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77
HISTORY OF THE FORGOTTEN MOTHER MONASTERY
OF THE RNYING MA SCHOOL:
DPAL RI MONASTERY IN THE TIBETAN “VALLEY OF THE EMPERORS”
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
Kyoto University
INTRODUCTION: HISTORY AND MEMORY IN TIBET
The present paper1 deals with the history of the rNying ma school of
Tibetan Buddhism, the school of “the Ancients.” Its origin is traced
back to the zenith of the Tibetan imperium in the 8th century, with the
mkhan slob chos gsum, the trio of the abbot (mkhan po) Śāntarak9ita,
the master (slob dpon) Padmasambhava and the emperor and
dharmarāja (chos rgyal) Khri srong lde’u btsan. I will focus on one of
its major monasteries: dPal ri theg chen gling, built in 1571 in
the ’Phyong rgyas valley (central Tibet), the necropolis of the Tibetan
emperors. dPal ri monastery used to be considered as a “mother
monastery” (ma dgon), i.e. one of the main monastic institution of the
1
A prototype of the present paper was given first at the 12th conference of the
International Association for Tibetan Studies (IATS) in Vancouver (15 21 August
2010) and communicated online by the website of Kyoto University Erasmus
Program which generously funded my participation. The present paper has been
entirely rewritten by synthetizing larger results given in my doctoral thesis (see
Deroche 2011) to be published as a book in French. I am particularly indebted to my
former advisor Professor Matthew T. Kapstein, as well as to Professor Fernand Meyer,
Professor Samten G. Karmay, Professor Katsumi Mimaki, Professor Heather M.
Stoddard and Professor Franz Karl Ehrhard for guiding and instructing me in the rich
complexity of Tibetan religious history. Moreover I would like to express my
gratitude to eminent traditional rNying ma pa authorities from whom the present
paper has also benefited very much: the Tenth Rig ’dzin chen mo of rDo rje brag
monastery (b. 1936) for a interview in Lhasa (March 2006), the late mKhas btsun
bzang po (1920 2009) for an interview in Paris (July 2008), and Nyi lcang rin po che
(b. 1932) for several interviews in Kyoto from November 2009. My heartfelt thanks
also go to the Tibetan people of Lhasa, rTse thang, ’Phyong rgyas, dPal ri monastery
and sMin grol gling monastery in central Tibet, who guided me, helped me and
replied to my questions during a fieldwork done in May 2010. This fieldwork was
made possible thanks to a generous grant of the Centre de Recherche sur les
Civilisations de l’Asie Orientale (CRCAO, UMR 8155 of the CNRS), Paris. Many
thanks are addressed to Dr. Alexander Gardner for kindly proofreading this paper and
to Dr. Anna Balikci for her constant support during the editing process. Of course, all
mistakes that might remain should be imputed to the sole author.
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
rNying ma school. Nevertheless, after its decline, dPal ri monastery
became almost forgotten in the tradition itself and has remained
generally ignored in the academia.2
By gathering and analyzing relevant Tibetan sources, I will show in
this paper that dPal ri monastery formed a precedent for what I will
heuristically call the “Renaissance” of the rNying ma school under the
patronage of the Fifth Dalai Lama during the 17th century. This
“rNying ma pa Renaissance” is characterized by two main aspects: the
establishment of new large monastic institutions and the reappraisal of
the Ancients’ legacy. The fact that the Fifth Dalai Lama was himself
born into the noble family of ’Phyong rgyas gives to the history of dPal
ri monastery an importance for Tibetan history as a whole and a
privileged perspective to understand the symbolico religious relation of
the Fifth Dalai Lama’s regime with the ancient Tibetan empire and the
rNying ma school. By making the history of the forgotten precedent of
this Renaissance, we will get some new perspectives to understand the
use of the imperial past and memory in the making of history by the
Fifth Dalai Lama who reunified Tibet by establishing his new politico
religious regime with Mongol support in 1642.
We will also discover that even after the 17th century
“Renaissance,” the successive “revivals” of the rNying ma school in the
18th and 19th centuries also contained significant relations with dPal ri
monastery. Effectively, the great ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/30 1798)
was born in dPal ri, trained in its monastery, and it is during a spiritual
retreat in its hermitage that he had the first revelation of the Klong chen
snying thig, afterwards probably the most widespread contemplative
tradition of rDzogs chen (the foremost esoteric teaching of the rNying
ma school). While ’Jigs med gling pa’s tradition was to spread in
Eastern Tibet and to be continued in the so called “impartial” (ris med)
movement during the 19th century, we will see again how some major
inspirations came, so far largely unnoticed by scholars, from the
forgotten monastery of the Ancients located in the “Valley of the
Emperors.”3
2
3
Nevertheless, an important place is given to dPal ri monastery in the periodicization
of the rNying ma school’s history by Tarthang Tulku and Leslie Bradburn (1995: 212
215, 219 220).
I use this expression for ’Phyong rgyas in Tibet, in comparison to the expression in
usage to designate Egypt’s famous necropolis, the Valley of the Kings (Arabic: Wādī
al Mulūk), West of the Nile, opposite Thebes (modern Luxor).
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79
1. THE MODEL OF THE SIX MOTHER MONASTERIES OF THE RNYING MA
SCHOOL AND ITS EVOLUTION
The rDzogs chen chos ’byung provides a useful presentation of the
classical classification of the rNying ma school’s historiography: the
“six great seats” (gdan sa chen mo drug) that are the “great root
mother monasteries of the rNying ma school” (rnying ma’i rtsa ba’i ma
dgon chen mo). Formerly, these six monasteries were conceived as two
geographical triads: 4
I. In upper Tibet (stod na), or central Tibet, rDor sMin dPal gsum:
1. Thub bstan rDo rje brag E waK lcog gsar (rDor) founded in
1632;5
2. ’Og min gnyis pa O rgyan sMin grol gling (sMin) founded in
1676;6
3. ’Phyong rgyas dPal ri theg mchog7 gling (dPal) founded in
1571.8
II. In lower Tibet (smad na), Eastern Tibet, in Khams, Ka& dPal
rDzogs gsum:
4. rGyal ba KaM thog pa (Ka&) founded in 1159 and restored in
1656;9
5. dPal yul byang chub gling (dPal) founded in 1665;10
6. Grub dbang rDzogs chen pa (rDzogs) founded in 1685.11
Nevertheless, dPal ri monastery declined in central Tibet while Zhe
chen monastery was flourishing in the East. The classification evolved
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 810: de yang snga rabs mkhas pa’i zhal rgyun du / stod na
rdor smin dpal gsum dang / smad na ka& dpal rdzogs gsum / zhes gangs ljongs rgyal
bstan phyi dar gyi skabs su gsang chen snga ’gyur rnying ma’i rtsa ba’i ma dgon
chen mo stod na thub bstan rdo rje brag e wa( lcog sgar dang / ’og min gnyis pa o
rgyan smin grol gling / ’phyong rgyas dpal ri theg mchog gling bcas gsum dang /
smad mdo khams phyogs su rgyal ba ka& thog pa dang / dpal yul byang chub gling /
grub dbang rdzogs chen pa bcas su yongs su grags [...]
Id., 813 819.
Ibid., 819 829.
Most ancient sources have generally theg chen gling (“Place of the Great Vehicle”)
instead of here, theg mchog gling (“Place of the Supreme Vehicle”). We will
generally follow ancient sources.
Ibid., 829 835.
Ibid., 835 842.
Ibid., 842 845.
On the foundation of rDzogs chen monastery by Padma rig ’dzin (1625 1697) see
Ibid., 323 331, and Gardner (2009).
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
accordingly and in the new form, Zhe chen monastery replaced dPal ri
monastery. The classical six fold model of rNying ma historiography
was maintained by this simple replacement. In order to maintain a
sense of balance and repartition within Tibetan geography, instead of
two triads the model was changed into three dyads: 12
I. In upper Tibet, rDor sMin gnyis:
1. rDo rje brag (rDor);
2. sMin grol gling (sMin).
II. In between (bar na), Zhe rDzogs gnyis:
3. dPal Zhe chen pa (Zhe) founded in 1695, extended in 1734
(or 1735);13
4. rDzogs chen (rDzogs).
III. In lower Tibet, Ka& dPal gnyis:
5. KaM thog (Ka&);
6. dPal yul (dPal).
The latter presentation has become the most widely accepted. Even if
the rDzogs chen chos ’byung reports a hybrid form of a seven fold
model in which dPal ri is kept, the classical model remains composed
by six mother monasteries.14 As we will see, the complete decline of
dPal ri monastery in modern times leaves no room for contesting its
replacement in the list. The purpose of the present paper is not
concerned at all with such a polemical issue. Nevertheless, from a
historical point of view, such a shift raises an interesting question. If a
mother monastery―a vital point of the tradition’s transmission and
12
13
14
Ibid., 813 : phyi dus su dpal ri theg mchog gling gi gdan sa gzhung sa chen mo’i srid
dbang la phog thug byung rkyen ches nyams rgud du phyin pa dang / dpal zhe chen
pa’i gdan sa chen mo gang du mkhas grub gnyis ldan gyi skyes bu rgyun ma chad par
byon zhing ma dgon chen mo khag la snyeg bzod pa’i bshad sgrub kyi phrin las dar
zhing rgyas pa byung bas stod na rdor smin gnyis / bar na zhe rdzogs gnyis / smad na
ka& dpal gnyis zhes pa [...]
