gaṇe a in its original version, which was compiled by Vy sa around 350 CE. It does however describe the same vināyakas that were mentioned in the Vedas, and associates them with other demons such as bhūtas (deceased spirits) and rākṣasas (man-eaters) that were also part of iva’s gaṇas.11 There is however an eighth century interpolation to the Mah bh rata that explains how Gaṇe a became its scribe, which also contains the first reference to the name Gaṇe a. This interpolation explains that Gaṇe a broke off his tusk so that he could use it to write down the Mah bh rata as Vy sa dictated it to him.12 Another text that mentions these vināyakas is the M navagŗhyasūtra (7th century BCE-4th century CE).13 This text however specifically mentions four named vināyakas that are said to represent an innumerable horde of vināyakas. It states that these four figures are evil demons that cause all types of suffering and interfere with trade, farming and fertility. It also provides rituals to placate them and instructs that meat and wine should be offered to appease them and stop them from creating hindrances.14 A similar description of these rites is found in the Y jñavalkyasmṛti (3-4th century CE). More importantly, this text also states that these four elephant-headed vināyakas are actually four aspects of one single deity called Mah gaṇapati (Great Gaṇapati), who was appointed by Brahm and iva as the supreme lord of their gaṇas.15 This reference to Gaṇapati thus marks the emergence of a proto-Gaṇe a which had a normal human body and an elephant’s head. The earliest representations of this proto-Gaṇe a are pañca-gaṇe a (Gaṇe a-quintet) forms which are based upon groups of older elephant-headed yak as that are found on the stupa of Amar vat . The oldest pañca-gaṇe a representation dates from the third century and is found on a bas-relief in Krishan, Yuvraj. "The Origins of Gaṇe a." Artibus Asiae 43, no. 4 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1982): 287. Mundkur, 296. Thapan, Anita R. Understanding GaņapatiŚ Insights into the Dynamics of a Cult. (New DelhiŚ Manohar Publishers, 1997): 75. 9 Courtright, Paul B. Gaṇe aŚ Lord of Obstacles, Lord of Beginnings. (New YorkŚ Oxford University Press, 1985): 10-1. 10 Mundkur, 292. 11 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. 12 Winternitz, 380-4. 13 M navagṛhyasūtra 2.14.1 names the four vināyakas la-kaṭaṅkaṭa, Kūṣm ndar japutra, Usmita and Devayajña. Quoted in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. 14 Rocher, Ludo. "Gaņe a's Rise to Prominence in Sanskrit Literature." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 69-84. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999): 70-2. 15 Y jñavalkyasmṛti 1.271-94. Quoted in Duquenne, Robert. "Ganapati Rituals in Chinese." Bulletin de l'Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient 77 (1988): 326. 8 5 Mathura. It shows five elephant-headed vināyakas of which the central one is believed to be their leader.16 (Fig.3) After this stage, Vin yaka gradually became represented individually. 1.1.2. Gaṇeśa’s Adoption into the Indian Pantheon By the end of the fourth century, the demonic vināyakas had thus completely merged into one single elephant-headed proto-Gaṇe a.17 (Fig. 4) This proto-Gaṇe a is known under two names. The name Vin yaka emphasizes his function as arch-demon, whereas his name (Mah )Gaṇapati represents his function as controller of these demons. The unification of these four vināyakas into the protoGaṇe a created a deity that was easier to address and worship than the countless vināyakas that caused failed harvests, financial loss and disease. As a result of his new status as a proper god, Vin yakaGaṇapati became popular fairly rapidly.18 Worship of Gaṇe a subsequently started to spread outside of India, as is indicated by several statues dated between the fourth and fifth centuries that have been found in Sakai Dhar and Gardez (Afghanistan), and Akra (Pakistan).19 (Fig. 5) His new popularity had earned Gaṇe a a place among the pañca-devatās, the five principal deities of the Indian Vedic-Br hmanic pantheon at that time (the four others were Rudra, Viṣṇu, akti and Sūrya). He became associated first and for all with the Vedic Rudra and his Hindu counterpart iva, who represented all malevolence and wildness in the world. Both were evil and powerful ancient gods, but also fulfilled the role of protector when appeased. Accordingly, the pot-bellied Gaṇe a started to be depicted with the attributes of these Vedic gods, which included the axe, goad, lotus and vajra, which gave him an equal status to these important Vedic-Br hmanic gods.20 (Fig. 6) His function as leader of the countless obstacle-creating demons also made Gaṇe a known as Vighne a, Vighnesvara or Vighnar ja, all of which mean Lord of Obstacles.21 Additionally, by his other name Mah vin yaka, he was regarded as the sum of all evils, and offerings to him were supposed to include wine, fish and meat. These are offerings which were considered taboo in early Hinduism, which indicates that Gaṇe a was not among the most positive or normal deities. He was also associated with the saptamātṛkās, seven pestilence mothers that personalize various plagues and 16 Agrawala, Prithvi Kumar. "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati and Their Iconographic Problem." Artibus Asiae 39, no. 2 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1977): 139-143. 17 Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 152. Winternitz, 380-4. 18 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. 19 Ibid. 285-7. 20 The goad, lotus and vajra are associated with Indra, the crescent moon and snake with Rudra/ iva, the sceptre and discus with Viṣṇu and the garland with Br hma. In Rajarajan, R.K.K. "Sugarcane Ganapati." East and West 51, no. 3 (Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente, 2001): 380. Narain, A. K. "Ganesa: A Protohistory of the Idea and the Icon." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 19-49. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991): 19. 21 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 297-300. Courtright, 136,156, 213 for more on these three names. 6 diseases, which also indicates his negative perception.22 Gaṇe a is depicted among the saptamātṛkās in a carving in the Ellora Caves (7th century).23 (Fig. 7) After Vin yaka-Gaṇapati had earned his place in the Vedic-Br hmanic Indian pantheon, new myths were created starting from the fourth century that aimed to explain his peculiar appearance and origin. Around this time, classical Hinduism was also developing and incorporated Gaṇe a into its pantheon. The early Hindu Pūraṇas contained numerous myths and birth stories of Gaṇe a, but are unfortunately very inconsistent.24 Only some of the most relevant myths are given below. The Matsya Pur ṇa and the Skanda Pur ṇa state that Gaṇe a was born from the impurities of the goddess P rvat ’s skin.25 His creation out of P rvat ’s filth is also repeated in the V mana Pur ṇa. His birth story in the Var ha Pur ṇa differs, as Gaṇe a is said to have come into existence out of the laughter of iva. P rvat then became aroused by his good looking appearance, which angered iva so much that he cursed him to be the chief of the elephant-headed vināyaka-demons. 26 In the Linga Pur ṇa however, it is stated that iva created Gaṇe a on purpose, so that he could lead the former’s army against the demons. Gaṇe a then conquered the army of demons and eventually became their leader.27 According to the iva Pur ṇa on the other hand, Gaṇe a was created by P rvat , who wanted a personal threshold guardian. Being a faithful servant and guardian, Gaṇe a once refused to let iva enter P rvat ’s bathing quarters while she was bathing. Gaṇe a then succeeded in defeating the army of gaṇas that iva had sent as revenge, but was decapitated nonetheless. Some versions state that Gaṇe a had lost a piece of his tusk in the struggle with iva. P rvat , who was angered by the death of her son, created one thousand akti (goddesses) to fight his killers. The battle was eventually resolved and Gaṇe a was appointed ruler of the gaṇas. P rvat then ordered the head of the nearest animal to be cut off and placed on Gaṇe a’s headless body. The nearest animal happened to be an elephant with a broken tusk, which granted him the nickname Ekadanta (One Tusked One).28 Evidence of this broken tusk is only found in later representations. Additionally, some Nepalese legends claim that Gaṇe a was self-manifest and was discovered by iva and P rvat .29 Another unique legend describes that iva and P rvat transformed into elephants during a sexual roleplay session, which resulted in the creation of Gaṇe a.30 Agni Pur ṇa translated in Mundkur, 294. Faure, Bernard. "The Elephant in the Room: The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism." In The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Religion, by Bernard Scheid and Mark Teeuwen, 255-268. (New York: Routledge, 2006): 256. 24 Nagar, Shanti Lal. The Cult of Vinayaka. (New Delhi: Intellectual Publishing House, 1992: 7-14 for additional Pur ṇic birth stories. 25 Matsya Pur ṇa and Skanda Pur ṇa translated in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285. 26 Var ha Pur ṇa quoted in Rocher, 77. 27 Linga Pur ṇa in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285-7. 28 Shiva Pur ṇa in Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285-7. Coomaraswamy, 30. 29 Brahmavaivarta Pur ṇa in Nagar, 11-3 and Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285-7. 30 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285-7. Rao, Gopinatha T.A. Elements of Hindu Iconography. (Madras: Law Printing House, 1914): 44-5 for this last legend. 22 23 7 What is generally accepted is that he was the son of iva and P rvat and that he was created out of P rvat ’s filth, which is a reference to his evil nature. Most legends also treat him as a loyal guardian deity who lost his head in attempt to perform his task, after which he was rewarded with the rule over of an army of gaṇas.31 What is also clear is that the Pur ṇas made a very deliberate attempt ro rewrite Gaṇ a’s dark history, and tried to incorporate him into to the Hindu pantheon as well as lift his position above his earlier lowly status.32 1.1.3. The New Benevolent Gaṇapati By the fifth century, images of Gaṇe a started to show fixed features and could be found all over India. He was also worshipped by followers of all religious backgrounds and layers of the Indian society, owing to his thorough incorporation in the Pur ṇas.33 The Pur ṇas also deliberately disguised that Vin yaka-Gaṇapati was in fact a powerful demon who created obstacles, and restored his identity to a powerful protective deity by making him P rvat ’s personal threshold guardian and subduer of the army of demos. 34 He was now also seen as a remover of obstacles and a god of auspicious beginnings.35 His new function in the mainstream Pur ṇic Hindu theology was thus remover of obstacles, contrary to his pre-Pur ṇic status as arch-demon and creator of obstacles.36 This was accomplished by the belief that Gaṇe a could not only create obstacles but obstruct the manifestation of evil. He could for example create obstacles that functioned as a test, which eventually lead to spiritual selfrealization. 37 The name Vin yaka was also avoided in the Pur ṇas because it had a negative connotation, so that instead his name Gaṇapati became more popular. The originally Vedic name Gaṇapati also made him seem older, which helped to legitimize his adoption into the Pur ṇas.38 After being adopted into the Pur ṇic pantheon, the earlier two-armed Vin yaka was now described as having four arms.39 The Vedic axe, vajra, goad and noose remained, but he gained several new attributes, which included a plate of sweets or a sugarcane, and his broken tusk. He also started to display the varada (protection) or abhaya (fearlessness) mudras, and sometimes had a snake wrapped around his stomach. 40 31 Rocher, 76-8. Coomaraswamy, 30. Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285-7. 33 Brown, Robert L. "Gaṇe a in Southeast Asian ArtŚ Indian Connections and Indigenous Developments." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 171-234. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991):175. 34 Courtright 134 for the Pur ṇic restoration of his image. Also in Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 256. 35 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. 36 Saraswati, Swami Tattvavidananda. Gaṇapati Upaniṣad. Delhi: D.K. Printworld Ltd, 2004, 80. 37 Coomaraswamy, 30. Krishan, Yuvraj. Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, 1999): viii. 38 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. 39 Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 140. 40 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 89. Heras, H. The Problem of Ganapati. (Delhi: Indological Book House, 1972): 29. Martin-Dubost, Paul. Gaņe aŚ The Enchanter of the Three Worlds. (MumbaiŚ Project for 32 8 Starting from the seventh century, a rat, which is his vahāna (vehicle), can be seen next to him or underneath him. It reminds the viewer to be humble, as it expresses the corruption of desire, symbolized by the rat, which causes destruction to crops and is able to penetrate the most sacred places. It is not surprising to see a rat here, as it may also refer to the original role of Gaṇe a as a deity connected to fertility, before he rose to fame.41 His new function as remover of obstacles had granted him the privilege of being worshipped ahead of other deities, as he was able to remove any possible obstructions that blocked communication with the world of spirits. 42 He was also worshipped at the start of important political events, ceremonies and ventures in order to guarantee success, prosperity and protection against adversity.43 He then also became associated with three goddesses that personified his positive characteristics, which were called Siddhi (success), Riddhi (wealth) and Buddhi (wisdom). Gaṇe a was thus occasionally given the epithets Siddhid t (bestower of success), Vṛiddhid t (bestower of wealth) and Buddhid t , (bestower of wisdom). 44 The Pur ṇic myths also praise him as patron of letters and knowledge, and provide stories of his cleverness and intelligence. 