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Article Author: Lopes, Ana Cristina, author. Ana
Cristina 0. Lopes
Article Title: The Divine Theater of Kalachakra
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Imprint: London; New York: Routledge, 2015.
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180
Rebirth
generations, owned property and wealth in the name of the entity, and had
internal organization, While the monks came and w ent, the entity and its prop.
erty continued. Moreover, it is essential to note that a monk’s loyalties were
primarily rooted at the khamtsen and college leels, and there was often little
feeling of brotherhood between monks of different colleges despite their being
from the same monastery.
(234—5)
7 For a detailed explanation of these contrasting religious organizational structures and
their various implications. see Samuel (1993).
8 The mass Gelug monasteries were not places of tantric study and practice. This role
was reserved for the specifically tantric colleges of the tradition.
9 The “second dissemination,” also called the “later dissemination” (Tib. phyi dat’) of
Buddhism in Tibet, refers to the period roughly between the eleventh and thirteenth
centuries during which Tibetans shared a renewed interest in the mass importation of
Indian Btiddhist texts and traditions. This period, which began after roughly 1 50 years
of political and social fragmentation in the wake of the disintegration of the Tibetan
Empire. has recently come to be called the Tibetan renaissance in Ronald Dasidson’s
study of this period bearing that name. For more details, see Davidson (2005).
10 This website has since changed to kadampa.org en, a revamped version of the
previous site.
11 The title of “Venerable.” like the title of Gen-la, reserved for National Directors and
director-generals, is used exclusively for members of the monastic community, which
is another indication of the high regard in which monks and nuns are held within
NKT.
12 For more on the mahasiddhas see Davidson (2002) and Gray (2007).
13 See Keith Dowman (2000) for a complete life-story of this master.
14 JoSo Clemente Jorge Trinta (1933—2011), a.k.a JoSosinho Trinta, was a Brazilian
visual artist known for revolutionizing Carnival in Rio de Janeiro with his innovative
contributions to the parades.
15 For a complete life-story of Trophu Lotsawa (Tib. Khro phu lo tsd ha), see B/tie
Annals (Roerich 1976: 705 11).
16 For a life-story of Buton Rinchen Druppa (Tib. Ru stan rio c/ten sgrub pa), see Blue
Annals (ibid.: 793—5).
17 3/iP,ni (Sanskrit) refers to the ten le\ els of attainment of a bodhisattva in Mahayana
Buddhism.
18 For detailed description of the iconography and meanings of the fhe Dhyani
Buddhas. see Alice Getty (1914: 25 42).
19 For a detailed description of the beliefs and practices associated with Tara, see
Stephan Beyer (1988).
20 Amoghasiddhi, or Amoghasiddha, is one of the Five Dhyani Buddhas, particularly
associated with enlightened activity. For more details, see Getty (1914 41).
I
6
The divine theater of Kalachakra’
Wondeijul!
Behind the rocky mountains, poweifidly robust
Amazing!
On the peak of the mountains in front, adorned by snow
In all directions, encircled by mist, rainbows appear.2
Shabkar Tsogdrnk Rangdrol (1781 1851)
On a cold day in late October 2002, the sun was not yet up in the city of Graz.
Yet, the reddening of scattered clouds announced its imminent appearance. This
would have been just another dawn, if it were not for the giant rainbow that
strangely extended across the skies of that Austrian city without any ostensive
signs of sunrays or rain. A Buddhist practitioner would have seen this as an aus
picious sign, for at the precise moment the rainbow defied the laws of physics in
the skies of Graz, inside the main auditorium of the recently built Stadt Hal the
Dalai Lama began the last day of the most important event in the international
Tibetan Buddhist circuit: the Kalachakra initiation rite.3
For nearly two weeks, about 10,000 people from over 70 countries4 trans
formed the landscape of the quiet city of Graz with fresh hues (especially the
traditional Tibetan colors of maroon and yellow), various accents, and in par
ticular, a religious aspiration very different from the Catholicism traditionally
practiced in Austria. This was the third time the Dalai Lama had bestowed the
Kalachakra initiation rite in Europe, and the eighth time in the West. In each
instance, this cosmopolitan mini-scenario was repeated. It should be said that the
series of Kalachakra initiations conferred by the Dalai Lama is an unprecedented
phenomenon. Sever before in Europe or in the United States had an event related
to an eastern religion brought together in such a consistent manner such a large
and eclectic group. The first Kalachakra initiation held by the Dalai Lama in the
West took place in the US state of Wisconsin in 1981 and attracted about 1,500
people a number that would grow with every subsequent performance of the
event.
The charisma and high visibility of the Dalai Lama, who has won over a
massive legion of fans and followers through his writings and public teachings,
182
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The divine theater ofKalachakra
certainly help explain the huge popularity of the Kalachakra ritual. However, the
Tibetan leader has bestowed other initiation rites in the West and in Asia without
repeating (in numerical terms, at least) the success of the Kalachakra initiations.
Bearing this in mind. I believe that to more ftilly understand the mass appeal of
the Kalachakra ritual it is important to situate it in its Asian contexts.
The Dalai Lama has granted the Kalachakra initiation in Asian countries On
22 occasions. While in Tibet. before going into exile, the Tibetan leader presided
over the ritual in question twice (1954 and 1956), bringing together about
100,000 people for each initiation. During his exile in India, the Dalai Lama
would attract 200,000 people to these events,5 According to Glenn Mullin, in
Asia the Kalachakra initiation has all the characteristics of a major Buddhist
festh al:
Entire villages and tribes come, with babies, adolescents, middle-aged
people and grandparents. Those too young. old or weak to walk are carried.
Businesses spring up everywhere, to buy from and sell to the crowd. Most
pilgrims bring a few items to sell in order to pay their way back home, small
articles of antiquity being the most usual. Roadside shops-on-a-blanket are
everywhere. In the Bodhgaya initiation of 1985 some entrepreneur even
brought in a circus, with ferris wheels and merry-go-rounds.
(Mullin 1991: 27)
The tradition of granting the Kalachakra to the masses, certainly one of the most
unique features of this initiation rite, underscores its exceptional and at the same
time paradoxical role in the context of Tibetan Buddhism. Despite its association
with large multitudes of people, the Kalachaicra Tantra is considered one of the
most intricate systems of Vajrayana Buddhism. Its basic literature covers sub
jects as diverse as astrology, geomancy. geography, history, human psychophys
iology and eschatology (Geshe Lhundub Sopa eta!. 1985: 31). And although it
has played a vital role in Tibet over the years the Tibetan calendar and medi
cine, for example. are extensively based on that system due to its great com
plexity. few! engage in an in-depth study of Kalachakra.h For example. it has
never been included in the official curriculum of any of the great Gelug tantric
colleges (ibid.: 116).
What is the purpose then of initiating people into such a complex system
through a mass ritual? First, there is the belief that these rituals can sow seeds in
participants’ mental contimtu,n7 that will bear fruit in a Etture life, when they
will have better opportunities to deepen their practice of the tantra in question.
Second, most people take part in these initiation rites in hopes of receiving
“incidental blessings,” or “jinlab” (Tib. byin briabs) in the Tibetan language
(Samuel 1993: 260).
The aura of a major festival that surrounds the Kalachakra initiation rite in
Asia seems to confirm the appeal of possible blessings and the idea of creating
future opportunities for spiritual practice. In the West where the initiation rites
per se are also charged with a festive atmosphere the situation is not very
183
different. In Graz. the Dalai Lama. with his characteristic good humor, ironically
observed that the number of participants was visibly larger on the three days
when the initiation actually took place.” On the other days the Dalai Lama and
other lamas gave several teachings on the Kalachakra Tantra and other essential
texts for the practice of Vajrayana Buddhism.