On the two steps of the foundation of Zhe chen monastery by the first two Zhe chen
Rab ’byams pa rin po che, see Ibid., 493 497, and Chhosphel (2012a, 2012b).
In central Tibet, the triad rDor sMin dPal gsum: 1. rDo rje brag (rDor); 2. sMin grol
gling (sMin); 3. dPal ri (dPal). In lower Tibet, the group of four Ka& dPal Zhe rDzogs
bzhi: 4. KaM thog (Ka&); 5. dPal yul (dPal); 6. Zhe chen (Zhe); 6. rDzogs chen
(rDzogs). Ibid., 813: gzhan yang stod na rdor smin dpal gsum / smad na ka& dpal zhe
rdzogs bzhi zhes pa’i tha snyad gsar du byung ba snang mod kyang / ’dir re zhig
sngar gyi lo rgyus chos ’byung chen mo rnams kyi rjes su ’brangs te snga ’gyur gdan
sa chen mo drug gi gtam cung zad brjod pa ’dod de /
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history―has disappeared in common historiography, what can tell us
the memory of its actual role? And how to explain its oblivion?
If we consider the chronology of the foundation of the seven (six
plus one) mother monasteries of the rNying ma tradition (KaM thog,
1159–restored in 1656–; dPal ri, 1571; rDo rje brag, 1632; dPal yul,
1665; sMin grol gling, 1676; rDzogs chen, 1685; Zhe chen, 1695/1734
5), it is very significant to notice that five of them (rDo rje brag, dPal
yul, sMin grol gling, rDzogs chen, and Zhe chen) were founded during
the 17th century. Even if it is true that rDo rje brag had antecedents in
gTsang and was founded little before the reign of the Fifth Dalai Lama,
all of these five monasteries fully blossomed during the rNying ma pa
Renaissance under the patronage of the Great Fifth. Moreover, the
Dalai Lama’s support was also directly involved in the 1656 restoration
of KaM thog monastery. By observing this historical procession, we
discover that dPal ri (1571) was the oldest of the mother monasteries in
central Tibet. Preceding the foundation in the mid seventeenth century
of rDo rje brag and sMin grol gling monasteries which were to play a
larger role, we can consider that dPal ri monastery formed the
antecedent of the rNying ma pa Renaissance. And as we shall see now,
the continuity between dPal ri and this Renaissance under the Fifth
Dalai Lama lay very much in the major historical site of the ’Phyong
rgyas valley.
2. HISTORY OF DPAL RI MONASTERY IN ’PHYONG RGYAS, “THE VALLEY
OF THE EMPERORS”
2.1 The Rulers of ’Phyong rgyas: Patrons of dPal ri Monastery
In the second half of the sixteenth century, the ruler (sde pa, zhabs
drung) of ’Phyong rgyas, 15 Hor bSod nams dar rgyas wished to
establish a monastery dedicated to the rNying ma tradition in his lands.
He made this request to his chaplain (dbu bla), ’Phreng po gter ston
Shes rab ’od zer, alias Prajñāraśmi (1518 1584). 16 This eclectic gter
15
16
The variant spelling of ’Phyongs rgyas also occurs but by considering the most
current spelling in all our sources, we have opted for the same choice formerly made
by Richardson (1963: 219 233) as ’Phyong rgyas.
For a full biography based on different versions (Gu ru bkra shis chos ’byung, 544
550; gTer ston brgya rtsa’i rnam thar, 559 563; Nor bu do’i shal, 282.6 286.2; Zhe
chen chos ’byung 262 269; rDzogs chen chos ’byung 829 835) and related sources,
see Deroche (2011b). I use generally the name Prajñāraśmi since he was using this
Sanskrit version of Shes rab ’od zer to designate himself in his writings.
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ston initially trained as a dge bshes in the Sa skya and dGe lug schools,
had received the transmissions of the bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma
traditions from his root master ’Bri gung Rin chen phun tshogs (1509
1557). Prajñāraśmi, who was residing in his hermitage of ’Phreng po,
within the domain of rDo rje brag, had not accepted yet the project
when Hor bSod nams dar rgyas passed away. His son, the next ruler
of ’Phyong rgyas, Hor bSod nams stobs rgyal, embraced the vision of
his father and repeated his request to Prajñāraśmi, who finally accepted.
The history of the noble family of ’Phyong rgyas has been written
by his most illustrious descendant, the Fifth Dalai Lama, in his
historical work on Tibet.17 Tucci has translated several extracts18 and
charted a useful genealogical tree19 in which we can identify the two
rulers mentioned in connection with the foundation of dPal ri
monastery. The Fifth Dalai Lama makes the claim that his family
belonged to the Indian royal lineage of Za hor or BhaVa hor,20 including
mythical figures of tantric Buddhism, the King of Dza, the King
Indrabodhi and Padmasambhava. The lineage is supposed to have
established itself in Tibet at the time of emperor Khri srong lde’u btsan.
Later the family was closely involved in the success of Phag mo gru pa
Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302 1364)21 and seems to have remained
loyal and close to the sovereign of sNe’u gdong.
From the fifteenth century until the early seventeenth century, in the
recurrent civil wars opposing dBus and gTsang, the ’Phyong rgyas
family displayed a remarkable religious eclecticism. The family
patronized the various schools of Tibetan Buddhism, including both the
dGe lugs pa and the Karma bKa’ brgyud pa, the two most powerful
religious orders of this time which were aligned with the political
powers of dBus and gTsang, respectively. While maintaining its power
through several military campaigns, the ’Phyong rgyas family also
engaged in mediation between dBus and gTsang, calling upon the most
eminent religious hierarchs in the process. According to Samten G.
Karmay, 22 all religious orders seem to have been very keen to establish
relations with this noble clan of ’Phyong rgyas because of its key
position in alliances, its power, and from another point of view,
17
18
19
20
21
22
Bod kyi deb ther, 163 171.
Tucci (1949: vol. 2, 643 644).
Id., vol. 2, Table VII. The whole work was also translated by Ahmad (1995:
on ’Phyong rgyas see 165 173).
Thus the term Hor is not supposed to designate Mongolian ascendency here.
Bod kyi deb ther, 166.
Personal communication in Kyoto University, December 2009.
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83
because of the historical prestige attached to the ’Phyong rgyas valley
in connection with the ancient empire.
The son of Hor rDo rje tshe brtan, Rin chen rgyal mchog, became
the prime minister of the Phag mo gru pa sovereign precisely through
his efforts in mediating between dBus and gTsang.23 In the beginning
of the sixteenth century, he invited the powerful Fourth Zhwa dmar pa
Chos grags ye shes (1453 1524), 24 who was supported by the Rin
spungs pa, and obtained the patronage of the Phag mo gru pa
government for the construction of the Zhwa dmar pa’s monastery of
Yangs pa can. Few decades later in the line of the ’Phyong rgyas rulers,
Hor bSod nams dar rgyas made extensive studies, both secular and
religious, with the Karma bka’ brgyud pa master dPal khang lo tsā ba
(birth 15th century or 16th century according to TBRC). Hor bSod
nams dar rgyas invited as well the Third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya
mtsho (1543 1588), and a pacification was probably made through the
graces of the latter, as reported in his biography.25 Hor bSod nams dar
rgyas married Tshe dbang rgyal mo, the sister of sKyid shod zhabs
drung bKra shis rab brtan (1531 1589), support of the dGe lugs pa. The
son born from their union, bSod nams stobs rgyal, was a powerful
military conquerer. It is him who managed to invite Prajñāraśmi
in ’Phyong rgyas and establish dPal ri monastery.
He invited also the dGe lugs pa master Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan
who restored monastic discipline in the dGe lugs pa monastery of Ri bo
bde chen in ’Phyong rgyas. According to the autobiography of the Fifth
Dalai Lama, 26 other bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma masters close to
Prajñāraśmi were also invited in the ’Phyong rgyas court, establishing a
chaplain patron (mchod yon) relation: ’Brug pa Padma dkar po (1527
1592),27 Byang bdag bKra shis stobs rgyal (1550? 1602) who married
the daughter of the ’Phyong rgyas family, and ’Bri gung Chos rgyal
phun tshogs (1547 1602), the son of ’Bri gung Rin chen phun tshogs.
23
24
25
26
27
Bod kyi deb ther, 168.
A colophon confirms that the Fourth Zhwa dmar pa was also one of the chaplains of
the ruling family of ’Phyong rgyas. To the request of the queen (dpon mo) of ’Phyong
rgyas, bSod nams lha mo, he wrote a ritual for the cult of Buddhas and Arhats: sTon
pa gnas brtan chen pon ’khor bcas mchod cing smon lam gdap pa’i cho ga, in his
gSung ’bum, 6 vols, Pekin, Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, 2009, vol. 5,
551 579.
Tucci (1949: vol. 1, 44).
Du kū la, vol. 1, 34 35.
Padma dkar po wrote at the request of mGon po tshe ’phel, a son of the ’Phyong rgyas
ruler, the text entitled Thugs rje chen po’i smar khrid snying po’i don la ’jug pa, in
gSung ’bum, 24 vols. Darjeeling: Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso Khang, 1973 1974, vol.
11, 625 637.