45 He is also seen as patron of sciences and learning, which is reflected in the legend where the four-armed Gaṇe a breaks off his tusk and acts as a scribe of the Mah bh rata, which was inserted in the Mah bh rata itself as an interpolation.46 (Fig.8) 1.1.4. The Emergence of a Tantric Gaṇeśa Cult The shift from a malevolent creator of obstacles to a benevolent remover of obstacles, which occurred in the Pur ṇas from the fourth century onwards, had started a reframing of Gaṇe a’s identity which eventually led to the emergence of the G ṇapatya cult by the end of the fifth century, which was dedicated to the worship of Gaṇe a.47 One of the G ṇapatyas’ texts that aimed to promote Gaṇe a is the Gaṇe a Pur ṇa (9th-14th century). In the Upa na Khaṅda section is described how Gaṇe a helps Indra, iva, Viṣṇu and Skanda overcome the obstacles that prevented them from completing their tasks, which is an obvious attempt to elevate Gaṇe a’s position above that of the primary Pur ṇic gods.48 The Gaṇe ag t chapter follows Indian Cultural Studies, 1997): 202-4. Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Tantric Worship of Gaṇe a according to the Prapancas ra." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 137, no. 2 (Deutsche Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 1987): 372-3. 41 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. Significance of the rat is described in Martin-Dubost, 231 and Grimes, 86. The association with secrecy is found in Rocher, 73. 42 Burham, Harold. The Esoteric Codex: Deities of Knowledge. (Raleigh: Lulu Press, 2015): 91. 43 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 38. 44 Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 285. 45 Burham, The Esoteric Codex, 95. Nagar, 5. 46 The interpolated legend in Mahabh rata 1.1.77 is described in Heras, 58 and Coomaraswamy, 30. 47 Dhavalikar, M. K. "Origin of Gaṇe a." Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 71, no. 1 (Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1990): 49. For more info on the Gaṇe a cult, see Thapan, 176-213: Chapter 6, “The G ṇapatyas” 48 Stevenson, Dr. "Analysis of the Gane a Purána, with Special Reference to the History of Buddhism." The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 8 (Cambridge Universiy Press, 1846): 319. 9 a similar trend as it treats Gaṇe a as a supreme deity and gives detailed descriptions of rituals and offerings of sweets such as sugarcanes and sweet cakes to receive boons from Gaṇe a.49 Another section claims that the sages of that time, the supreme god Br hma, the Vedas, the Upanishads and all the other earlier religious texts have little or no knowledge of the real potential of Gaṇe a. This sect thus very actively promoted the worship of Gaṇe a and was not only based upon Vedic religion, but even attempted to rewrite it by creating interpolations to the Pur ṇas to promote him to a supreme deity.50 A more recent tantric text dedicated to Gaṇe a is the Gaṇapati Upanishad, also called the Gaṇapati Atharva rṣa (16th-17th century).51 This text, as well, describes him as a supreme deity, as it states that Gaṇapati manifests himself as Brahm , Viṣṇu and Indra. He is considered to be fire and air, the sun and the moon, the cosmic essence, and the earth in all its elements. It also calls him om, cosmic resonance.52 The text further explains that he produces, sustains and destroys the universe as well as embodies supreme truth and eternal bliss.53 Even though this is a more recent text, it perfectly indicates how Gaṇe a was regarded as a supreme god in the esoteric G ṇapatya cult. His role as a threshold guardian thus not only caused him to be worshipped as god of beginnings, but allowed him to evolve into a deity who was considered even more powerful than the other Pur ṇic gods. He was thus regarded as a creator of life and the governor of cosmic essence. Art of the Gupta period (4th-6th century) connected to this sectarian worship of Gaṇe a mainly focuses on the iconographic form called Mahodara (Big Bellied One).54 Cultists claim that his belly contains all the universes, the past, present and future, and houses all the cosmic eggs from which life hatches.55 This big-bellied and happy looking Gaṇe a was usually displayed with six or more arms and was sometimes accompanied by a consort. This form has become the most popular representation of Gaṇe a and has spread across the whole of South and East Asia. 1.1.5. Gaṇeśa after the Gupta Period After the sixth century, Gane a’s appearance and interpretations underwent few significant developments. He was mainly worshipped for success, wealth and wisdom and for good fortune in general. The negative aspect of the Indian Gaṇe a seems to have disappeared completely, except in his cult, where his negative side was still worshipped. Owing to the many legends that appeared in the Pur ṇas, Gaṇe a had also gained a multitude of different iconographic forms. The Mudgala Pur ṇa was the first to list thirty-two different Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 287-297. Stevenson, 320-1. Martin-Dubost, 204. Narain, 270. 51 Courtright, 252. Grimes, 21-36 for a summary. 52 Adapted version of a quote contained in Chinmayananda, Swami. Glory of Ganesha. (Bombay: Central Chinmaya Mission Trust, 1987): 125-7. Translation in "The r Gaṇapati Atharva rṣa" appendix in Courtright. 53 Courtright, 253 and Grimes, 24-6 for further examples of such statements. 54 Nagar, 101. 55 Thapan, 200 quotes such statements from the Brahmanda Pur ṇa and Mudgala Pur ṇa. 49 50 10 iconographic forms.56 These forms are also contained in the nineteenth century r tattvanidhi, where detailed descriptions are given of his different representations.57 In these various forms, he assumed different postures, had different colours or proportions, or held different attributes. Only the most common forms of Gaṇe a are mentioned in this paper, as there is only a limited number of forms that were introduced to Tibet and China and eventually could have influenced the creation of the Japanese Kangiten. Gaṇe a’s identity and different representations had fully developed between the sixth and seventh centuries, after which he was adopted into the Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist pantheons. Consequently, later developments of the Hindu Gaṇe a will have had no impact on the already exported Buddhist interpretations of Gaṇe a in Tibet and China and will thus not be discussed here. 1.2. Some Notes in Regard to Femininity At first sight there seem to have been no representations or interpretations up until this final stage in the development of Gaṇe a that explain the origin of the Japanese Dual Kangiten. There are however some peculiarities concerning the representation of Gaṇe a as well as some external developments that that have not yet been fully explained, that could have had an influence on his reception in other religious and cultural spheres, including Japan. 1.2.1. Vināyaki: a Female Gaṇeśa As mentioned above, the very first image of an elephant-headed deity in India was not an image of Gaṇe a, but of a similar-looking female deity. The existence of a female version of Gaṇe a raises the question if the couple of deities represented in the Japanese interpretation of Gaṇe a could consist of Gaṇe a and this other elephant-headed deity. This female deity, which has been identified as Vin yaki, looks very similar to Gaṇe a, but is more elusive, since there are only a handful of sources that confirm her existence. Descriptions of her are also very inconsistent and give contrasting accounts of her attributes and features.58 The earliest reference to this figure is found in the Matsya Pur ṇa, which was compiled in 550, and thus coincides with the period during which Gaṇe a became a powerful Pur ṇic god. It states that Vin yaki is one of two hundred celestial mothers created by iva, but contains no descriptions of her appearance. She cannot, however, be one of Gaṇe a’s consorts, as her name is not found in any of the sections of the Pur ṇas that list his consorts, and consorts are always smaller, fully human figures. Even though representations of her are rare, she is usually seen with a distinct pair of breats and a red saree, which is not at all similar to the female elephant-headed deity in the Japanese Kangiten. Vin yaka was thus 56 Grimes, 52. Indian representations can be found in Rao, Chapter 6-9. These forms are also found in Martin-dubost 120-3. See Chinmayananda, 85, 118 and Grimes, 60-1 for more illustrations and descriptions. 58 Mundkur, 291-295. 57 11 an independent deity which was never represented alongside Gaṇe a and was completely overshadowed by her male counterpart, which has made her virtually inexistent outside of India.59 Her appearance also proves that she did not influence the creation of the Japanese couple. 1.2.2. Gaṇeśa’s Marital Status Another theory that could explain the presence of the female deity in the Japanese couple is that she is not a female Vin yaka, but simply Gaṇe a’s wife. However, there seems to be a lot of confusion surrounding Gaṇe as marital status, as different legends provide very different accounts.60 A number of legends claim that Gaṇe a was an unmarried ascetic.61 Others confirm this but add that he had two consorts, which are identified as the aforementioned Buddhi and Siddhi.62 Some legends in the Gaṇe a Pur ṇa and Mudgala Pur ṇa state that he is actually married to them, and that they are not independent figures, but merely the female personifications of his powers.63 This also explains why these figures are only rarely found outside of India. There are also legends that couple Gaṇe a to Sarasvat , the goddess of culture and arts, or with Lakshmi, the goddess of luck and prosperity. These more prominent deities are sometimes portrayed as his consorts in more recent art, but have very clear characteristics and can be identified fairly easily.64 These goddesses, however, also look very different to Gaṇe a and the female part of the Kangiten couple. He may also have had a relationship with the Aṣṭasiddhi, which are personifications of the eight spiritual attaintments that can be obtained by the practice of Yoga. In art, this is represented by a group of young women that surround Gaṇe a.65 It is believed that these were transformations of the Saptam tṝkas and eventually merged into the single unnamed consort that is sometimes seen accompanying Gaṇe a.66 It is thus apparent that none of these independent goddesses that are sometimes associated with Gaṇe a have left a permanent impression on his appearance or interpretation. Moreover, these figures can be recognized very easily and bear no resemblance to the female in the Japanese couple. Representations of Gaṇe a with a single undefined and unnamed human consort, on the other hand, are quite common both inside and outside of India. 67 59 Ibid. Cohen, Lawrence. "The Wives of Gaṇe a." In Ganesh: Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 115-140. (Albany: State Universit of New York Press, 1991): 115-140 for a more elaborate review of legends. 61 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 63. See Cohen, 126-129 for the celibacy of Gaṇe a. 62 Getty, Alice. Gaņe aŚ A Monograph on the Elephant-Faced God. 1992. (New Delhi: Pilgrims Publishing, 2006): 36. 63 Mudgala Pur ṇa and Ganesha Pur ṇa quoted in Courtright 124 and 213. Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 62 for associations with Buddhi, Siddhi, and Riddhi. 64 Cohen, 131-3 for associations with Sarasvat and Lakshmi. 65 Martin-Dubost, 332. 66 Mundkur, 294. 67 Cohen, 120-122 the motif of the single akti. 60 12 1.2.3. Yogācāra and the Significance of Consorts Since this single female deity that sometimes accompanies Gaṇe a does not appear to be an independent figure, a closer look should be taken into the representation of Indian deities with their consorts. The Indian custom of displaying gods with a consort on their knee is quite popular, and is the Indian representation of Gaṇe a that is the most similar to the Japanese couple. The representation of Gaṇe a with a consort is a product of the Yog c ra teachings of Indian Buddhism that had started to develop in the fourth century. Yog c ra focused on profound meditation as a means to achieve the union of the spirit of an individual with the spirit of the universe. According to Yoga, deities were regarded as abstract personifications and emanations of the universal spirit and were often represented with a akti to express the material half of this duality. 68 This akti was in fact regarded as the personification of a deity’s creative, female power and had no erotic connotation. Gaṇe a was one of the many gods that had been accepted by the Yog carins and had started to be displayed with a akti on his knee starting from the sixth century. Eventually he became represented with a akti in six of his thirty-two iconographic representations.69 More erotic forms of these depictions can be found in connection to tantric branches of the Gaṇ patya cult, in which Gaṇe a and his akti are seen fondling each other, using his trunk to pleasure his akti.70 akti in Indian erotic and non-erotic representations of deities are, however, exclusively fully human, and are always smaller than the main deity, which eliminates the possibility that the elephant-headed female in the Japanese Dual Kangiten is a representation of his akti. Explicit sexual motifs of gods and their akti are virtually inexistent in Hindu tantric traditions, but are plentiful in Nepalese and Tibetan tantric Buddhism, which will thus be discussed in the next chapter.71 Getty, Gaņe a, 68-70 for Yoga, and 83-84 for a discussion on akti. These six forms are called Shakti Ganapati, Ucchista Ganapati, Mah ganapati, Urdhva Ganapati, Uddanda Ganapati, and Sankastharana Ganapati. Elaborate descriptions in Chinmayananda, 87-118. 70 Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a in Hindu and Buddhist Iconography." In Script and Image: Papers on Art and Epigraphy, by Adalbert J. Gail, Gerd J. R. Mevissen and Richard Salomon, 15-28. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2006): 16. 71 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 20. Getty, 71. 