On that occasion, the Tibetan leader also pointed out that he considered his
preliminary teachings, which focused on transmitting some of the basic precepts
of Buddhism, such as compassion, to be more important than the initiation rite
itself Clearly, the Dalai Lama does not expect most of the people in his audi
ence to devote themselves to the complex practice of the Kalachakra Tantra. In
fact, he always says that he performs this initiation merely as a blessing, setting
aside the more secret practices involved. According to Robert Thurman, “with
his habitual modesty, the Dalai Lama always advises the public that ‘this initi
ation is being given by an unqualified lama to people who are also unqualified’”
(personal communication, 1997).
Another unique feature of Kalachakra directly explains its performance as a
major mass ritual: its relationship with the mythic realm of Shambhala. The con
nection between Kalachakra and Shambhala makes this system a unique case in
the category of the Unexcelled Yoga Tantra.9 According to the Dalai Lama.
other Unexcelled Yoga Tantras
have their origin in relation to individual persons or adepts, as was the case
with the Guhyasamdja Tantra and the King Indrabhuti. The Kdlachakra
Tantra, however, has been intimately connected with the country of Shamb
hala its ninety-six districts, its kings. and retinue.
(Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 166)
-
As we will see, this reference to Sharnbhala has many implications. Let us there
fore begin with a discussion of the mythic origins of the Katachakra Thntra.
—
Interwoven realities
According to the writings and teachings on the Kalachakra Tantra.’° Shakya
muni Buddha. the historical Buddha. taught the Kalachakra Tantra inside the
stupa Shri Dhanyakataka, in southern India, one year after his enlightenment. In
John Newman’s words:
In the form of Kalachakra, the Buddha stood on the vajra lion throne in the
middle of the great mandala of the “Sphere of Vajra” (vajradhatu), the abode
of great bliss. He was absorbed in the Paramadibuddha (Kalachakra)
samadhi. Inside the mandala he was encircled by a host of buddhas,
bodhisattvas, wrathful kings, gods, nagas and male and female deities.
Outside the mandala were the disciples. These included the ninety-six
satraps of Shambhala, headed by the requestor of the tantra. King Suchandra
of Sharnbhala. an emanation of Vajrapani.
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Rebirth
The entire three realms (the desire, form, and formless realms) saluted
the feet of the Buddha. and bodhisattvas. demons and gods made Copious
offerings of divine flowers, food, music, and so forth. Representing the
entire assembly, Suchandra miraculously entered the dharniadhatu mandala,
circumambulated the Teacher, and offered jeweled flowers at his feet. He
saluted the Buddha again and again, and sat down before him. With folded
hands. Suchandra requested initiation into, and instruction on. the
Kalachakra.
(Newman 1985: 53—4)
Pleased with Suchandra’s request, the Buddha taught him the 12,000 verses of
the Kaiachakra Mttlatantra (the root text for the Kalachakra Tantra) and gave
the Kalachakra initiation to all those present. Afler receiiing these teachings,
king Suchandra returned to Shambhala, where he wrote a 60,000-verse commen
tarv on the Kalachakra lilulatantra, Then, lie propagated the Kalachakra tradi
tion among his subjects. His successors maintained the tradition, gradually
spreading the Kalachakra teachings throughout the country. The seventh sover
eign after Suchandra, Manjushriyashas. made Kalachakra the official state reli
gion. initiating so mans’ people (approximately 35 millions according to the
literature on this tantra) into the Kalachakra mandala that “he and subsequent
kings became known as kulika (rigs idan), ‘one who bears the lineage’” (Tenzin
Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 59). Manjushriyashas wrote another 1,000verse summary of the Kalachakra Mulatantra, and his son, Pundarika, wrote a
12,000-verse commentary on that text, These two writings, respectively known
as Laghutantra (Abbreviated Kalachakra Tantra) and Virnalaprabha (hnmacu
late Light), were “brought to our world” by two Indian visionaries in the tenth
and eleventh centuries. This is the first historical record of Kalachakra and the
mythical narrative of the kingdom of Shambhala.
Shortly after this “first contact” with our “ordinary reality.” the Kalactiakra
Tantra and its system of measuring time were introduced into Tibet by the
Indian master Somanatha. This is why the Tibetan calendar begins in 1026 AD,
the year that marked the beginning of these teachings (Bembaum 2001 [1980]:
16). It would not be long before Buddhism (and consequently the Kalaehakra
Tantra) ceased to have a strong institutional presence in India. The literature on
the Kalachakra and the realm of Shambhala continued, nevertheless, to develop
outside of India, more specifically in Tibet and Mongolia.
Much has been written (and recounted) in these two countries regarding the
Kalachakra and Shambhala, And naturally, these teachings have been propag
ated on many levels. As Edwin Bembaum, author of the most complete study of
Shambhala published in the West, tells us, a strong folk tradition about this
kingdom including stories about the “the war and golden age to come, and
others about mystics who have gone there and the treasures they brought back”
spread among the Tibetans and Mongols. However, “the most secret aspects of
the realm of Shambhala” have never been consigned to paper. and are only
passed on orally from gum to initiate disciple (ibid.: 5). Thus, like the
—
The divine theater ofKalachci ken
185
Kalachakra initiation itself, which combines highly esoteric teachings’2 with the
exuberance of mass rituals, the imagery regarding the mythic realm of Sham
bhala shifts back and forth between the sphere of secrecy and the easily access
ible world.
In man senses, this ambiguity is also reflected in the very structure of the
myth of Shambhala. As we have seen, the roots of this mystical kingdom lie in
more than one reality, something that is in perfect harmony with the predomi
nant worldview of Tibetan Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhist texts speak of a multidi
mensional universe: there are ordinary perception, extraordinary perception
(Thurman 1995a: 6) and multiple gradations therein. Thus, the realm of Shamb
hala is believed to exist in our world, but hidden behind a “ring of mountains” or
a “barrier of mist,” and therefore invisible to those who lack pure perception.
According to Edwin Bernbaum:
Although many lay Tibetans regard Shambhala as a heaven of the gods.
most lamas consider it a Pure Land, a special kind of paradise meant only
for those on their way to Nirvana. According to the texts, the kingdom pro
vides the conditions under which one can make the fastest possible progress
toward enlightenment.
(Bembaum 2001 [1980]: 9)
It should be added that, for those lamas concerned, Shambhala is the only Pure
Land on this planet. The paths leading to this Buddhist paradise have been
described in detail in countless “travel guides” (Tib. gnas yig). Although the
“coordinates” given in these guides combine real and mythical elements,
which makes them almost impossible for an ordinary person to follow, they
give the feeling that the kingdom of Shambhala is actually within everyone’s
(physical) reach (ibid.: 29—30). In many senses. the most fascinating aspect of
Shambhala appears to be precisely that it affords the possibility of a meeting
of two worlds. As we will see, there are several “paths” leading to Sharnbhaia,
and. particularly. several instances in which the meeting between our reality
and mythical realms can occur. In any event, this meeting is predicted to
happen on at least one occasion. According to the mythical narrative. 3.000
years after the enlightenment of Buddha Shakyamuni (so in roughly 300 to 400
years) the kingdom of Shambhala will emerge from behind the barrier that
makes it invisible. After a long period of degeneration during which men will
lose sight of the truth and spirituality and the world will be dominated by a
materialist dictatorship, the king of Shambhala, Rudra Chakrin, will lead an
army of enlightened warriors against the “barbarians,” or labs (Tib. kla kb).