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
2.2. ’Phyong rgyas and the Citadel of ’Phying ba stag rtse, Ancient
Seat of the Imperial Power
Image 1. Today’s city of ’Phyong rgyas viewed from the top of the
Bang so dmar po. On the right, the little white building marks the site
of the ancient rdzong of the zhabs drung. Above on the crest, the ruins
are associated to the ancient imperial seat. In the middle, the ruins of
Ri bo bde chen monastery, reconstructed on the left (May 2010, the
author). Richardson (1998: 220) gives a useful sketch of the place with
the tombs. See also his photographs originally taken in 1949 (Plates 2,
3, 6)
The ’Phyong rgyas valley, located in the south west of the Yar lung
region, 28 kilometers from the city of rTse thang, was originally a
major seat of the Tibetan power before Srong btsan sgam po centered
his new empire in Lhasa. The ancient imperial citadel was
named ’Phying ba stag rtse, the “Tiger Peak” (stag rtse) of ’Phying ba.
Stories diverge about its foundation. According to Hugh Richardson
(1963, reed. 1998), the earliest reference is found in an inscription from
Kong po dated of the ninth century. It states that it was the seat of
seven generations of kings until the time of Dri gum btsan po, the
father of sPu lde gung rgyal. Even if the king Lha Tho tho ri (Lha To
do snya btsan), fifth in the lineage before Srong btsan sgam po,
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85
established a new palace in Yum bu bla mkhar (Yum bu bla
sgang), ’Phying ba stag rtse is mentioned in the section of chronicles in
Dunhuang documents as the residence of Srong btsan sgam po’s
grandfather, sTag bu snya gzigs.28 It seems even that Srong btsan sgam
po himself lived there at some point.29 With the expansion of Tibetan
territory, several palaces were established where the Tibetan emperor
could stay for longer and advanced expeditions, and from which his
power could be consolidated. Although the origins of the Yar lung
dynasty remain difficult to identify, it seems that this lineage had its
seat in the palace of ’Phying ba stag rtse during the period just
preceding the emergence of the Tibetan empire in the history of central
Asia.30
After the emergence of the empire, the land of ’Phying ba, also
spelled in ancient sources Phying ba or Pying ba, became only
mentioned as the burial place the Tibetan emperors. Nevertheless, the
fort of ’Phying ba stag rtse remained a major historical and symbolic
site. Richardson (1963, reed. 1998: 220) makes a distinction between
the ancient imperial palace named ’Phying ba stag rtse and the fort
(rdzong) of the later ’Phyong rgyas rulers (zhabs drung) known
as ’Phyong rgyas rdzong. I have also identified the two sites as shown
in Image 1 above. However, according to current inhabitants
of ’Phyong rgyas, the whole was known as ’Phying ba stag rtse.
The fort of the ’Phyong rgyas rulers was completely destroyed
during the Cultural Revolution. Nothing currently stands on the site
save for a small modern building, probably built for the sake of
commemoration, which is somewhat dilapidated. This poor edifice is
nevertheless indicated as the palace of ’Phying ba stag rtse in today’s
town of ’Phyong rgyas. In the upper part of the hill’s crest, the remains
of the ancient imperial palace can still be seen. There are also lines of
fortifications that local people told me to have been edified against the
Dzungar invasion (1717 1720) which finally sacked the whole place.
2.3 The Valley of the Emperors
Facing the fort of the Tiger Peak is the valley of ’Phying ba, “the
Valley of the Emperors,” where lie the important tumuli containing the
tombs of ten members of the Tibetan imperial dynasty: the immediate
ancestors and successors of the unifying ruler of Tibet, the great
28
29
30
See Bacot et al. (1940: 162 165).
Id., 132 136.
See Beckwith (1993: 11 15).
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
conqueror and emperor (btsan po) Srong btsan sgam po. In the
neighbour valley of Don mkhar, separated by the Mu la ri hill, are six
others imperial tombs. The complex studied by Tucci (1950),
Richardson (1963, reed. 1998), Haarh (1969), and Hazod (2007) was
also the objet of traditional scholarship by a famous native of ’Phyong
rgyas, ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/30 1798) 31 who acted as a kind of
archeologist and renovator of its ancient sites. Gyurmé Dorje 32 has
offered a description of the work, with the plan of the tombs, relatively
close to Richardson’s.
The main tomb, at the center of the ’Phyong rgyas valley is Srong
btsan sgam po’s, the “Red Tomb” (Bang so dmar po), a squared form
with sides of approximately 129 meters, and 13.4 meters high
according to Gyurmé Dorje. Although it is probable that the tombs
might have been profaned during the 11th century after the fall of the
empire, and again later during the Dzungar invasion in the 18th century,
no archeological excavation has been conducted to inform us about
their actual contents.
Image 2. Bang so dmar po, the tumulus of emperor Srong btsan sgam
po in ’Phyong rgyas (May 2010, the author)
31
32
Among his gTam tshogs, is the bKra shis srong btsan bang so’i dkar chag ’bring por
byas pa n.ya gro dha’i chun ’phang, in’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 7, 374.2
381.5.
Dorje (1999: 201 206).
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Tucci and Haarh have explored the magico ritual schemes and
operations of such constructions in ancient Tibet. ’Phyong rgyas valley
has been the symbol of an “eternal Tibet,” eternal residence of the
Tibetan emperors, a link with the other world from which they were
believed to watch upon Tibet’s destiny. The fact that ’Phyong rgyas
was chosen by the Yar lung dynasty for its burial site tells us about the
importance it was granted by the dynasty itself, possibly in reference to
its origins. Both as a mythical and historical place, the ’Phyong rgyas
valley immortalized imperial Tibet, the period of the “Dharma Kings”
(chos rgyal), age of polical grandeur, early spread of Buddhism (snga’
dar), and source of the rNying ma School.
2.4 The Foundation of ’Phyong rgyas dPal ri theg chen gling
Monastery (1571)
It is in the midst of this environment that the ruler of ’Phyong rgyas
patronized the establishment of the rNying ma monastery of dPal ri
theg chen gling, “the Place of the Great Vehicle of the Glorious
Mountain.” “dPal ri,” the “Glorious Moutain” refers to
Padmasambhava’s Pure Land, Zangs mdog dPal ri, the “Glorious
Copper coloured Mountain.” dPal ri monastery was founded in 157133
nearby the tombs, further behind the Mu la ri hill. Hor bSod nams stobs
rgyal sponsored all its buildings, donating labor, materials, and
religious objects. Since the fall of the Tibetan empire, this event
represented for the first time the creation of a large rNying ma monastic
institution in central Tibet. Its community is said to have adopted
externally (phyi) the precepts of monastic discipline (vinaya) and
internally (nang) the esoteric instructions of the Great Perfection
(rdzogs chen).
According to the history of Tibet written by the Fifth Dalai Lama,
as well as the latter’s autobiography, 34 the ruler of ’Phyong rgyas
commissioned the edition and printing of Prajñāpāramitā texts, rDzogs
33
34
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 829.
Bod kyi deb ther, 170 : dus gsum mkhyen pa mtsho skyes rdo rje’i ring lugs pa slob
dpon bai ro tsa na’i thugs sprul gter ston shes rab ’od zer ti shrir bsten nas / sa ’dzin
dpal gyi ri la theg mchog sgrub pa’i ’dus sde btab / sher phyin sum brgya pa / shel
brag gi thang yig sems nyid ngal gso rnams par du bzhengs / See also Du kū la, vol. 1,
34: slob dpon bai ro tsa na’i rnam sprul ’phreng ’go gter ston shes rab ’od zer
yongs ’dzin du bsten / sngags rnying ma’i bstan pa’i ’phel rgyas la dgongs / dpal ri
grwa tshang gsar du btab / sher phyin sum brgya pa / padma bka’ thang / sems nyid
ngal gso gzhung ’grel rnams par du brkos /
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
chen treatises from Klong chen pa’s (1308 1364) Sems nyid ngal gso35
and the Padma bka’ thang. 36 The latter work, a gter ma on
Padmasambava’s legendary life and deeds, had been discovered close
to ’Phyong rgyas, in the cave of Shel brag by gter ston O rgyan gling
pa (b. 1323). According to Tucci,37 most of the widespread versions of
the Padma bka’ thang derived from the single version revised and
edited by Prajñāraśmi under the ’Phyong rgyas patronage, including the
Fifth Dalai Lama’s edition of dGa’ ldan. As Tucci also rightly noted,
all the gter ma revelations can be also seen as much as strategies to
revive the Tibetan imperial unity and envision the destiny of Tibetan
people in the mirror of Padmasambhava’s prophecies. 38
During the 16th century, a period characterized by political
fragmentation and sectarian conflicts, it seems that the ruling family
of ’Phyong rgyas must have been very aware of the symbolic legacy of
its domain. In close association to the Phag mo gru pa regime,
the ’Phyong rgyas rulers were likely to intent to appeal to such symbols
in order to reassess their power and authority. The magico religious
activation of these symbols was operated within the rNying ma school,
in particular through the treasure traditions, which actively maintained
a lively spiritual link with Padmasambhava and the ancient empire. It is
with this in mind that we should, I think, consider the establishement of
dPal ri monastery, a rNying ma institution in ’Phyong rgyas, as well as
the revision and edition of the Padma bka’ thang.
A contemporary guide to central Tibet’s local history indicates that
dPal ri monastery developed to a great extent; before the Dzungar
invasion, there were six hundred fully ordained monks (bhik7u, dge
slong). 39 For the rDzogs chen chos ’byung, the religious community
35
36
37
38
39
Professor Franz Karl Erharhd has kindly informed me that a copy of the Ngal gso
skor gsum by Klong chen pa made at that time has survived in the collection of the
Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP), reel no. AT 157 158/1.