68 69 13 Chapter 2: Gaṇeśa’s Journey to Japan After having explained the creation of the Indian Gaṇe a and some other peculiar Indian developments in relation to the Japanese Dual Kangiten, a closer look at the construction of his twin form is in order. First of all, Gaṇe a did not enter Japan in his pure Br hmanic or Hindu identity that had stopped evolving after the sixth century. Like many other deities, he was first incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon and subsequently traveled with Buddhism through various other cultural and religious spheres - and received different interpretations - before eventually reaching Japan. The remarkable difference between the Indian Gaṇe a and the Japanese Dual Kangiten must thus have been the result of cultural and religious interactions before this figure reached Japan. This chapter will thus discuss the transfer and the change in perception of the Buddhist Gaṇe a as it traveled through Tibet and China. 2.1. The Diffusion of Buddhism 2.1.1. The Interaction between Hinduism and Buddhism Early Buddhism was very much intertwined with Hinduism and as such, Hindu iconography and Buddhist iconography mutually influenced each other. 72 It is well-known that Buddhism (and especially tantric Buddhism) contains several Br hmanic and Hindu deities as result of the common source of Buddhism and Hinduism.73 Several Hindu deities were adopted into the Buddhist pantheon as is, whereas others became associated with already existing Buddhist deities, and yet others were integrated rather violently. iva was for example associated with the Buddhist Avalokite vara, and Brahm was associated with the Buddha Mañju r . Less powerful local, Br hmanic and Hindu gods could only advance on the path to salvation by voluntarily converting to Buddhism. Other deities that were harder to incorporate, were initially seen as opposers of Buddhism, and were submitted violently by Buddhist protector deities.74 Graphically, the integration of these newly converted foreign deities, often called devas, is seen in the appearance of their smaller, sometimes violently submitted figures in the outside circles of Buddhist mandalas. These devas are also displayed with their distinctive non-Buddhist characteristics and attributes in order to be able to discern them more easily. One of these iconic - and in this case Vedic - attributes is the vajra (diamond), which later became an important object in tantric Buddhism.75 Eventually, these converted deities would become powerful Buddhist role models. Hindu deities were sometimes also considered to be personifications of dark magic spells, which gave them a 72 De Mallmann, Marie-Thérèse. "Divinités Hindoues dans le Tantrisme Bouddhique." Arts Asiatiques 10, no. 1 (1964): 70. 73 Bühnemann, Gudrun. "Buddhist Deities and Mantras in the Hindu TanrasŚ I The Tantras rasamgraha and the s nasivagurudevapaddhati." Indo-Iranian Journal no. 42 (Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999): 303. 74 De Mallmann, 69-72. Faure, Bernard. Unmasking Buddhism. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2009): 63-4. 75 De Mallmann, 74-8. 14 rather sinister undertone.76 It thus becomes clear that even though Br hmanic and Hindu deities have been incorporated successfully into the Buddhist pantheon, they remained minor deities and sometimes gained negative connotations. The same was also true for the Buddhist version of Gaṇe a. Whereas the Indian Gaṇe a was regarded as a remover of obstacles, a powerful guardian deity and provider of wisdom and wealth, his Buddhist interpretation emphasized his destructive side as creator of obstacles and his function as demon king. He was mostly seen as the personification of all obstacles, and can be seen being trampled by the Buddhist Vighnantaka (Remover of Obstacles). Even the evil Vin yaka was never represented in such a humiliating fashion in India. On the rare occasion that the early Buddhist Vin yaka was represented individually, he was seen as an assessor of the Buddha Mañju r , and was thus not considered important enough to become an independent deity worthy of worship. Some Buddhist mandalas also show how Vin yaka is being trampled by Mah kala, a wrathful Buddhist avatar of iva. Gaṇe a had to be violently converted to Buddhism and was thus portrayed as a demonic obstacle that had to be removed, which almost completely nullified Gaṇe a’s function as remover of obstacles. This explains why the preferred Buddhist name of Gaṇe a is Vin yaka, which emphasizes his control over obstacles and his role as an obstacle himself, rather than Gaṇapati, which was his title as remover of evil.77 2.1.2. The Rise of Vajrayāna Buddhism The emergence of tantric Buddhism was initiated by the creation of the Diamond Vehicle in India between the fifth and seventh century, which was a reaction against mainstream Buddhism. In accordance with its reactionary nature, tantric Vajray na (Diamond Vehicle) Buddhism considers foreign and classical practices more accurate than orthodox teachings and makes use of classical Sanskrit texts and traditional rituals.78 It emphasizes the use of symbols such as mantras, mudras and mandalas, which provide quicker access to enlightenment than Mah y na merit-making, and can bestow mystical powers upon those who use them.79 Practicioners of tantric Buddhism usually focus on the sun Buddha Mahavairocana, who they regard as the creative spirit of the universe and the supreme sovereign of the cosmos. Especially in tantric Buddhism, which also shows a particular liking for violent and oppressive deities, Hindu deities are almost always subjugated by the protectors of Buddhism.80 76 Sørensen, Henrik K. "Central Divinities in the Esoteric Buddhist Pantheon." In Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, by Charles D. Orzech, Henrik K. Sørensen and Richard K. Payne, 90-132. (Leiden: Brill, 2011): 115. 77 De Mallmann, 73-4. Krishan. "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 297-300. 78 Rambelli, Fabio. "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine DanceŚ On Japanese Mikky and the Formation of the Shingon Discourse." Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 21, no. 4 (Nanzan University, 1994): 377. 79 Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 10. Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 375. 80 Thakur, Upendra. India and Japan: A Study in Interaction During 5th-14th Century A.D. (Abhinav Publications, 1992): 41. Sørensen, Central Divinities, 115. 15 Tantric Buddhism spread to Tibet, China, Japan and South-East Asia in the eighth and ninth centuries, but only managed to survive in its pure tantric form in Tibet and Japan. Tibetan Vajray na is rather unique, as it appears to be a comination of tantrism and scholasticism. Chinese tantrism, on the other hand, was identical to the Indian traditions at first, but eventually gained a Chinese style, which was then passed over to Japanese esotericism. 81 Whereas mainstream Buddhism regarded Gaṇe a only as a minor and rather negative deity, tantric Buddhism in Tibet, China and Japan started to describe Gaṇe a as a subjugator of demons once again.82 2.2. Tibetan Interpretations of Gaṇeśa In an attempt to Buddhicize Tibet, the king sent an envoy to India in the first half of the seventh century to retrieve Mah y na texts. He eventually returned not only with Mah y na texts, but also with Yog cara teachings and some tantras on akti-worship, thus introducing both orthodox and tantric Buddhism to Tibet. Tantric Buddhism reached Tibet through the Silk Road, and had also influenced several Buddhist centres along the way, one of which is Dunhuang. 83 The indigenous animistic religion of Tibet had created a climate that was more accepting toward tantrism and esoteric religions than toward the abstract Mah y na teachings, so that eventually the tantric Yoga doctrines gained the upper hand in Tibet.84 2.2.1. Tibetan Tantric Buddhism Tibetan Buddhism thus showed a particular liking for esoteric ideas, and interpreted the mystic union of the Yoga teachings as achievable by the creation of a physical extatic union between individuals. The traditional Hindu way of portraying gods with a akti on their knee was used rarely, and was replaced by grotesque and overemphasized depictions of sexual acts. The most iconic Tibetan representations of this sexual mystic union are yab yum (father and mother) depictions, which show a female and male deity intimately having intercourse. (Fig. 9) Nevertheless, Tibetan representations of gods having intercourse with their akti are restricted to humanoid deities, which means that the elephant-headed Gaṇe a was unsuitable for this particular style of representation. No classical yab yum style representations thus exist of a pair of elephant-headed deities. 85 The single Gane a was nonetheless worshipped in Tibet for his original benefits, which are the destruction of obstacles and the granting of wealth.86 A different characteristic of Tibetan Buddhism is the frequent depiction of wrathful guardian deities, which are shown in a more fearsome fashion than their original Hindu version. This form is 81 Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 10. Thakur, 28-33. De Mallmann, 73. 83 Bogel, Cynthea J. "Esoteric Art, East Asia." In Encyclopedia of Buddhism, by Robert E. Buswell, 252-57. (New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2004): 254. 84 Getty, 71. 85 Ibid. 86 Nagar, 185-6. Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 19. 82 16 not restricted to fully human figures and thus allowed for the elephant-headed Gaṇe a to be represented in this style as well. Plenty of depictions of a fearsome Gaṇapati wielding several weapons thus exist as part of this tradition. A Nepalese Gaṇapati-hṛdaya illustrates such an aggressive emanation of Gaṇapati and provides a list of spells that summon him to not only bestow wealth, but cause him to trap, strike, cleave and maim his enemies as well. Also worth mentioning is that these spells also associate him with the three wish granting jewels (cintāmaṇi). 87 2.2.2. Tibetan Fearsome and Erotic Representations One of the most popular fearsome forms of Gaṇe a in Tibet is called Mah rakta Gaṇapati (Great Red One).88 Mah rakta Gaṇapati has a bright red body, three eyes and twelve arms, and holds various weapons, as well as skull-cups filled with human blood and body parts. This form is often seen dancing happily.89 (Fig. 10) Another non-erotic representation popular in Tibet and Nepal is Heraṃba Gaṇapati (Mother’s Beloved Son), who usually has five heads and up to ten arms.90 In this version he sits on his rat mount, has a third eye and a skull crown, and holds a skull cup in one of his hands. He carries his traditional Vedic attributes and has a snake-belt wrapped around his waist.91 (Fig. 11, 12) Yet another version of Gaṇe a, shown as a small pink elephant, can be seen being trampled by Mah k la (Daikokuten 大黒 ), a ferocious emanation of Avalokite vara.92 Perhaps the most popular erotic representation of Gaṇe a is called jñ vinivarta Gaṇapati (R gavajra, Authority Averting Gaṇapati). In this form, Gaṇapati receives fellatio from an animal-headed goddess and sometimes has a monkey’s head and a cat’s head flanking his elephant’s head. Most versions have six arms and carry the usual radishes, plates of sweet cakes, cintāmaṇi jewels, skull cups, axes and swords. A feline goddess is supporting him while performing fellatio on him, and her menstrual blood is collected in a skull cup by four other menstruating goddesses.93 (Fig. 13, 14) Yet another type of Tibetan erotic depictions exists in which Gaṇe a’s wide open eyes and erect penis show his excitement as he is being pleasured by a monkey headed akti sitting in his lap. His hands hold the double vajra, a goad, a noose and cintāmaṇi. It is remarkable that, for a still unknown reason, there is not a single other Tibetan deity that is depicted as receiving fellatio. Fellatio and other sexual acts without intercourse also serve no reproductive function and thus symbolize pure pleasure instead of fertility. 94 (Fig. 15) In Tibet, two very distinct styles of Gaṇe a have thus developed. One is the wrathful version of Vin yaka, who serves as a protector of Buddhism, and the 87 The text can be found in Duquenne, 325-6. Pal, Pratapaditya. Ganesh: The Benevolent. (Mumbai: Modern Architectural Research Group Publications, 199): 130. 89 Nagar, 185-6. 90 Getty, 40. Ramachandra Rao, S.K. The Compendium of Gaņe a. (DelhiŚ Sri Satguru Publications, 1992)Ś vi. 91 Neogy, Pritwish. "An Ivory Gaṇe a." Artibus Asiae 11, no. 1 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1948): 23-26. 92 Getty, 42. Nagar, 185. 93 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 17-9. 94 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 19-21. 88 17 other is an erotic version of Gaṇapati in which he is shown being pleasured by goddesses. The Tibetan yab yum form is similar to the Japanese Dual Kangiten in respect to the representation of two deities in an erotic posture, but Gaṇe a was at no point part of this tradition, since his appearance prevented him from being displayed in this particular style. Yet these developments have proved vital to the formation of the Japanese Dual Kangiten, as will be explained further on. 2.3. Chinese Interpretations of Gaṇeśa Unlike Tibet, where mainstream and tantric Buddhism and Gaṇe a were imported roughly at the same time, mainstream Buddhism was imported first and influenced the Chinese culture. Tantric Buddhism was only introduced in the seventh century and brought tantric versions of Gaṇe a with it. Mainstream Buddhism had already found its way to China during the fifth century, as it was introduced by traders and monks who traveled back and forth between India and China. Indian Buddhist and Hindu art and architecture were quickly adopted and soon became an integral part of the Chinese culture.95 Early Chinese Buddhism was thus very Indian in character, and it also adopted the Br hmanic deities that had been incorporated into the Buddhist pantheon, so that images of these deites still looked very similar to their Indian representations. Depictions of Chinese Buddhas and bodhisattvas followed strict rules that were stipulated in iconographic treatises from the Gupta period, but images of new devas were more open to the interpretation of the artists. This allowed Gaṇe a’s Chinese appearance to differ from the original Indian style after he was introduced to China.96 The earliest Chinese image of Gaṇe a is found on a wall painting in cave no. 285 of the Mogao Caves in Dunhuang (538-556), where a wrathful Vin yaka is depicted as a protector of Buddhism.97 This Hindu style fresco was undoubtedly based on art that pilgrims had brought with them from Tibet and shows the traditional attributes associated with Gaṇe a.98 Chinese depictions and statues of Gaṇe a are extremely rare and only a couple of representations have been found. Fortunately, Chinese literature provides more information about Gaṇe a and his interpretation in China. 