Once the battle is won, the “nile of Shambhala will extend over the rest of the
world.” ushering in a new, perfect era, “better than anything that has happened
before” (ibid.: 22 3).
The difficulties Tibetans faced after the Chinese invasion and in the wake of
the Cultural Revolution are sometimes interpreted as a sign that we are entering
the period of degeneracy that precedes the era of liberation. This interpretation
186
Rebirth
The divine theater ofKalachakra
of historic events on the basis of myth provides important clues for understand
ing the worldview that guides the work of some lamas, demonstrating that
“mythical consciousness” and “historical consciousness” are not mutually excftt_
sive. Jonathan Hill’s theoretical reflections in Rethinking Mvt/ and Histon are
especially pertinent in relation to this point. Although his work focuses on indi
genous South American societies. it is still extremely relevant to us. since it dis
cusses precisely the impossibility of drawing clear boundaries between the
notions of myth and history. Among the many points that Hill discusses in his
book, the notion that history is “the totality’ of processes whereby individuals
experience, interpret, and create changes within social orders” (Hill 1988: 2—3)
is particularly important to this discussion, because it enables us to understand
how myth can be a powerful “machine for negating time” and therefore history,
as Levi-Strauss (1 995) has stated, while being at the same time an instrument for
interpreting historical changes, such as those experienced by the Tibetans after
the Chinese invasion. In this sense, it could be said that mythic atemporality and
historical temporality are often combined in a certain Tibetan sensibility towards
history, as we have seen, for instance, in the case of the Fifth Dalai Lama,
The use of these parameters in the interpretation of historical events seems to
be essential in the understanding of recent developments in Tibetan Buddhism,
since the interpretation of realities on the basis of myth has a direct impact on
the work of some lamnas in the diaspora, including the Dalai Lama. Indeed, the
association between the Shambhala myth and the tragic fate of Tibet gives a
feeling of urgency to the transmission of the Kalachakra initiation in particular.
According to the Dalai Lama,
The higher meditations of the Kalachakra Tantra can be practiced only by a
select few; but because of past and future events, and in order to establish a
strong karmic relationship with Kalachakra in the minds of the people. there
is now a tradition of giving the initiation to large public gatherings.
(Geshe Lhundub Sopa eta!. 1985: xviii—xix)
It is interesting to note that the missionary connotation present here can also be
perceived in the work of other larnas in exile. This is particularly the case with
Lama Gangchen. As we have seen, Lama Gangchen structures his activities, and
particularly his spiritual practice, on the basis of preparing his disciples for the
final battle of Shambhala.
Unlike Lama Gangchen, however, the Dalai Lama rarely, if ever, makes ref
erences to Shambhala in terms of the need to prepare for the struggle alongside
the illuminated warriors in the battle ahead (Gangchen 1997 [1993]). The
Tibetan leader primarily discusses the mythical kingdom in the form of scholarly
digressions, presented during the initiation ceremony. furthermore, the Shamb
hala myth is implicit in the very structure of the Kalachakra ritual. Such associ
ations with the Sharnbhala myth have numerous implications. The most
prominent one as in the case of Lama Gangchen is once again the question of
world peace. The full title of the event that took place in Graz expresses this
—
—
187
clearlY “Kalachakra for World Peace Graz 2002.” Therefore, the main focus
worldwide
here IS the numerous ways in which the question of peace (certainly
comes
see)
will
we
as
Buddhism,
Tibetan
but also within the institutions of
together in the Kalachakra ritual.
Ritual time, mythical time
first of all, it is crucial to emphasize that commentaries on the Kalachakra
describe the battle of Shambhala not only in historical tern’is but also as a “spir
itual battle” in which each individual must struggle against his or her own neg
ative feelings and barbarous attitudes. which arise from ignorance of the true
nature of reality. As Khenpo Noryang explained to Bembaum:
We can talk about three Shambhalas corresponding to the three divisions of
the Kalachakra teachings. The outer Shambhala exists as a kingdom in the
extemal world, the inner lies hidden in the body and mind, and the other
[altemative] is the Kalachakra mandala with all its deities.
(Bembaurn 2001 [1980]: 141)
Clearly, based on this description of the kingdom of Sharnbhala in its different
layers of meaning, the mythical narrative not only figures in the history of the
origins of the Katachakra Tantra, but it is also directly incorporated into the
ritual. This proximity with the myth spotlights, among other things, a highly
unique elaboration of the concept of time. Literally. “Kalachakra” means “wheel
of time.” Nonetheless. “Kala. or time is not linear time, but the flow of all
events, past. present. and future. This is similar to our concept of space. which
does not imply any particular direction or limitation” (Bryant 1992: 24). The
Kalachakra system includes three time cycles: external, which has to do with
the passing of hours, days. months. years. etc.: internal, which deals with the
sequence of daily breaths that an individual takes: and finally, the alternative
cycle, which deals with all of the spiritual practices related to the tantra in ques
tion. Therefore, “the external and internal cycles deal with time as we normally
conceive it. while the aiternati e cycle refers to the methods that lead to libera
tion from the first two” (Berzin 2010 [1997]: 27).
A unique characteristic of the Ka!achakra Tantra, the correspondence that the
ritual establishes between the external and internal time cycles, or in a broader
sense, between the macrocosm and microcosm. brings the system as a whole
closer to the concept of myth as it is discussed by Levi-Strauss. Comparing myth
with music, the French anthropologist concludes that both operate on the basis
of a “twofold continuum.”
[O]ne part of it is external and is composed in the one instance of historical.
or supposedly historical, events forming a theoretically infinite series from
which each society extracts a limited number of relevant incidents with
which to create its myths: and in the other instance, the equally infinite
188
Rebirth
series of physically producible sounds, from which each musical systetu
selects its scale. The second aspect of the continuum is internal and is situ
ated in the psychophysiological time of the listener, the elements of which
are very complex: they involve the periodicity of cerebral waves and organj
rhythms, the strength of the memory, and the power of attention.
(Levi-Strauss 1979: 16j
In many ways, the form in which the Kaiachakra ritual deals with what Lëvi_
Strauss calls a “twofold continuum” sheds light on the conscious and uncon
scious mechanisms involved in the narration and reception of myths. For
example, it is precisely through the imaginary performative alignment in the
external and internal cycles that the power of “suppressing time” that the French
anthropologist directly associates with myth is transformed into “experience” in
the ritual. Robert Thurman’s interpretation of the etymology of the word
“Kalachakra” is particularly germane to this discussion. Thurman gives the
extended meaning of the term “chakra,” which can also mean “machine.”
According to this interpretation, “Kalachakra” would mean “Time Machine,”
“not in the science-fiction sense that it travels through time, but in the special
sense that it is the artistic creation with which universal compassion turns time
into a machine to produce the enlightenment of all sentient beings” (Rhie and
Thurman 1991: 384).
In this context, the idea of a “time machine” is very close to the effects
wrought by myth and ritual: the suspension of the “normal” course of rime. This
is one of the most essential properties of tantric practice, which consists of accel
erating the process of spiritual development, making it possible to “reverse” the
logical order of the religious path. In the tantra, the practitioner takes the future
outcome of his or her practice as the starting point. This means that during the
ritual, initiates “act,” “speak” and “think” as if they were already fully enlight
ened. In this regard, the ritual could primarily be thought of as a “chain of
mirrors” in which the body, speech and mind of the practitioner are “trans
formed” into the body. speech and mind of the chief deity. in this case, the
Kalachakra deity, through the meditation techniques of mudra, mantra and visti
alization.’3 In the ritual, the method of identification can be interpreted as a the
atrical performance. In a carefully constructed scenario based on the elaborate
art of citation, the practitioner plays his part in what can be poetically describe
as a “cosmic drama without beginning or end.”