Again, I am indebted to Prof. Ehrhard for knowing that the “print colophon” (par
byang) of this work is avalaible in a manuscript copy of the original xylograph edition
from dPal ri monastery; see Padma bka’ thang. Patna: Rahula Collection Series, 1,
1988, 587.5 590.5.
Tucci (1949: vol. 1, 110 115).
Op. cit., vol. 1, 112.
Lho kha sa khul, 66 : de nas rim bzhin ’phel rgyas ’byung ste jun gar bas ma gtor
gong tsam na dge ’dun zhal grangs mang po ’phel te / dge slong kho nar drug brgya
lhag tsam byung gsung /
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included at some point more than three thousands people for the triad
rDor sMin dPal gsum of central Tibet.40
2.5 The Abbatial Succession of dPal ri Monastery
After the death of Prajñāraśmi, there was no reincarnation or
“emanation body” (sprul sku) of him at the head of dPal ri monastery.
According to the indications given by the Gu ru bkra shis
chos ’byung,41 ’Jam dbyangs mKhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820 1892),42
and the rDzogs chen chos ’byung,43 the list of dPal ri’s abbots is the
following:
1. Prajñāraśmi: founder and abbot from 1571, probably up to his
death in 1584;
2. rgyal sras Karma kun bzang: son and spiritual heir of
Prajñāraśmi.
40
41
42
43
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 829: sngar dus dar rgyas che ba’i skabs dge ’dun ’dus pa
stong phrag gsum lhag byung bas mtshon stod na rdor smin dpal gsum zhes yongs su
grags /
Gu ru bkra shis chos ’byung, 668: gzhan ’phyong rgyas dpal ri ’di dbus phyogs
rnying dgon snga shos zhig tu snang ste / thog mar gter ston shes rab ’od zer gyis
btab / gter ston gshegs rjes karma rgyal sras kun bzang sogs kyis bskyangs / de nas
rig ’dzin ngag gi dbang po’i bcung mtsho rgyal sprul pa rig ’dzin ’phrin las rnam
rgyal mtsho skyes bzhad pa’i dbang pos gdan sa mdzad / bar skabs kyi gdan rabs ma
rnyed / phyis tshod de nyid kyi sprul pa’i sku ngag dbang kun bzang padma sogs nas
mtsho rgyal skye sprul rim byon gyis bskyangs pas nyams med gong ’phel du gnas /
mKhyen brtse’i gsung ’bum, vol. 18, 325: yar klung ’phyong rgyas dpal ri theg mchog
gling ni / ’phreng po gter chen shes rab ’od zer gyis btab / de rjes rgyal sras karma
kun bzang / mtsho rgyal sprul sku rig ’dzin phrin las rnam rgyal / ngag dbang kun
bzang padma / ngag dbang blo bzang padma / padma chos ’byor rgya mtsho /
bstan ’dzin chos kyi nyi ma rnams bzhugs /
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 829: snga ’gyur gdan sa chen mo drug gi ya gyal ’phyong
rgyas dpal ri theg mchog gling ni / spyi lo 1571 pa ste rab byung bcu pa’i skyes bdag
ces pa lcags lug lor gter chen shes rab ’od zer gyis phyag btab cing / de rjes rgyal
sras karma kun bzang / mtsho rgyal sprul sku rig ’dzin phrin las rnam rgyal / ngag
dbang padma kun bzang / ngag dbang blo bzang padma / padma chos ’byor rgya
mtsho / bstan ’dzin chos kyi nyi ma sogs mkhas grub gnyis ldan gyi skyes chen brgyud
mar byon pas grol thig gtso bor gyur pa’i snga ’gyur bka’ gter gyi bstan pa shin tu
dar zhing chos brgyud kyang bod yul tha gru kun la khyab /
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
Then dPal ri became the seat of a succession of sprul sku of
Padmasambhava’s consort, Ye shes mtsho rgyal. This lineage was
known as the “’Phyong rgyas dPal ri sprul sku.”44 They were:
3. mTsho rgyal sprul sku Rig ’dzin phrin las rnam rgyal : younger
brother of Rig ’dzin ngag gi dbang po (1580 1630) founder of rDo
rje brag monastery, and son of the union of Byang bdag bKra shis
stobs rgyal (1550 1602) with a daughter of the noble family of
’Phyong rgyas.
The Gu ru bkra shis chos ’byung mentions that after him there were a
certain interval between the succession of dPal ri’s abbots. Then the
lineage started again and continued without interruption with:
4. Ngag dbang kun bzang padma: contemporary of the Fifth Dalai
Lama who made prayers after his passing away (see below);
5. Ngag dbang blo bzang padma: master of ’Jigs med gling pa;
6. Padma chos ’byor rgya mtsho: disciple of ’Jigs med gling pa;
7. bsTan ’dzin chos kyi nyi ma.
This list already shows us some privileged connections between dPal ri
monastery, the ’Phyong rgyas family, rDo rje brag monastery, the Fifth
Dalai Lama and ’Jigs med gling pa.
2.6 The History of dPal ri Monastery by ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/30/
1798)
One of the sources generally mentioned concerning dPal ri monastery
is ’Jigs med gling pa’s Story on the Glorious Moutain, Place of the
Great Vehicle: Vajra Sound’s Lute (dPal ri theg pa chen po’i gling gi
gtam rdo rje sgra ma’i rgyud mngas).45 This text of twelve folios is
nevertheless more of devotional style than historical. There is for
example no precise information about the abbatial succession (gdan
rabs). In the first part,46 the author relates the mythical and historical
origins of Buddhism in Tibet according to well established patterns.
44
45
46
On a similar lineage of dPal ri sprul sku in Sikkim during the same period, see
Ehrhard (2008). This monastery was also called dPal ri theg chen gling. The First
dPal ri sprul sku of Sikkim, was Rig ’dzin lhun grub (d. 1650), the brother of Lha
btsun Nam mkha’ jigs med (1597 1653) who seems to have been also associated
to ’Phyong rgyas dPal ri as we will show below according to the descriptions of ’Jigs
med gling pa and KaM thog Si tu paX chen.
’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 7, 381.6 404.2.
Id., 381.6 388.2.
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Then the foundation of dPal ri monastery is announced by
Padmasambhava’s prophecies. The second part47 describes the religious
objects of the monastery as witnessed by ’Jigs med gling pa in his time.
As for the prophecies of the foundation of dPal ri monastery, the first
is:48
In ’Phyong rgyas, my emanation will come to do the good.49
[People] will not know who he his, and he will teach the doctrine of
immediacy.
To the south of the Bang so dmar po in ’Phyi ba mdo,
Will also be built a monastery with a stūpa of the descent from the
gods [the gods’ realm of Tu9ita].50
If, in the temple, one prays a statue
Of myself as a special auspicious factor,
Then the doctrine of the Victorious’ lineage will be diffused from the
south to the south!
Another prophecy is extracted from the Questions and Answers of
Precious Palm Tree (dKon mchog ta la’i zhu lan):51
In the south east direction of the Bang so dmar po
Will appear a statue of Padma in his aspect of subjugating demons
(bdud ’dul)
And one stūpa of the descent from the gods [the gods’ realm of Tu9ita].
If according to this auspicious factor a religious community is
established,
Then the doctrine of the Victorious One’s lineage will be diffused from
the south to the south!
47
48
49
50
51
Ibid., 388.2 401.3.
Ibid., 385.3 4: ’phyong rgyas nang du nga sprul don byed ’ong: su yin mi shes cig car
smra ba 'byung : ’phyi ba mdo’am bang so mar po’i lhor : lha babs mchod rten sde
dgon ’cha’ yang srid : rten ’brel gcig tu padma nga nyid kyi : sku rten gtsug lag gsol
ba thebs pa na : rgyal brgyud bstan pa lho nas lho ru dar :
Here ’Jigs med gling pa might designate himself as he does in his autobiography with
a similar prophecy. See ’Jigs med gling pa’i rnam thar, 6: dpal o rgyan chos kyi rgyal
pos // ’phyongs rgyas nang du nga sprul don byed ’ong // su yin mi shes cig car smra
ba ’byung // ’phying dbar mdo’am bang so dmar po’i lhor // lha bab mchod rten dgon
sde ’cha’ yang srid //
One of the eight traditional types of stūpa.
’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 7, 385.6 386.1: bang so dmar po’i shar ma lho
yi phyogs // padma’i sku tshab bdud ’dul cha lugs dang // lha las babs pa’i mchod
rten zhig kyang ’byung // dge ’dun sde tshugs rten ’brel legs ’grig na // rgyal brgyud
bstan pa lho nas lho ru rgyas //
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
Then, a prophecy under the seal of secrecy (gab rgya can) gives the
name of bSod nams:52
The present son of the gods, source of glory
Of the family of the rulers of Za hor, in the palace of the tombs [the
tombs’valley],
Having the name of bSod nams, faithful and intelligent,
Is connected to me, Padma, through many aspirations.
He is a fortunate with a good [karma] and practices continuously
My treasures (gter ma) with single pointed devotion.
’Jigs med gling pa identifies the prophesied man as Hor bSod nams dar
rgyas who took as his spiritual master gter ston ’Gro dul gling pa
Prajñāraśmi, who himself was conceived as an emanation of Pa gor
Vairocana. He then states that the religious community was established
with the support of the son of Hor bSod nams dar rgyas, Hor bSod
nams stobs rgyal, and writes that the main statue of the temple was
Padmasambhava subjugating demons (Padma bdud ’dul), in accordance
with the prophecy given above. The monastery was endowed with the
commentaries of the great Indian chariots (rgya gar gyi shing rta chen
po rnams) and it followed the scriptural tradition teaching the Great
Perfection (rDzogs pa chen po) as the fruit of all teachings, i.e. Klong
chen pa’s exegesis.