2.3.1. Gaṇeśa’s First Appearance in China There is no precise record in reliable Chinese sources of exactly when and how Gaṇe a was introduced to China, which leads to believe that, in any case, there was no intention of establishing a new cult at the time of his importation.99 The Chinese Buddhist canon, however, contains several texts written by well-known monks, who had returned from pilgrimages to India and Tibet and had left details of their travels, which allow for a reconstruction of how and when Gaṇe a was introduced. These monks brought tantrism, Yog c ra and eventually the Diamond Realm Mandala back to China, 95 Thakur, 10. Thakur, 66. Getty, 67-8. 97 Sørensen, Central Divinities, 121. 98 Getty, 67-8. 99 Ibid. 96 18 which contained representations of Vin yaka-Gaṇapati.100 During the Tang dynasty, Gaṇe a (Huanxi Tian 歓喜 ) became a major esoteric deity able to bestow supernatural powers. It is also during Tang China that his dual form emerged, which was never found outside of China and Japan.101 Texts about the monks Ya ogupta, Buddhanandi and Faxian which contain details of their travels during the fifth century, state that they brought several Buddha statues back to China, but provide no references to a statue of Huanxi Tian.102 The Chinese monk Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664) who is especially known for his mastery of Yog c ra, left descriptions of worship of an elephantheaded deity in Kapi and passed through Dunhuang on his way back from N landa, a center of Yoga esotericism. Yet no evidence exists that he had ever come across Gaṇe a. His disciple D sh 道昭 (629–700) introduced his master’s principles of Yoga and the concept of the mystic union to Japan but certainly did not introduce Huanxi Tian.103 Upon returning from N landa, Xuan Zhao, an illustrious but mysterious Yoga scholar, was summoned to the court of Tibet, where he could have seen a temple dedicated to Gaṇe a. After his return to China at the end of the seventh century, he had received an audience with the Chinese emperor of which unfortunately no records exist. The nobility, who were very fond of the tantric occult, would certainly have adopted - and probably propagated - the worship of an obstacle-removing Gaṇapati. There is however no evidence of a reaction from the court, which suggests that Xuan Zhao did not introduce Gaṇe a.104 2.3.2. A Four-legged Gaṇeśa from Endere In the eighth century, Tibetan armies crossed the Chinese borders and took over Nepal and Mongolia, after which they settled in Chinese Turkestan. They also brought their perverted form of Buddhism and their own peculiar deities to China. Two unique four-armed and four-legged representations of Gaṇe a can be found in Endere in Chinese Turkestan, and the Dunhuang caves. In Tibet and Nepal, such four-legged figures were not uncommon, as deities with many limbs usually represent the physical fusion of deities with their akti. These akti were considered inferior and thus lost their characteristics in the assimilation. This suggests that the unique four legged form of Gaṇe a also represents the fusion of Vin yaka-Gaṇapati and his akti, thus symbolizing the mystic union in a nonsexual fashion. (Fig. 16) Not coincidentally, the new dual-bodied Vin yaka-Gaṇapati also appeared in China in the eighth century, which showed a couple of elephant-headed deities in a nonsexual embrace.105 It is thus very likely that this unusual four-legged form was reinterpreted by the Chinese in accordance with 100 Ibid. Grimes, 194. Grimes, 194. Sørensen, Central Divinities, 121. 102 Getty, 67-68. 103 Ibid. 104 Getty, 72-73. 105 Agrawala, Prithvi Kumar. "On a Four-Legged Icon of Gaṇapati from Ghosai." Artibus Asiae 40, no. 4 (Artibus Asiae Publishers, 1978): 307-8. Getty, 72-3. 101 19 popular Taoist ideals. Central to Taoism, however, is the equality of opposite positive and negative, male and female energies, which probably resulted in the restoration of the four-legged and fourarmed form to two almost identical elephant-headed deities in a nonsexual embrace. This development would explain why the four-legged form disappeared in China and shortly afterwards a new form appeared out of thin air. 2.3.3. Some Dual-Vināyaka Sūtras Starting from the eighth century, textual evidence confirms the introduction of Gaṇe a and shows a particular interest in the Dual Vin yaka. These texts were mostly heterodox Buddhist texts consisting of sūtras (kyō 経), rituals (giki 儀軌) and methods (hō 法). Being mainly magic rituals and esoteric fringe knowledge, they were only vaguely connected to the mainstream Buddhist doctrine and gave very different descriptions of Vin yaka-Gaṇapati than traditional Sanskrit literature had done previously. This does not mean that the importance of these texts should be underestimated, as they have been translated and introduced by the most prominent translators of Tang esotericism. Most texts are known primarily through Japanese translations that are now valued by Japanese tantric sects. 106 A number of texts on Gaṇe a are based on a single Vin yaka-ritual in a collection of dharanis called Darani-jikky ( 羅尼集経107), which already had been translated into Chinese by Atikuta in 653-654. This text is the first literary evidence for the introduction of Gaṇe a and described rituals to worship the new Dual Vin yaka.108 Two similar texts attributed to Bodhiruci (Bodairushi 菩提留支, 672-727), the Shijuh -ky (使呪法經) and Dai-Shijuh -ky (大使呪法經 109 ), contain the same ritual to appease the Dual Vin yaka, describe his appearance and contained guidelines for rituals and depictions. ubhakarasiṃha (Zenmui 善無畏 637-736) returned from India in 716 with new tantric texts, which included descriptions of the Dual Vin yaka. The Daish kangi-s shin-daijizaiten-binayaka- kie-nenju-kuy -h (大聖歓喜双身大自在 毘那夜迦王帰依念誦供養法 110 ) mentions new myths focused on the Dual Vin yaka that are not found in Indian or Sanskrit sources, and is the first text that associates him with Avalokite vara. 111 It also prohibits the placement of his depictions in altar rooms.112 One of these new myths agrees that P rvat and iva are his parents, but adds that P rvat 106 Duquenne, 321. Getty, 72-3. Duquenne, 322. Taishō shinshū dai zōkyōŚ Bekkan Shōwa hōbō sōmokuroku 大正新脩大藏經: 昭和法寶總 目録. (TokyoŚ Taish Issaiky Kank kai, 1929–1934): XVIII 901. Subsequent references to the Taishō shinshū dai zōkyō will be abbreviated to “T.” 108 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 167-169. Sanford, James H. "Literary Aspects of Japan's DualGaņe a Cult." In GaneshŚ Studies of an Asian God, by Robert L. Brown, 287-336. (Delhi: University of New York Press, 1991): 295. Thakur, 44. 109 T. XXI 1267 and T. XXI 1268. Duquenne, 322. 110 T. XXI 1270. 111 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 167-169, Sanford, 295. 112 Duquenne, 323-4. 107 20 gave birth to as many as three thousand gods. The gods who came out of her left side were evil and were led by the demon Vin yaka, whereas the benevolent gods that came out of her right side were led by a benevolent figure called Sen yaka. To stop this horde of demons, Avalokite vara changed into Sen yaka and embraced Vin yaka, thus calming his rage. A different legend accounts that a certain king of Marakeira, who ate only radishes and meat, started to eat the people of his kingdom after he ran out of food. He eventually became even more wicked and turned into the demon king Vin yaka, who ruled over an army of vināyakas. His people prayed to Avalokite vara, who manifested himself as a female vin yaka, which filled the king with joy. She then convinced him to convert to Buddhism, which he also did.113 In both cases, the evil nature of Vin yaka is tamed by the seduction of a transformed Avalokite vara in a purely nonsexual way.114 The Indian mystic union of a god and his akti was thus reinterpreted by the Chinese as the unity of two independent and contrasting gods, after which new myths were constructed to explain the association between Vin yaka and Avalokite vara. 115 ubhakarasiṃha also introduced the Mah vairocanatantra to China (Dainichiky 大日經116), which mentions rituals to dispel demons such as vināyakas. These vināyakas are described in its commentary, called the Dainichi-ky -sh (大日經疏117), as mental obstructions resulting from an impure mind. An even more unique interpretation of Gaṇe a is found in a text translated by Amoghavajra (Fukū 不 空 705-774), which is titled Makabirushana-ny rai-j e-kint -nyūsammayashin-s shindaish kangiten-bosatsu-shugy -himitsuh -giki (摩訶毘盧遮那如來定惠均等入三摩耶身雙身大聖 歡喜 菩薩修行祕密法儀軌118). This text associates the Dual Vin yaka with the concentration and wisdom of Mah vairocana. The descriptions of rituals such as the sprinkling of his statuette with sesame oil and the recitation of spells to protect oneself are identical to those in the other Vin yakasūtras, but it opposes the Buddhist rules of conduct when it asserts that fermented beverages should be consumed as a medicine to remove evil.119 The introduction of these new and unorthodox ideas is not surprising, as both Amoghavajra and Vajrabodhi are said to have introduced tantrism to China when they returned from India with mantras, mandalas and the Yoga doctrine.120 Amoghavajra’s work was continued by his disciple Hanguang (Gank 含光) who left it in a codified text in 747. 121 He also noted that every tantric ritual should be preceded by a ritual to Vin yaka-Gaṇapati, as he was the god of beginnings. This codified text links the combination of Vin yaka and Avalokite vara with the sun Buddha Vairocana, and explains that the pair symbolizes Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 164. Sanford, 297-8. Getty, 83-4. These myths can also be found in the Kakuzensh 覚禅鈔 T. 3022. 115 Getty, 83-4. 116 T. XVIII 848. 117 T. XXXIX 1796. 118 T. XXI 1271. 119 Duquenne, 324. 120 Getty, 80-1. 121 T. XXI 1273. 113 114 21 the material and spiritual aspects of Vairocana.122 His theories were also recorded in a short text by a certain Jing Se (Keishitsu 憬瑟) called Daish kangi-s shin-bin yakaten-gy z -bon-giki (大聖歡喜雙 身毘那夜迦 形像品儀軌123) in 774. It also contains descriptions of six-armed (roppi 六臂) and four-armed (shihi 四臂) forms followed by a list of Gaṇe a’s numerous names. The text also dictates that statues should be made in metal, and should show two elephant-headed deities that are facing each other, with their head on the left shoulder of their partner, and that they should be dressed in long robes. 124 The text ends with a description of the four six-armed vināyakas from the M navagŗhyasūtra.125 2.3.4. Occult Versions of Vināyaka-Gaṇapati Other texts describe the worship of a more wicked form of Vin yaka-Gaṇapati, as demonstrated by the following scriptures. A sūtra called Vajrasattva Teaching the Vin yaka Attainment Rite (Kong satta-setsu-binayakaten-j ju-giki-ky 金剛薩埵説頻那夜迦 成就儀軌經126), a somewhat younger black magic guide translated by a different Faxian (H ken 法賢) in 1001 is also quite remarkable. It is written later than the other Tang literature which served as the foundation of both the Shingon and Tendai sects, yet contains very rare black magic rites. It is a list of spells and rituals in which is appealed to demonic vināyakas to remove one’s enemy, and was deemed so gruesome that emperor Zhenzong (968-1022) prohibited the translation and circulation of the sūtra in 1017. After this, it was never found quoted in any other text.127 A fairly unknown Ritual to Worship Kumokuten, the Provisional Manifestation of the Golden Ganapati (Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-h 権現金色迦那鉢底九目 法 128 ) describes a wrathful manifestation of Vin yaka which has three heads with each three eyes, and is called Vajra Vin yaka. He is described as having four hands which are holding the regular Vedic attributes, and instructions for setting up an appropriate altar for his statues were also given. 129 This form is undoubtedly based on the fearsome Tibetan Mah rakta and Heramba Gaṇapati. The manual also mentions that his depictions must have a serpent-hide around his waist and should be kept from sight at all times. Offerings should include radishes, cakes, sweets and honey. During rituals, special attention must also be paid to the threefold harmony of body, speech and mind. The text also states 122 Duquenne, 324. T. XXI 1274. Getty, 72-3. 124 Getty, 80-1. 125 Duquenne, 325. 126 T. XXI 1272. 127 Duquenne, 325. 128 Text and translation can be found in Duquenne, 333-6. 129 Duquenne, 325-6. 