The theatre of enlightenment
The c/nine theater t?fKa/achakra
practitioners mentally construct a “virtual reality” in which they and the world
that surrounds them are viewed as perfect. in their fully enlightened nature.
ccording to Jeffrey Hopkins, “much of tantric practice is structured around
mimicking ordinary, uncontrolled processes in a manner that serves to puri’
those processes and bring them under control. In this case, the process of taking
febirth is being mimicked, purified, and brought under control” (Tenzin Gyatso
and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 94).
Here, we see the structural proximity that clearly exists between tantric ritual
and theatre. While there are many points of similarity that confirm this proxim
ity,’5 two are particularly relevant for the present discussion, First, it is important
to stress the direct relationship between text and performance even imaginary
performance within the sphere of tantric ritual. The text that the lama follows
when conducting the rite can, in a way. be understood as a script (clearly a very
rigid one) that “leads” the practitioner along an imaginary route or an equally
imaginary performance throughout the initiation rite. In this context, there is
little or no room for improvisation. Recalling Hopkins’s words once again,
habitual processes are reproduced in a controlled environment for the ultimate
purpose of perfecting them, To a great extent, the text of the ritual can be con
sidered the chief basis for creating this controlled environment.
The idea of repetition is another important factor, Both in the initiation rite
and the daily practice of Kalachakra. the steps involved in the practitioner’s
imaginary transformation are repeated countless times. It can generally be said
that transformation is expected to occur through repetition during which the
body and mind gradually become “accustomed” to the new principles. Basically,
the practitioner arrives at a sense of experience by directly superimposing imagi
nary performances involving similar (or even identical) cycles of transformation
(Turner 1986, 1982).
The concept of experience has been an important part of Buddhism since the
doctrine first developed. Among other things, the emphasis on experience has had
the practical result of creating a varied range of methods ostensibly aimed at fur
thering spiritual growth. However, it is only within the context of Vajrayana Bud
dhism to which the Kalachakra rite pertains that meditation methods have
given special meaning to the concept of peijormance in Buddhist rituals by pro
posing an imaginary identification betu een practitioners and meditational deities.
This brings us to a second aspect of the structural similarities between ritual and
theatre that I would like to spotlight: the close connection between performance
and experience, and its place in the religious system as a whole. The entire range
of tantric ritual practice has proven to be an effective way of presenting abstract
concepts such as non-duality, emptiness and Buddha nature in a concrete form,
or performance. It could be said that this method is capable of focusing all of the
practitioner’s energy and concentration on the assimilation of the doctrine.
In this regard, it is essential to stress that all tantric initiation rites form part of
a dramatic narrative. In the specific case of the Kalachakra rite, this narrative
mirrors birth and the other seven stages of childhood that are represented by the
seven main initiations into which the rite is divided.’6 The central place of the
—
—
—
—
Just as in most initiation rites in all cultures, the basic structure of the Kalachakra
ritual is based on the cycle of death (the former personality) and rebirth (as a
new person), therefore constituting at some level a rite of passage. ‘‘ During the
initiation process, this cycle is repeated several times, culminating in the initi
ate’s final rebirth as the Kalachakra deity. To a great extent, the main idea here
has to do with rebirth in an idealized form. Following the lama’s instructions,
1 89
190
Rebirth
The divine theater ofKalachakra
concept of narrative within tantric ritual cannot be overstated. According to
Hayden White,
[N]arrative might well be considered a solution to a problem of genera’
human concern, namely, the problem of how to translate knowing into
telling, the problem of fashioning human experience into a form assimilable
to strictures of meaning that are generally human, rather than culturespecific.
(White 1990: lj
In this sense, it could be said that the overall structure of tantric ritual sums up
the abstract concepts of Mahayana Vajrayana doctrine. Through this “narrativi
zation” a practice that, as White observes, is capable of creating a form of
trans-cultural communication practitioners are prepared to experience these
abstract concepts in the course of the performance.
A brief description is in order here to give an example of the “internal initi
ation” that, as the first step in the ritual, introduces the practitioner to tantric
reality, preparing him or her for the principal initiations the seven initiations
that represent seven different “stages” of childhood.’7 In any event, without
delving too deeply into the complexities of these concepts, we can say that this
process involves the abovementioned mechanism of imitating “routine processes
that are out of our control” and thereby controlling them. In this case, the initi
ations as a whole represent the initiates’ conception, gestation and birth. At the
end of the ritual, the practitioner is reborn as the “child of the lama” or the “child
of the deity” and thus, an “uncontrolled” process birth, or better yet, re-birth
has been placed under control within the context of the initiation.’8 This is also
true for “childhood” the time of learning in society and the practice of Bud
dhist teachings beyond the ritual which should follow the same logic and be
controlled in accordance with the divine sequence of “stages” represented by the
seven initiations mentioned above, Therefore, it could be said that the “internal
initiation” the initial stage of the Kalachakra ritual plays an important struc
tural role that, in a way, reflects the significance of the ritual as a whole.
It is important to stress that within the context of tantric ritual the practition
er’s performance begins with the construction of the setting in which he or she
will “perform.” On the basis of the ritual text, which is a “script” permeated with
doctrinal and historical mythological references, the Dalai Lama invites the prac
titioners to set aside their usual view of reality, replacing a perception that is
considered “impure” with “a pure perception.” The Dalai Lama himself should
be seen as a Kalachakra deity and, similarly, the place where the initiation takes
place should be seen as the deity’s divine palace. The Dalai Lama “manifests” as
Kalachakra, ith a blue body, four faces and 24 arms, in sexual union with his
consort, Vishvamata, who is pictured with a yellow body, four faces and eight
arms. There are countless complex references behind this description of Kalach
akra and Vishvamata. For now, however, I will focus on their essential meaning:
the depiction of a fully enlightened being.
-
-
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placing their trust in this basic understanding, practitioners must visualize
rays of light emanating from the lama’s heart. Each practitioner is then captured
by a ray of light and transported inside the lama’s mouth, travelling through the
lama’s body to fall into the womb of Vishvamata, who is understood here as an
archetypal mother Within Vishvamata’s womb, practitioners are transformed
into emptiness. This is the critical moment of the initiation rite, because it is the
time when the practitioner becomes aware of the emptiness of existence inherent
to all phenomena. According to the Dalai Lama, the mind that perceives and
understands emptiness “serves as the substance of each student’s appearance as
Kalachakra” (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985]: 175). This mind that
“understands emptiness” is successively transformed into the seed-syllable’9
hum, into a vajra2° and finally into the form of the Kalachakra deity not with
all the faces and arms of the mandala’s tutelary deity, but with just one face and
two arms.
This brief example provides a glimpse into an important aspect of the ritual’s
general structure: the dramatic narrative in which the practitioner’s actions take
place is replete with metaphors. Thus, if there is a direct reference to the concept
of emptiness during the initiation, there is also an indirect reference to it through
a figure of speech. In fact, the multiple transformations that each practitioner
undergoes before emerging as Kalachakra can be interpreted as a powerful meta
phor for the concept of emptiness. They express the multiple possibilities for
representing something, and its consequent lack of inherent existence (Dagyab
Rinpoche 1995: 6). The realization and experience of emptiness plays an essen
tial role in the ritual, as it forms the basis for self-transformation in the context
of this esoteric practice. Emptiness can be understood as an antidote for the reifi
cation of the self. The glimpse of the non-existence of a fixed identity creates
some of the conditions for a concrete change.
