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Chu Hung-lam Nicola Di ^ ^""rð - "".' Hsu Cho-yrn Cosmo Wilt ldema Esherick John Kieschnick Huang Chin-shing Lee Jen-der Joseph Willard J. Peterson Williamll Rowe Wang Ming-Ke Yü Ying-shih Stephen F.Teiser Lee Jen-der (Academia Sinica) Asia Major,lhird Series (issued semi-annualþ), is published by the and Philology of the Academia Sinica, Taiwan. Series, published It Institute of History is a continuation of ,4sia Major,New in England from 1949 to 7975. Ir covers all periods of Chinese history ASIAMA TFIIRD SERIES VOLIfME XXX a R PART T . 2OT7 literature, ideas, and culture in general. Included are the histories and cultures of other East, South, and Central Asian peoples in their relations with China. SUBMITTAL REqUIREMENTS Upper limit is 65 rypescript pages, total (using MS Word). Both main rext and nores must be double-spaced. All citations must be complete, and all text complete. Include Chinese (standard form only, no simplified characters) andJapanese directþ in the text. 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Bacþ. issues: Backissues oftheThird Series (since 1988) are $20 per item (shipping adds $4 per order for domestic; $8 for domestic express or overseas surface);20% reduction for full sets, or 30 o¡ more books. ,4sia Majoris now included inJSTOR for further information: http: / /www.Lhp. sinica.edu.rw/ - asiamajor/ Please see our website Table of Contents Reading "Sunzi" as a Master A\TDRE-w MEYER I Iranian Elements in Late-Tang Buddhist Astrology JEFFREY KOTYK China's Local Elites in Transition: Seventh- to TwelfthCentury Epitaphs Excavated in Luzhou MArü xr; Shanghai's Zikawei Museum (r868-19gz) : Jesuit Contributions to the Study of Natural History in China LI- CFII]A\T TAI 25 59 r09 War, Nationalism, and Xiao Tianshi's Transmission of Daoist Scriptures from China to Taiwan E,LENA V,A.LIJSSI r43 JEFFREY KOTYK Iranian Elements in Late-Tang Buddhist Astrology INTRODUCTION study and practice of foreign astrology - both Indian and IraTh" I nian - became popularized and widespread in Tang-dynasty China during the eighth and ninth centuries. It was integrated into Buddhism and Daoism and exerted an influence on Tang literature. Although foreign astrology as it was practiced by Buddhists in eighth-century China was predominately Indian, by the ninth century it was increasingly a hybrid of Indian and other foreign elements. One important but understudied specimen of late-Tang Buddhist astrology that demonstrates strong Iranian influences is a work in the Buddhist Taishõ canon titled Qjyao rangzai jue LWær¿:& (Secrets of Seuen-Planet Apotropaism).r It is the focus of this investigation. As I argue below, it was compiled sometime between 8o6-865 and attributed to a fictional authority, building on the earlier tradition of Indian astrology introduced into China in the mid-eighth century, yet in addition incorporating Chinese features and displaying many Iranian elements.2 The text indicates that Buddhists were not averse to using non-Buddhist or even non-Indian systems of astrology. Although the text employs Chinese astronomy, it relies primarily on foreign astrological lore for interpretation. This is a major feature of late-Tang astrology: astrologers made use of foreign lore, but did not attempt to implement foreign systems of observational astronomy. The text furthermore demonstrates T¡ln tNt1'ler- outline of this paper was presented informally to a gtoup of Buddhist scholars at Kenneth Tanaka's house in Tokyo, November 14, zor5. I thankJonathan Silk,James Benn, charles Muller, cody R. Bahir,Joseph P. Elacqua and the two reviðwe¡s of l¡r¿ ".to.ry-orr. Major for their.comments, corrections, and criticisms. This research was made possible through the BDK Canada Graduate Student Scholarship. r T r3o8, vol. 28. Other extant mss. inJapan are discussed later in this article. z Iranian here refers to sources written in Middle Persian and Sogdian. As indicated in table r, below, Sogdian astrology in china used loanwords from Midãle persian. It appears that Sogdian astrolog"y was primarily rooted in the Iranian system of astrology, rather-than the Indian. 25 that the source of foreign astrology and astral magic in the ninth century was increasingly Iranian. In short, Qyao rangzai jueprovides sources of cultural, scientific and religious exchange that have often been overlooked by modern scholars. The work serves as a reminder that currents of knowledge within Chinese Buddhism could also stem from non-Indian sources. This shift towards Iranian sources was, I argue, a result of persian astronomers who were active at the Chinese court in the late eighth century. Their impact extended into Buddhist communities, suggesting that further work is needed to identify the paths of influence taken by Iranian culture into late-Tang religions.3 Astrology that contained both Hellenistic and Indian elements was widely practiced in sasanian Iran.a In addition to the practice of astrology, the associated tradition of astral magic, which has its origins in the Greco-Egyptian magical tradition, was also to some extent translated into chinese and subsequently adopted by Buddhists and Daoists, a connection which effectively linked rang china with older Near Eastern religions. At present such connections are only beginning to be understood.s Drawing on the findings of earlier studies and correcting several misunderstandings, I will place Qjyao rang<ai juewithin this historical context. To date, the aforementioned work has attracted the attention of several scholars, but no comprehensive study of the text has been published. Henrik H. Sørensen's survey of Buddhist astrology only briefly mentions it, however it does not discuss Iranian influences.G The text 3 Iranian influences in china also extended into clothing, cuisine, and music throughout the Sui-Tang period. See Ishida Mikinosuke EEÉîZÐ, Chaan no haru R*Øæ (Tókyo: Kodansha,:g7g),pp. 163-zo5.HoPengYokehasalsoalreadynoted,"Asageneralrule,the further back we go towards the eighth centu¡y the more easily we can identiiy imported elements of Hellenistic astrology in Chinese writings." See Ho Peng Yoke, Chinese Màthematical Astrology: Reaching Out for the,Stars (London: RoutledgeCurzon, zoo3), p. 82. David Pingree, From Astral omens to Astrologl: From Babylon to Bîkdner (Rome: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e I'oriente, rggz), pp. 39-5o. For a recent discussion of scholarship on Iranian astrology see Antonio Panaino, "Sasanian Astronomy and Astrology in the Contiibution of David Pingree," in Ghe¡ardo Gnoli and Antonio Panaino, eds., Kayd: studies in the History of Mathematics, Astronomy and, Astrology in Memory of Datid pingrej (Rome: Instituto Italiano Per L'Africa E L'Oriente, zoog), pp. 7Z-roZ. 5_As_a notewo¡thy example ofinfluences in Tang religions from regions beyond India, peter Yoshi¡õ Saeki identified what appear to be Syriac Christian prayãrs in thã form of transliterated incantations in a Tang Daoist text tltled Lüzu quanshu Ef,Hâ€. see p.y. saeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics ìn China (Tokyo: Maruzen, r937), pp. 4oo-7. See alsb Zeng ¿ Y,angqing ÊWffi, Íangchao Hanyu fingjiao øenxian ynj¡u Êffij$*æXymmX (Taipeil Huamulan Wenhua, zoo5), pp. 35-38. See also T. H. Barrett, "Buddhism, Taoism and the Eighth-century chinese Term for christianity: A Response to Recent work by A. Fo¡te and Others," BSOAS653 (zooz), pp. Sbb-6o. o Hen¡ik H. Sørensen, "Astrology and the Worship of Planets in Esoteric Buddhism of the Tang," in charles D. o¡zech et al., eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Íantras in East Asia (Lei- 26 contains rich astronomical elements that have been studied by historians of science Yabuuchi Kiyoshi &r^ÌË and yano Michio xylÉrÆ., Niu weixing compared parts of the text to an extant horoscope from Dunhuang.s Angela Howard in her discussion of chinese Buddhist astral magic touches briefly on one set of planetary d,eity icons described in the text, but does not discuss their probable foreign origin.e Bill M. Mak briefly mentions the work in his discussion of central Asia and astrology.ro Although the discussion of eyao rangzai jue's astronomical components has been fruitful, there still remain misunderstandings about what the work represents.rr rhe evolution of foreign astrology in Tang china needs to be understood alongside the history of foreign astronomy in china. Tansen sen's study gives us a detailed understanding of the sino-Indian families operating in chang'an throughout most of the eighth century, and Rong Xinjiang's study examines the career of an eminent Persian astronomer.r2 A recent paper by Mak builds on the studies of Rong and Yano, and identifies the persians active in china around the year 8oo who translated a work of the Hellenistic astrologer Dorotheus of Sidon.13 den: Brill, zorr), pp. z1o-44. z - Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, Chagohu no tenmon reh.ihl +ffi7)lF.t,Ei* (rq6q; rpt. Tokvo: Heibon_ sha, rggo), pp. r8z-83; Yano Michio, MihÞ,yõ senseijutruÈffiåEîfr' (.iokyo:îoyo.hoir,, zor3), pp. t65-87. See also idem, "The ch'i-yao jang-isar chtietr a"d ris'Ephámerides," centa'urus-2\-r Gs86), pp. z8-35. Yabuuchi and yano identified a number of 'key features of the calendar embedded within the text that will be discussed below, but did not áxplo¡e the text from a broader historical angle. a weixing Niu, "on the Dunhuang Manuscript p.4o7r: A case Study on the Sinicization of western Horoscope in Late roth century chìna," inJohn M. steelei ed., The circulation of Astro.nomic.al K-nouledge in the Ancient worrd(Leid.ei Briil, zor6), íp.irz-ur.In addition, Niu explored astronomical features of the text, but mistakenly stateä'thãt ii ls"a ,,Chinese t¡ansl¿tion of a Buddhist text" while assurning an Indian monk actíally compiled it. However, lL" tgll actually reveals a composite natu¡eãnd rich native Chinese elements. See Weixing Niu, "An Inquiry into the Astronomical Meaning of Rahu and Ketu," chinese Astron¡nJ an'd Astroþhysics r9.z (r995), pp. sb9-66. _ e_ Angela Howard, "Planet worship: some Evidence, Mainly Textual, in chinese Esoteric Buddhism," Asiatische Studien g7, no. z (rgg3), p. rr6. 10 Bill M. Mak, "The T¡ansmission of Buddhist Astral Science from India to East Asia: The Central Asian Connection,,, Eistoria Scientiarum z4.z (zor5),pp. 67_6g. rr I hav_e already mentioned some of the featu¡es of the text in an earlier publication in Japanese. seeJeffrey Kotyk, "Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru saihõ-senseiiutsu'no yöso: tozai bunka kõryu ni okeru Bukkyõ no yakuwari', iæ+ffiØXæt¿B\f AüfrÉE:lirØg¿R,F-üX. ILä.tfLI. B T 6 ffi ä1Ø lPgJ,' B u h þ a b u n g a h, n, o n t n (ffiffiXæm r s' f"7, 6): ;; ;- r, " 12 Tansen sen, "Gautama Zhuan: An Indian Astronomer at the Tang court," china Reþort 3r.z (rgJ5),.ppt .r9.!-3o8. Rong Xinjiang K*fr'tÍ-, "Yi ge rushi Turgcñao de úosi jing¡iao ¡i azu" *lE1Ã'f*,Ë4ÃW&ffiRffiX.ffi,1" þonggu /ftong¿iuo yu waitai"wennring+g'i'mÞ+tr tBE (Beijing: Sanlian shudian, :oor), pp. 13 Bill M- Mak, "TusiJing - A T¡eatise of 'Western' Astral Science in Chinese and Its Versified Version Xitian yusi jing," SCIAMVS t5 (zor4), pp. ro5-69. n L l rãã-¡i "' 9ù In what follows, first of all we look at the relevant historical background in the early history of foreign astrology and court astronomers in China. From there, we turn to the contents of Qjyao røngzai jue and discern its key features with a particular focus on those that might have come via an Iranian medium: these include specific astrological methods, the presence of Babylonian "goal-years," transliterated loanwords, iconographl, and the ritual magic which in part can be linked back to the Greco-Egyptian tradition. We conclude by outlining the impact such developments had in China with a focus on specimens from Dunhuang. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The earliest example of Buddhist literature's providing details pertaining to astrology concerns the work titled, Sãrdulaharnauadana.ra The earliest Chinese translation is Shetoujian Íaizi ershiba xiu jingÈlE ffi/(+-+/\EñS (T r3or), which is said to have been translated by Dharmaraksa eì*# (zZS-Zr6) between Zo7-Zrg (the Yongjia ÀH era). r5 Another translation of S ar d'nlakar paa a d ãn a, titled, Ma t anga - s ä tr a Æë{ffñg (T r3oo),16 is traditionally attributed to Zhu Lüyan t'14ft-and Zhi $an Éffi in the year 2yo,r' but Hayashiya Tomojirõ ffiÉF Êf' points out that the style of translation clearly postdates Kumãrajrva (344413). He suggests a date sometime afte¡ the late fifth century.ls His argument is supported by an entry in Datang neidian /ø tÉ144ffi, a sútra catalog from 664 by Daoxuan ËË (596-667) in which Guqabhadra *trEi¿[Ëffi (gg+-+63) in the Liu-Song period (+ro-+Zù is cited as the translator.ls The astrology ofthe text uses an Indian system of naksatralunar convergences.2o This system, however, was not implemented in t¿ Included in th e Diayãoaddna collection. For printed Sanskrit editions see Edward B. Cowell and Robert Alexander Neil, eds., The Diayöradana: A Collectíon of Early Buddhist Legends (Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., r886); Sujitkumar Mukhopadhyaya, eð., Sard¡lahar4ãaadana (ViSvabharati, r954); and P. L. Yaidya, eð.., Diuyatadana (Darbhanga: Mithila Institute of PostG¡aduate Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning, rg5g). For other Sanskrit manuscripts see Bodleian Library rogr(r-8), MS. Sansk.e.z3 (P), and British Library Or.15oro/6, zo. For Tibetan translations see D 358, Qrc27, N g+f, C 997, H 366,J 297,U Zbg. r5 T 2r49, 55: zg8lr6-17. 16 For a comprehensive study see Zenba Makoto #iÉ,H, "Matoga gyo no tenmon¡ekisu ni tsuite" ,@ä'ffff$7)f,'f-EflIatvt(, in Íayogahu ronsl: Konishi, Tahahata, Maeda san hyoju shaju kinen ÊÌ+ëffiË, 4\ËËÉÊiH=äffiâFFÉ¿â (Kyoto: Heirakuji shoten, r952), pp. r7 r-2r4. 17'I 2\b4, 5g: 487czo-24. rs Hayashiya Tomojirõ trÊf,:/.Êß, Iyaku hyorui no kenhyu F--ÉSlgFØffiæ (Tokyo: Tõyö Bunko, rg45), p. 54r. ts T zt4g,55: zg8ar8-zo. zo An Indian naksalra and a Chinese xiu ffi are both lunar stations (segments along the lu- 2B China, which was likely due to the astronomical parameters being different from the Chinese, and moreover there being no need to observe Indian astrology by Chinese Buddhists at the time. Astrological elements are also found within three texts inside a larger collection titled Mahasar.nniþan )<fr#f .Ff;$ (f 3gf), but again it does not seem thar anyone practiced such astrology in China.2l Chinese interest in foreign astrology, both at court and among Buddhist monks, blossomed from the eighth century onward. It was from early in this century that Mantrayãna was introduced into China. Mantrayãna (Tantric Buddhism) is distinguished from earlier dhãrar¿¡ (incantation) practices by the addition of maq/alas and associated religious consecrations (Skt. abhi;eh,a; Ch. guandingÌËlF).r, This requires consideration of tantric hemerology (the practice of selecting auspicious times). From at least the fifth century there were certain Buddhist writings in China that explained the early Buddhist lunar calendar that was used to schedule days for poçadha (the formal gathering of the sangha according to the vinaya, that is, the monastic codes). It reflects an earlier pre-Hellenized Indian calendar. By the eighth century, Indian traditions had for several centuries been influenced by Hellenistic astrology as well as mathematical astronomy, and some of these developments such as the seven-day week and zodiac signs - were incorporated into early tantric Buddhism. In China the primary early example of such nar path). The Indian system is comprised of z7 or z8 segments while the Chinese is strictly 28. Although the Chinese used the ¡iz as functional equivalents when translating the Indian terms, they were still recognized as diffe¡ent. There have been extensive debates over the last century regarding ¡espective origins, with some scholars favoring Indian, Chinese or even Babylonian. The evidence now indicates independent origins. Pankenier recently refuted the longstanding assertion by Assyriologist carl Bezold, who in r9r9 claimed to have found Babylonian influences in early Chinese ast¡onomical texts in translation. This became accepted by influential figures such asJoseph Needham and Edward Schafer. See David W. Pankenier, "Did Babylonian Astrology Influence Early Chinese Astral Prognostication Xing Zhan Shu EÉ'tfrI?" Early China g7.t (zor4), pp. r-r3.The naktatras are deûned by identifying stars, though these were never fixed in perpetuity. See David Pingree and Patrick Morrissey, ,,On the Identification ofthe Yogatârãs ofthe Indian Naksatras,"Jozrnalfor the History ofAstronom, zo.z (r986), pp. 99-rr9. zr These include the following: the*Samãdhi-rddhi-põ¿a=WTFEft chapter of Ratnahetupøriaartaffififi)l; translation attributed to Dharmaksema ãff# (S8f-+gg) . Also Candragarbhø-þariaarta,QffiJ); trans. Narendraya6as trËæqFâ in 566; and Suryagarbha-pariaarta à ffiâ, also by NarendrayaSas in 585..For relevant discussion see Zenba Makoto,l,Daishu-hya no tenmon kiji - sono seiritsu mondai ni kanren shite" tFlgØXtã¿S, <0)üf1,fãffi.øã )Ê.1,î, Nihon Buhhyogahhai n:enþa Eã.I#&eÊ++e zz rggT), pp. ror-16. Also see Mak, "Transmission of Buddhist Astral Science," pp. 64-66. zz There is no consensus concerning the terms Mantrayãna, Esoteric Buddhism and Tantric Buddhism as they relate to East Asia; see Charles D. Orzech et al., "Introduction: Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras of East Asi¿: Some Methodological Considerations," in Charles D. Orzech et al., Esoterie Buddhism and the Íantras ofEast Asia (Leiden: Brill, zorr), pp.3-rB. 2g literature is the Mahduairocana-sutraf,Ãr,¡ß. (T 84S), which was translated in 7z4by Subhakarasimha É^ftR (6ZZ-ZZf) with the assistance of the Chinese astronomer monk Yixing -1- (6fu-727). In the second chapter we read the following: ... on the morning of a propitious day, having determined a day on which the time, lunar mansion, and planets are all in harmony, and at a time before the [morning] meal with an auspicious sign 23 Ë,R E Ë, fr.E W .. "Étrf EÆ, ütÊÈiEú-iÉËf+4Hä. . ^ffiÉ-#fi There is no definition provided of what constitutes a propitious day, though presurnably this would have been generally understood by Indian Buddhists. However, the Indian model of tantric hemerology would not have been immediately understood by Chinese readers. Many such points remained unclear and thus Yixing penned a commentary on the text based on the recorded remarks of Subhakarasir.nha - this is titled Dari jing shu tEáSffi (T 1796) - written between 724 and 727.2a Here we should note that Osabe Kaztto F*Ff[f¿Ë questioned Yixing's authorship of the commentary on the basis that it is not mentioned in Tang catalogs and biographies, and other issues such as its complex history of recensions in China andJapan.2s There is a revised version of the commentary called Dari jingyis¿ttBñS#f+ (X zg), which inJapan has traditionally been attributed to Zhiyan ëffi (d.".) and Wengu lAË (fl. 723), but this attribution has also been called into question by Shimizu Akisumi ÌËzJcEEië due to problematic statements in the preface (Wengu in the preface states he could not examine the original Sanskrit, yet the revised commentary does consult the Sanskrit) and other concerns such as early references to the preface's being a separate text.26 So far as the section on astrology is concerned, however, it represents a phase preceding later developments in which vocabulary was standardized. For example, it refers to the zodiacal houses as fang zs The English trans. is Vairocanãbhisambodhi Sara, hans. Rolf W. Giebel (Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, zoo5), p. rg. (T 848, r8: 4c4-g.) 2a The commentary includes explanations from both men, though it does not specify the speaker. Some effo¡t has been made to discern which content belongs to whom. See Kameyama Takahiko fu|]JWê, "Dainichikyõ sho ni okeru senryakushaku shinpishaku ni tsuite', f, Elgffit¿*itlói*ffiffi, lÆ¡tÀffitart\<,Indogahu Buhhlagaku kenhy,t€lJÊ?'frffi*ffift, r6.t (zoo7), pp. t6g-72. x Osabe Kazuo, "DainichikyÕ no sensha to gishaku no saijisha ni kansuru gimon" tBlS tr #ffiØ FÌåã T â ffilã, ui n ny a b u nh a M ffiftlL z 7 G gs +), pp. io- +2. zo Shimizu Akisumi, "Tõdo ni okeru DainichikyO chUshakusho ho seiritsu katei: Onkojo 0) +æã ¿. i¿ Bã wo chùshin toshite" Ê ÍIa Bt z:r (zoo8), pp.4g-72. 3o J 6^E *gilffi ãØ,üüìEfE, lHÉF¿ +,ù, ¿ L<, Mi hfu o b unÃ.a ,F ("chambers") rather than gongE ("palaces") which became standard in later literature. Ketu ;=tfl is translated as "banner ffi," which is understood as meaning "comet Ë'E'""'This is an earlier Indian definition that stands in contrast to its later function as a planet representing either the descending node of the moon or the lunar apogee (see below). The details all seem appropriate if one assumes they come from the Indian figure of Subhakarasimha resident in China in the early part of the eighth century. In other words, there is nothing anachronistic or problematic that would lead one to conclude that this section of the text is not, as traditionally believed, the words of Subhakarasir.nha written down and slightly elaborated upon by Yixing.28 The commentary briefly describes the Indian lunar calendar, but leaves much unexplained. For instance, it mentions the seven-day week, twelve zodiacal houses or signs, twenty-seve n nah;atras and that the day is comprised of thirty muhurtas,2e each with a unique quality. It states that these various calendrical elements all have hemerological qualities to be considered, but stops short of describing them. It is stated that the Indian calendar does describe them.3o For Buddhist clerics in Chang'an with access to Indian astronomers and monks, this would have been less problematic, but as the number of Chinese monks involved in Mantrayãna grew, they would have presumably wanted accessible materials in Chinese to determine an astrological schedule for themselves. It was Amoghavajra 4F h"f-ZZ+) who first substantially ad- jingÉWliß (T r z 9g) . tentatively rendered into Sanskrit, this abbreviated title would be dressed this concern with his compilation of Xiuyao If *Naksatra-graha-sutra, i.e., "Srì.tra on Constellations and Planets" - however, there is no known parallel Sanskrit or Tibetan version of the text. Its longer title has several Chinese variants. The full title in the Taishö canon reads Sutra on Mañjuírl Bodhisøttua and the Sages'Íeaching on Auspicious and Inauspicious Tirnes, Good and Eail Constellations and Planets*_ t ÉFñU#ËN.-"älIlJFn-#ÉIAffiBËËEBæI$. tfre text is therefore nominally Buddhist, being attributed to MañjuSri and sages (¡¡i?), though a survey of the text reveals surprisingly few characteristically Buddhist features. It is an astrology manual that teaches to Chinese readers the zz T 2a An item in 1796,39: Pilulhena chengfo 6r6cr8-6rgerz. Gishah.u mohuroku æætrî* by Enchin Elþ (B¡+-8gr) includes a"Fanuen appears to jing chaojt' ÆÆ.ßtrÉütrFlf#ñ$f4"=¿ (X 4g8, zg: zggnzr). This have been notes for the Sanskrit Mahaaairocana-sutra. zs A muhùrta is 48 modern minutes. so "As it is explained in the Indian calendar l[ftffi+ãt." "1 1796,39: 6r8er7. 3f basics ofnatal and electional astrology,3, plus an astrological schedule based primarily on Indian models. Although it details the zodiac signs, which is an example of naturalized Hellenistic elements in the Indian tradition, it does not teach horoscopy or other advanced features of Hellenistic astrology. According to the preface of the text, it was translated by Amoghavajra, but a reading of the text has one conclude that it is a compilation of various otherwise disconnected Indian materials that were brought together by Amoghavajra. It is unclear whether these materials had already been translated.32 The first version of it was compiled with the assistance of Shi Yao F& (d.u.) and completed in TSg.The result proved problematic for Chinese readership and consequently the work was revised with running comments inserted into the text by YangJingfeng ËFlEl (d.u.) in 764. Both versions were later combined into one text.33 It is noteworthy here that neither of these assistants to Amoghavajra appear to have been monks. This also explains why the Chinese of the text itself is more literary and polished rather than reading like a Buddhist translation.3a It seems that no major commentaries were written on Xiuyao jing in China - at least none is extant - although a revised edition in seven fascicles with an appended "year listing 4Ëd" (ephemerides) by a certain An'ai Fffi. ¡s mentioned alongside related astrological works in a sr Natal astrology deals with predictions about the fate and personality of an individual based on the arrangement of the sky at birth. Electional astrology determines the opportune time to do something in the present or future, based on astrological considerations. a2 As I out in an earlier study, there we¡e three separate translations (all nonex- Pointed tant) of Indian astrological texts done during the 6th and early-7th cc., one probably Gãrgr ya-jyotí7a. It is plausible that Amoghavajra drew material from them. See Kotyk, ,,Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru," pp. ro4-5. Also in 7rg, the country of Kapi5ã rffiãEl sent an envoy to the.Tang court offering as t¡ibute an astronomical text (tian¿oen jizs XÍlS). seeJiu Íang shu ffffS (Zhonghua edn.) rg8, p. 53og. ss The original preface to the text mentions these two versions: "Now this scripture includes two versions. The first is the version Shi Yao fìrst penned. The second the revised edition by YangJingfeng. âJlhlg{F,ã'm^, Z.