123 22 that if rituals are performed well, they will make Vajra Vin yaka follow one like a shadow in order to remove or create obstacles.130 (Fig. 17) This golden Gaṇapati is also described in the Dh raṇ Sūtra of the Golden Gaṇapati (Konjikiganahachi-darani-ky 金色迦那鉢底 羅尼經131) translated by Vajrabodhi (Kong chi 金剛智 671741). In this text, the Buddha explains to his disciples the proper rites and recitations for the worship of Gaṇapati and gives instructions on how to paint a traditional six-armed Gaṇapati surrounded by divine beings.132 This golden Gaṇapati was seen as an obstacle-remover and holds the usual sweets, sword, mace, noose, vajra and dagger. Once again, strict secrecy of the image is required, and offerings should include wine, bliss-buns (kangi-dan 歓喜団), honey and fruits.133 (Fig. 18, 19) Vin yaka was also popular with astrologists. The Rules for the Diviner’s Board of the Holy Kangiten (Sh kangiten-shiki-h 聖歓喜 式法134) translated by Prajṇ cakra (Hannya Shakara 般若羯 羅) describes the outline of a divination board based on the Indian tradition. The names of the four directional deities are identical to the names of the four evil vin yakas from the M navagŗhyasūtra, which eventually merged into the proto-Gaṇe a. 2.3.5. The Construction of the Ryōkai Mandala Several versions of Gaṇe a can also be found in what is perhaps the most important product of Tang tantrism and one of the foundations of Japanese Shingon Buddhism. The Mandala of the Two Realms (Ry kai-mandara 両界曼荼羅) is an esoteric two-part mandala which consists of the Womb Realm Mandala (Taiz kai-mandara 胎蔵界曼荼羅) and the Diamond Realm Mandala (Kong kaimandara 金剛界曼荼羅) and features six versions of Gaṇe a in total. The Taiz kai Mandala was created by ubhakarasiṃha and was based on Yoga and other tantric doctrines but initially contained no creatures that resembled Vin yaka or Gaṇapati. The Kong kai Mandala attributed to Amoghavajra, however, did contain five vināyakas in its initial draft. It is still unclear why Amoghavajra incorporated vināyakas into his mandala and ubhakarasiṃha did not. Huiguo (746-805), a renowned Yoga master, combined the two mandalas and created the new composite mandala, of which both parts suddenly contained vināyakas. We can thus safely say that Huiguo incorporated Gaṇapati into the Taiz kai Mandala, effectively consolidating his position as an important esoteric god by incorporating him into the Ry kai Mandala.135 It was Huiguo’s disciple who subsequently introduced the Mah vairocanatantra, the Mandala of the Two Worlds, Shingon Buddhism and Kangiten worship to Japan, all of which will be discussed in the next chapter.136 130 Duquenne, 331-5. T. XXI 1269. 132 Duquenne, 326. 133 Duquenne, 337-343. 134 T. XXI 1275. 135 Getty, 75-6. 136 Getty, 74. 131 23 Chapter 3: The Japanese Kangiten Now that the different developments concerning the meaning and representation of Gaṇe a in India, Tibet and China have been discussed, their impact on the Japanese interpretation can be explained. This chapter will give a detailed account of the different representations and identities of Gaṇe a that are present in Japan. The reception of the various forms that were introduced through the Ry kai Mandala, Buddhist texts and black magic rituals will be contextualized in the religious climate of Japan. Particular attention is paid to features that differ from other cultures and new interpretations that could only develop in Japan. Especially the erotic S shin Kangiten will be elaborately discussed, as it is a unique Japanese development. 3.1. The Japanese Religious Landscape Every nation has its own cultural and religious history that influences how new religious concepts and divinities are adopted and adapted. Since the Japanese religious climate is quite different from that of China, Tibet and India, an oversight will first be given of its characteristics, so that the different forms of Gaṇe a can be placed in their proper religious and cultural context. The remarkable interaction between several diverse religious structures in Japan allowed Gaṇe a not only to gain fame in all layers of society, but also allowed the creation of completely new forms, which will be discussed subsequently. 3.1.1. The Introduction of Buddhism and its Art Buddhism had already found its way to Japan in the sixth century and was made state religion under Sh toku Taishi 聖徳 子 (574-621 AD), who also set up trade relations with China.137 Japan at that time had no real national identity and was thus heavily impacted by the newly imported Buddhism and its art, as can be seen in the Indian style of many early temples such as the H ryūji.138 After its importation, Buddhism was initially only known and practiced by monks and courts, but the new aweinspiring art soon attracted the attention of the common people, which lead to an enormous increase of the production of statues and relics.139 Consequently, art and architecture from the early Nara period is sometimes described as the combination of Gupta elements and Chinese influence.140 The Chinese Buddhist pantheon, which included assimilated Br hmanic and Hindu deities, was also introduced to Japan and led to a plethora of new Japanized deities such as Taishakuten 帝釈 (Indra), Daikokten 大黒 (Mah k la/ iva), Bishamonten 毘沙門 (Kubera), and after the arrival 137 Furuta, Hikotaro. Influence of India on Buddhist Culture in Japan. CSIRD Discussion Paper, Department of Japanese Studies, Visva-Bharati University (Kolkata: Centre for Studies in International Relations and Development, 2006): 1. Thakur, 9. 138 Thakur, 10, 76. 139 Thakur, 13. Furuta, 2. 140 Thakur, 67 24 of tantric Buddhism also Sh ten 聖 (Gaṇe a).141 These converted gods usually differ little from their original interpretation and representation, even though some have become powerful protectors of Japanese Buddhism.142 Sh ten, however, is depicted as a male and female couple, which is unlike the original Indian representation and is also highly unusual for Japanese devas.143 Other Japanese names for Sh ten (Noble God) are Kangiten 歓喜 迦 (God of Bliss or Deva of Pleasure), Binayakaten 毘那夜 (Vin yaka) and Ganabachi 誐那缽底 (Gaṇapati).144 (Fig. 20) 3.1.2. The Development of Honji Suijaku and Ryōbu Shintō Shint (神道), the indigenous religion of Japan, was focused on nature and ancestor worship but lacked an overarching philosophy and written doctrine, so that it was perceived as inferior to the newer Buddhism, which was very complex but well-structured. Instead of having to replace Shint , a more efficient way was found to superimpose Buddhism on the indigenous beliefs.145 The trace and ground paradigm (honji-suijaku 本地垂迹) was developed, according to which Shint deities (kami 神) were seen as local embodiments of more powerful Buddhist deities, which avoided the need to use forced conversion.146 Amaterasu mikami 照大神, the supreme sun god of the Shint pantheon, was, for instance, identified with the sun Buddha Mah vairocana (Dainichi Nyorai 大 日 如 来 ). Buddhist deities and kami began to be worshipped equally, and twofold Shint (ryōbu shintō 両部神 道) thus developed. It provided a peaceful solution in which Shint shrines were placed in custody of Buddhist temples, and kami occasionally functioned as their guardian deities. 147 Buddhism was concerned with the mystical search for salvation and thus formed a perfect complement for the more localized Shint , which was focused on daily life and the relation with nature. Buddhism also brought with it new elaborate and impressive art and complicated rituals, contrary to Shint , which rarely used imagery for worship.148 During the Late Heian period, indigenous deities started to be modeled after Buddhist deities and were given Buddhist garments to show their equal power.149 This shows how the peaceful interaction of Buddhism and Shint allowed certain concepts and deities to be shared. 141 Furuta, 3. Thakur, 29. 143 Furuta, 3. 144 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 19-20. Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. 145 Furuta, 3. 146 Faure, Unmasking Buddhism, 87. Faure, Bernard. "The Impact of Tantrism on Japanese Religious Traditions: The Cult of the Three Devas." In Transformations and Transfer of Tantra in Asia and Beyond, by Istvan Keul, 399-410. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2012): 400. Thakur, 22. 147 Thakur, 22-3. 148 Furuta, 2. 149 Thakur, 40, 71. 142 25 3.1.3. Kūkai and the Ryōkai Mandala Tantric Buddhism was introduced by the monk Kūkai 空海 (K b Daishi 弘法大師 774-835), who traveled to China in order to learn the details of a mysterious Chinese Mah vairocanatantra.150 He returned from China in 806 and brought the esoteric Mandala of the Two Worlds and Zhenyan (Shingon 真言), the doctrine of the true words, back to Japan, which he had received from his master Huiguo. Texts he brought back included Amoghavajra’s translation of this Mah vairocanatantra and a translation of the Darani-jikky mentioned earlier, two texts which were later incorporated into Shingon and Tendai Buddhism. Manuscripts of the Shijuh -ky and Dai-Shijuh -ky are also thought to have been introduced by Kūkai.151 He then founded the tantric Shingon school (Shingon-shū 真言 宗) based on the texts he brought back from China.152 It is thus evident that worship of Gaṇe a was introduced to Japan by Kūkai in 806 at the latest.153 The teachings of Japanese tantric Buddhism (mikkyō 密教) are based upon the theories of the mystic union of Yoga as well as the union of the two parts of the Mandala of the Two Worlds. The Ry kai Mandala symbolizes the unity of the spiritual world and the material world, represented respectively in the Kong kai Mandala and the Taiz kai Mandala. (Fig. 21, 22) The central figure of the Kong kai Mandala is Mah vairocana, the cosmic Buddha who represents the soul of the universe. The Taiz kai Mandala is centered on Vajrasattva (Kong satta 金剛薩埵), the material emanation of Vairocana.154 Whereas most orthodox Buddhist traditions focus on one Buddha, icons of all classes of divinities are worshipped in esoteric teachings, as can be seen by the vast amount of deities depicted in the mandalas.155 The mandalas are faithful to the Indian iconography and contain various deities of Br hmanic and Hindu origin, including Gaṇe a.156 These converted Hindu deities usually serve as guardians of the twin mandalas, after which some can become a more prominent independent deity (besson 別尊).157 Some converted foreign deities that served as protectors of Buddhism then gained a powerful wrathful appearance based on Indian and Tibetan tantrism, to emphasize the divine power of their esoteric and ancient nature. Wrathful deities such as Fud My 不動明王 are depicted with more eyes and heads, flames and dangerous weapons, to instill fear into the ignorant and convince them to convert to Buddhism.158 The Tibetan Vajra Vin yaka is another example of such a deity. Getty Gaṇe a, 78. Thakur, 33. Duquenne, 323. 152 Bogel, 252-7. Thakur, 27. Getty, 78. 153 Martin-Dubost, 313. 154 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402. Thakur, 28. 155 Bogel, 252-7. 156 Getty, 78-9. Thakur, 77. 157 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287-8 296-7. 158 Thakur 71. 150 151 26 3.1.4. Shingon and Secrecy Japanese tantrism emphasizes worldly benefits, secret rituals, and shortcuts to salvation even more than Indian tantrism. Shingon in particular attempts to reinterpret and simplify language and meaning in an attempt to clarify and reorganize Buddhist orthodoxy, thereby focusing on powerful ancient language and symbolism to replace the superficial and simple teachings of the Buddha, and provide more direct access to the mystical and incomprehensible fundamentals behind his teachings.159 As Shingon thus explains what orthodox teachings do not, it emphasizes the importance of silence and secrecy, and makes understanding of the formless essence possible through the use of mudras, seed syllables and visualization, thereby prioritizing the mystic relation between the performer and the icon.160 Shingon was initially also very closely related to the imperial family and the ruling elite, which made the teachings even less accessible to the common people.161 After its rise in popularity, already existing myths and religious concepts were rewritten to fit into the new esoteric framework, which led to new interpretations of Onmy d 陰陽道 (divination) and new composite religious structures such as Shugend 修験道 (mountain asceticism).162 The interconnectedness of the spiritual and material realms leads to rituals and art that are precisely regulated by Indian and Chinese traditions, which dictate specific rules and procedures for the construction of statues and the depiction of deities in order to render them sacred.163 Most statues are made out of wood, and especially statues of Br hmanic deities are rarely made in metal or stone, yet guidelines for the construction of statues of S shin Kangiten state that his statues are to be created exclusively out of bronze or copper, and that they are to be worshipped and preserved with great care. 164 (Fig. 23) Religious art and specifically main objects of worship (honzon 本 尊 ) are not regarded as merely representations, but are instead considered both spiritual and material manifestations, and thus an integral part, of the worshipped deity.165 The act of keeping icons from view bridges the gap between the visible material dimension and the formless spiritual dimension, thereby making secrecy a key component of the comprehension of both dimensions of a deity, the universe or enlightenment. Hidden Buddhas (hibutsu 秘仏) are such icons -and thus part of a divinitythat are kept from view to shield humans from their incredible power, and to keep them from spoiling the pure spirits.166 Some hibutsu are shown to the public on rare occasions, others never, and some may only be shown to the highest ranking priests. The Kangiten statue at the Heikenji Temple in the 159 Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 391. Bogel, 252-257. Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 391. 161 Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 379. 162 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402. 163 Bogel, 252-257. Rambelli, Fabio. "Secret Buddhas: The Limits of Buddhist Representation." Monumenta Nipponica 57, no. 3 (Sophia University, 2002): 294-5. 164 Thakur, 72. 165 Rambelli, "True Words, Silence, and the Adamantine Dance," 377. Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 282-3. 166 Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 271, 282-3. 160 27 Kawasaki Daishi complex can for example only be shown to the abbot or high priests.167 Especially statues of S shin Kangiten are kept hidden permanently, since he was brought to life to guard P rvat while taking a bath, and became known as a god of secrecy. Moreover, sexual acts as represented in statues of S shin Kangiten are usually not accepted in Japanese religious art.168 3.2. The Japanese Interpretations of Ganeśa Prior to his introduction into Japan, Gaṇe a had already been Buddhicized and reinterpreted in Tibet and China.169 This was however still a small development compared to the new interpretations Gaṇe a would receive here. The traditional Indian Gaṇe a is only rarely seen in Japan and was only recently imported by Hindu communities. As part of the Hindu religion, these depictions remained faithful to the Indian interpretation and representation and thus will thus not be discussed further. (Fig. 24) The different forms of the Buddhist Gaṇe a that were brought into Japan through mandalas and magic manuals have each received a different treatment. In order of increasing secrecy and complexity, these forms are the collective of abstract demons called vināyakas, the single demon-lord Vajra Vin yaka, the obstacle-removing golden Gaṇapati, and the enigmatic Dual Kangiten, which is the only form that is still widely worshipped in Japan. 