’Jigs med gling pa deplores the destruction of the monastery done
by the Dzungars in 1717 1720; his description concerns dPal ri
monastery after his subsequent reconstruction. In this regard, the statue
of Buddha Vairocana is the object of a marvelous story. During the
Dzungar invasion, it is said to have been deplaced from dPal ri
monastery to the fort of ’Phying ba stag rtse. At this moment, it
reportedly became very heavy to carry on and its eyes cried out tears.
After the tragedy, on the way back to the reconstructed monastery, it
became this time very light to move. The interpretation given is that the
founder, Prajñāraśmi, was the emanation of the imperial translator Pa
gor Vairocana, himself considered as the manifestation of the great
solar Buddha, Vairocana. ’Jigs med gling pa mentions that on each side
of this statue were disposed the twenty five volumes of the rNying ma
rgyud ’bum that he had himself printed.
52
Id., 386.2 3: da lta’i lha sras dpal gyi ’byung gnas ni // za hor dpon brgyud pang so’i
pho brang du // bsod nams ming ldan dad pa’i blo gros can // padma nga dang smon
lam du mar ’brel // rtse gcig gus pas nga yi zab gter la // rgyun du spyod pas las ldan
skal pa bzang //
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Among the objects offered to the monastery at the time of its
foundation by the ’Phyong rgyas ruler was a copper statue (zangs sku)
of Prajñāraśmi. In the main temple (gtsug lha khang), there was a mural
painting (gyang ris) of the vidhyādharas (rig ’dzin) associated to
Prajñāraśmi’s treasure lineage of the Grol thig. On the face of the door
(sgo gdong) of the protectors’ temple (mgon khang) there was a
painting of rDo rje gshog rgod ma, protector of the Grol thig. In the
main temple, another element of importance was a mural painting of
the Fifth Dalai Lama, showing him in connection to the monastery as
the descendant of the Za hor family and patron of the great gter ston
Prajñāraśmi’s lineage. There was also a mural painting of the ancestor
(yab mes) of the Great Fifth, the ’Phyong rgyas ruler Hor bSod nams
dar rgyas. Above the main temple was the guru’s chapel (bla ma lha
khang) made at the time of the funerals of Ngag dbang blo bzang
padma, abbot of dPal ri and master of ’Jigs med gling pa.
The text ends 53 with a prophecy made by Lha btsun sGyu ma’i
rnal ’byor54 which follow those mentioned before, and his vajra song
(rdo rje’i glu) praising dPal ri monastery. The colophon 55 tells us
that ’Jigs med gling pa (rdzogs chen pa mKhyen brtse’i ’od zer) wrote
the text in his neighboring monastery of Tshe ring ljongs, Padma ’od
gsal theg mchog gling.56
53
54
55
56
Ibid., 401.3 403.3.
Possibly Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’jigs med (1597 1650), gter ston considered as the
incarnation of Vimalamitra and Klong chen pa. Among his disciples was the third
abbot of dPal ri, sprul sku Phrin las rnam rgyal. He ended up his life in the temple of
Shel brag not far from dPal ri (rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 280 281). A khaBvāCga
which had belonged to him was also worshipped in dPal ri according to KaM thog Si
tu (see below).
’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 7, 403.3 404.2.
On Tshe ring ljongs, see’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 7, Pad ma ’od gsal theg
mchog gling gi rten dang brten par bcas pa’i gtam nor bu’i do shal, 404 460; dBu
gtsang gnas yig, 202; Lho kha sa khul, 65 66; Dowman (1988: 202); Dorje (1999:
205). The reader might have noted the parallel between the two names of dPal ri theg
chen gling and Padma ’od gsal theg mchog gling, both related to Padmasambhava as
the “place” (gling) of his tradition or “vehicle” (theg) said either “great” (chen) or
“supreme” (mchog).
94
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
2.7 Kaḥ thog Si tu paṇ chen’s (1880/1923/25) Pilgrimage in dPal ri
Monastery
Around one century after ’Jigs med gling pa, KaM thog Si tu (1880
1923/25) made a pilgrimage in central Tibet and visited dPal ri
monastery. In this text, we observe the profound influence that
had ’Jigs med gling pa in dPal ri. According to the given description,
the assembly hall (’du khang) had twelve pillars. It had life size clay
statues of the eight vidhyādharas of India, realized by ’Jigs med gling
pa, and a statue of the master from Za hor, Padmasambhava, larger than
life. In the upper part in the back, to the left, was the temple of the
protectors, Mahākāla and Srī Devī marked with the seal of the
Omniscient. 57 In the inner space of the assembly hall, was a silver
reliquary of ’Phreng po gter chen rin po che, Prajñāraśmi, the size of
one span (’dom gang). In the base of this, behind a glass, was a stone
statue of the Buddha which was a gter ma. There were similar silver
reliquaries of two of the dPal ri mTsho rgyal sprul sku.58
The rNying ma rgyud ’bum (25 vols), produced by ’Jigs med gling
pa, was displayed with the ancient root tantra of Guhyasamāja open as
an auspicious sign. At the center was ’Jigs med gling pa’s catalogue
(dkar chag). The main object of the cult was a bronze statue of the
Buddha Vairocana (possibly the same mentioned by ’Jigs med gling pa
above). To the left was a statue representing ’Jigs med gling pa and
twenty other similar statues in bronze. There were the bKa’ ’gyur
written in vermillon and made by bla ma Kun bzang ’od zer, the
bKa’ ’gyur of Nar thang made by ’Jigs med gling pa, and other books.59
In the center of the main chapel were placed prominently the clay
57
58
59
dBus gtsang gnas yig, 206: ’phyongs rgyas dpal rir / ’du khang ka ba bcu gnyis pa na
/ kun mkhyen ’jigs gling bzhengs pa rgya gar rig ’dzin brgyad mi tshad ’jim / slob
dpon za hor ma mi tshad che / phug g.yas nas thog tu ma mgon lcam dral mgon
khang kun mkhyen dam ’byar /
Id: ’du khang sbug na ’phreng po gter chen rin po che’i dngul gdung ’dom gang par
bre nang gter byon thub dbang rdo sku shel sgor yod / dpal ri mtsho rgyal sprul sku
sku phreng gnyis kyi dngul gdung ’dom gang re /
Ibid: kun mkhyen ’jigs gling gis bzhengs dbu nas ldeb snga yan shog nag ser / dmar /
ljang / gser / dngul ’dul mthing spang gis bsgyur te bris / dbu lha legs pa’i ’phros
snag bris rdzab rnying rgyud pod nyi shu rtsa lnga spus dag yod pa’i pod gcig zhal
phye skabs gsang [207] rnying rtsa rgyud dang ’phrad pas rten ’brel legs / dbus su
kun mkhyen dkar chag ltar ’u shang rdo’i rten gtso rnam snang li ma mi tshad / g.yon
du rig ’dzin ’jigs med gling pa nga ’dra ma shin tu byin chags / sku ’dra li ma sna
tshogs nyi shu tsam / bka’ ’gyur mtshal par bla ma kun bzang ’od zer bzhengs / kun
mkhyen ’jigs gling gis bzhengs pa snar thang bka’ ’gyur / yang yi ge sna tshogs /
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95
statues of Padmasambhava, Dākinīs and gods of wealth (nor lha), made
by Thugs mchog rdo rje60 from sKyid grong and Jigs med gling pa,
with the Indian khaBvāCga of Lha btsun Nam mkha’ ’jigs med. The
enumeration continues with classical elements of the ten bodhisattvas,
three Buddhas, eight bodhisattvas, Hayagrīva and Acala.61
The author notes that at that time, even though the monastery had
been reconstructed after the Dzungar invasion, the monastery was again
in a state of despair, with only a hundred monks in residence. The great
ceremonies were based on the Guhyagarbhatantra cycles, the
developed path of the Grol thig, general assemblies of the maEDala
rites of the dGongs ’dus, and those of ’Jigs med gling pa’s tradition of
the Klong chen snying thig, etc. Monks used to go for retreat to bSam
yas mChims phu where, following the first revelation in dPal ri, ’Jigs
med gling pa had the second revelation of the Klong chen snying thig.62
There were also three thang ka about the life story of ’Jigs med gling
pa and other sacred objects such as many compositions of ’Jigs med
gling pa and the footprints of rDzogs chen Padma rig ’dzin (1625 1697).
The author observed the remains of Prajñāraśmi’s house and, in the
village below the monastery, the remains of the house where ’Jigs med
gling pa was born.63
2.8 Contemporary History
Following the visit of KaM thog Si tu, dPal ri continued to decline.
According to the rDzogs chen chos ’byung,64 in 1957, the Sixth Grub
60
61
62
63
64
See Goodman (1992: 199 200) for this root teacher of ’Jigs med gling pa.