Èe+n#trf., -frÊF^¡gçÆlJnejLã-" wakita Bunshõ WEYffi, ed., Suhuyo-h,ya shuhusatsu ffire*$fiÉÆÍ (Nagoya: Wakita Bunsho, ßgl) r, p. 4. 3¿ The recension in the Taishõ (T rzgg) is not the original version ofthe work. See Yano, Mikkyo senseijutsu, zz6-64. The extant textual transmissions of xiuyao jing are either from China or Korea or areJapanese manuscripts traceable to Kükai EÆ (¡¡+-82ò, who returned toJapan with a copy in 8o6. It was also brought back by Tendai monks Ennin H,f: (Zg+-86+) in 847 and Enchin in 858. These differences were noticed in the Edo period (r 6o3-r 868) by the monkKakusho pffi at Koyasan ffiS¡J¡; he compared multiple available versions and compiled an arrthoritative edition published in r736 titled Suh.uyo yõh.etsu ÉWF.â*.. This was printãd in modern typeset by Wakita Bunshõ ffi,W{ffi in 1897 as Suhuyo-hyo shuhusatsu ffiWÆffiffii1. The latter was included in Shuh,uyoglo uranai shinden ErelgÀFÆ (Kyoto: Kichndõ, r9o8), - a compilation 32 with modern commentary by Wakahara Yukitsune Êlflffifrg (1854-1926). catalog of texts by Tendai monk Anneî RX (84r-?).35 Apparently, in the early-ninth century, Xiuyao jing was important enough that Kukai felt it necessary to transmit it to Japan and insist on its implementation, which perhaps stemmed from what he had been directly taught in Chang'an. His biographical materials, the Kaya Daishi go h.aden ã gf/tÉffiffif,H'fg and Kobo Daishi g0 den dÅiåtÉmffil{€, report that calendar specialists in Japan at the time were unaware of such an astrological schedule, in particular the concept of Sunday: Before the Daidõ reign era [8o6-8ro], calendar experts did not know of Sunday. This is why there was confusion about astrological fortune. People often violated this. After the Great Master returned to court, he transmitted this practice.s6 xlãJX/tÐEäffifl ã E . ËÉt Ë,FÉ X *Éffi L, L& IUZ' f.ffiEñ#ÃZ1þ., {€rth+. This suggests that between 764, when Amoghavajra's Xiuyao jingwas completed, and 8o6, when Kukai returned toJapan, Amoghavajra's system had already been widely adopted by Mantrayäna practitioners in China, and consequently Kükai was instructed on its importance, which was not yet known inJapan. Some of its content is also reproduced in Qjyao rangzai jue,highlighting its continued circulation in China within the Mantrayãna community. Xiuyao jing details most of what the aforementioned commentary by Subhakarasimha and Yixing briefly mentions yet fails to describe in detail. llowever, like the Mahaaairocana-sútra commentary, the running commentary in Xiuyao jing by YangJingfeng also alludes to more advanced systems of astrology that require "Indian calendrical science 7'ryE'tfi" for determining the exact positions of the planets. Details and methods are not provided, but the resident Sino-Indian astronomers resident at the Tang court - the Kãsyapas ü#, Gautamas Ëã and the monk Kumãra {EÆffi - are mentioned, a fact which seems to assume an elite urban readership.3T The pressing need for astrological knowledge and methods is alluded to in another work under Amoghavajra's name. Tlne *Parqaíabartbodhisattaa-sntraH&WãÆgËf;$ (T rroo) has the following: fftrffireí$üä (¡F+ãd*êãffiü); T 2176, bb: tr27c2; apparently nonextant. KaIa Daishi go hodenãW)<ffi'ffiÉlä., fasc. 2., in Hanawa Hokiichi iË{XË,-, ed.., Zohu gunshoruij,ú ffiã+ÊHlÞ 8 (Tokyo: Zoku Gunsho¡uiju Kanseikai, 1958), p. 66r. 37 Wakita, Sukuyó-hyo shukusatsu, vol. r, p. 29. Here the characte¡ sezgf9 appears before the name of Kumãra fFÆ#, indicating he is a monk, but in the Taishõ edition oi Xiryao jing the name was rendered asfrÆÆ, sengfÊhaving been omitted (T 1299, zr: 3grc4). The monk Kumàra is mentioned inliu Íang shu 34, p. r265, as having taught a method for predicting solar eclipses. 35 36 JJ Whether king, man or woman, [some] will be difficult to raise and nourish - some will have short lifespans, bound in illness and at unease with sleep and eating. All is due to past karma and causesconditions, being born under a bad constellational convergence.3s Some often have their birth nahsatr¿ intruded upon by the five planets, making them uneasy.3e ËÐÍEA, ËÉFtrË,4€#Æ)ÉñEHR,ÉÈZÑ*,'a' üffi#*W&, ë Hffi É. tWWlWf*ËÄffi , + HTX. During the Jianzhong reign-era l78o-783] of the Tang, the diviner Cao Shiwei first changed the old methods, having Xianqing 5 [66o] as the epoch of the calendar and yushuias as the start of the year, calling [this work] Futian /i. However, it was considered a lesser calendar and only circulated among commoners.n" Êæ + ffi , ll'rãË :h H {å Ë Ë Ì*, Þ}ffiÊE+ Rt zr, ñ zJ<Æ ffiÊ, ffif+Xffi . ËÉHZ,J'Æ, i'frllftEFå. An individual's illnesses are attributed to past life-karma, but here astrological determinism is tied in: negative karma results in being born under unfortunate astrological circumstances. A person's natal nahsatra might additionally be subject to harmful intrusions by the planets, resulting in ill health and calamities, but again to know these This calendar with ephemerides (tables of monthly planetary positions) became essential to Chinese andJapanese practitioners of horoscopic astrology and, as will be discussed below, is also an integral part of Qjyao rangzai jue. Cao Shiwei initially only drafted it with the "seven planets" (sun, moon and five visible planets), but later drafted an additional set of ephemerides for Rãhu and Ketu in or around 8o6 (see details requires a degree of astrological knowledge and a means to de- termine planetary positions. Given the popularity of Mantrayãna and, Amoghavjara's status as an eminent Buddhist master, it is reasonable to assume that many people - elites and commoners alike - felt compelled to know the astrological circumstances of their own birth and life, and subsequently to take measures to deflect undesirable influences through the use of rituals and mantras.ar This was another element that initiated the widespread interest in foreign astrology starting from the late eighth century. One problem that initially limited popularization of astrology was the legal restrictions on the private study and possession of astronomical works. These were forbidden in the formal law codes of the early Tang as detailed in lang lA shuyiÊ'Êtrffi (specifically item #r ro in fascicle g) from 653. These restrictions followed precedents established by earlier regimes, but as Susan Whitfield has discussed, laws restricting printed almanacs in the ninth century were not necessarily universally enforced.a2 The An Lushan rebellion (Znf-26ù undermined the authority of the central government and its ability to enforce its own laws and subsequently the door opened to accessible calendars suitable for astrology, and this is exactly what unfolded. The official history Xin wudai shi *Íñ{tÊ (covering post-Tang regimes) states the following: sa This ¡efers to a convergence between the moon and an unfavo¡able nahsatra. ss T rroo, zo: 448Brr-r3. ¿o Read mian ER, as mian #ñ. 4r On the dominating influence of Mantrayana figures in the 8th c., esp. related to the competingChan school, seeJohn McRae, SeeingThrough len: Encounter, Íransformation, and Genealogy in Chinese Chan Buddhisn (Berkeley, Cal.: U. California P., zoo3), pp. 69-7o. a2 Susan Whitfield, "Unde¡ the Censo¡'s Eye: Printed Almanacs and Censorship in NinthCentury China," British LibraryJournal z4.r (t9g8), p.S. 34 * below).45 By the late-eighth century the Chinese had access to a calendar and astrological lore required for advanced astrology. This interest was initially motivated by the gradual introduction of increasingly advanced astrology on the part of Mantrayãna. By the turn of the ninth century both astrology and Mantrayâna were becoming popularized and accessible to commoners.46 The final major introduction of foreign astrology in the Tang occurred around 8oo when a Hellenistic astrology manual - Duli yusi jing äJfU+åÎñg l*DorotheusfaT - was brought to China and translated. Xin fang shu *f,EË has the following entry in its catalog of texts: Duli yusi jing. z fascicles. In the Zhenytan period (785-8o5) the dulias diviner Li Miqian transmitted it from Western India. There ¿e One of twenty-four solar te¡ms :+ESÊ'Éfi,, a term being derived from the position of the sun. ø Xin Wudai sh¡ffifll\F (Zhonghua edn.) 58, p. 67o. ¿s Rãhu and Ketu are "hidden planets" originally proposed in India. In reality they are significmt ast¡onomical points in the sky treated as planets. Rãhu is the ascending node of the moon, and Ketu the descending node, or in a rare case lunar apogee. See below. ao The popularization of ast¡ology is evident in the literary record. For a survey on the influence of foreign astrology in Tang poehy, see Chan Man Sing tftÊ,fr, "Du Mu yu xingming" tt&^ffiãñ, Íang yanjiu ÊffiX, s (zooz), pp- 6r-79. See also Kotyk, "Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru,n pp. 93-96. s Yano proposed this was a transliteration of Ptolemaios (Ptolemy), but Mak demonstrates that the text's fragments indicate content connected to Dorotheus. The title is thus likely a transliteration of the latter, though from a language othe¡ than Greek, such as Middle Persian or Syriac. See Yano, Mikhyo senseíjutsu, 16o-64.Mak,"TusiJing," p. reg.The'fBaxter-Sagart zor r" Middle Chinese pronunciation is reconstructed as tu lijH yuit sje, following "The Digital Etymological Dictionary of Old Chinese": http://edoc.uchicago.edu/. ¿e Duli here is an abbreviation ol Duli y usi j tng tr ttJÊ.ffii# J9 qu trfU+FfñS:æ, Ëñ+, ffJ ÉX&r, ãW^ ã # ^Èl-. Although the text is only presently extant in fragments, Mak's study of its extant fragments and versified version (titled Xitian yusi jfngüX#1frñ9) concludes that the original work was a translation of a version of Dorotheus' Carmen Astrologicum,so which was brought to was Gong who translated the text.ae llJ'tfr ++ffiÉZf€ Ë China by East-Syrian (Nestorian) Christians. He concludes that Xitian jing "bears a close resemblance to the work of Dorotheus and not yusi of Ptolemy."sr He further identifies the likely translator of the work Li Su äñ (Z+Z-8IZ), a Chinese court astronomer of Persian descent.s2 Li Su has also been identified by Rong as one of the Nestorian Christian clergymen listed on the "Nestorian Stele" t #F#Xn1-+Elffi erected in Chang'an in 78r.53 Assuming the work was translated by Christians, the impetus behind the interest in foreign astrology was still the earlier Buddhist developments. Duli yusi jingwas arguably the most advanced system of astrology to have been introduced from abroad in premodern China given its description of astrological aspects,sa among other features. Unlike earlier elements of Hellenistic astrology that had been introduced through Indian and perhaps Iranian intermediaries, this work was wholly Hellenistic. Buddhists and Daoists both took an interest in it, the latter even integrating it into canonical texts.55 The introduction and use of Hellenistic materials by figures like Li Miqian and Li Su marks a significant transition in the history of foreign as having been Xin Íang shu ffiÊÊ (Zhonghua edn.) 59, p. 1548. 50 Dorotheus of Sidon (ca. 75 ao) was a poet and astrologer who w¡ote five works on astrology. SeeJames H. Holden, A Hßtory of Horoscoþic Astrology (Arnerican Federation of Asag trologers, zoo6), 3g-43. sr Mak, ,,TusiJing," p. rzg. sz His tombstone and that of his wife were unea¡thed in Xi'an in rg8o. In the Dali t,E h66-ZZg) era he was summoned to Chang'an to serve in the Bureau of Astronomy EX-å. See Chen Guoying FRH!