3.2.1. Demon Vināyakas and Kōjin The first and most basic identity of Gaṇe a that entered Japan was the collective of evil vināyakas along with their leader, Vin yaka, who reached Japan through forbidden dark magic manuals such as the Kong satta-setsu-binayakaten-j ju-giki-ky and the Gongen-konjiki-ganabachikumokuten-h mentioned in the previous chapter. Ecause of their evil nature, the Chinese were reluctant to adopt the hordes of vināyakas or their wrathful three-headed leader Vajra Vin yaka into their pantheon, and merely regarded them as obscure and dangerous minor entitities. A Japanese description of these vināyakas is found in the Ch seiden 窕誓伝, which was written by a certain priest Ikū 以空 (death 1670). The text describes vināyakas as wild spirits (kōjin 荒 神) that cause fear and obstacles unless appeased.170 The same description is found in the Kakuzensh 覚禅鈔171 by Kakuzen 覚禅 (1143-1213), in which the vināyakas are called creators of false thinking and obstacles. Similar to the embodiment of the Hindu vināyakas in one Vin yaka, Japanese kōjin are embodied in a single originally Buddhist deity called Sanb -k jin 三宝荒神, which has become an important figure in Shugend . One of the descriptions of K jin, and thus also Vin yaka, states that he 167 Rambelli, "Secret Buddhas," 274. Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 256. 169 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287. 170 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259. 171 T. 3022. 168 28 follows individuals like a shadow and creates obstacles. 172 This idea is clearly adapted from the Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-h . A text called the Ritual of Vin yaka in Four Sections (Shibu-binayaka-h 四部 毘那夜迦法 173 ) attributed to the Tendai priest Annen 然 (841-915) described the delay of the construction of the Jetavana Monastery due to evil spirits. Their leader, an eight faced demon, appeared and called himself the Raging King of the Three Jewels (Nagy -Tosajin 那行都佐神). The text then explains that he is actually K jin, and Vin yaka. This same scene is described in the Shint Z z shū 神道雑雑集174, in which the gigantic demon calls himself Sanb K jin Vin yaka and Nagy Tosajin. Surprisingly, he also identifies himself as the brother of the Buddha and boasts that he has an immense amount of followers.175 Four vin yakas can also be found on the four sides of the central court of the Kong kai Mandala. These four have been converted to Buddhism and function as protectors against evil and directional guardians of the mandala.176 (Fig. 25) These figures are evidently the Japanese version of the four Indian vināyakas that eventually merged into the proto-gaṇe a. They are Kong saiten 金剛嶊 (Vajracinna, carrying a parasol) in the east, Kong iten 金剛衣 arrows) in the west, Ch bukuten 調 伏 Kong jikiten 金剛食 (Vajrav sin, holding a bow and (Vajramukha, holding a sword) in the north, and (Vajrabhakṣaṇa, holding a garland) in the south.177 These four deities are also found on some divination boards (shikiban 式版), which have a layout that is very similar to esoteric mandalas and are used for Onmy d . Similarly to their function on the mandalas, they function as directional deities and are associated with constellations such as the Northern Dipper (Hokut shichisei 北斗七星) and the Pole Star, which is associated with Dakiniten, the astral fox.178 The Japanese combination of Shint and Buddhism thus allowed the identification of the Br hmanic vināyakas with the indigenous kōjin, and the conflation of their leader Vin yaka with the Buddhist Sanb -k jin, an integration that could not have taken place in China. Yet worship of vināyakas or Vin yaka is very rare in Japan and has become integrated into the worship of a collective of abstract protective deities, as benevolent Buddhist deities were considered more popular and potent, and have overshadowed the worship of minor local deities. It is thus not surprising that Japanese representations of vināyakas, including the Tibetan Vajra Vin yaka, are virtually nonexistent, both in art and literature, except for a very few occasions. The four vināyakas that eventually merged into the proto-Gaṇe a also seem to have been adopted as minor protective deities of the cardinal directions in Onmy d . 172 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258-9. T. LXXVIII 2536. 174 Quoted in Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402. 175 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259-260. 176 Getty, 78-9. Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 164-7. 177 The North point of the Kong kai Mandala is located to the right, whereas the north point of the Taiz kai Mandala is located to the left. Getty, 78. Thakur, 79. 178 Faure, the "The Cult of the Three Devas," 407-8. 173 29 3.2.2. Vināyaka’s Double Nature as Placenta Kōjin K jin’s identification as the brother of the Buddha leads to yet another interpretation of the demonic Vin yaka that is unique to Japan. If K jin is the evil brother of the Buddha, Vin yaka cannot have been born in the usual way, as the Buddha had no brother. An unusual birth is no strange concept, however, as Gaṇe a was supposedly born out of the filth of P rvati. According to Japanese folklore, he is thus a placenta spirit (ena-kōjin 胞衣荒神), an evil deity who originates from one’s placenta and like a shadow follows individuals throughout their life and creates obstacles unless appeased. Rather than an actual deity, the ena-kōjin is an abstract concept that is usually incorporated into the collective worship of ancestors and other spirits.179 The Asabash 娑縛抄180, which was written by Tendai monk Sh ch (1205-1282), explains that this deity transforms from womb guardian to protector of the house, then to spirit guardian and eventually becomes part of the collective of ancestors. This is repeated in a variation of the myth of the Jetavana Monastery in the K jin-saimon 荒神祭文, in which Vin yaka not only identifies himself as K jin but also as a placenta deity (enagami 胞衣神), childbirth deity (ubugami 産神) and earth deity. This concept is also expressed in the Kong kai Mandala, where one of the four directional vināyakas (Kong saiten) is holding a parasol, which symbolizes the protection of the womb.181 The Tibetan Vajra Vin yaka on the other hand was less well integrated. He was supposedly identified as Kumokuten in the magic manuals, but lost his iconic three heads and nine eyes in Japanese representations. He thus lost his main properties and was restored to a less wrathful yet still evil Vin yaka, who was represented identically to the four vināyakas on the Ry kai Mandala. This Vin yaka remained practically unknown after his introduction, and seems to have disappeared entirely, as next to no Japanese depictions or descriptions have been found of this form.182 (Fig. 26, 27) A shift in perception thus seems to have taken place concerning the nature of the Japanese Vin yaka. He became regarded as a personal protective placenta kōjin, which was still evil in nature, but could be appeased to gain his favour. This new status as protective deity elevated him from his lowly position in the pantheon as a minor wild spirit to a god capable of controlling one’s fate. It is thus not surprising that the evil side of the vināyakas and (Vajra) Vin yaka seems to have been overshadowed completely by the greater prestige of their positive identity, which was absorbed by the benevolent Gaṇapati, who was also introduced to Japan. This explains the severe lack of Japanese representations in literature and art of vināyakas, Vin yaka and Vajra Vin yaka. 179 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 260-2. Asabash in T. XCIV 3190. 181 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 261. 182 Getty, 79-80. 180 30 3.2.3. Gaṇapati and the Three Devas Triad The second interpretation of Gaṇe a that was introduced through both magic rituals and the Ry kai Mandala was the benevolent Gaṇapati. This obstacle-removing Gaṇapati is found underneath the guardian of the north in the Kong kai Mandala, where he is represented in a slightly modernized version in which he holds a daikon radish instead of his broken tusk.183 (Fig. 25) He can also be found on the Taiz kai Mandala as the third figure counting down from the top left corner. (Fig. 28) This Gaṇapati is also located on the north side of the mandala, and is pictured with the same attributes and appearance, which suggests that they represent the same obstacle-removing Gaṇapati. He has been incorporated into the twin mandalas to facilitate their visualization and prevent mental obstructions. The daikon radish is a Japanese replacement for the Indian sugarcane and sweets, and symbolizes fertility and prosperity, as sugar could only be grown in fertile regions.184 One of the main symbols of the Honryūin Temple on mount Matsuchiyama near T ky , which is dedicated to the Eleven Headed Kannon and Sh ten, are two daikon radishes with intertwined roots, which represent S shin Kangiten’s boon of fertility. Fermented sugar also leads to intoxication, extasy, and bliss, which explains the importance of sweets and alcoholic beverages for the worship of Sh ten.185 Other attributes may include a plate of sweets, a cup of wine and weapons.186 This single benevolent Sh ten is only rarely displayed in public, and the number of arms usually ranges from 2 to 6.187 (Fig. 29) The Golden Gaṇapati mentioned in the Konjiki-ganahachi-darani-ky also forms a triad with Dakiniten 枳尼 (associated with foxes) and Benzaiten 弁才 (associated with serpents), which is sometimes even depicted as a single deity with tree heads and six arms. This combined deity is called God of the Matara (Matarajin 摩多羅神, which refers to the seven pestilence demons called mātrkas), and was first described in the Gy ki 御記188 by Shukaku Shinn 學親王 (1150-1202). The red colour of Benzaiten’s head symbolizes female blood, whereas the white face of Dakiniten symbolizes male semen, which ultimately amalgamate into the golden embryo, symbolized by the golden head of Sh ten. This symbolism is interpreted by Shingon master Kakuban 覚鑁 (1095-1143) in his Kangitenk shiki 歓喜 講式, which states that Sh ten is the root of all yin and yang, and the root of all creation.189 At one point, Matarajin was even appointed as protective deity of the Shingon T ji temple. The triad is found on the Kasuga-dakiniten-mandara 春日荼枳尼曼荼羅, where the threeheaded deity is depicted riding on a fox and is surrounded by other deities. Underneath the honzon, 183 Getty, 76. Rajarajan, 379. 185 Ibid. Bühnemann, "Tantric Worship of Gaṇe a," 372-3. 186 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 166. 187 Frédéric, Louis. Japan Encyclopedia. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002): 470. Thakur, 33. 188 T. LXXVIII, 2493. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 401. 189 Sanford, 301. 184 31 Kangiten can be found in his erotic double form.190 The mandala of Dakiniten shows a variation of the triad in which Sh ten is one of the lateral heads.191 (Fig. 30, 31) Some Shint shrines adopted this triad as well, one of which is the shrine at Inariyama 稲荷山 in Ky to. The lower, middle and upper shrines of the compound correspond to respectively Dakiniten, Benzaiten and Sh ten, which symbolize the three peaks where Kūkai allegedly found the wishgranting cintāmaṇi. The three devas were also regarded as the traces (suijaku) of the Buddhist cintāmaṇi. All three control human destiny, have a sinister aspect due to their animal characteristics, and are seen as deities of fertility, fecundity and wealth. 192 The triad was also adopted by the Tendai school, as the Tendai teachings focus on several triads, such as the three truths of Tendai (santai 三諦) and the unity of the womb realm, diamond realm and realization realm. The triad also corresponds to the mysteries of mind, speech and body of Mahavairocana, as well as the three bodies of the Buddha. Sh ten is also seen as the intermediary body of the Buddha, which represents mutual bliss.193 In Shugend , the attire of the Yamabushi mountain-ascetics is also in accordance with the joint performance of the three devas. Their persimmom dress (kakigoromo 柿衣) stands for the astral fox Dakiniten, the fudō robe (不動袈裟) represents the dragon Benzaiten, and their bandana (zukin 頭 巾) symbolizes the protection of the womb realm, as manifested through Sh ten.194 The Buddhist remover of obstacles thus became even more esteemed, as new attributes, such as the radish, and the association with the cintāmaṇi and other animalistic deities had reinforced his identity as a god of fate and fertility. Sh ten became regarded as a potent guardian of creation and is still worshipped for fertility and success. His presence in a triad which is worshipped in Buddhism, Shint , Shugend and Onmy d has undoubtedly helped to spread his popularity. 195 Surprisingly, however, depictions of this version of Gaṇe a are rare and seem limited to a couple of reproductions of his appearance found in the Ry kai and Dakiniten Mandalas. Only one statue of this benevolent Sh ten can be found in Japan, and forms a triad with Bishamonten and Benzaiten. (Fig. 32) 3.3. The Esoteric Sōshin Kangiten The most enigmatic and elusive Japanese version of Gaṇe a is undoubtedly S shin Kangiten, or the Dual God of Boundless Bliss. The Japanese Dual Kangiten is a couple of elephant-headed deities sharing an erotic embrace, and represents the unity of contrasting genders and opposites. The principle 190 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 400. Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258. 192 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 405-6. 193 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 405. 