Here, Victor Turner can help us understand other elements of the language of
this ritual. Indeed, the concept of emptiness and its role within the sphere of
tantric ritual are, in a way, analogous to Turner’s concept of “anti-structure.”
Turner uses this term to describe the moment in rituals when social structures
and roles are not present, emphasizing that it is not a reference to a “structural
reversal, a mirror-imaging of ‘profane’ workaday socioeconomic structure, or a
fantasy-rejection of structural necessities, but to the liberation of human capa
cities of cognition, affect, volition, creativity, etc.” (Turner 1982: 44). Just as
anti-structure is the basis for social change in Turner’s interpretation of ritual, so
the notion of emptiness is the basis for inner transfornation that is sought in
tantric ritual.
One of the most interesting points Turner discusses in regard to the concept
of anti-structure has to do with the nature of the language used at this stage of
the ritual. Based on the findings of Van Gennep. Turner observes that in ritual,
language “moves from the indicative mood of cultural process, through culture’s
subjunctive mood back to the indicative mood, though this recovered mood has
now been tempered, even transformed, by immersion in subjunctivity” (Turner
1982: 82). The subjunctive mood is related to the anti-structural aspect of the
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Rebirth
ritual, and indicates a wish, a desire, a possibility or a hypothesis. It is, in fact,
the language of “wishful thinking.” In Turner’s words: “It is ‘as if it were so’,
not ‘it is so’” (ibid.: 83).
In esoteric Buddhist ritual, the subjunctive mood is always coupled ith the
indicative mood. In the rite in question. if the multiple transformations that prac
titioners undergo before emerging as Kalachakra can be interpreted as a powerful
metaphor for the concept of emptiness, then this method of transformation also
aims to reveal their true essence, which is already “fully enlightened.” This is
implicit in the identification between each practitioner and the deity. However, if
each of us is a/reath’ fully enlightened in the latter sense, we are “imprisoned”
on a relative or conventional level by our mental defilements. One of the aims of
the tantric ritual is precisely to “purii” these defilemems. thereby enabling the
emergence of the practitioner’s true “self.” Thus, the tantric ritual combines the
indicative and subjunctive moods to create a basis for transformation. Para
phrasing Turner, it is “as if it were so” now, because “it is so” a/ready.
Implicit in this coupling of the subjunctive and indicative moods is one of the
main concepts developed by Mahayana thought. which has become one of the
pillars of the practice of Vajrayana Buddhism: the notion of the non-duality of
samsara and nirvana. Achieving liberation or enlightenment ceases to become a
question of leaving this world. Nirvana is taking place in the here and now, but
the impurity of our vision prevents us from seeing it. In this sense, the idea of
personal transformation that is expressed in various ways in tantric ritual can be
translated, first and foremost, into a transformation of the practitioner’s per
spective. In effect, the “stage of creation” that is being dealt with in the Kala
chakra initiation concentrates essentially on transforming each practitioner’s
perception, informing and shaping it through symbols and concepts that are
potentially capable of shaking the fottndations of their worldview. The purpose
of the imaginative performance of the tantric ritual may be precisely to influence
this perception in practice by encapsulating abstract doctrinal concepts in “con
crete metaphors” that are lived out through the performance. By means of the
enacted experience of the ritual, the image that the practitioners themselves have
of their bodies and surrounding environment (extending as far as the entire uni
verse) is remodeled and takes on new meaning.
In regard to this transformation, the ritual contains a double progressive
movement that confers new meanings not only on the practitioner’s body but
also on his or her environment. During the second part of the ritual, the practi
tioners who had previously been outside the mandala palace visualize them
selves entering one of its doors. During this process, they circle around the
mandala, climbing each of its levels in their imaginations until they reach the
center. The lama narrates this journey, describing every detail of the environ
ment while the practitioners proceed through the mandala. The varied aspects of
the mandala are associated with the signs of the Zodiac, the main planets and
constellations, as well as the 360 days of the year (following the lunar calendar).
Here, each month is symbolized by a deity, who is accompanied by 30 assist
ants, one for each day of the month. A comparison can be made here with the
The divine theater ofKalachaltTa
193
Japanese method of accentuating the obscure aspects of an object, known as
,nitate. As Masao Yamaguchi explains. “The Japanese tise initate to extend the
image of an object. By so doing they transcend the constraints of time”
(Yamaguchi 1991: 58). According to Yamaguchi. in the Japanese context, initate
which, in many regards. could be described as an “art of citation” is a uni
versal tendency to bring the invisible to light through the visible organization of
objects. In the case of the Kaiachakra ritual, which gradually becomes visible bit
by bit albeit in the practitioners’ imaginations it is a certain conception of the
universe that is inherent to this system. and in which microcosms and macro
cosms are closely connected.
In this cosmic environment. practitioners are invited to carry out the so-called
“internal initiation” four more times in conjunction with the main initiations of
the ritual. The first of these four internal initiations is received together with the
“water” and “crown” initiations on the northern (white and peaceful) face of
Kalachakra represented by the mandala. Following the same pattern, the second
initiation is received together with the “silk ribbon” and “vajra and bell” initi
ations on the southern (red and voluptuous) face of Kalachakra. The third initi
ation, which is associated with the “conduct” and “name” initiations, occurs on
the eastern (blue and wrathful) face of Kalachakra. Finally, the fourth initiation
and the final “permission” initiation are received on the western (yellow and
contemplative) face of Kalachakra (Tenzin Gyatso and Hopkins 1999 [1985):
74). The four “faces” or aspects of Kalachakra are respectively associated with
the body, speech, mind and “bliss.” The initiations held on the first three of these
faces are therefore directly related to the purification of the body, speech and
mind.
The sequence of the four sets of internal initiations reproduces the circular
movement inherent to the figure of the principal deity. Thus. the dramatic experi
ence of being “reborn” countless times in four different directions gives practi
tioners the means to achieve awareness of the concept of the simultaneity of time
during the performance. As Paul Mus explains, the multiplication of faces or
aspects confers the power of blessing in not just one direction but in all direc
tions at once. In this regard. the four-faced form of Kalachakra indicates some
type of succession in time. This image denotes a circular movement, constituting
an “axis” for a ritual procession (Mus 1964: 6). It could be said that the perform
ance in the Kalachakra ritual has the power to convert time into space in the
practitioners’ imaginations, giving them elements that can influence the manner
in which they perceive time.
In the ritual, this particular characteristic of Kalachakra is expressed in more
than one way. One of the most inspiring and concise forms of transformation of
time into space may be the representation of the 360 days of the year in the
mandala. According to Edwin Bernbaum:
—
—
—
—
[Ajs a particular deity. each day takes on a divine quality that partakes of
eternity. Along the way he comes to see them as different manifestations of
the main tutelary deity of the Kalachakra, who embodies the timelessness
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of every passing moment. Through the visualization of these deities, he
experiences the secret that past and future are but different phases of one
time that happens now. By identifying himself with the tutela;y deity who
rules them all, he eventually becomes master of time itself
(Bembaum 2001 [1980]: 129—30)
In many regards, it could be said that the Kalachakra Tantra’s capacity of
“manipulating” time gives it a special connection to the idea of world peace.