Ibid.: dri gtsang khang dbus skyid grong thugs mchog rdo rje dang rig ’dzin ’jigs
gling gis bzhengs o rgyan mkha’ ’gro nor lha’i ’jim sku thog mtho / lha btsun nam
mkha’ ’jigs med kyi kha Ba( rgya gar bskor ba / phyogs bcu’i byang sems mi tshad
bcu / dus gsum sangs rgyas mi che tshad gsum / nye sras mi tshad brgyad / khro bo
gnyis bcas /
Ibid.: dpal ri ’di sngar yod jun gar gyis gtor / phyis de mo tshang dang mnyam du
gzhung bkyon phog pas da lta nyams / grwa brgya lhag yod / zla ba dang por bla ma
gsang ’dus tshes bcu / de nas grol tig lam rgyas / dgongs ’dus dkyil chog tshogs
chen ’dus pa ’jigs gling lugs sogs tshogs rgyu yod / mchims phur ’gro dgos /
Ibid.: zhal thang kun mkyen ’jigs gling gi rnam thar thang ka gos spus can gsum sogs
dang / ’jigs gling bka’ rtsom mang po yod pa’i mtshan brgyad bgres pa legs pa dgu
thang sogs yod / ’og tu rdzogs chen padma rigs ’dzin zhabs rjes / phar kar phreng po
gter chen gzims khang shul / de ’og grong / kun mkhyen ’jigs gling ’khrungs khyim
shul sogs yod / mchod rten bgres po mthon po’i bum pa nang sangs rgyas sku yod
pa’ang ’dug.
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 829.
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
dbang rDzogs chen ’Jigs bral byang chub rdo rje came from Khams for
a pilgrimage in dBus. He visited dPal ri monastery and conferred
empowerments and teachings and grew concerned about the
monastery’s poor state. Having made a special request to the
government of Lhasa, he obtained the donation of a monastic
principalty and made important renovations. However, after the
Fourteenth Dalai Lama fled to India, the Sixth Grub dbang rDzogs chen
could not achieve his plans for dPal ri. During the Cultural Revolution
(1966 1976), the monastery was totally destroyed. Already weakened,
the specific tradition of dPal ri connected to the treasure lineage of
Prajñāraśmi seems to have disappeared apart from its inclusion in Kong
sprul’s Rin chen gter mdzod.65
Image 3. The principal temple of dPal ri monastery
(May 2010, the author)
The monastery was rebuilt during the 1980’s in its original place. A
living transmission has been given again from Kham pa masters who
restored the Klong chen snying thig to its place of origin. According to
the rDzogs chen chos ’byung, the master Padma dkal bzang rin po che
came in 1995 to give empowerments, teachings and a celebration (dga’
ston). A religious scholar (mkhan po) bZung shrī seng chos sde chen
65
For references see Deroche 2011b.
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97
mo, was also active to revive practice and scholarship. 66 Keith
Dowman has also given a contemporary description in his guide.67 He
rightly noted dPal ri’s importance, adding that at some point bSam yas
and mChims phu were under its control as well as the temple built on
top of the Bang so dmar po: the Srong btsan lha khang.68
Image 4. Main statue of Srong btsan sgam po in the Srong btsan lha
khang, with his two wives, Bhṛkuṭī from Nepal (on the left) and
Wengcheng (on the right) (May 2010, the author)
When I visited myself the monastery in May 2010, there were only four
monks, two of them being detached in the Srong btsan lha khang, under
the supervision of the government. dPal ri maintains very close
relations with the nunnery of Tshe ring ljongs founded by ’Jigs med
gling pa in the neighbour valley. At the time of my visit, two or three
nuns from Tshe ring ljongs were residing in dPal ri for the practice of
meditation. I was told by the senior monk that in 2007, Khams pa
masters including the present A ’dzom rin po che came again to give
the Klong chen snying thig’s transmission in both dPal ri and Tshe ring
66
67
68
rDzogs chen chos ’byung, 830.
Dowman (1988: 202 203).
This temple was built in the 13th century by the master Nyang sman lung pa. See
dBus gtsang gnas yig, 205 206; Lho kha sa khul, 67; Dowman (1988: 199 201); Dorje
(1999: 204 205).
98
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
ljongs. Monks and nuns told me that they devote their time to the
practice of this contemplative tradition. dPal ri monastery is also
performing the rites for the local village dPal ri grong tsho (having
around sixty houses; see Image 5), where ’Jigs med gling pa was born.
Image 5. The village of dPal ri grong tsho seen from the entrance of
dPal ri monastery (May 2010, the author)
Currently at dPal ri monastery, the sole element that remains in
connection to his founder, Prajñāraśmi, is the daily recitation of his
Aspiration of the sūtras and mantras (mDo sngags smon lam). It is
formed by two texts: the first on the sūtras written in dPal ri, 69 the
second on the mantras written in rDo rje brag.70 These texts are not
found in the present state of Prajñāraśmi’s collected works. 71 In my
forthcoming book, based on my doctoral dissertation,72 I have edited
and translated these texts on the basis of the text photographed in dPal
ri monastery and with reference to the commented versions found
in ’Jigs med gling pa’s collected works73 and mKhyen brtse’s.74 These
69
70
71
72
73
The title is Byang chub spyod pa’i smon lam phan bde’i ljon pa.
The title is gSang ba sngags kyi smon lam ’dod ’jo’i dga’ ston.
Shes rab ’od zer gyi gsung ’bum.
Deroche (2011a).
mDo sngags smon lam gyi ’grel pa, in’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol. 5, 541
620.
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99
works constitute an inspiring rNying ma doxography written according
to the genre of “aspiration” (praEidhana, smon lam), from the initial
refuge in the Three Jewels to the ultimate realization of the Great
Perfection.
The contemporary rNying ma pa scholar Nyi lcang rin po che (b.
1932), an adept of the Klong chen snying thig and founder of a new
“dPal ri theg mchog gling” monastery in Kalimpong, kindly told me75
the ingenious prayer he wrote. It expresses the continuity of the rNying
ma tradition through the “Three Lights” (’od zer gsum), [1] Klong chen
pa, [2] Prajñāraśmi, and [3] ’Jigs med gling pa, while revealing the
name of dPal ri theg mchog gling:
Kun tu bzang po [1] Dri med ’od zer DPAL //
Ratna’i thugs sras [2] Shes rab ’od zer RI //
[3] mKhyen rtse ’od zer THEG MCHOG GLING pa yi//
bstan pa dar zhing yun ring gnas gyur cig
May develop and perdure the teaching of the Place of the Supreme
Vehicle
[Coming from] the Glorious Samantabhadra [1] “Immaculate Light”
(Dri med ’od zer =Klong chen pa),
Moutain of [2] “Light of Wisdom” (Shes rab ’od zer=Prajñāraśmi),
spiritual son of Ratna [’Bri gung Rin chen phun tshogs],
And [3] “Light of Knowledge” (mKhyen brtse ’od zer=’Jigs med gling
pa).
3. THE ROLE OF DPAL RI MONASTERY IN THE SUCCESSIVE REVIVALS OF
THE RNYING MA SCHOOL (17TH 19TH C.)
3.1 From the Ancient Tibetan Empire to the Fifth Dalai Lama’s
Regime: the “Renaissance” of the rNying ma School (17th c.)
In his study of the treasure tradition’s apotheosis of Srong btsan sgam
po as Avalokiteśvara in the MaEi bka’ bum cycle and the emergence of
the figure of Padmasambhava, Matthew T. Kapstein has shown the
importance of the “imaginal persistence of the ancient Tibetan empire”
which the Fifth Dalai Lama was to absorb ingenuously:
74
75
mKhyen brtse’i gsung ’bum, vol. 6, Byang chub spyod pa’i smon lam phan bde’i ljon
pa’i zin bris, 375 453; vol. 6, gSang ba sngags kyi smon lam ’dod ’jo’i dga’ ston
gyi ’grel bshad bdud rtsi’i klung chen, 455 525.
Personal communication, Kyoto, November 2010.
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
The phenomenon that we see at work here drew its strength in large
measure form the persisting presence of the old empire and from the
continuing felt allegiance to it, rather than to the new and strictly local
hegemons who rarely commanded much loyalty outside of their own
narrow domains. Once more, it was the Fifth Dalai Lama who clearly
understood this, and who systematically deployed the authority of his
own regime.76
In addition to his high status in the hierarchy of the dGe lugs order, the
exceptional connection that the Fifth Dalai Lama had with the ancient
empire formed a major source for his politico religious reunification of
Tibet. The “imaginal persistence of the empire” analyzed by Kapstein
in connection to the treasure visionary revelations, was given
in ’Phyong rgyas, a very sensible basis as the physical persistence of
the imperial tombs. The fact of his birth in the fort of ’Phyong rgyas
facing the “Valley of the Emperors” gave the Great Fifth a unique
sense of predestination. Born in front of the “Red Tomb” (Bang so
dmar po), he was to be installed in the palace of the Potala, the “Red
Mountain” (dMar po ri) in Lhasa, and piously assimilated to Srong
btsan sgam po, through the reincarnation chain of the bodhisattva
Avalokiteśvara. The works of his ’Phyong rgyas ancestors formed the
precedent for his legitimizing strategy and patronage of the rNying ma
school. I will give several illustrations of the connection between dPal
ri monastery’s tradition and the Great Fifth.
In the Fifth Dalai Lama’s record of received teachings (gsan yig)
we find a large section on Prajñāraśmi and the Grol thig.77 It includes
different prophecies announcing Prajñāraśmi,78 as well as the teachings
and rites of the Grol thig. Concerning the corresponding
empowerments (abhi7eka, dbang skur) that the Great Fifth received, he
wrote:
[From] the primordial Lord Samantabhadra in union with his consort,
[the esoteric transmission was passed down along the following
transmission]: the enjoyment body Vajrasattva, the emanation body
dGa’ rab rdo rje, the second Buddha from O[[iyāna [Padmasambhava],
his victorious consort Ye shes ’tsho 79 rgyal, the great translator
76
77
78
79
Kapstein (2000: 162).