194 Ibid. 195 Ibid. 191 32 that underlies this duality is the myth in which Kannon bosatsu 観音菩薩 (Avalokite vara) seduces the demon Vin yaka and calms him down, resulting in the harmonious mystic union.196 The couple is shown in an intimate embrace, in which the female always stands on top of the male figure’s feet. Even though they have a more realistic and human appearance than the Hindu potbellied Gaṇe a, they are sometimes still depicted with traditional Indian elements such as a broken tusk or more than two arms. 197 The female usually has white-coloured skin and wears a patched monk’s robe and red surplice, which cover her shoulders. She can be seen having short tusks and wearing a crown. The male figure is usually red or brown in colour, has a longer trunk and tusks, and wears a dark robe over at least one shoulder. One way of representing the couple shows the figures’ heads resting on their partner’s shoulder. (Fig. 33) A more sexual representation shows the couple softly smiling at each other and gazing into each other’s eyes while wearing a single shared garment. Later expressions can show the couple standing side to side and smiling intently.198 (Fig. 34, 35) 3.3.1. The New Twin Deva Initially, the meaning and origin of S shin Kangiten were unknown to the common people, so that elements of the myths surrounding the single Vin yaka were used to explain the new dual form. This however led to even more confusion, as the evil placenta-nature of Vin yaka was mixed up with the explanation of S shin Kangiten as a harmonious union of opposites. The Asabash for instance treats the couple identically to the single Vin yaka, stating that S shin Kangiten is the placenta in the womb, a straw hat throughout life and the heavenly canopy during Buddhahood, thereby emphasizing his role as protector. Shingon priest Shink ’s (934-1004) Record of Dreams (Shink -mus ki 真興夢 想気) describes two vināyakas that act as protectors of newborn children in a similar fashion. These two figures are of course a different interpretation of S shin Kangiten. Instead of explaining the nonduality of Kangiten, these two texts simply treat the couple as a double Vin yaka, ignoring his very essence of the harmony of opposites. The Sacred Scriptures of Shugend (Shugen seiten 修験聖 ), on the other hand, treat the couple as the union of the demons Nagy 那行 and Tosa 都佐, and regard them as personalizations of all the obstacles one can encounter during one’s lifetime. 199 This explanation not only ignores the essence of S shin Kangiten, but also falsely claims that the couple is maleficent. The confusion about his origin and nature may have been one of the causes for the lack of well-defined myths and statues of S shin Kangiten, but certainly had the positive effect of associating the couple with other twin or dual figures, which increased its popularity drastically. S shin Kangiten also became associated with the originally Taoist concept of twin devas (gushōjin 生神), two gods that are born together with an individual and stay at his side for the rest 196 Frédéric, 470. Sanford, 289. Getty, 79-80. 198 Getty, 81-2. Sanford, 293, 289. 199 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 260-2. 197 33 of his life. They are usually each other’s opposite and report both good and bad actions to the gods. This concept is found in the pair of attendants of Jiz bosatsu 地藏菩薩, called Sh zen 掌善 (dressed in white and controller of good) and Sh aku 掌悪 (dressed in red and controller of evil). Another instance of these gods is the pair of scribes of Enmaten 焔魔 : the Controller of Life (Shimei 司命) and Controller of the Registers (Shiroku 司録), who list a person’s deeds upon their arrival at King Enma’s court in hell. It is thus not surprising that Sh ten is found in the Enmaten Mandala 閻魔 曼 荼羅.200 (Fig. 36) Some early representations of S shin Kangiten displayed the female with an open mouth and the male with a closed mouth, and were based upon the similar representation of the Ni 仁 王, a combined entity of two powerful temple guardians. The open-mouthed guardian (Agy 形) symbolizes the material womb realm and is complemented by the closed-mouthed figure (Ungy 吽 形), who represents the spiritual diamond world, which together embody both parts of the universe according to Shingon Buddhism. Other couples they are associated with are the furious representation of Dainichi, Fud My 不動明王, and the king of sexual bliss, Aizen My 愛染明王.201 A lot of confusion thus surrounded S shin Kangiten when he was first seen by common people. The union of opposites that the couple used to represent before it entered Japan, was initially forgotten or ignored, but associations with other twin deities earned it some popularity. Eventually, S shin Kangiten became associated with the Ni and the combination of Fud My and Aizen My , both of which represent the non-duality of the material and spiritual world, a core concept of Shingon Buddhism. It is thus evident that the dual nature of S shin Kangiten was very well received in Japan, and even though his original meaning was almost lost, allowed him to rise in popularity so that even to this day the couple is still worshipped for material wealth and harmonious relationships.202 One of the only statues of S shin Kangiten open to the public is found in the Torimi Jinja shrine in Shizuoka. (Fig. 37) The Tendai H kaiji-temple complex in Kamakura, for instance, contains a small enshrinement next to the main hall which contains a thirteenth or fourteenth century statue of S shin Kangiten. Unfortunately, it is permanently hidden from the public like most statues of Kangiten. The profound integration of the twin Kangiten, however, suggests that he was not at all conceived as a minor deity, especially in the Shingon sect. 3.3.2. Sōshin Kangiten as a Transcendental Esoteric God The most curious aspect of S shin Kangiten is not his unusual depiction as an elephant-headed couple, but the unique reinterpretation of his previous features that eventually led to an erotically embracing couple. S shin Kangiten appears similar to the Chinese Huanxi Tian, but unlike the Chinese depiction, erotic elements such as protruding genitals or widely opened eyes are usually 200 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 258-262. Getty, 81-2. 202 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287. 201 34 present in Japanese representations.203 The erotic aspect in these Japanese representations thus cannot have originated in China. Erotic representations in India on the other hand were restricted to deities fondling their akti, which were slightly smaller human figures which were sitting on the knee of their god. S shin Kangiten is very dissimilar to this representation, however, as both figures have an elephant’s head and have an almost identical form and posture. Tibetan erotic art, on the other hand, is perhaps the most explicit of all types of Buddhist representation, as it often shows humanoid deities having intercourse. Yet it did not allow an elephant-headed couple to be depicted in the Tibetan yab yum dual style. It seems thus that the Japanese erotically embracing S shin Kangiten is a combination of the Chinese prudish dual Huanxi Tian who represented the mystic union of good and evil, and the Tibetan fashion of representing blissfully copulating deities. 204 The most reliable reproduction of S shin Kangiten can be found in statuettes that are modeled after the main relics of Shingon temples. (Fig. 38) Not only was S shin Kangiten associated with other twin deities and good fortune, his reputation as a god who equals the mystic union was especially popular in the tantric Shingon sect, where he still is an important and very secretive deity. 205 Whereas the Chinese Huanxi Tian symbolizes the divine union in a nonsexual fashion, this concept is interpreted in light of the duality of the Twin Mandala and the teachings of Yoga within the Shingon tradition.206 The union between the male Vin yaka and female Kannon (in some myths manifested through Sēnayaka) is regarded as the non-duality of the Womb and Diamond Realm Mandalas.207 This is also expressed in his association with the Ni and the contrasting wrathful Fud My Aizen My (representing the material realm) and loving (representing the spiritual realm). The couple thus not only represents the harmony of opposites, but embodies the union of the male universal spirit (as represented by Vairocana and the diamond realm) and the female primordial essence (as represented by Kannon and the womb realm).208 S shin Kangiten was thus considered a powerful and all-encompassing deity, and a perfect manifestation of the teachings of the Shingon tradition. The Japanese twin form thus started to receive two different interpretations, even though they were based on the same S shin Kangiten. The common people started to regard Kangiten as giver of fertility and wealth, whereas the Shingon cult created a more complex and esoteric interpretation. Representations of the popular version are usually nonerotic, whereas hidden representations of the esoteric version contain erotic elements. A secret mandala of S shin Kangiten and four directional Vin yakas can be found in K yasan, the main temple of Shingon Buddhism. (Fig. 39) 203 Hanan, Patrick. Treasures of the Yenching: the Seventy-fifth Anniversary Exhibit Catalogue of the HarvardYenching Library. (Cambridge: The Harvard-Yenching Library of the Harvard College Library, 2003): 245-6. 204 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 20. 205 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163, 167. 206 Getty, Gaņe a, 29. Rao, 44-5. Bakshi, Dwijendra Nath. Hindu Divinities in Japanese Buddhist Pantheon : a Comparative Study. (Calcutta: Benten Publishers, 1979): 90-105. Thakur, 33. 207 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 399-402. 208 Getty, 80, 83-4. 35 His new transcendental status in the Japanese pantheon is illustrated in the Bikisho 鼻帰書, which states that S shin Kangiten is Enmaten in the underworld, Sh ten among the devas, a twin deva among men, and Susanoo no Mikoto among kami. It adds that all of these are transformations of Sh ten.209 As an astral and all-encompassing deity, he was also regarded as a form of the god of destiny (shukujin 宿神). This elusive and abstract god always remains hidden, but his influence reaches from the womb to the Northern Dipper and the court of King Enma. Additionally, these dark places are only accessible by gods that have a dark side, which S shin Kangiten indeed has. 210 Whereas initially Gaṇe a was only worshipped as god of beginnings, he thus eventually became a honzon and subsequently ascended to a hibutsu. As a ruler of the hidden dimension between being and non-being, and a controller of the conception of reality, he became in a sense more powerful and secret than the supreme deity Dainichi himself.211 3.3.3. Rituals and Worship of Sōshin Kangiten Even though S shin Kangiten embodies peace and harmony, his dark past remains an important part of his identity. Several accounts exist of historical figures who used rituals for Kangiten to eliminate opponents. A legend says that during a ritual centered on Fud My by the Tendai preist Son’i 尊意 in 940, which had as a goal to put an end to the rebellion of Taira no Masakado, a statuette of Sh ten flew off a side altar, after which the head of Masakado fell on the main altar. This statuette was allegedly brought from China by the Tendai priest Ennin 円仁 (794-864) who mounted it on the stern of his boat to ensure a safe passage, and is now enshrined at the Zent in 前唐院 on Mount Hiei.212 Son’i also used rituals to get Sh ten to calm the vengeful spirit (onryō 怨霊) of Sugawara no Michizane, that had caused havoc in the capital ever since the latter died on an island after having been accused of a conspiracy. It is also recorded that in 1329, Emperor Go Daigo (1288-1339) performed several dark magic rituals, including the ritual pouring of oil over a statue of Sh ten, in order to get rid of the shogunate.213 There are about 240 shrines and temples that contain images of S shin Kangiten, yet most are kept from view. 214 Especially his honzon statues are kept hidden in zushi cases or phallus-shaped covers. (Fig. 40) There are only a few descriptions of recent Kangiten worship, but it is safe to assume that rituals and depictions have remained virtually identical to those in the Chinese texts, since especially Shingon esoteric Buddhism emphasizes the authenticity and potency of traditional rites and iconographical features.215 Fire rituals (goma 護摩) dedicated to Fud My are often initiated by a 209 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 263. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 404. Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 263-264. 211 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 259. Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402. 212 Faure, "The Cult of Secrecy in Japanese Tantrism," 257, 265. 213 Ibid. 214 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Thakur, 44. 215 Grimes, 194. 210 36 ritual dedicated to the mystic S shin Kangiten in his function as god of beginnings, and during ceremonies dedicated to Kangiten, his statue is immersed in purified water or oil. 216 During these ceremonies, incense is lit, tantric texts are chanted and his statues are usually accompanied by a statue of Kannon nearby, which is also involved in the ritual.217 The Gumy -ji temple in Yokohama for instance, is dedicated to the Eleven Headed Kannon, but a metal statue of S shin Kangiten is found in the same complex, which is permanently hidden from the public. 218 Similarly, a decrepit statue of S shin Kangiten is found near a temple dedicated to Kannon in Chiba Prefecture. (Fig. 41) More common and accessible than the worship of the mystic and cosmic S shin Kangiten is the worship of Sh ten as the giver of luck, joy and prosperity, the popular twin version that is devoid from its cosmic connotation and secrecy. This benevolent Dual Sh ten can occasionally be seen at temple entrances. The couple used to be worshipped by gamblers, actors, geishas and prostitutes starting from the medieval period. 219 He was especially popular with oil traders in and around Genroku era (1688-1704). 