Jhado Tulku Rmpoche, who between 1997 and 2004 served as abbot of Namgyal
Monastery. the Dalai Lama’s personal monastery, addressed this question
directly in a lecttire he gave in Graz:
Although in the other major tantric systems like the Guhvasamaja. lajrab
harava. chakrasannarci, there is a meditation and analogy regarding the
paths to be purified. Nevertheless, you do not have a result, which is similar
to this. You do not have an extensive system of analogy as you have in the
Kalachakra. In the Kalachakra, you have a presentation of the external world
to be purified with the passage of the years and months and days and the
signs of the zodiac. We have an internal basis to be purified, which refers to
the body with the passage of the 21,600 breaths during the course of one
day. analogous to the 2 1,600 hours in the course of the year. and we have a
meditation in analogy with this in order to purify both the internal and exter
nal basis. And doing this purification we are able to overcome the effects of
the influence of these internal and external cycles. Now in connection with
world peace. if on the external level the passage of the year. and month and
day happens in a peaceful way, we can bring about a peaceful situation. And
if it is confused, we know the way the time passes is filled with a great deal
of problems. Similarly [this is what happens] with the body and the passage
of breaths and so on. If this is all confused and the basis of it is confused,
then we experience great difficulties, problems with health and so on,
whereas, if it goes smoothly, we experience our bodies in a peaceful
situation.
The chime theater of’Kalachakra
1 95
1neaning to the ritual as a whole that can only be discussed on the basis of the
element5 of the Sharnbhala myth.
Myth and peace
in which ritual
It can generally be said that the construction of the sacred setting
As a mass
practice.
ritual
of
practitioners “act” goes beyond the strict boundaries
must
be under
that
significance
ritual, the Kalachakra initiation has a broader
of
theatre
divine
the
stages
Lama
stood in this light. Every time the Dalai
mythic
the
to
reference
explicit
an
Kalachakra for thousands of people he makes
kingdom of Shambhala. As we have seen. after receiving initiation from Buddha
Shakyamuni. king Suchandra returned to Shambhala and made Kalachakra the
state religion. Also according to tradition. after king Suchandra received the
Kalachakra initiation from the Buddha. 26 kings would govern the kingdom of
Shambhala, and all of them would propagate the teachings of Kalachakra, Every
year. each of these kings gave, gives and will give the Kalachakra initiation to
his entire kingdom.
Among all the stories of the sovereigns of Shambhala, one is particularly rel
evant to Kalachakra as a mass ritual related to world peace. Manjushriyashas, the
seventh king after Suchandra. initiated so many subjects during his reign that, as
mentioned earlier, he became known as the first kuhika. or “he who bears the
lineage.” According to Alex Berzin and Jhado Rinpoche. the association with the
concept of peace is derived from the occasion on which king Manjushriyashas
gave the Kalachakra initiation to the entire population of his kingdom in order to
unite his people against the threat of a barbarian invasion. In Berzin’s words:
At that time, Shambhala was a land comprised of people from many dif
ferent backgrounds and religions. Most, in fact, were Hindu. Caste prejudice
was rampant and different groups within society refused even to eat with
one another. 1s a divided society, Sharnbhala was weak.2
It was not king Manjushriyashas’s intention to convert his subjects.u The sover
eign knew that most people would take part in the initiation as observers which
is precisely what happens in the rituals presided over by the Dalai Lama today.
As stated by Berzin:
—
I
The basic idea expressed here is that external peace begins with inner peace,
which is a central idea in just about every line of Buddhism. However, because
it is incorporated into a ritual, this notion takes on new outlines and has different
offshoots. This reference to peace was probably the main reason why the Kalach
akra has become an important stage of activities for the Dalai Lama. The cause
of peace enables the Dalai Lama to rub shoulders with the world’s political
leaders and has raised the Tibetan cause to a universal level. In a way, the
Kalachakra initiation rite permits the Tibetan leader to implement in practice
(albeit through an action “of a magical nature” his theoretical discourse on
defending world peace. There are several ways through which the question of
peace is voiced in the Kalachakra initiation. We have already seen some exam
ples of this in the ritual performance. Nevertheless, there is an underlying
The King of Shambhala said that he gathered his people in the Kalachakra
mandala palace to join them together and convince them to re-examine their
own customs and religions. He hoped to provide the circumstances for them
to think about ethics and examine if they were really living up to the stand
ards that their religious taught.23
In many ways. the Dalai Lama also reproduces the spirit that drm e Manjcishri
yashas to disseminate the Kalachakra in the mass initiation rites. The Tibetan
leader literally states that the most important part of the event occurs before the
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ritual is held. As we have seen, for the Dalai Lama, the preliminary teachings
that generally deal with subjects like compassion, love and ethics are the most
essential part of the event. He also says that the main reason for giving the
Kalachakra initiation is to lead a large and diverse group of people to spend ten
days in a peaceful atmosphere. He made this clear on the first day of teachings:
Among the people who are gathered here. it is possible that there are some
who practice their own religion. It is also possible that there are people who
do not have any religious practice. Among those who already follow a reli
gious tradition, it is possible that listening to Buddhist teachings will provide
you some new insights. In the past, I had the opportunity to give talks in
many places to Protestants, Catholics. and many of them came to me and
said that it has benefited [them] in strengthening their own religious tradi
tion. And even if that is not the case, it will definitely help to bring harmony
and unity among the different traditions.
In fact, the Dalai Lama goes beyond his inter-religious statements, encouraging
those present to follow the traditions of their “forefathers,” or at least, not to dis
respect them. During the event, an inter-religious conference was also held at a
Graz university. “On this occasion,” the Dalai Lama declared later during his
farewell speech. “the religious leaders of five major religions of the world spoke
of the need for peace and harmony in the world.” thereby calling on everyone,
Buddhists and non-Buddhists alike, to follow this advice. It is also important to
stress that the Dalai Lama takes pains to ensure that Btiddhists from other tradi
tions play an active role in the event. E cry day, before he began his teachings,
the Tibetan leader invited a group of Buddhists present there to recite a text or
recite a prayer. In his words:
Normally, when I give this initiation in India, there is a recitation in Pali,
and then if there is a large number of Chinese audience members this will
be followed by the recitation of the Heart Sutra in Chinese. But today the
recitation of the Heart Sutra will be done in Vietnamese. After this, we are
going to do the refuge prayer in Tibetan.
Here we have examples of how the Kalachakra initiation is one of the most ideal
platforms for the Tibetan leader’s activities, for it enables him to spread his
message of peace and harmony throughout the world and among all faiths from
a prominent position, with the support of a mythical narrative.
Kalachakra and the state
Another aspect of the Kalachakra initiation that correlates with the widespread
teaching of the value of peace, but whose outcomes can be x cry different, is the
Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian posture in relation to the different lines of Tibetan
Buddhism. Without a doubt, the Xalachakra initiation has become one of the
The divine theater olKalachcikra
197
most (if not the most) important events related to Tibetan Buddhism in the
diaspora, bringing together representatives of all of its traditions. In Graz, lamas
from the four schools of Tibetan Buddhism.21 and also the Bön tradition, gave
lectures and took part in the ritual alongside the Daiai Lama. One of the event’s
organizers, Chungdak Koren a Tibetan woman who for many years was the
representative of the Dalai Lama’s government in Geneva says that the initial
intention was to invite leaders from all lineages to the initiation, but some could
not attend only the head of the Sakya School. Sakva Trinzin. was present in
Graz. In any case, it is important to stress that all the other schools were repres
ented by important lamas.
The Dalai Lama’s significant opening address showed clear signs of his
trans-sectarian posture on multiple levels. On the first day of teachings. the
Tibetan leader discussed the introduction of Buddhism in Tibet. He particu
larly mentioned the roles that Abbot Shantarakshita and Padmasambhava
played in establishing Buddhism in his country. He also spoke about Atisha
and his role in the second period of the dissemination of Buddhism in Tibet.
finally. he observed:
—
—
When you hear all these accounts, it becomes very clear that the tradition of
Buddhism that is practiced in Tibet is none other than the Nalanda tradition.