€, "Xi'an Dongjiao Sanzuo Tang mu qingli ji" ÉäRî'ß=ÆËHÌË ÆÊd, Kaogu Iu uenwu ZÉffiXtrJ (r98r-82), pp. 2b-3r. ss Rong, "Yi ge shi Tangchao de BosiJingjiao jiaztt," 238-57. s¿ The angles ofplanets relative to one another in the horoscope from which various predictions are made. 55 An example is Lingtai jing ffiãág (DZ 288), of unknown authorship., It was originally twelve chapters, but the extant version is missing the first eight. It is a manual of horoscopy comprised of Hellenistic, Indian, and Chinese elements. The opening lines of chapter nine define the concept of triþlicitj -frÈ (þengtong Daozang \{enwu Chubanshe edn., vol. 5, zzc6-8): a division ofthe twelve zodiac signs into four even sets ofthree signs. The three signs are positioned ¡elative to one another to form a triangle (a trine; sanhe = þ). The same definition is found in Dorotheus' Carmen Astrologicum. See David Pingree, Doroth¿i Sidonii Carmen astrologicum (Leipzig: Teubner, 1976), pp. ¡6r-62. 36 astronomy/astrology in China from Indian to Iranian sources.56 Prior to Li Su's appointment, the prominent Gautama family held leading roles in the Bureau of Astronomy in the capital.sT One important member was Gautama Siddhärtha, who by imperial decree in 7 r 8 translatedfi uzhi li l1,fiË (*Naaagraha), a sophisticated text on mathematical astronomy.5s His son, Gautama Zhtan ëË# ftrz-776), was Li Su's predecessor at court.5e Other members lvere involved in the production of the aforementioned Xiuyao jing. For reasons unknown, however, it appears that the Persian Li Su was appointed as Gautama Zh:uan's successor rather than another member of the Gautama family. His career ushered in a brief time when Iranian and Hellenistic materials related to astrology were made available in Chinese. In the ninth century foreign astrology was understood by certain poets, such as Han Yu ÊÊ. (268-824) and Du Mu fflt (8o3-852).æ This reflects the extent to which such astrology was popularized. At the same time there developed systems of astral magic that were designed to deflect.unwanted influences from the planets, especially as they related to an individual's horoscope. Buddhists had at their disposal Sanskrit mantras for the naaagraha (sun, moon, five visible planets, Rahu and Ketu). They additionally incorporated worship of the Big Dipper for the purposes of extending longevity, a practice which stems from an indigenous Chinese belief connected to that asterism.or It was within such so Man)¡ Persians in China had the surname Li. Xin Íøng shu gg, p. r548, also states that he came from "Western India", which although not Persia, is relatively near. sz The work of Indian astronomers in China was perhaps significant enough to attract the attention of certain A¡ab leaders. Kevin van Bladel argues that'al-Masrlr lr. 7g4-77g1 was made aware that Indian astronomers were working in the Chinese Tang court and that he was, in his interest in Indian astronomy, effectively emulating the prestigious example that the Tang empero¡s established." See Kevin van Bladel, "Eighth-Century Indian Astronomy in the Two Cities of Peace," in Behnam Sadeghi et al., eds., Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contex.ts: Essays ín Honor of Professor Patricia Crone (Leiden: Brill, zor4), p. 264. ss Included as fasc. ro4 in the Da Íang Kaiyuan ahan jing kËffiznÉfig, a work also edited by Gautama Siddhãrtha between 718-728. Yabuuchi says that it displays Greek influences: it defines a dot for zero, and provides a table of sine functions and methods for eclipse prediction of greater accuracy than those developed in China. Despite its scientific value, the text had limited influence on official calendars, though it was consulted. Yabuuchi att¡ibutes this to both the sino-centric attitude of astronomers in the Tang and also the difficulty of unde¡standing the material itself. For a study and English translation of Natagraåø, see Yabuuchi Kiyoshi *6J1Ê, Zltei Zui fa rehiha shi no henhya €É--TffiE,EÌåÊØbfrft, (Kyo¡o: Rinsen Sho- ten, r989), pp.r-42. ss His tomb was unearthed in Xi'an (Changl¿¡) in May, rg77. For the original report see Chao Huashan ft,#tlJ, "Tangdai tianwenxuejiaJudan Zhuan mu de faxian" É,ftX{Ef-Æ.;e #El!ætÃ, WW ro (tg78), pp. 49-53. For a study see Sen, "Gautama Zhuan," r97-zo8 60 For a sutrey on the influence of foreign astrology in Tang poetry see Chan, "Du Mu ¡u xingming," 6r-79. 6r The main texts ofthis type are located in the TaishO canon between T r3oz-T r3rr. See Charles D. Orzech andJames H. Sanford, "Worship of the Ladies of the Dipper,,,in David Gordon White, ed., Íantra in Prøctice (Princeton: Princeton U.P., zooo), pp. 3-S3-g5. at a context that Qyao rangzai jue was compiled. Not only does it provide all the astronomical information and astrological lore required to compile and interpret a horoscope, it also has a full range of mantras and rituals to be employed for apotropaic purposes.62 As will be discussed below, astral magic includes not only Indian and Chinese components, but also those traceable to Greco-Egyptian magic. The following analysis of @yao rangzai jue primarily builds on the findings of Yabuuchi, Yano, Mak, and Rong. Having considered the historical background, we are in a position to discuss the contents of the work and then to identify the Iranian sources. EDITIONS AND AUTHORSHIP Qyøo rangzai jue, which I translate as Secrets of Seaen-Plønet is a late-Tang Buddhist astrology manual attributed to a single foreigner, but in reality represents an amalgamation of Chinese, Indian, Iranian, Sogdian and ultimately Near Eastern elements. Although in the past it has been erroneously described as "nonBuddhist,"6a it prescribes Buddhist activities such as sütra recitation and moreover is based on the aforementioned foundation of nominally Buddhist astrology attributed to Mañju6rr, which was introduced by Amoghavajra in the eighth century, and provides a complete system of natal and electional astrology along with a set of mantras and apotropaic practices to address harmful planetary influences that are identified based on the text's lore and ephemerides. The Taishö edition of this text is corrupted in places, but remains quite readable. There are alternative editions extant in private Japanese collections. One manuscript that is freely available is from the Shimoura Collection TÌÊt,F (item no. ÍZ-47r) housed at the Tokyo University of Science RHqHtg. The work is attributed to a western Indian üf.ú "Brahmin monk ËffiFTfg" namedJinjuzlr'a #IFEã. Mak suggests *Kar.nkufa as a reconstruction, in which Kam is a variant of the Sino-Sogdian surname Kang ffi, though this is by no means certain.6sJinjuzha is likely notthe actual author of this work, given that he is described as summoning down astral deities for information. The work is indirectly attributed to his revelaApotroþaism,63 62 A number ofthese have been reconstructed back into Sanskrit from translite¡ated Chinese. äHFE, See Aruga Yoen Darani daijíten T 7ÐfÉ*fu (Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, rg98). o3 The noun "apotropaism" refers to magic and/or ceremony that is practiced to avert di- fue iR here is synonymous witÞ' jue =* (secrets of an art). o¿ Mak, "Transmission of Buddhist Astral Science," p. 67. es lbid., p. 68. saster and evíL. 38 tions in an attempt to legitimize them.66 In other words, I argue that, given the strange name, the contents, and his summoning down deities, Jinjuzha is a fictional character and was not a historical person.67 It was compiled sometime between 8o6, when its ephemeris for Râhu commences, and 865, when Shuei f;ãI brought it to Japan.68 Although it does not appear in Chinese catalogs, instructions in the text demand that it be kept secret.6s It is therefore unclear what significance or application it had in China. It was used in the Japanese Sukuyõ-dõ ÉWÉ tradition.To The arrangement of sections in the text does not appear to follow any particular order. It draws on multiple sources (see below). There is no indication that this work was used at court, or even in any elite setting. The Chinese of the text is neither literary nor polished, even being colloquial at times. As to the original users of the text, we can only state that this included the Buddhist community from which Shuei obtained it. TNDTAN AND CHTNESE SOURCES OF UrAO RANGZAT 7UE Before discussing the Iranian elements of the text, we should first outline the main Indian and Chinese sources of the text's contents. In light of the earlier astrological texts in the Buddhist canon and the works 66 "Now the Brahmin monkJinjuzha from the Western Country orders down the deities of the twenty-eight lunar stations, asking about their fo¡tunes and drawing their images. He discerns the apohopaic methods for the movements of the seven planets as follows âEH* Æ P1{gâ'f-E-ffi , ñí+:+/\ET+T, FåÊÉ X, ãHYt ffi., $tr tWFft Effi ,¿t*tnîk." r 3 o8, z r : 4z6cg-9. There is a simila¡ story in Qjyao xingchen bie xingfa tWE^F.E4'Lrl*. (T r3o9), attributed to the astronomer monk Yixing -lT (68g-721), in which Yixing draws down astral gods to similarly make inquiries. The text's contents thus are att¡ibuted to divine ¡evelation. See T r3og, 2r: 4b2c5-g. This is also a feature in a number of lndian jyotisa (astronomy) works, such as S,arya-síddhanlø, in which the contents are attributed to gods. See Ebenezer Burgess, franslation of the Sarya-Siddhãnta A Íext-Book of Hindu Astronomy (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, rg35), pp. vii-viii. oz This is contrary to several of the past cited studies that assume he was an actual histo¡ical translator. Dharma Drum Mountain's 'Buddhist Studies Person Authority Databases' also lists him as a historical person. http://dev.ddbc.edu.twlauthority/person/?fromlnner--Aooo77z r zz MAY zo16). appears in his catalog of items brought back from China: üffiËX.i*-ä. shoshø shõrai h0m0n tõ mohurohu *FËH-#X}åFT+8ffi. T z174A,5g: rrrrB2r. (accessed 68 It See ,5å;z og "There are many disasters related to the movements of the seven planets, as above. Now there is unlimited spiritual efficacy when it comes to avoiding disaste¡s based on the apotropaic methods of the Western Country. Do not transmit them to those unwise ËbWFfrE&Htâ=, r r3o8, zt: 4z7Brb-rl. A lineage of Buddhist astrologer monks (tenth to fifteenth centuries). Their astrology â'f*EE¡ËRZìËjEî+,ffitrE, )Ê.ænÆ." 70 was entirely imported from China and therefore their practice reflected the eàrlier Chinese model. See Yamashita Katsuaki m, irL üTÊqE, "Sukuyõ-dõ no keisei to tenkai" ÉWÉ1)Ylü.tR Kõhi sehkan jidaíshi no kenhyù låtrffiBñffiftÉØhfrft (Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kõbunkan, r99o), pp. 48rgz7. 39 of Sino-Indian families such as the Gautamas, it is unsurprising to see abundant Indian materials in the Qjyao rangzai jue.Indian astrology has a long history and rich corpus of literature that developed over time, and from the fourth or fifth century it gradually incorporated many Hellenistic elements.Tl Several elements are drawn directly from the earlier Xiuyao jing which speaks to its continued circulation. This includes the two diagrams that make up the nahSatra-purø¡ø or constellation-man. The left one shows the precise parts of the body that correspond to the similarly located twenty-eight nah;atras of the right diagram. Such a chart is not visually represented in Xiuyao jing, which explains that if someone does not know their nah¡atra, then it will be determined based on which part of the body they are touching with their hand the first time they visit the astrologer.T2 The nahsatra-purøf¿ is Indian in origin and appears in other literature.T3 Some of the nah;atra lore is in fact derived fron Xiuyøo jing. In addition, the nahgatra assignments for the new FrE and full H moons, Chinese lunar days r and r5 respectively,T4 are from the calendar in the original Xiuyao jing, in which the text assigns the twenty-s even naksatras to lunar days, allowing for easy conversion between the Indian and Chinese calendars.T5 Other notable Indian features of the text include the associations between planets and tastes (Skt. røsø) that are well known in Ãyurveda,76 and the full range of mantras for the naaagraha and other astrological purposes.TT 7r For a survey, see Martin Gansten, 'Astrolog'y and Astronomy (fyotiça)," in Brill's Ency' clopedia of Hinduism, vol. z, ed. Knut A.Jacobsen et al. (Leiden: Brill, zoro), pp. z8r-94. T t2gg, zr: 3gznz6-cr6. z¡Thearrangementofcorrespondencesisdifferentfromadhyãya(chapter) rogoftheBrhatsamhità of Varãhamihira; see Panditahbhushana V. Subrahmanya Sastri and Vidwan M. Ramakrishna Bhat, Varahamihira's Brihat Samhita