220 saka during the The H zanji temple on mount Ikoma, Nara Prefecture, has a S shin Kangiten statue as honzon that was especially loved by merchants.221 The image is said to be a gilt bronze image of S shin Kangiten from the Heian period, but is now permanently hidden under a phallic cover. In more recent times, traders and merchants still worship him for material wealth, as well as young couples, who seek successful relationships. Offerings to this popular Sh ten should still include kangi-dan, fruits such as pomegranates or radishes, and sake or wine in order to receive material wealth and success in love in return.222 Faure, "The Cult of the Three Devas," 402. Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287. Getty, 82-3. 218 Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma, 163. Sanford, 287. 219 Ibid. Frédéric, 470. 220 Hanan, 245-6. 221 Getty, 80. Thakur, 34. 222 Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 19-20. Krishan, Gaņe aŚ Unravelling an Enigma,163. Sanford, 287. 216 217 37 Conclusion After having reconstructed the evolution of Gaṇe a, it has thus become apparent that the Japanese S shin Kangiten is the product of several unique interactions between the very different religious and cultural spheres of India, Tibet, China and Japan. The Br hmanic Gaṇe a, who came into existence after several elephant-headed demons merged into one, used to be a demon-lord and a creator of obstacles before his identity was rewritten during the heyday of Hinduism, after which Gaṇe a became a remover of obstacles. Today he is still worshipped for good fortune in India and large parts of South- and East-Asia. The Hindu Gaṇe a had then been forced to convert to Buddhism as he can be seen being trampled by Buddhist protectors. The new Buddhist Gaṇe a was thus seen as an obstacle itself, so that both the obstacle-creating and obstacle-removing identities of Gaṇe a were adopted. These two interpretations gradually split and started to be considered as separate entities. The positive Gaṇapati was worshipped for good luck whereas the negative Vin yaka was worshipped in dark magic rituals for the creation of disturbances. Gaṇe a was also adopted by the Yogacarins and started to be portrayed with a consort, which represented the union of his male power and his opposite female creative power, also called the mystic union. When Gaṇe a reached Tibet, Vin yaka became represented in a typical Tibetan fashion which gave him a very fearsome appearance. Tibetan art can also be considered very perverted, as it often depicts gods during intercourse. Gaṇe a was however never depicted as having intercourse with his consort, because his abnormal appearance prevented him from being adopted into this tradition. The fearsome Vin yaka can, however, be seen in erotic depictions, where he receives oral sex from other goddesses. Even though Tibet has the most erotic Buddhist art, the Japanese S shin Kangiten form did not originate here, as the Tibetans considered his appearance unsuitable, and consorts in the Tibetan fashion are represented exclusively as fully human figures. In China, Taoist influences led to the re-interpretation of the mystic union between gods and their akti. Opposite forces of contrasting pairs are equal in power and size, according to Taoism, which resulted in the depiction of Vin yaka and his consort as two equally sized elephant-headed figures in a non-erotic embrace. The female counterpart to Vin yaka was also for the first time associated with Avalokite vara, the Buddhist bodhisattva of mercy, who stands on Vin yaka’s feet to calm his anger. This new form thus represented the mystic union of Yoga in a new Chinese nonerotic fashion. Gaṇe a’s purely demonic side, Vin yaka, and his positive side, Gaṇapati, were also imported to China, but remained less popular. The fluent internal interaction between Japanese religions allowed the newly imported forms of Gaṇe a to be integrated into the indigenous beliefs very easily. The evil vināyakas that eventually formed the proto-Gaṇe a were identified as vengeful spirits that could be appeased to prevent them from causing obstacles. Once appeased, these demons were regarded as personal protective deities 38 capable of guarding and generating life. These evil vināyakas and their leader Vin yaka eventually disappeared, as their dark background and mediocre positive power did not receive enough attention and popularity. The protective aspect of these vināyakas, however, became attributed to the benevolent single Sh ten, who found a permanent place in triads that were worshipped by Tendai Buddhism, Shint and Shugend alike. There, his power as a guardian of creation and beginnings allowed him to be seen as the creator of life, so that he became known for his ability to bestow fertility and wealth upon those who worship him. Once more, however, Sh ten’s positive characteristics were attributed to another form of Gaṇe a, which resulted in the disappearance of the Sh ten form and the rise in popularity of the new and mysterious S shin Kangiten. The Japanese erotically embracing S shin Kangiten is the combination of the erotic aspect of Tibetan tantric art and the Chinese interpretation of supreme Yoga. His association with the already very popular Kannon Bosatsu and several other deities that express duality caused him to be seen as their overarching patron, as the embodiment of all dualities. He became regarded not only as the guardian of creation and life, but became associated with the womb realm and diamond realm of the Ry kai Mandala. This meant that S shin Kangiten came to embody the teachings of the Shingon sect, and even embodied the whole universe. This development then caused S shin Kangiten to be regarded as a supreme deity by the Shingon sect. His new high status made him so powerful that his statues are kept hidden from view, which explains the lack of representations. The association of S shin Kangiten with dark magic rituals is also not surprising, as the negative aspect of Gaṇe a, which is often forgotten, is a very important part of his identity in Japan. Even though the starting point of this search was to find the significance of this one particular form, it has thus become clear that S shin Kangiten is not the only interpretation of Gaṇe a that is present in Japan. The different stages in his evolution had created several interpretations that stuck with Gaṇe a as he traveled from culture to culture. Most Asian religions have only adopted the positive Hindu Gaṇe a, but the peculiar religious climate in Japan and the unique interactions between several cultures and religions have allowed the development of several peculiar forms. In total, these figures can thus be divided into four major appearances based on their degree of secrecy. The most exoteric form is the collective of obstacle-creating vināyakas and their leader Vajra Vin yaka. These demons were integrated smoothly into the indigenous Shint and other marginal popular beliefs as twin deities and placenta deities. Their evil nature, however, made them become frowned upon by Buddhists, so that eventually these figures disappeared into the collective of ancestors and guardian deities that are worshipped for the prevention of obstacles and general good fortune. The fearsome Tibetan Vajra Vin yaka was considered too evil by Buddhists, who eventually also found him unworthy of worship. Even if he was appeased, he was still overshadowed by his evil past, which eventually led to the disappearance of all representations related to vināyakas. The obstacle-removing Gaṇapati, commonly referred to as Sh ten, occupies the neutral degree of secrecy. This form is the most similar in meaning to the popular Hindu Gaṇe a and serves as a 39 protective deity that grants fortune and wealth. This is nothing special for a Japanese deva, however, so that this mediocre form could not gain enough popularity to earn a place in the Japanese pantheon as an independent deity. This form did manage to gain some popularity as part of a triad, in which his role as creative deity and grantor of fertility was emphasized. Only a couple of representations of this single Sh ten have been found as, once again, his popularity was overshadowed by the mysterious Dual Kangiten. The esoteric S shin Kangiten is worshipped by the public for prosperity and fertility, but his statues are always kept hidden, imbuing him with power, yet keeping him partially accessible to the public in closed constructions. This form was probably created after a composite Tibetan image representing the mystic union of Yoga was reinterpreted and split into two individuals by the Chinese. This form is usually not shown with erotic connotations as it is represented more or less faithful to the Chinese representation. The twin form became popular after it was associated with other twin figures that already existed in Japan, and can be found near a limited number of temples. Representations of the extra-esoteric version of S shin Kangiten are never showed to the public and are permanently kept hidden inside Shingon temples. This erotic dual form was brought into Japan by the founder of the Shingon cult and is considered the embodiment of its teachings. The mystic and sexual union of the wild Vin yaka with the calming Kannon Bosatsu embodies the supreme union of the spiritual and material realms, which means that S shin Kangiten is seen as the creator and governor of the universe, and is regarded as similar in status to the esoteric supreme god Vairocana. The story of Gaṇe a is thus one of constant reinterpretation and recontextualization, which in combination with the unique cultural and religious interactions between India, Tibet, China and Japan, have allowed him to become a supreme deity. 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Musée Guimet, Oriental Arts Exposition 2006 44 Fig. 2. Vin yaki . Terracotta plaque. Rairh Rajasthan, ca 1st century BCE to 1st century CE. In Mundkur, 29. 45 Fig. 3. A row of five elephant-headed vināyakas on a stone relief. Mathura, 2nd-3rd century. Mathura Museum, No. 2335. In Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati," 143. Fig. 4. Stone statue of a fully evolved Gaṇe a. Mathura, 4th century. Mathura Museum, No. 758. In Agrawala, "Some Varanasi Images of Gaṇapati, " 143. 46 Fig. 5. Marble Gaṇe a. Kabul, 5th century. In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 294. Fig. 6. Eight-armed Gaṇe a Pala period (8-12th century) Lucknow Museum In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 295. Fig. 7. Gaṇapati seated inbetween the seven pestilence mothers. Ellora caves 14, 7th century In Krishan, "The Origins of Gaṇe a," 296. 47 Fig. 8. Gaṇe a writing down the Mah bh rata. 17th century watercolor and gold painting. Fig. 9. Typical yab yum style fresco of Akshobya and his consort. Yamantaka Temple, Tsaparang, Tibet. 48 Fig. 10. Maharakta Ganapati “The Great Red One.” Fifteenth century canvas painting, Central Tibet. In Burham, 102. Fig. 11. Heramba Gaṇapati with akti. 18th century ivory statue from Nepal. Identical to Neogy, 24-5. Fig. 12. Tibetan Heramba Gaṇapati. In Getty, Gaṇe a, plate 21. 49 Fig. 13. Bronze jñ vinivarta Gaṇapati. In Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 27. Fig. 14. Red Four-armed Gaṇapati 19th century Tibetan pigment on cotton. Rubin Museum of Art, no. 207 Fig. 15. Nepalese Gaṇe a with akti. In Bühnemann, Erotic Forms of Gaņe a, 26. 50 Fig. 16. Four-legged Gaṇe a. Painting from Endere, Chinese Turkestan. In Getty, Gaṇe a, plate 35. Fig. 17. Kumokuten. Gongen-konjiki-ganabachi-kumokuten-h . In Duquenne, 330. Fig. 18. Golden Ganapati with arm variations. Konjiki-ganahachi-darani-ky . In Duquenne, 340. 51 Fig. 19. Chinese Vin yaka. Sino-Tibetan print from the Qing dynasty. In Sørensen, Central Divinities, 123. Fig. 20. Japanese Kangiten. In Getty, Gaṇe a, plate 38. 52 Fig. 20. Kong kai Mandala. 9th century national treasure. T ji Temple, Ky to. 53 Fig. 22. Taiz kai Mandala. 9th century national treasure. T ji Temple, Ky to. 54 Fig. 23. Dual Kangiten. 16th century bronze from Naha, Okinawa. Okinawa Prefectural Museum. Fig. 24. Indian Gaṇe a. Bronze statue imported from India. Zeny ji Temple, Ky to. 55 Fig. 25. Detail of the central court of the Kong kai Mandala. 13th century color on silk hanging scroll. Nara National Museum. 56 Fig. 26. Six-armed Sh ten. Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in K yasan. Color reproduction Taish -shinsh -daizoky Image Section, vol. 3 p. 721. 57 Fig. 27. Mandala of Kangiten. Kangiten-mandara-zu 歓喜 曼荼羅図, 19th century hanging scroll. Boston Museum of Fine Arts. 58 Fig. 28. Detail of the Taiz kai Mandala. Taiz kai Mandala in the Kojima-dera Temple Takatori, Nara. Taish -shinsh -daizoky Image Section vol. 3 p. 712. Detail on the right: Kangiten on the Taiz kai Mandala in the Ninna-ji Temple, Ky to. 59 Fig. 29. Four-armed Vin yaka. Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in K yasan. Color reproduction Taish -shinsh -daizoky Image Section vol. 3 p. 720. 60 Fig. 30. Kasuga Dakiniten Mandala. Kasuga-dakiniten-mandara-zu 春日荼吉尼 曼荼羅図, 14th century color on silk painting. Bostom Museum of Fine Arts, Kajima Catalog, Vol 1: Chapter 1, no. 143 pp. 21. 61 Fig. 31. Mandala of the Three Devas. Dakiniten Mandala 荼吉尼 曼荼羅図, 15th century color on silk painting. saka Municipal Museum of Fine Arts. 62 Fig. 32. Sh ten in a triad of Benzaiten, Kangiten and Bishamonten. Outside the Daish -in Temple, Miyajima. Fig. 33. S shin Kangiten. Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in K yasan. Color reproduction Taish -shinsh -daizoky Image Section vol. 3 p. 724. 63 Fig. 34. S shin Kangiten. Original from Heian period Besson-zakki 別尊雑記 by Shinkaku 心覚 (1117-1180), kept in K yasan. Taish -shinsh -daizoky Image Section vol. 7 p. 711. Fig. 35. S shin Kangiten. T ji-in Temple, Ky to 64 Fig. 36. Enmaten Mandala. 13-14th century zushi dedicated to Aizen My . T ky National Museum, 140th anniversary exhibition, fall 2012. Fig. 37a. Kangiten shrine. Constructed 1771, Torimi-jinja, Hamamatsu, Shizuoka. 65 Fig. 37b. Kangiten shrine Constructed 1771, Torimi-jinja, Hamamatsu, Shizuoka. Fig. 38. S shin Kangiten. Bronzes from an antique shop in Ky to, modeled after the statues in H zanji Temple, Mount Ikoma. In Bühnemann, "Erotic Forms of Gaņe a," 28. 66 Fig. 39. Secret Mandala of Sh ten 聖 Edo Period hanging scroll. Kong bu-ji Temple, K yasan. 秘密曼荼羅図. 67 Fig. 40a. Kangiten and linga-shaped cover. In Getty, Gaṇe a plate 38a. Fig. 40b. Kangiten statue in a zushi. In Getty Gaṇe a, plate 38b. Fig. 41. S shin Kangiten. Statue outside Kannon-ji Temple, Kashiwa, Chiba Prefecture. 68 69 70