Texts like Nagarjuna’s fwiclamental Wisdom, Chandrakirti’s introduction
to tile Middle Way, and Aryadeva’s four Hztiith’ed Verses, are still studied
in the main establishments. [...] In the Indian Nalanda Monastic University
there was a complete practice of all the traditions that have been preserved
in Pali, and Sanskrit. So all these teachings were available there in Nalanda
Monastic University. It is very clear that all these teachings that were prac
ticed in Nalanda were preserved in Tibet itself.
These words express the Dalai Lama’s clear intention of stressing the common
origins of all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. This aim was further confirmed
because, in the course of his talk, he also underlined the common provenance
(the Nalanda Monastic University) of the precursors of each of the Tibetan tradi
tions. In this regard, it is also worth citing another reference that the Dalai Lama
made to Nalanda at Graz. The Tibetan leader introduced his western audience to
a prayer he had written in honor of the founding masters, entitled “A Prayer to
the 17 Great Pandits of the Glorious Nalanda.” With this prayer, which was to be
said every day before the teachings, the Dalai Lama cemented his trans-sectarian
posture in a moment of religious communion.
Echoes of the Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian discourse could also be heard in
the lecture given by Sakya Trinzin. the leader of the Sakya School, on his own
spiritual tradition. Sakya Trinzin also stressed the points that the different line
ages share in common.
Inside Tibet there are many different spiritual lineages. Now we speak of
four. All those four have followed a common path, which begins with the
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Rebirth
The c/i’diie theater of Kalachakra
bodhicttta. generating the altruistic mind of enlightenment, and culminate
with the union of the path of the sutras and the secret mantra. And there
ha e been lots of extraordinary beings that could write about the frnit of
their accomplishments in all four traditions. So in truth all those main
schools and traditions and lineages are certainly not contradictory expres
sions of the Buddha’s teachings. And, promoting beneficial and enlightened
activities for the benefit of all sentient beings, all of them have worked in
the same way.
I
Sakya Trinzin also discussed the other three schools’ influences on his own
school. Thus, both speakers expressed an alignment with a certain non-partisan
view of Tibetan Buddhism.25 In fact, the Dalai Lama does not limit himself to
the framework of spiritual practice pertaining to Gelug. his school of origin. On
more than one occasion he has given initiations and lectures on the traditions of
other schools, and in particular, Dzogchen. the spiritual practice exclusive to the
Nyingma and BOn schools. Moreover, the Tibetan leader also often expresses a
personal interest in finding academic support for his defense of the harmony
among the many and varied viewpoints of the different schools. According to
Alex Berzin, the Dalai Larna personally asked him to carry out an in-depth study
of the four Tibetan Buddhist traditions in order to create a “unified field theory”
that shows how they all fit together (personal communication. 2002).
This trans-sectarian posture regarding the other schools of Tibetan Buddhism
sheds light on the clearly political aspect of the Kalachakra initiation, because, in
many ways. it indicates a structural relationship with the state as it was organ
ized in Tibet. Recall the discussion in Chapter 2 concerning the establishment of
the state of the Dalai Larnas that demonstrates how the fifth Dalai Lama skill
fully united religion and politics in a governmental structure that endured for
centuries. The Fifth Dalai Lama sought to go beyond the bounds of his own
school in order to create a symbolic apparatus for the state that assimilated refer
ences from most of the other Tibetan Buddhist traditions, in particular the
Nyingma School.26 By taking a trans-sectarian stance, the current Dalai Lama
follows in the example of his predecessor. This strengthens his position as the
leader of Tibetan Buddhism as a whole, which is proving to be crucial to the
Tibetan cause.
It should also be underscored that probably more than at any other perform
ance of the Kalachakra initiation before it. this political aspect was expressed in
many ways at the event held in Graz, First, unlike previous events, the Dalai
Lama was not invited to give the initiation by a Buddhist organization. In fact, it
was the mayor of Graz himself, Alfred Stingl, who formally requested the
Kalachakra teachings. Stingi, a recognized champion of human rights, was
declaredly more interested in the ethical and humanitarian message the Dalai
Lama could communicate at the event than in the religious aspect per se. Second.
partly due to that official invitation, different levels of government including
city, state and federal provided ample funding: roughly three million euros.
Generally, funding for these events is obtained from the private sector. through
—
—
199
donations. Graz was designated the cultural capital of Europe in 2003. and a
number of activities were already scheduled. The generous supply of govern
ment funding. and the mayor’s invitation, were therefore justified in light of the
belief that the Kalachakra would be a good way to publicize how the city pro
posed to fulfill its designated role. finally, a number of side-programs spotlight
ing the cause of Tibetan independence were also held during the ten-day
initiation entitled “Kalachakra for World Peace Graz 2002.” To a great extent,
the presence of Chungdak Koren (who, as we have seen, was the representative
of the Dalal Lama’s government in Geneva) among the organizers is directly
related to the pciblicity for the Tibetan cause throughout the initiation. As she
explains:
Normally. wherever His Holiness gives teachings. the organizers do not
have much political issue awareness of Tibet. They are just focused on the
it is lucky that I have been here, and that I had
teaching. Whereas here
the responsibility for Hall 12 [where the restaurants and the stores selling
Buddhist-related products were located], which I made a condition. I said,
“I’ll come, but then I’ll have responsibility for the marketing, and the
control of the side-programs,” because I knew how it normally works.... Of
course this is a religious teaching, but you cannot ignore the political issue
if His Holiness is there. After all. His Holiness is the head of 6 million
people. and he has been working for the Tibetan issue for the last 40 years.
So how can you ignore this? If you really respect him, you have to support
his concern, his interest. And his interest is to solve the problem of Tibet. in
a peaceful solution. So I was happy I could organize these three things.
...
The side-programs that Chungdak Koren organized included screenings of
several films, including a documentary about the boy recognized by the Dalai
Lama as the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama, whom the Chinese imprisoned
together with his family in 1995. As we have seen in Chapter 1, the Panchen
Lama’s current whereabouts are unknown, and many believe that he has been
assassinated. Koren is also a member of the International Campaign for Tibet
(ICT). which has organized an exhibition on the Chinese occupation of Tibet
and was presented the “Light of Truth” award. This annual award is bestowed to
“individuals who have made a significant contribution to public understanding of
the situation in Tibet and the cause of independence.” In Graz, the honorees were
Petra Kelly (in mernoriam). co-founder of the German Green Party and a leading
champion of the Tibetan cause in Europe, and Heinrich Harrer,26 the Austrian
mountaineer who recounted his adventures in Tibet during World War II in the
celebrated book Seven Years in Tibet. (As mentioned before, Brad Pitt played
Harrer, a native of Graz, in the film version). Therefore, a setting could be care
fully built up around the ritual, making transparent what was once implicit: the
political meaning of the event presided over by the Dalai Lama.
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Rebirth
Spectacle as politics
In the past, mass rituals like the Kalachakra initiation were exceptional “theatres”
in which the power of the Tibetan state was staged and reaffirmed. As I have
already indicated, in the Austrian performance of the Kalachakra initiation, this
connection with political power was also far from peripheral. In fact, it is an
integral part of the very structure of the ritual and the underlying myth. In a way,
the ambivalence surrounding Kalachakra not only the most esoteric of all the
secret tantric systems but also a mass ritual has a close connection to the very
concept of power, something that is held by few but which concerns everyone, It
is therefore no coincidence that the two main niches in which the Kalachakra
Tantra received particular attention were Tashilhunpo. the headquarters of the
Panchen Lamas (second in the Gelug School’s hierarchy), and Namgyal, the per
sonal monastery of the Dalai Lamas.