with an English Íranslation and Notes (Bangalore City: V. B. Soobbiah and Sons, r946), pp. 7g4-g5. The description in Brhat-saryhita runs f¡om the feet to the head, whereas in Xiuyao jingit is from the head to the feet. As noted by the Byhat-samhiØ translator, the custom when describing divine beings is to commence from the feet, whereas with humans it is from the head. z¿ In the Indian calendar known to Amoghavajra, a day's name is derived from the nahçatra in which the moon is nominally lodged. The names of the months are derived fromthe nahtatra in which the full moon is lodged. zs The Taishö edn. of Xiuyao jrzg is different in its using twenty-eight nak¡atras and as a result the full-moon days do not align with the nahsatras, which constitute the Indian months. This is additional proof that the author of Qjyao rangzai ju¿ used the same recension of Xiuyao jingthatJapanese monks such as Kükai brought back with them. 76 Mars: Hot flavor, spicy. Mercury: Sour (vinegar), bitter. Venus: Hot, astringent, sour (vinegar).Jupiter: Fragrant, sweet. Saturn: Salty, bitter, sour. T r3o8, zr: 4z7cz6-428t3. zz "l t1o8, zr: 428øzg-4zga6. These mantras are also found in Buddhist astral magic 72 40 Although the work is attributed to a Brahmin from India, there are multiple features that are clearly Chinese. For instance, the ecliptic is defined as 3 65. z 5 du-d.egrees, which is an ancient Chinese parameter.Te The Indian and Hellenistic models define the ecliptic as 36o degrees (rz sections of 3o degrees each, i.e., the zodiac signs). The Chinese definition of the ecliptic is tied in with the stated parameters for the Chinese lunar stations (these are not Indian nah;atras).7s According to Yano, the coordinate system of the text reconstructed from internal details is the polar longitude system used in China since the Former Han dynasty and the equatorial coordinate system.so Although the system uses Chinese astronomy, it depends primarily on Indian lore (nahsatra, zodiac, weekday) for astrological interpretation. This is a major feature of late-Tang astrology. It indicates that while astrologers were able to use foreign lore, they did not attempt to implement foreign systems of observational astronomy. This is similarly demonstrated by how the aforementioned +Naaagrahaby Gautama Siddhartha had minimal impact in China despite its objective scientific value. The use of Chinese lunar stations as functional equivalents for Indian nah.¡atras is a significant compromise because despite some similarities they still remain different systems. The system of "field allocation astrology" (fenye 5I9Í) in the text includes a listing of the astro-terrestrial correspondences between the twenty-eight lunar stations and ancient Chinese states.8l This native system of ancient Chinese astrology assigns ancient states and regions of China to segments of the sky. The Milky Way and Yellow River are thus associated with one another. The landscape of China was thought to mirror the sky above. One then interprets planetary motions through the sky to predict events down on earth. This is entirely sino-centric, and the system changed over time. Yixing took into account both of China's major river systems, which reflected the southern expansion of Chinese civilization since the Warring States period.82 Qjyao rangzai jue appears to take into consideration Yixing's reforms, because it includes texts: these incl,tde Xiulao y¡Su¡ (T 13 ro), and. Fantian hu oluo j Indian source of the mantras. zs T r3o8, zr: 4z6sz3. 7s ÉWI#$" (T r3o4), Beidou qixing humo fa Jh+-tjE-#Æi* iuy ao ftX.kÆ)LW (T r 3 r r). It T r3o8, zr: 4z7st8-c6. 80 Yano, "Ch'i-yao jang-tsai-chüeh," sr is not clear that there was any pp: 2g-go. T r3o8, zt:448cg-nr. ez Pankenier, Astrology and Cosmology in Early China: Conforming Earth to Heaten (Cambridge: Cambridge U.P., zor3), pp. 278-79. 4f the region of Changsha F,i!), indicating that the author used updated sources rather than classical or even early Sui-Tang works.æ The most significant Chinese feature of the text is that it uses Cao Shiwei's aforementio ned. Futian /i calendar. The ephemerides for the five visible planets provide planetary positions for solar months as opposed to lunar months.& Each year has a column of twelve monthly positions plus relevant details. The first month or start of the year probably begins frorn yushui ñzJ< (second of the twenty-four solar terms Êff fi).85 This was an innovative feature of the Futiøn li. The epoch for the five planets is specified by aJapanese scribe or commentator as year ro of Zhenyuan Ëñ reign-era, corresponding toJapanese year r3 of Enryaku WE (ZS+).Each ephemeris specifies constants for planetary movements that Yabuuchi identified as being closest to the Wuji liã'.Ãl, /ifor the seven planets between 78o-789. The ephemerides for Rãhu (g3 years) and Ketu (62 years) commence from year r of Yuanhe ñftl orJapanese year r of Daidö t lE (8o6).8? There are accounts of Cao Shiwei drafting ephemerides for Rãhu and Ketu (Luoji er yinyao licheng li ÆÊ+=WWüFlffi) with an epoch of 8o6.88 It is further noted that this epoch occurs r47 yeaß after the (original) epoch.æ This almost exactly indicates the year 66o, which was the epoch of Cao Shiwei's Futian /i.s Thus these two ephemerides, and probably the others, are either based on or were reproduced diCao Shiwei drafted the original Futian rectly from Cao Shiwei's work. It seems then that the Futian /isystem is in fact partially or fully extant within the Qjyao rangzai jue text.el Although none of these details suggest an Iranian influence, there is one significant feature that likely came through an Iranian medium, which will be discussed below. IRANIAN SOURCES OF ATAO RANGZAIJUE The integration of Iranian elements into the text highlights the extent of Iranian influences in late-Tang astrology. It moreover indicates the lasting impact that Iranian figures such as Li Su and other unidentified persons had in China. Here Iranian does not refer exclusively to the Persian language: in fact, loanwords for the planets in the text appear to be Sogdian, though the Sogdian terms are transcriptions of Middle Persian names for the planets, suggesting a strong connection to Iranian astrology (see table r).s2 Íable t. Planet Inanwords in âÊäEÉ.#. es T r3o8, 2L: 44gBr-cr. go Yabuuchi points this out. See Yabuuchi Kiyoshi, "Tõ So Shii no Futenreki ni tsuite" t) Z *ÆØî+X,E¿.-2çt(, Biburia Íenri Íoshoh.an ho X4HËÊÊ+Ë 78 (1982), pp. t:7 42 ËË 5-6. rangzai jue e3 PLANET CHINESE SOGDIAN MIDDLE PERSIAN Sun B my mihr = m'x nd.h unxh wahrâ.m Ðr tîr Moon Mars es Changsha is not a traditional area mentioned in fenye astrology. Here it is equated to Jingzhou fiJä'[ and Chu ff, generally in sout]r-central China. & An ephemeris is a table detailing the positions ofa planet on specific dates. Such a table allows for easy drafting of a horoscope as one can quickly ascertain the positions ofa planets on a past date. This enables people with minimal knowledge of astronomy to draft a horoscope. s Yano, "Ch'iyaojang-tsai-chüeh," p- zg. æ Yabuuchi, ChAgoku n0 tennon reh,iho,pp. r8z-83. sz The year 8o6 is also the epoch of ttre Kalacahra Íantra, a major Indian Buddhist work wútten in the early-rrth c. As Edward Henning points out, "The relevant new Moon - z4 March 8o6 AD - is at the end of an intercalary month. This combined with the fact that on the preceding full moon there was a total lunar eclipse - an excellent time for adjusting lunisolar calculations - may well provide part of the reasoning why this date was chosen as an epoch. Also, on the day of the new moon itself, there was a partial solar eclipse." This likely explains the epoch of 8o6 also found in Qjyao rangzai jz¿. See Edwa¡d Henning, KLlacahra and the Tibetan Calendar (New York: The Ame¡ican Institute of Buddhist Studies at Columbia University, zooj),p. zz6. es See j. tz of Üizhai shulu jietiÉÆ#Êftffi€, p. 3o. Listed under the heading "Yin-yang S¡aleiWWXM"; included in Qjanlong yulan ben sihu guanshu hulao shi bufrWffiHfiW!# $yao ,"É ìÈ -l* Mercury Jupiter wËHr wrm4.t ohrmazd Venus ffiËH n'xyô anahld Saturn *HW h!*'o h¿wãn The Middle Persian names of the five visible planets are all named after major Iranian deities (Ohrmazd : Ahura }idazd.a), a custom that was based on an older Mesopotamian convention. G. Gnoli states that gr This is cont¡ary to the conclusion of Niu who concludes lhat Futian /i was lost. See Niu, "On the Dunhuang Manuscript P.4o7t," p. ggz. sz Nicholas Sims-Williams pointed out to me that the Sogdian terms are transcriptions of the planet names from Middle Persian. Sogdian instead uses genuine Sogdian cognates such as Mishi rather than Mi(h)r, and Khurmazt rather than O(h)rmazd, when referring to gods. Private communication. July z g, zo16. e3 See Antonio Panaino, "Cosmologies and Astrology," in Michael Strausberg and Yuhan Sohrab-Dinshaw Vevaina, eds., The Wiley Blaehwell Comþanion to foroastrianisrz (John Wiley & Sons, zor5), p. 253. See also D.N. MacKenzie, A Concise Pahlaai Dictionary (London: Oxford U.P., r97r); and Yano, Míhhyo senseijutsu, p. tto. 43 the renaming of the planets in Iran based on Mesopotamian equivalents fable z. The Íwelae Places in Qiyuo rangzai jue dates to the Achaemenid era.ea The second fascicle (compiled i" 7¡g) of Amoghavajra's Xiuyao jing lists the Sogdian names for the planets, but the reader is instructed to ask a foreigner (a Sogdian, Indian or Persian) the day of the week if they should forget.e5 There are no indications of strong Iranian influences in Xiuyao jing. The Persian words listed in the text are actually numerals used to enumerate the days of the week.e6 It can therefore be inferred that the first significant introduction of Iranian astrology into China occurred after 764. We should recall that Li Su the Persian astronomer was already active in Chang'an around 78r and that Li Miqian, the foreign astrologer responsible for bringing the work of Hellenistic astrologer Dorotheus to China, was active between 785-8o5. In Qjyao rangzaijue we learn about a system oftwelve "places" or *houses" (Greek: tópoi). This is a key component to early Hellenistic astrology that was transmitted eastward to Iran, India and China.sT The system is not found in Xiuyao jing. The twelve places are twelve static demarcations of the ecliptic through which the zodiac signs and planets move. In other words, the stars and planets move but the twelve places as spatial sections of the ecliptic do not move. The first place or ascendant is positioned at the eastern horizon and the subsequent places are counted counterclockwise. Predictions are made based on the zodiac signs and planets occupying each place (table z). The terms in the table are significant because, as Itõ points out, the Chinese renderings of the place names are closer to the Iranian equivalents than the Western or Latin names available to him.e8 This is another indication of the shift towards Iranian sources of astrology in the late Tang. I v IRANIAN EQUIVALENT ta,nu gJanan Wealth dhana hßagan Brothers sahaja bradarãn Estate suhrt/bandhaua þedütãn Children suta. TRANSLATION ôË.ôfü Life n*. VI INDIAN EQUIVALENT CHINESE t ME.Ftî1t mnffi rVfr+ ,fË1X vrr æ*.*+ ee Servants riþu fraaandan waítagãn Marriage jã!ã wayodagan vrrr Ë,É.tÉl-E Illness mrUu margãn Travel dharm.a Rardagan X Æ& Éffi..Éî#. Rank h.arma/aspada ma!ãn r asmãn XI ÆfH.Ææ Fortune aya farroxãn XII ñffi'f'ËË Distress ryay dusfønagan x A significant astronomical feature of the Qjlao jue is the presence of Babylonian "goal-years." Babylonian goal-years are planetary periodicities or cycles. A planet will return to its original position after the specified number of years and subsequently restart the same cycle it followed before.ræ The aforementioned ephemerides specify the number of sidereal rotations (R) and number of synodic periods (A) in a number of years (Y) as follows: Jupiter: 8g (Y), 76 (A),7 (R). Mars: 79 (Y), ZZ (A), az (R). Saturn: 59 (Y), b7 (A),2 (R). Venus:8 (Y),5 (A). Mercury: g3 (Y), ro4 (A). rang<ai Yano points out these numbers provide the mean lengths of Greek letter phenomena,lor but apart from Mercury they also all correspond to known Babylonian goal-years.ro2 These numbers are not derived from those famously specified by the Greek astronomer Ptolemy (fl. ca. r5o s¿ G. Gnoli, "BABYLONIA 1i," Encycloþadia lranica, online edition, available athttp:// ww.iranicaonline.orglarticles/babylonia-ii (accessed on April zz, zot6). ss T rzg9, zr: 3g8az8-r4 s6 Yano, Míhhyo senseijutsu,p. rrr. g7 As Chan Man Sing points out, the Tang poet Du Mu ;ffff (8o3-852) was familiar with the twelve places and his wo¡k seems to assume that readers were likewise adequately familiar with such a system of astrology; Chan, "Du Mu yu xingming," p. 6r. e8 Itõ Gikyõ Fffiæz*' Perushia bunka taraikõ <)V>7YILlEftf (Tokyo: Iwanami shoien, r98o), p. zz4. 