Thob yig gangga’i chu rgyun, 244.6 261.6. Concerning the Fifth Dalai Lama’s gSan
yig and the position of Prajñāraśmi’s teachings in the text, see Ehrhard (2012: 95).
Id., 244.6 246.3.
The Fifth Dalai Lama uses ’tsho instead of mtsho, “lake” or “ocean,” which is more
usual for mTsho rgyal, the “Queen of the Lake.” Or to make a reference to the
Arthurian legend, we could say the “Lady of the Lake.”
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101
Vairocana, [and in a direct transmission through treasure revelation]
the treasure revealer Shes rab ’od zer [Prajñāraśmi], [his son] Karma
rgyal sras Kun bzang, thugs sras dKon cog chos dbang grags pa, Zur
thams cad mkhyen pa Chos dbyings rang grol. The latter [conferred the
transmission upon] me, the monk of Za hor [the Fifth Dalai Lama].80
The connection between Zur and the Great Fifth Dalai Lama played
also an important role for the practice of magical rituals in the midst of
the civil wars between the Dalai Lama’s camp in dBus against the
prince of gTsang. 81 The Fifth Dalai Lama’s secret autobiography
studied by Samten G. Karmay also shows us how the rNying ma rituals
formed a framework for the Great Fifth’s rich visionary life and
became an important part of his State rituals. While these rituals were
activating the symbols of Tibetan power, authority and legitimacy,
multiform figures of Srong bstan sgam po, Avalokiteśvara and
Padmasambhava inhabited the imaginal world of the Great Fifth.
Samten G. Karmay has given interesting lists of the gter ma objects
used in these ceremonies performed in the dGa’ ldan pho brang.82 In
particular, I will note the presence of objects revealed by Prajñāraśmi:
images of Rigs ’dus Padmaguru and Rigs ’dus brda’ dbang lnga pa.
Among these fascinating objects belonging to both categories of
revelation and archeology, myth and history, we find also a statue of
Vajradhara made from a ficus religiosa (byang chub shing) and
discovered by Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer from an imperial tomb
in ’Phyong rgyas.
The Fifth Dalai Lama literally “made” Tibetan history in both
senses of the term: just after he obtained power over Tibet in 1642
through the support of Gushri Khan, he wrote a history of Tibet in 1643
at the request of the Mongol ruler. In this work encapsulating the
meaning of Tibetan history and destiny, the mirror of gter ma
prophecies plays again an important role. I will just refer to a prophecy
from Prajñāraśmi which mentions a “sudden king” (glo bur rgyal po)
who was supposed to rule over the whole country.83 The Fifth Dalai
80
81
82
83
Ibid., 256.1 3: thog ma’i mgon po kun bzang yab yum / longs sku rdo rje sems dpa’ /
sprul sku dga’ rab rdo rje / o rgyan sangs rgyas gnyis pa / rgyal yum ya [ye]
shes ’tsho rgyal / lo chen bai ro tsa na / gter ston shes rab ’od zer / karma rgyal sras
kun bzang / thugs sras dkon cog chos dbang grags pa / zur thams cad mkhyen pa chos
dbyings rang grol / des bdag za hor bande la’o //
Dudjom Rinpoché (1991: 679 683).
Karmay (1988: 39, 42, 62). See also Karmay (2005).
Op. cit., 189: ’phreng mgo gter ston shes rab ’od zer gyi thugs rje chen po
padma’i dbang phyug gi lung bstan du / sgra snyan ’dra ba’i gnas sgo ru:’jig
rten dbang phyug sprul pa nyid : ar tha’i ming ’dzin byung gyur na : lho byang
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MARC HENRI DEROCHE
Lama reads it in connection to ’Brug pa Padma dkar po, but the
prophecy is said to have not been fulfilled. Then follow other gter
ston’s prophecies which enable the Great Fifth, himself among the
various competing forces, to interpret the critical moment when Tibet
entered into a new era: the reign of the Dalai Lamas.84
In his autobiography, the Fifth Dalai Lama makes an interesting
reference to the prayers he made for the reincarnation of dPal ri sprul
sku Ngag dbang pad ma:
There were many practices of dedication [of merits] as support [for a
good rebirth] after the passing away of dPal ri sprul sku Ngag dbang
pad ma. I fully practiced these dedications and wishes which dispels
obstacles on the path. According to the Mirror illuminating completely
the prophecies of the new inner treasures, the heart essence of the
vidhyādharas:
The emanation body of ’Tsho rgyal, with the name of rGyal or Pad
ma,
Will appear in the direction of the Red Tomb and through its
association
All obstacles and conflicts will be pacified and the happiness of
sentient beings will increase.
If we consider this prophecy of the emanation body of the Lady of
mKhar chen [Ye shes ’tsho rgyal], ’Bri gung Rin chen phun tshogs
[master of Prajñāraśmi] was the source of the good fortune for all
people in this place of religious practice, benefiting each person in
conformity with the doctrine and sentient beings. His root guru was
Rig ’dzin Legs ldan bdud ’joms. I have in particular a great faith for
the holder of his lineage, the Dharma king with the name of “Manga”
[“bKra shis” stobs rgyal] and his son [Rig ’dzin ngag gi dbang po]. But
the false treasure discoverers greedy for sources of incomes, the
holders of the lineages of sNang rtse, Gong [ra lo tsā ba] Sog [zlog pa
rgyal mtshan], 85 whoever they might be, it is true to say that demons
had entered their minds [when they made such critics directed to us].
Nevertheless from our point of view, we consider the disciples of
Zhabs drung ma [Ye shes ’tsho rgyal] and their lineage practitioners as
antidotes in order not to fall into erroneous thoughts. This is why,
glo bur rgyal po byed : sgrub pa snying po’i bstan pa ’dzugs : mi lo lnga bcur
bde la ’god : skye ba’i rten ’brel ma ’grig na : yul de rang ’pho gud pa dang :
mtha’ ma rlung gis ’khyer du nye : Translation is given in Ahmad (1995: 191).
84
85
The competing use of gter ma prophecies by different factions struggling for
hegemony over Tibet during this critical period of the civil wars during dBus and
gTsang was also well shown by Akester (2001).
Concerning the Fifth Dalai Lama and his relation to the sNang sog gong gsum see
Khenpo Lhatsering (2006). I am indebted to Franz Karl Ehrhard for this reference.
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103
following the request from the people of [dPal ri monastery], I
composed a prayer for the quick coming of [the abbey’s] rebirth [as an
emanation body (sprul sku)].86
This passage is also instructive concerning the favor and disfavor given
by the Fifth Dalai Lama to the different rNying ma familial clans and
religious lineages. In connection with the ’Phyong rgyas family and
rDo rje brag lineage, dPal ri monastery was part of the rNying ma
monasteries sponsored by the Great Fifth’s regime.
3.2 The Child of dPal ri Monastery: ’Jigs med gling pa and the
Revelation of the Klong chen snying thig (18th c.)
The great ’Jigs med gling pa was born when the rNying ma school was
just rising from the ashes, a decade after the persecutions it endured
during the Dzungar invasions. ’Jigs med gling pa’s biographies, which
have been studied by Steven Goodman (1992), Janet Gyatso (1998) and
Sam van Schaik (2004), report that he was born in the village below
dPal ri monastery, trained in dPal ri monastery and did there his first
retreat when he had the first revelation of the Klong chen snying thig.
86
I would like to thank very much Professor Samten T. Karmay for kindly informing
me about this passage and reading it together in Kyoto University during winter 2009
2010. Du kū la, vol. 3, 228: dpal ri sprul sku ngag dbang pad ma gshegs pa’i bsngo
rten rgya cher ’dug pa sa lam gyi bar gcod sel ba’i bsngo smon gyi rgyas ’debs yang
dag pa bgyis shing / khong pa gter gsar rigs ’dzin thugs thig gi lung bstan rab gsal
me long du /
’tsho rgyal sprul pa rgyal lam pad ma’i ming :
bang so’i phyogs ’byung ’di dang phrad pa na :
mi mthun bar gcod kun zhi ’gro don rgyas :
zhes mkhar chen bza’i sprul par lung gis zin pa ltar tshul mthun zhig mdzad na
bstan ’gror phan slebs che rung rang re sgrub sde pa’i chos skal ’byung sa ’bri gung
rin chen phun tshogs yin / de’i rtsa bla rigs ’dzin legs ldan bdud ’joms / de’i
brgyud ’dzin chos rgyal ma ’ga’i mtshan can yab sras la lhag par mos gus che dgos
rgyur ga log gter brdzus mkhan snang rtse brgyud ’dzin gong sog la mdzad pa thugs
rgyud la ’gong po phebs pa las ’os ci mchis / ’on kyang rang ngos nas zhabs drung
ma’i phyag rjes dang / chos pa brgyud la bsams log sems ye ma shor ba’i gnyen po
bsten / spyi so’i ngor sku skye myur ’byon gyi smon lam brtsams /
104
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
Image 6. Commemorative edifice of ’Jigs med gling pa’s birthplace.
In the background, dPal ri monastery (May 2010, the author)
In his catalogue of teachings received (thob yig) 87 we see that he
received the transmission of the seventeenth tantras through a lineage
passing through Prajñāraśmi.88 Similar connection is found for the gter
ma transmission. 89 Having trained in the dPal ri monastery as an
ordinary monk, he did two three year retreats, the first in dPal ri
monastery and then in bSam yas mChims phu. During his first retreat
(1756 1759) in a hermitage of dPal ri called Śrī Parvata’i gling,90 he
focused on the creation and perfection of the Grol thig.91 ’Jigs med
gling pa’s retreat manual confirms his familarity with the Grol thig’s
87
88
89
90
91
The Thob yig nyi zla’i rna cha which has been entirely translated by van Schaik
(2000).