44 gg Adapted from Yano, Mihkyo senseijutsu, p. 5r. This is why these ephemerides could be reused in later centuries as indicated by theJapanese reign years marked above in the tables (for instance year r of Kantoku Hl,t : rc44). tor ]¿¡s, "Ch'i-yaojang-tsai-chüeh," p. zg. 1oo ro2 Note, however, that gg / ro4: o.gt7 and, 46 / r45: o.Zt7. Babylonian goal-years (created in ancient Mesopotamia) are reoccurring planetary periodicities or cycles of movement from which predictions can be made. 45 ud).tot These periods also appear in various systems of astronomy around Eurasia, including India and Central Asia.roa The full range of Babylonian goal-years provided by Hunger and Pingree are as follows: Saturn: 59 (Y), 57 (A), z (R). Jupiter: Zr (Y),65 (A),6 (R). Jupiter: 8S (Y), 76 (A), 7 (R). Mars: 79 (Y), ZZ (A), az (R). Mars:47 (Y), zz (A), z5 (R). Venus: 8 (Y), S (A), 8 (R). Mercury: 46 (Y), r4b (A), 46 (R).'ou Although these goal-years could stem from an Indian source, it is more likely that they came through an Iranian medium. As noted above, @yao rangzai jue probably incorporates Cao Shiwei's Futian li calend,ar. In Song Lian's *Ìffi (r3ro-r38r) Luming bian¡f&ñ"1Æ we read that Cao Shiwei studied under the foreigner Li Biqian (the same Li Miqian mentioned above) and subsequently updated his calendar. Early in the Zhenyuan reign-era (785-8o5) of the Tang, Li Biqian first calculated the ephemerides for the eleven stars. Bao Gai and Cao Shiwei both studied it. Shiwei also drafted ephemerides for the two hidden planets Rehu and Ketu. It starts from the first year of the reign-era Yuanhe [8o6].106 ÉÈz:,+n,+ffi+ZrâW+-tr11K, rñ+. ffiã*Ê *HÞÊ #2. +ñ'<lF Æal =P#WüFlffi , Ëglrf From this we can infer that Cao Shiwei was likely to have learned about Babylonian goal-years from Li Miqian and incorporated them into his work. Song Lian's account above also states that Li Miqian introduced the "eleven stars" that Cao Shiwei subsequently studied before compiling ro3 Saturn: ¡S (Y), sZ (A), z (R).Jupiter: 7r (Y), 6s (e), 6 (R). Mars: 7s $), Z7 (A), az (R). (Y), ra5 (A). Otto Neugebauer, AHistory of Ancient Mathem.atical Asttonorzl (Springer Science & Business Media, zorz), pp. 604-5. Ptolemy ascribed Venus:8 (V), ¡ (¡).Mercury:46 these to Hipparchus (ca. r5o-rz5 sc) who is thought to have transmitted Babylonian astronomy into Greece. Olaf Pedersen, A Suraey of the Almagest uith Annltation and New Commentary by AlexanderJones (Springer Science & Business Media, zorr), pp. z69-7o. ro4 David Pingree, "Legacies in Astronomy and Celestial Omens,'in Stephanie Dalley, ed., (Oxford: Oxford U.P., 1998), pp. r1b-27. 1o5 lfg¡rn¿¡¡ Hunger and David Edwin Pingree, Astral Sciences in Mesopotamia (Leiden: Brill, rggg), p. r68. The goal-year parameters for Mercury are found in a later Chinese work by Liu Dingzhi ãJJfr"Z $4o9-1469) which provides the following numbers:Jupiter: 83 (Y), Zø (A), Z (R). Mars: 79 $),27 (d), +z (R). Saturn: 59 ff), sZ (e), z (R). Venus: S (Y), S (A). Mercury: 46 (Y),45 (A). See the Za zhi"#Íu,, j. 56 in Ming wen hengflÊffi collection, pp. 38-39. In Qjnding síhu quanshuffiÉV\ÊÈæ,7ibu baF.¡ff./\, Zongiileiffi.RÆ. See RenJiyu {fffitr, ed., lhonghua chuanshi wen)cuan Ming wen heng *#ÆÊf<ìËBEtf4f (Changchun: The Legacy of Mesoþotamia Jilin Remin Chubanshe, r998), p. 5b7. 106 lbid., p. r5r. 46 his ephemerides for Rahu and Ketu. It therefore seems likely that the parameters he used were based on materials provided by Li Miqian, who it seems was Persian. The "eleven stars' or .eleven planets" include the sun, moon, five visible planets, Rahu, Ketu, {qi 9!ft,to7 and yuebei,E#. As far as the present evidence suggests, this set is unique to China, although the latter four "planets" were all introduced from abroad. Qjyao rangzai jue includes parameters for Rãhu and Ketu. Rãhu is the ascending node of the moon, which is its standard function in Indian astronomy. Ketu is normally the descending node of the moon in Indian astronomy, but as Yano discovered, in Qjyao rangzai jueKetu is the lunar apogee (Skt. zccø).ro8 As he notes, there would be no need for an ephemeris for Ketu as the descending node because it would just follow the opposite movement of Rãhu. The text states that Ketu makes 7 rotations in a 6z-year period, thus one cycle is 8.85 years (the lunar precession).ræ In the set of eleven planets, yuebei is also the lunar apogee. Liu Dingzhi #JF*i- (r4og-r469) provides the following parameters: T}re bei is produced from the moon. There is a fixed velocity of the moon's movement. The slowest point is the bei, which is why it is called the lunar bei.The beihas 7 rotations in a 6z-year pe,i o ¿. r ro + +T tr, tr ZT: .;ÆIFFHE, RE¿ ffiEfi+fr,, ffi="Ê Z F +-, + ^+-+fiT-üEX. rangzai jue also gives yue boli EHJJJ Qjyao Ketu.rll It as an alternate name for seems that Cao Shiwei preferred to use nine planets (naua- roz liqi ("purple haze"; also written fffi) is not a part of Qjyao rangzai jue, but it became part of Daoist astrological works such as Chengxing lingtai miyao jin1trtrffiHþÌ,;F.f5 (DZ z89), written within a few decades after 8g4-8g8 (see below). The term itself is much older, but did not have an ast¡onomical function. Liu Dingzhi gives the following parameters for it: "'îhe qi is produced from intercalation. In z8 years there are ro intercalary months, and the a gi moves a¡ound the ecliptic once 2Q4.¡AH:+/\++Hmftõ-/8X." See Ren, ed., lhonghua chuanshi wenxuan Ming wen heng, p. g57. This is a method conceived of as a point on the ecliptic for determining when to insert intercalary months. Assuming 36o degrees rather than the Chinese value of 365.e5 degrees, the following model is produced. z8 years x 36o days : ro,o8o days. ro,o8o days + 36o (degrees) : z8 days. Every z8 days the "planet" progresses r degree as z8 days: r degree. ro,o8o + ro (times for intercalary months) : rooS days. rooS days + z8 days (: r degree each) : 36 degrees. Every 36 degrees (2.8 years) an intercalary month is inserted. 36o degrees + 36 degrees: ro positions to insert intercalary months. Using the Chinese value (365.25) does not produce whole nunbers, whereas 36o degrees does. This highlights the originally foreign origin of the concept as it was designed with the occidental zodiac in mind and not Chinese parameters. loa Yano, MihÞ,yõ senseijutsz, p. 186. See also Yano, "Ch'iyaojang-tsai-chüeh," pp. gr-3g. ros T r3o8, zt:446cg-or. Ren, ed., /Jtonghua chuanshi rtentcuan Ming øen heng, p. g57. rrr T r3o8, zr; 446nr-z.The li )l here has no clear meaning and is likely being used phonetically. The character of bei # can mean comet or abruptness, but this seems inappropri11o 47 graha) and assigned Ketu as the lunar apogee rather than the descend- ing node of the moon. Yano explains that in "Indian astronomy as well as in Greek astronomy, lunar anomaly was always counted from the apogee, while in Chinese astronomy the perigee was the initial point." Thus, according to Yano, the tabulation of the lunar apogee is based on a Western tradition of astronom/, albeit with the unusual designation of Ketu.112 These parameters for the lunar apogee - which Cao Shiwei assigned to Ketu - are therefore most likely of Iranian rather than Indian origin in light of Cao Shiwei's interaction with Li Miqian. The alternative names for Rãhu and Ketu also suggest a possible lranian connection. They are designated as the head and tail of an eclipse deity ÊÊTF, respectively. This has a parallel in the ninth-century Pahlavi Bundahiín, which is primarily a cosmography based on the Zoroastrian scriptures, in which the ascending and descending nodes of the moon are described as the head and tail of a dragon.l13 There are two sets of foreign icons described but not visually represented in Qjyao rangzai jue.lra They represent the planets (including the sun and moon in one set) as deities. It should first be noted that the planets in India were originally depicted as all male and quite different from the two sets in Qjyao rangzai jue, and also that they accompanied the transmission of Mantrayãna in the eighth century; they are also found in Íaizo zuzo FJþffi,@*., which depicts the deities of the *Garbhadhetu-ma4dala Eâffi+ËäÆ.r15 In light of this, Lilla RussellSmith's suggestion that anthropomorphic representations of the planets "became popular only after the arrival of Buddhism" is correct.r16 ate for an invisible point ofspace, though granted one original meaning of hetuin Sanskrit is cornet. The aforementioned boli*hh, however, seems otherwise meaningless. The latter /i 7J could be a scribal error for a cha¡acter llke h,anH\ or jia lE (read as Aa), in which case the term would phonetically approximate the Greek term apógeion (the initial ¿- is often dropped in Chinese), perhaps represented as a loanwo¡d in another language. The term as a binomial with no clear semantic meaning possibly indicates it is a transliteration. r12 Yano, "Ch'iyaojang-tsaichüeh," p. 3r. rß D. N. MacKenzie, "Zoroastrian Astrology in the BundahiSn," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Stu¿ies 27.2 (1964), p. 5r5. r14 I discuss these icons in the East Asian art ¡ecord at length in a separate survey: 'Astrological Iconography of Planetary Deities in Tang China: Near Eastern and Indian Icons in Buddhist Literature and. Art," Journal of Chinese Buddhìst Studies (zoq), forthcoming. rls These icons are based on those brought toJapan f¡om China by Enchin Hyà (8t+8gr), who copied them in 855 in Chang'an at Qnglongsi ËËE+. It is said these icons were first drawn by Subhakarasimha, the Indian translator of the Mahduairlcana-sutra. See vol. z of laisho zuza J-riE@I*, pp. 277-79. 116 Lilla Russell-Smith, "Stars and Planets in Chinese and Central Asian Buddhist Art from the Ninth to the Fifteenth Centuries," in Lucia Dolce, ed., Ihe Worship of Stars inJaþanese Religious Practice (Bristol: Culture and Cosmos, zooT), p. gg. 48 However, the icons she refers to (the second set, below) were not likely transmitted through India, as she writes. The first set in the Qjyao rangzai jue is described as follows:r17 Sun: A form like a man, but a head like a lion with a human body. Wearing a heavenly garment. The hand is holding a jeweled vase black in cotor.YtlE),-Rf {XäÉfi +gn^H,#X*.,+Ë€ffi m.-s-É. Moon: A form like a heavenly lady wearing a blue garment, holding a jeweled sword. Yt\Ã7.f-, äËXæ, ffiHÊû. Jupiter: A form like a man. A man's body and dragon's head, wearing a heavenly garment. The color changes according to the four seasons. fi748 ffizqãÉ. ^, ^ÞËEgn,#x&., Mars: A form like an elephant, black in color, crying out to the sky.Y,r4Å*H ÉÉxtry. Saturn: A form like a Brahmin, riding a black ox.YlþúWÆfI, EôRÌ4+. Venus: A form like a heavenly lady, her hand holding a seal, riding a white fowt. Y<'90R4, +f+EF, ffi É XF. Mercury: A form like a black snake, having four legs and eating a crab. M*nRÚlË, Êzq,Enrêg. As I have earlier pointed out, some of these icons bear resemblance to ones found in Egypt,rrs for example, the lion-headed sun deities. The lion-headed Sekhmet could be known as the Eye of Ra (the sun god).rre There are also several examples of lion-headed icons personifying stars, decans, and planets depicted on the ceiling of the Temple of Hathor at Dendera in Egypt (Greco-Roman period).r2o According to Parker's study, the astronomical ceiling of Senmut (ca. r47g nc) includes Venus as a heron. Throughout Egyptian history, Saturn was always called (Horus the bull'. Mercury was identified with 'Horus bull of the sky' or r17 T r3o8, gt: 426c6-427sr7. Kotyk, "Kanjiken no bungaku ni okeru," pp. g8-gg. rre Çs¡¿fdi¡s Pincln, Handbooh of Egyþtian Mythology (Santa Barbara, Cat.: ABC-CLIO Inc., zooz), pp. rz8-3r. r2o See plate 4r (figures S r9e-r7) in Neugebauer and Parker, Egyptian Astronomical Íexts III. Decans, Planets, Constellations and. fodiacs (Plates) (Brown U.P., ro69). 118 49 animal-headed Seth.121 In light of the origins of Hellenistic astrology in Alexandria, it is plausible that such icons could have been trans- mitted via an Iranian source to China. Pingree also demonstrated that Egyptian icons found their way to India where they underwent some modification as seen in the Sanskrit Taaanajataha.r22 The other set of planetary icons described in Qyao rangzai juebecame the standard set in East Asia.t23 They are as follows: Venus: The deity is a lady wearing a yellow garment, and fowl hat on her head, pluckinsa pipa. ETFË4^, #Ë&, gntrgHE, +1HæË. Jupiter: The deity is like an elderly man, we aring a blue garment, and a swine hat, with a dignified appearance. Hïfr L, # Ê &, ffi Iâñ, æffiçffi ft. 'nZ, Mercury: The deity is a lady wearing a blue garment and a monkey hat,r2a her hands holding a scroll. ÊTFA^, #Ée'ffireffi, +fi{ä. Mars: The deity is of a red mineral color, wearing a donkey hat of a furious [red] color, and a leopard skin skirt. Four arms: one hand holds a bow, one hand holds an arrow, and one hand holds a blade. ffffi+ ffilE'&EËE, ^&ffi., Saturn: #nÊÆ. zeË: -tfi?,-+#\ffi,-++ n. The deity is like a Brahmin, black in color. On his head he wears an ox hat. One hand grasps a cane, the other hand pointing forward. His 121 R.A. Parker, "Ancient Egyptian Astronomy," Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series A. Matltematical and Physieal Sciences 276.r257 (rg74), pp. 59-6r. r22 David Pingree, "The Indian Iconography of the Decans and Horas,,'Journal of the warburg and courtauld Institutes 26.3 (1963), pp. 22g.-54. Taaanajataha is an early aitrological work in Sanskrit comprised of Hellenistic and Indian elements. Pingree concluded that in r4glr5o an Alexand¡ian text on Hellenistic astrology, which had originally been composed in Egypt sometime shortly afte¡ roo AD, was translated into Sanskrit prose by a certain "YavaneSvara" (ruler of the Greeks) in western India. It was later p.eserred as Taoanajd,tah.a, composed by Rãja Sphujidhvaja in 269-7o during the reign of Rudrasena II (r. ca. 255-76). Mak has disputed this based on new manuscript evidence and suggests that it "is dated someen and could be as late as the early seventh century...,'; Biil M. Mak, "The Transmission of Greek Astral Science into India Reconsidered - C¡itical Remarks on the Contents and the Newly Discovered Manuscript of the Tauanajãtaha,'t Eistory of Seience in South Asia r (zor3), p. r7. rzs f ¡3o8, 2r: 44gAZ-8r2. A prominent example ofthese icons in the art record is a paintt¡g from Dunhuarrg.titled "Tejaprabha Buddha and rhe Five planets,, ffi,ffi),c/,ffi#rt_E@ by Zhang Huaixing ËÌÉ@, which dates to Qianning ffiE + (8gZ); Stein no. Ch.liv.oo7, Brifisl Museum r grg,oror,o.3r. r24 Reading huo guan ffift, as yuan guan ffift,. time after zz 5o back seems slightly bent. 4TF1l..{4ffiF5, É,R, +tFÈi,'ËND^ffiW. Takeda investigated these icons as qnffi+E, -+flf{, - they are found in "star mandalas" E.ËäÆ of medievalJapan. He concluded that the icons were a unique innovation of China.r25 However, Islamic astrological art depicts the planets similarly: Mercury is a young, male scribe writing on a scroll, Venus is a female musician, Mars is a warrior,Jupiter a judge, and Saturn a scantily clothed old man of a dark complexion holding a pickax.126 These correspond to the characteristics of Iranian planetary deities, which were originally assigned to their respective planets based on similarities with Mesopotamian deities. Trr (Mercury) corresponds to Nabu; Anâhrd (Venus) corresponds to Istar; Wahrãm (Mars) to Nergal; Ohrmazd (fupiter) to Marduk; and Kewãn (Saturn) to Kajamãnu.l27 The icons described in Chinese even have direct parallels with the Mesopotamian deities: Nabu presides over scribes and writing, while Nergal is a war god.t'" As to the colors, there are several parallels with those provided in a Greek papyrus (PGM CX r-rz) from the second or third century eo in which certain stones are prescribed to represent the planets: Kronos (Saturn) is obsidian (black); Ares (Mars) is yellowgreen or reddish onyx; Aphrodite (Venus) is lapis lazuli veined with gold; Hermes (Mercury) is turquoise; and Zeus (]upiter) is of a whitish or dark blue stone.l2e Similar color assignments are also found in Indian literature, specifically ín Taaanajataha, an astrology manual, which Pingree notes were "fairly standard in Greek astrology: the Sun with coppery red, the moon with silver, Mars with red, Mercury with green, Jupiter with yellow, Venus with white, and Saturn with black."13o The Picatrix also assigns similar colors.13l t2sTakedaKazuaki ¡¡tEfUHã, Hoshi mandara no kenhya ÆF.#Æ¡)ffiX, (Kyoto: HÕzõkan, r995), p. rgr. 12o Stefano Carboni, Following the Stars: Images of the lodiac in Islamic Art (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997), p. 6. 127 Panaino, "Cosmologies and Astrology," p. 253. r2a Gwendolyn Leick, A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern ùþthology (London: Routledge, rggr), pp. r2g-24, rz7-28. See also "Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses" projeit: http ://oracc.museum.upenn.edu/amgg,/index.html. 12s There are variations in the translation ofthe colors. See Hans Dieter Betz, ed., Ihe Greeh Magical Papyrî in Íranslation Including the Demotic Spetls (Chicago: U. Chicago P., 1986), p. 3rz. Also seeJames Evans, "The Astrologer's Apparatus: A Picture ofProfessional Practice in G¡eco-Roman F,gypt," Journal for the History of Astronomy 3g.t (zoo4), p. 4. r3o David Pingree, "Indian Planetary Images and the T¡adition of Astral Magic," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 5z (r989), p.3. r3r (The colo¡ of Saturn is like bu¡neci wool; that ofJupiter is green, that of Mars is red; that ofthe Sun is the color ofyellow gold; that ofVenus is saffron colored; that ofMercury is like lac and the color of gold mixed with green; that of the Moon is white." SeeJohn Michael 5r It should be noted here that the description of Saturn as a Brahmin (in depictions this is understood as a bearded man) with his back bent and holding a cane seems to be derived from the Greco-Egyptian depiction of Kronos. One magical stone engraved with an image of Kronos, studied by Evans, shows him as a hunched over man, reaping wheat with the sickle that he used to castrate his father Ouranos (figure r). The cane is perhaps a misunderstanding of the original sickle. One late portrayal of Saturn in India, which is likely from Persia originally, also sees him carrying a staff, being dark in color, and sometimes riding a bull, as seen in Lagnacandriha, whic}r, was composed by KãSinätha in the first half of the sixteenth century in northern India. As to the bull, as Pingree notes, this is neither the white-humped bull Nandi, the mount or uahana of Siva, nor the buffalo of Yama.r32 I would tentatively suggest that the bull associated with Saturn was originally related to Horus, see the above discussion. This foreign astrological iconography is an important component to the astral magic that emerged in the late Tang among Buddhists and Daoists. In addition to the aforementioned associated colors and stones whose roots were in Hellenistic traditions, another feature can be traced back to the Greco-Egyptian tradition of astral magic. Qyao rangzai jue prescribes the following ritual to be performed to gain favor from Saturn: [When Saturn] moves into [one's] nah.çatra and natal house, one should cast [an image of Saturn] about four inches tall, a bent back, three robes, bottle, and bowl. On Saturdays at dawn, take a black porcelain bottle and fill it. Place it at the head of where one sleeps and drip sesame oil atop its crown. After three years the offering will be complete.r33 Recite the *Tejaprabha single-syllable king mantra, the Mahapariniraãpa-maha-sutra and the PrajñãþãramihTsutra, either in ten fascicles or one-hundred fascicles. One should burn Persian incense, wear a white outer garment and on the belt carry realgar, cinnabar and a dagger. Make a loop and attach them. They can overlap several times. On days of Kewän [Saturn] at dawn paint him [his image] on silk and make offerings of good foods and fruits. It is superior to wear the color black. Sincerely state: "King Kewãn! May I [stating lne's namel be guarded by your lord like a disciple. I beseech you to guard my life and halt calamities!" One should personally eat the offerings that were given.13a îtJffióiB, HfËtr'Fzq.J', ffim, -æ, fñ$+.f'ËB+8, ty.R#ffiffi¿, åA Ej.Ë EFìå, D, È rfiñ ÌÉ ÌÆtNF ñg + É #,f* Ë. f+ ffi Æ x - + E H = =, ÌE#åS, ffiËtg+ê4E æ. HrÆæ*ã, ã É rry-F.ffirÆÈxtÞ,B-Bn. tf f Fræffi Z,EÉøqm.f,EñËEZFEtXfrãÈ:Z-,i*Ëlf ÊRf .ffi X,ÊäH i. t.è--, ã,ù'gå: *.-€ñËE¡Ë., HFãE4[-#ffi+, (xlEÊ#ñ*X. FfræÊWÉ. tlË\ Èq<_. Fisure t. Kronos as Rzaher Haematite. Département des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. From Euans, "'4strologer's Apparatus," þ. 17 ftited n. rzg). Photograþh and right to reþroduce clurtes) ofJames Etans. Greer and Christopher Warnock, trans., The Picatrix Liber Rubeus Edition (n.p.: Adocentyn zoro-zor r), p. r4o. The Picatrix is a medieval Arabic manual of magic and astrology that later richly influenced the European occult tradition. Press, r32 See p. r3 and appendedplate 5e in Pingree, "Indian PlanetaryImages." In Msþannayogãaah, Saturn is "black, on a tortoise, bearing a staff'; ibid., p. 7. 52 The transliterated loanword of Kewän is an immediate indication of Iranian influence. The prescribed "Persian incense" (anxi xiangE *ã, or ã,Ë.ã) corresponds to styrax benzoin, according to Christopher Cullen and Vivienne Lo.r35 Styrax is also the prescribed incense for Saturn in a papyrus (translated by Betz; PGM XIII. r6-zz): "the 133 Three years is roughly enough time to accommodate the transit of Saturn through a single zodiacal sign. 134 T r3o8, 2r: 44982-12- appendix r 'Materia medica" in Christopher Cullen and Vivienne Lo, Medieaal ChiMedicine: The Dunhuang Medical Manuscriþts (NYC & London: Routledge, zoo4). 135 See nes¿ Ð5 proper incense of Kronos is styrax, for it is heavy and fragrant.',136 This feature, along with the associated color black,r37 links it to the astral magic of the Greco-Egyptian tradition in the Near East. It was most likely transmitted to china via an Iranian intermediar/, as there is no evidence of an Indian connection. The Buddhist elements in the passage might seem to suggest such an Indian intermediary, but these were in fact added in China. This can be inferred because there is a similar ritual found in a Daoist work, though the prescribed text to be read differs. Chengxìng lingtai biyao jingtîÆ.ÆãfùF.f$(DZ z8g), afragmentary work written within a few decades after 8g4-8g8 (the Qianning Ë2€ era),13s contains the following: Furthermore, t}r'e *JVaaagraha Sutra states that one is to cast using plow ironr3e one true image of Saturn, seven inches tall. Take a black porcelain jar and fill it. Place it [the image] at rhe head of one's bed. On every day of Kêwãn [Saturday] at dawn, drip black oil and sesame broth on its head. After [three?] year[s] remove it. If painting [the image of the deity] and making offerings, one must also offer it fruits throughout the year. It is especially excellent to wear the color black. The incantation: "Kewän my lord, I lstating your namef yo:ur retainer beg your protection and liberation from distress." Afterward, having paid respects and provided the offerings, personally consume them. [Offer] good foods, sour and bitter in flavor. One should read the Eight Tang Scripture-rû Carry realgar and cinnabar. Burn Persian incense. Wear black garments. 136 [,gf2, ed., The Greeh Magical Paþyri, p. r7z. See also Stephen Skinner, Íechniques of Graeco-Egyptian Magic (n.p.: Golden Hoard Press, zor4), p. rzr. raz The association of Satu¡n with black things and sesame is also still a feature of Saturn worship in contemporary Hinduism. See Robin Rinehart, Contemþorary Hinduism: Ritual, Culture, and Practice (Santa Barbara, Cal.: ABC-CLIO, zoo4), p. t34. r3a \{¿¡ç Kalinowski, "Chengxing lingtai biyao ¡lng"Æãffiãi.ù,Fl$, in Kristofer Schipper and Franciscus Verellen, ed,s., The Íaoist Canon A Historical companion to the DaoTaig (Chicago: U. Chicago P., zoo4) r, pp. 337-38. This work appears to hive been used togethei with the aforementioned Lingtai jingffiH.ñS (DZ 288). tas "pl6¡ry iron flÃ#ffi" here likely points to Kronos' connection with agriculture. plratrix states that Satu¡n rules over "those that work with the earth, plowing, digging, extracting minerals, ... among metals [he rules over] lead, iron and all metals that are blaik ...,, Greei and Warnock. Lrans., Picatrix, p. tgg- 1,a!