Thob yig nyi zla’i rna cha, 859.1 2.
Op. cit., 871.6 872.3.
’Jigs med gling pa’i rnam thar, 18.
gTer ston brgya rtsa’i rnam thar, 249 : rang dgon dpal gyi ri’i sgom khang thig le
nyag gcig tu lo gsum gyi bcad rgya dam bca’ brtan pos / gtso bor gter chen chos kyi
rgyal po ’gro ’dul gling pa’i zab gter rmad du byung ba grol tig dgongs pa rang grol
ring brgyud dang nyer brgyud kyi tshul du bka’ babs pa ltar de’i bskyed rdzogs kho
na thugs nyams su bzhes pas drod rtags khyad par can brnyes /
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practices92 as well as other important works he wrote on this tradition.93
During this first retreat, ’Jigs med gling pa experienced a visionary
journey to the stūpa of Bauddha (Bodnāth) in Kathmandu and received
the first gter ma of the Klong chen snying thig, which he kept secret for
seven years. In his second retreat (1759 1762) in bSam yas mChims
phu, he had three times the vision of Klong chen pa in his “body of
gnosis” (ye shes kyi sku). These apparitions completed the revelation of
the Klong chen snying thig.
As it is well established, ’Jigs med gling pa’s tradition spread to
Eastern Tibet, through the patronage of the Queen of sDe dge and his
main disciple rDo ba grub chen ’Jigs med phrin las ’od zer (1745 1821).
This tradition was also further continued in the activities of the so
called ris med movement, its main inspirator, ’Jam dbyangs mKhyen
brtse’i dbang po (1820 1892) being considered as the reincarnation
of ’Jigs med gling pa.
3.3 From the ’Phyong rgyas Epistles to the Ris med Movement (19th c.)
The ris med or “impartial” movement, seen in his aspects of religious
pluralism in general, and revival of the rNying ma tradition in
particular, seems to have been deeply connected to the kingdom of sDe
dge with its pluralist politico religious alliances in which four of the six
rNying ma mother monasteries (KaM thog, rDzogs chen, Zhe chen and
dPal yul) played an important role.
I understand here the ris med movement as an activity of trans
sectarian collection, compilation and transmission of Tibetan Buddhist
lineages and teachings by the spiritual trio of the visionary and pilgrim
’Jam dbyangs mKhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820 1892), the encylopedist
and hermit ’Jam mgon Kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas (1813 1899) and
treasure revealer mChog ’gyur bDe chen gling pa (1829 1870). In
particular, the realization of the Rin chen gter mdzod by Kong sprul,
represents an important contribution of the ris med movement to the
late revival and transmission of the rNying ma school, even though this
was not done without critics within the tradition itself.
Following the works of E. Gene Smith (1970, 2001) and Matthew T.
Kapstein (1996, 2007), I have discussed elsewhere that the paradigm of
the ris med movement’s approach lied very much in the classification
of the “Eight Great Chariots of the Lineages of Attainment” (sgrub
92
93
Ri chos zhal gdams ngo mtshar rgya mtsho in ’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum, vol.
12, 517.5 518.2.
See Deroche (2011b) for full references.
106
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
brgyud shing rta chen po brgyad), the eight lineages that conveyed
esoteric Buddhism from India to Tibet and are at the origin of the
Tibetan Buddhist established schools (chos lugs). This model made
famous by mKhyen brtse and Kong sprul originated in fact from
espistles given to the ’Phyong rgyas court by dPal ri monastery’s
founder, Prajñāraśmi. 94 It seems highly plausible that this model, as
part of dPal ri monastery’s tradition, was conveyed through ’Jigs med
gling pa’s lineage to the masters of the ris med movement who used it
to its the fullest extent by compiling the eight lineages in Kong sprul’s
gDams ngag mdzod, the ris med canon par excellence.
CONCLUSION: A VIEW AT THE HISTORY
FROM ITS FORGOTTEN MONASTERY
OF THE RNYING MA
SCHOOL
The following table recapitulates the perspectives that we have gained
by recalling back the tradition’s memory about dPal ri monastery. By
standing from the ’Phyong rgyas valley, we can observe a sense of
continuity in the course of the history and revivals of the rNying ma
school from the 16th century to the 19th century, with a reverbering
echo to its very antiquity, the old times of the Tibetan imperium. The
progressive oblivion of dPal ri monastery is due to a combination of
factors: first its eclipse by rDo rje brag and sMin grol gling monasteries
(17th c.); then, after the destructions made by the Dzungars, the
decisive influence of ’Jigs med gling pa and its new revelation (18th
c.); and ultimately, the greater dynamism of rNying ma institutions in
Khams (notably during the 19th c.). But what we have learned is that
dPal ri monastery formed either a historical antecedent or a direct
source for all these later developments.
Finally, I would like to underline the importance of the connection
between dPal ri monastery and rDo rje brag monastery which remains
to be explored further. rDo rje brag’s family lineage appears to have
been deeply related to Prajñāraśmi, to the noble family of ’Phyong
rgyas, to the Fifth Dalai Lama and to the succession of the mTsho rgyal
sprul sku in dPal ri monastery. In the same vein, more extensive
research on the role and respective functions of rDo sMin dPal gsum
94
These two epistles are (1) the Ambrosia of Study and Reflection (Thos bsam ’chi med
kyi bdud rtsi), on the “Ten Great Pillars of Exegesis” (bshad ka chen bcu) (in Shes
rab ’od zer gyi gsung ’bum, 231 242), and (2) the Ambrosia of Meditation (sGom pa
’chi med kyi bdud rtsi) on the “Eight Great Lineages of Attainment” (sgrub brgyud
chen po brgyad) (op. cit., 243 266). On this topic, see Deroche (2009).
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107
under the Fifth Dalai Lama would bring new light in order to discuss
what I have called here for heuristic purpose, the “rNying ma pa
Renaissance.”
Tibetan
Empire
(7th 9th
c.)
Establishment of
Buddhism
Q mkhan slob chos gsum
(8th c.)
Ancient imperial seat and burial site
in ’Phyong rgyas:
the “Valley of the Emperors”
Transmission of the rNying ma School: bka’ ma and gter ma
Successive Revivals of the rNying ma School in Later History
16th c.
dPal ri monastery
17th c.
“rNying
ma
Renaissance”
Supported by the ’Phyong rgyas
family
pa
rDor sMin dPal gsum:
triad of rNying ma
monasteries in central
Tibet as well as Ka& dPal
rDzogs gsum in Khams
Foundation of Zhe chen in
Khams
18th c.
19th c.
Revelations of ’Jigs med
gling pa
mKhyen Kong mChog sde
gsum &
the ris med movement in
Khams
Supported by the Fifth Dalai Lama
descendant of the ’Phyong rgyas
family
who reunified Tibet under his
politico religious rule
assimilated to Srong btsan sgam po
and Avalokiteśvara
reactivated imperial symbols by the
mediation of gter ma
’Jigs med gling pa: born, trained and
first revelation in dPal ri monastery
New hermitage of Tshe ring ljongs
close to dPal ri
Continuation of ’Jigs med gling pa’s
tradition
Major role of rNying ma monasteries
in sDe dge kingdom
Major activity of gter ma revelation,
collection and compilation (Rin chen
gter mdzod)
Use of the model of the “Eight
Lineages of Attainment,” found in
Prajñāraśmi’s epistles to the ’Phyong
rgyas ruler, as paradigm of the ris med
approach & the gDams ngag mdzod
108
MARC HENRI DEROCHE
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tibetan sources (listed according to titles or abbreviations)
mKhyen brtse’i gsung ’bum by ’Jam dbyangs mKhyen brtse’i dbang po
(1820 1892). gSung ’bum, 24 vols. Gangtok: Gonpo Tseten, 1977 80.
Gu ru bkra shis chos ’byung by Gu ru bkra shis (b. 18th c.). Pekin: Krung go’i
bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1990.
’Jigs med gling pa’i rnam thar by ’Jigs med gling pa mKhyen brtse ’od zer
(1729/30 1798). Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1998
’Jigs med gling pa’i gsung ’bum by ’Jigs med gling pa mKhyen brtse ’od zer
(1729/30 1798). gSung ’bum (A ’dzom chos sgar edition), 14 vols. Paro:
Lama Ngodrup and Sherab Drimay, 1985.
gTer ston brgya rtsa’i rnam thar by ’Jam mgon Kong sprul blo gros mtha’ yas
(1813 1899). Zab mo’i gter dang gter ston grub thob ji ltar byon pa’i lo
rgyus mdor bsdus bkod pa rin chen bai Dū rya’i phreng ba. In Rin chen
gter mdzod. 111 vols. Paro: Ngodrup and Sherab Drimay, 1976 1980, vol.
1, 291 759.
Thob yig gangga’i chu rgyun by the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag dbang blo bzang
rgya mtsho (1617 1682), Zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i chos kyi
thob yig gangga’i chu rgyun. In gSung ’bum, 25 vols. Gangtok: Sikkim
Research Institute of Tibetology, vol. 4, 244.6 261.6.
Thob yig nyi zla’i rna cha by ’Jigs med gling pa mKhyen brtse ’od zer
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