_!qeylably one of the modified Daoist versions ol fhe Foshuo bdyang shenzhou jing I# ,, -#J\wffiÃtlÆ (T 428) or Foshuo tiandi bayang shenlhou jtng lfr#xtþ,ilw¡+wre (T"2897): Taishang Laojun shuo anlhai ba yang jing/¡.LZE-#,æ+,/{Wfr9 (DZ fua), or Íatshang iàojun shuo buxie ba yang jing )\Wfrg (DZ 635). The latter two especially are apotropaic texts employed to^tZË'Éft+Ëffi resolve problems in a dwelling brought on by disturbed earth spirits; see Christine Mollier, Buddhism and Íaoism Face to Faee: Scriþture, Ritual, and lconograþhic Exchange in Medieual China (IJonolalu: U. Hawaii P., zoo8), p. 14. 54 Do not enter the temples of evil gods. It is taboo to eat beef. It is taboo [to use] vessels made of horn.rar A /l, Ëir ñ$ x : H D/ 4 R ffi ffi ffi , ff - EHW,, RL t, tX R üü æ Æ Z, Ë üt tr^RffiæZ. €ËAFCñãÉ B + E [+, D,,Riü[-n'ltiffiWt , {s+11*.2. *tæ ZIXæ, 4i1+rx ffi +RÍ{*Ë, ffi RÊã, ñfiÞ. äã gÉñÆË+tãÈ, + H IX,FFI n iË-#, ãD)É liáIa, Xlh., tr ZlXË É2, Ê E Ê Z. if ÈWÊ +. HÉ /\Wfrç'ffi fÆX,fÆä,Ë.ã,æEz!..,zi^FTFffi ,,É*ê+tA,-É.Êå$+. This ritual in a simpler form is also found in the Kuyo hiryah.u )t Wfiù8.142 It appears that such a ritual comprised of astral magic was made available in Chinese in the ninth century and subsequently was adapted by Buddhist and Daoist authors to their own purposes. This is a unique example of elements of Near Eastern magic being practiced in China. It is therefore clear that not only was Hellenistic astrology transmitted via Iranians around the year 8oo, but around this time the associated tradition of astral magic stemming originally from the Near East was also introduced into China, where Buddhists and Daoists incorporated it into their respective practices of astral magic. This point highlights the extent of astrology's popularity in the ninth century and the influence of Iranian astrologers in China. These Iranian influences are still seen in documents from Dunhuang and elsewhere. i POST-TANG CHINA As mentioned above, an important piece of pictorial evidence for the planetary deities is that titled "*Tejaprabha Buddha and the Five Planets," from the year 8g7. The mainstream planetary deities, described above as wearing associated animal caps, also apper in a certain "*Tejaprabha Man{ala," associated with the Xi Xia city of Khara Khoto.1a3 There is another well-preserved specimen from Dunhuang r4r Zhengtong Daozang ElñËffi, W'enwu Chubanshe edn., vol. 5, 3oc2-ro. 142 Íaishõ zuza )<jF..@,{*, vol. 7, pp. 769-7g, which explains astrological features of each day of the seven-day 'bffi week, along with mantras for each planet and illustrations of the planetary deities. The manuscript copied by SOkan Æffi in Tenji XÌÊ z (rrz5) was based on an earlier copy (Tengyö X,E S [g+o]), thus it was composed sometime before g4o (see New York Metropolitan Museum of Art +19?5.268.4). The work may have originated in China, but this is uncertain. For relevant studies see Nakano Genzo FBfl=, "Kanchiin shozõ Kuyo hiryaku ! t¡uite'l ffiæW1frîe,hWtù¡Etrl'>vt<, Íoh.yo Kohuritsu Hahubutsuhan henhyashi fi, H4ÍrÊ-frJffiffiÆîÊ. zt8 (tS6S), pp. rg-24; Manabe Shunshõ Fffi'fâffi, "Karazu no z\zo to seiritsu" kÆ@ØHl4.Lñjà Indogahu Buhhyagahu henhyu go.z (r982), pp. gz4-zg;lk:uyo Matsumoto, "Two Medieval Manuscripts on the Worship of Stars from the Fujii Eikan Collection," in Dolce, ed., Worship of Stars inlapanese Religious Practice, pp. r2b-44. ras $¿s reproductions in Tansen Sen, "Astronomical Tomb Paintings from Xuanhua: MaTdalas?" Ars Oríentalis zg (rggg), p. 44. A number of art pieces depicting *Tejaprabha and planetary deities are found in the Khara Khoto collection of the State Hermitage Museum, 55 entitled "Talisman of the Pole star," dated tentatively by scholars to 9z6-971.'nn The female figure is depicted holding a brush and paper, but labeled as "Northern Deity star" JhËTFÆ., which led to the erroneous understanding that this is the "spirit of the Pole Star,'.tas Mercury in chinese lore is associated with the north and this is also expressly stated in Qyao rangzai jue.1a6 Astrological texts and horoscopes from Dunhuang also reveal earlier Iranian influences.la7 Pelliot chinois 4o7r is a horoscope compiled in year 7 of Kaibao ffiH (fanuary 97 5; no ritle), compiled by Kang Zun ,ffi€, who was probably a Sogdian. Jao Tsung-I identifieá in its text some citations of the aforementio ned Duli yusi jing (*Dorotheus) .ra' The horoscope's astrological system uses the eleven planets introduced by Li Miqian as well as Cao Shiwei,s Futian /f. pelliot chinois 377g (Íui jiuyao xingnian ronge fa +trJLW1-+-ãlsi*) - an astrologicar manual for the naaagrahø - refers to the planets as deities using their transliterated names from sogdian. Gao identifies these as coming from sogdian, but does not identify them as Iranian deities.rae The transriterated names are found in other documents, such as Pelliot chinois 3o8r, which includes a number of astrological schedules related to the seven-day week. These documents demonstrate how the conventions of the seven-day week in china were heavily influenced by Sogdian sources even though the seven-day week was first made accessible by Amoghavajra with his translation of Xiuyao jing, originally designed for use in the proper timing of Buddhist rituals. st. Petersburg, Russia. These. are.available online: http://www.hermitagemuseum.org. For a study see Kira samosy.k wíÆrt' "Xixia wangguo dã xingxiu chongbãi" üHf.wñElÉH ff, trans. XieJisheng #ME*' Dunhuang yn¡tufu@ffiÆ pi.A+-Zi.r44 Stein no. 4-þoo4), Ch.lvi.oo33, British Museum rgrg,oror,o.rZo. rø Russell-smith makes the same mistake in labeling this "Talisman of the pole-Star,,, in "Stars and Planets in Chinese and Central Asian Buddhist Art,,, p. r r7. k6 "Mercury is the child of the Black Emperor in the Northern Direction ]]¡¡.s.ã)|fr . ^g.ñ rgo8, zt: 427n7. Jþg¡s a¡e several works from Dunhuang.that deal specifically with the astrology of the seven-day week. For an outline see Yu Xin *ftR, shendaà renxin: Íangsong ahi.¡i õinhuang m.insheng zong¡ia, shehuishi yanjiu 1FÉ)',,ù, Ê*zw-*:ÆR,+x#r¡rlàFffiä (¡"iji"gi Z+." T t+z Zhonghua Shuju, zoo6), pp.zjo-75. Tsung-I ffif;ffi, "Lun qiyao yu shiyi yao,, ;-ñåB€gq+-re, in Xuantang jilin Ë8" -. li".lao (Taipei: ftff shu¡u, r9E4), pp. 77r-g1.See also Niu, "On the Dunhråirg Manu_ _Mingwen script P.4o7r," pp. 527-58. Gao Guofan ÊH#, "Lun Dunhuang tangren jiuyao suanmingshu" ffi"*.ÆÊ^JLWH ^ _ra€in Di-.er ñjft, (Tatpei: ¡ie. gulji tang¿ai xueshuhui yíiun uenj¡H=EWWgrcÞnqgæ;,Aã* Wensi Ch 'banshe, r993), p. 787.Zhao Zhen discuises the relationship of this text to Buddhist literature; ZhaoZhenffifi,Jiuyao xingnian lueshuo yipSTTgwei zhongxin' )LW11+.W-#, D{r.377n64,5, Dunhuangxue jikan"*,EpffiflJ 3 (zôo5), pp. zz-35. 56 Dunhuang documents and Song-era Buddhist literature indicate that the earlier specific interest in astrology within the Buddhist community had declined after the Tang, although astrology itself was still widely appreciated by the literate population. Also during Song times, Faxian ÌåH (d. rooo) translated Nannijishiþoluotian shuo thilun jing#Æ 'fffiE+ÌRffi!ffix-ÉÊËffiñg (T r3rz), that is, *Nandiheíaara-deaa Íeaches the lodiac Sutra.\so This short astrology manual describes natal and death predictions based primarily on the twelve zodiac signs and the specific twenty-seven nah¡atras subsumed under each zodiac sign.15r This work, however, was not widely studied. It appears that Buddhists had less pressing need to observe astrology as compared to the Tang period, when Mantrayaîa required that Buddhists know astrology. CONCLUSION This paper has dealt with the extent of Iranian influences in lateTang astrology - specifically the Buddhist practice as observed in the text of @yao rangzai jue, a work that has attracted the attention of historians of science but remained largely unstudied in its historical and religious contexts. Some earlier misconceptions about the nature of its text have been corrected. First, Qyao rangzai jue is not a translation by an Indian monk. It is a composite work comprised of primarily Chinese, Indian and Iranian elements. The lranian elements are in large part of Hellenistic origin. The purported authorship by a Brahmin monk is clearly a fictional attribution in light of his being said to have summoned the nah;atra deities to gain information. Furthermore, it is a Buddhist text because it prescribes sütra recitation and directly incorporates significant components of Amoghjavajra's Xiuyao jing. As the historical outline I presented above indicated, foreign astrology in China was almost entirely from Indian sources and motivated by Buddhist concerns until around the last decades of the eighth century, when the Persian Li Su was active at court alongside a certain Li Miqian lso NandikëSvara is another name for Vinãyaka/Galapati &ÉX (GaleSa) in East Asia, although no details about the deity are given. The name Nandike5vara for GaneSa is not attested in extant Sansk¡it sources. NandikëSvara, who is not Ga4e6a, is one of Siva's retinue. The term zhilun þffi in the title means zodiac, as corresponding terms in Sanskrit often incltde cahra or mandala (bhacakra, tàrãmanjala, jyotiícahra, etc.). The first character appears to be used phonetically. 151 The arrangement of nah.satras under the zodiacs is similar to that of Xiulao jing,b:ut the assignments differ, and uniquely Dhanisthã Æ is omitted ¡ather than AbhUit +, which is otherwise not seen in any extant Indian source. 5/ who, although said to be from western India, was most likely ethnically Iranian. Such foreign or non-Chinese men of Iranian backgrounds introduced Hellenistic astrology into China, and in subsequent decades Iranian elements flowed into the astrology of the late Tang and in the related practices of astral magic and its associated iconography. The transition from Sino-Indian families of astronomers to the Persian Li Su also marks a shift towards the study of Iranian astronomy, a subject which appears to have had an influence on Cao Shiwei who produced the popular calendar - Futian /i - which became standard in the practice of astrology during the late Tang. The calendar that was integrated into the text of Qyao rangzai jue appears either to have been Futian /r itself, or heavily based on it. The Babylonian goal,years in the text most likely were introduced via an Iranian intermediary such as Li Miqian, under whom Cao Shiwei had studied. Elements traceable to the Near East should force us to consider that in other literatures similar discoveries might be made. Another Buddhist text in which this is likely is Qyao xingchen bie xingfa tWE TF-EIJTÏl* (T r3o9), which contains drawings of spirits that are said to cause diseases over the days associated with them. Although clearly drawn in a Chinese fashion, their respective names are phonetic trans- literations of an unidentified language.152 Further analysis of Dunhuang documents and relevant texts in the Daoist canon in relation to Tang-era developments should be performed, in order to better understand how astrology and related art evolved over time. Further identification of specifically Iranian elements would also shed light on Sino-Iranian relations during the Tang. The presence of several paintings of *Tejaprabhã Buddha and the planetary deities at Khara Khoto suggests that the cult of astral deities was popular among the Tangut people. We know that astrology was practiced by the Tangut court,r53 and studies along these lines may uncover even more useful insights into astrology during this time period. r52 My tentative gïess at present is that these icons are also from an I¡anian source. Icons of the twenty-eight lunar mansions, including some similar to those depicted in T r3o9, are also described in the Picatrix, though their names and descriptions are different. See Greer and Warnock, trans-, Picatrix, pp. 286-93. Zoroast¡ianism had a magical practice of nerangs (incantations or charms) that were connected to the invocation of stars and planets. This t¡adition is the likely foreign source of the material in T r3og. See Antonio'Panaino, "Two Zoroastrian Nèrangs and the Invocation of the Stars and the Planets," in Touraj Daryaee and Mahmoud Omidsalar, eds., The Sþirit of lryisdlm: Essays in Memory of Ahmad Íafazzoli (Costa Mesa, Cal.: Mazda Publishers, zoo4), pp. r96-2r8. rs3 Kira Samosyuk, "The Planet Cult in the Tangut State of Xi Xia: The Khara Khoto Collection, State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg," Silk Road Art and Archaeology 5 (r997lg8), pp. 353-68. 58