It was precisely the representatives of these two spiritually and politically
high-ranking lineages that popularized the practice of Kalachakra in Tibet.
Several Panchen Lamas and Dalai Lamas have written commentaries and prayers
on Kalachakra. According to the anthropologist Geoffrey Samuel, major Kalach
akra initiations were given by the Panchen Lama in the 1 920s, and in those
years, the audience numbered in the hundreds of thousands (Samuel 1993: 260).
There is also a connection between these lamas and two important kings of
Shambhala. As Jhado Rinpoche explained during his lecture at the Graz
initiation:
Like Pundarika, son of Manjushriyashas [the first kulika king], who wrote
down the Stainless Light, the commentary on the Root Kalachakra Tantra,
was an emanation of Chenrezig [Avalokiteshvara], so is the Dalai Lama.
Also receiving the initiation from the Panchen Lama is very significant, for
like Manjushriyashas, he too is an emanation of Manjushri. So, receiving
the Kalachakra initiation from both the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama
is very special.
r
This association of the Dalai and Panchen Lamas with kings of Shambhala cer
tainly has a wealth of implications. For the puiposes of this discussion it is par
ticularly germane to remark that allying politics and religion in the mythical
context as well points to the tendency of the Kalachakra initiation rite to expand
into multiple levels of meaning, in which the same “story” is told and retold, In
the end, this is a story of power, the power of the Dalai Lamas, which unfolds in
settings that seem to extend (almost) infinitely from the core of the ritual.
In this regard, much like the example of the Yellow Procession described in
Chapter 2, the Kalachakra is excessive in its profusion of symbols. This sense of
excess, and its accompanying expression of exuberance, could be seen as one of
the reasons why this particular initiation came to be the most popular among the
initiations conferred by Dalai Lama in exile (and certainly before). In the par
ticular case of the Kalachakra ritual, the connection between excess, beauty,
superiority and glory put forth by Paul Veyne in his famous article (1988) gains
The divine theater ofKalachakra
201
yet another dimension. The keyword here is experience, and any experience
“would be incomplete,” to quote Victor Turner, “unless one of its ‘moments’ is
performance” (Turner 1982: 18), even if it is an imaginary one, as in the context
of tantric ritual. The crucial moment of the initiation, the internal initiation in
which disciples imagine their rebirth as the children of the lama creates in this
setting an experiential glimpse of the kingdom of Shambhala, or at least a sense
of belonging to a larger community that has at its center the figure of the Dalai
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Lama.
In view of all of that, it could be said that the Dalai Lama, by staging the
Kalachakra ritual (even after foniially stepping down as the secular leader of
Tibetans in 2011), keeps the symbolic power of the former Tibetan state alive,
using similar means to those utilized in the past, such as recourse to the spec
tacle. However, if in the past the ritualization of power made reference to the
religious dimension that sustained the state, today it is the sacred that takes on a
political dimension or, better yet, which gives power one of its possible forms
outside the former Tibetan context, after the dismantling of the social and polit
ical structures that once served as the foundations for the religion and the state.
Notes
1 This chapter was initially translated by Sabrina Gledhill. Later, several changes were
made to the text,
2 This poem by the great Nyingma master Shabkar Tsogdnik Rangdrol can be found in
his autobiography (Shabkar Tsogdnik Rangdrol 2003: 320b). F or the works of
Shabkar in English, see Ricard (2002; 2001).
3 Some texts in the tantric literature actually recommend that practitioners look for
internal and external signs of a ritual’s effectiveness. A rainbow also appeared, for
example, during the Kalachakra initiation presided by the Dalai Lama in Wisconsin in
1981. In that case, too, there was no rain (Lopez 1907: 227).
4 This is according to the figures in the final report produced by the event’s organizers.
5 These numbers are official numbers of the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama; see
www.dalailama.com teachings kalachakra-initiations.
6 An exception is the followers of the Jonang School, who have practiced and still con
tinue to practice the tantra in retreat. In any event, the exclusivity surrounding the
Kalachakra Tantra endangered its survival after the invasion of Tibet. According to
the Buddhist Studies scholar Alexander Berzin, who studies this system, during the
initial years of exile, just one lama who managed to escape the Chinese occupation,
Kirti Tsenshab Rinpoche (1926—2006), had the lineage of one of the two basic texts
of the Kalachakea Tantra (personal communication, 2002). Over the years, Kirti
Tsenshab passed on this text to a few lamas, including the Dalai Lama himself. After
spending 19 years in retreat, Kirti Tsenshab began travelling the world at the Tibetan
leader’s request in order to give the Kalachakra initiation. In December 2001, the
lama visited Rio de Janeiro to preside over the first performance of that ritual ever
held in Brazil.
7 According to Robert Thunnan, the term mental continuum or life—continuum, as this
author puts it has to do with what could be called the “energy-continuity” of a living
being that flows from one moment to another, and from one life to another. “It is an
important concept, because the Buddhist critique of fixed self makes language of
‘soul’ and ‘essence’ relatively rare though not totally absent in most contexts”
(Thurman 1994: 252).
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Rebirth
$ This proximity between East and West in what concerns the general festive atmo
sphere of the Kalachakia’s initiations pub into relief, on the one hand. the uniqueness
of this religious event, and on the other, a certain (and perhaps unforeseen) common
basis between western and eastern Tibetan Buddhists in their devotional propensities
Even if it is true that westerner lay followers tend to be more focused on the medita,,
tional aspects of Tibetan Buddhism than Tibetan lay followers, very few participants
in the Kalachakra initiations be they from Asian or western countries have the
hope of becoming serious practitioners in the intricate Kalachakra tantric system, i
recently (2012) had a chance of attending the Kalachakra for World Peace in Bodh
gaya and once more this assessment was confirmed: clearly the absolute majority of
the people I came across, regardless of their region of origin, were there first and fore
most to obtain blessings from the Dalai Lama and to accumulate merit. On the occa.
sion, the Tibetan leader even mentioned that the harsh conditions the participants
were facing in Bodhgaya such as air and sound pollution, extremely dry weather.
the crowds, power failcires and so forth would increase by seven times the merit
accumulated through taking the initiation. It is important to note furthermore that in
other initiations, the Dalai Lama makes sure that only people willing to take the com
mitment of doing the related practices for the rest of their lives would take part. This
discussion brings to mind the controsersial book by Stephen Batchelor, Buddhism
Without Beliefs (1997). Underlining the book is the idea that karma and rebirth are
difficult concepts to be reconciled with modern “Euroamerican” mentalities. Without
making any definitive statement, one could venture to say that the ever-growing
interest among westerners in the Kalachakra initiations conducted by the Dalai Lama
seems to suggest quite the opposite.
9 According to the classification of Indian Buddhist scriptural teachings among the
“New Translation” (Tib. gsar ma) traditions of Tibetan Buddhism, the tantras are
divided into four main classes’ Krya. Upa. Yoga and Anuttara Tantra, the latter of
which is also known as the Unexcelled Yoga Tantra. The tantras in this class are con
sidered the most superior, complex and secret of all,
10 The Kalachakra teachings’ narrative of origin is told in the Laghutanri’a (Abbreviated
Ku/ac halo’a Taiiti’a) and in its commentary, the Vimalaprabha (Immaculate Light),
and subsequently reproduced in the vast literature connected to this tantra. F or an
authoritative discussion on the view of the “nature of the individual and one’s place in
the universe and society” in accordance to the Kalachakra Tantra and the (‘imalapra
b/ia, see Wallace (2001).
11 The idea here is very close to the practice of discovering termas, or treasures, in
Tibetan Buddhism. As we have seen in previous chapters, termas are texts that were
hidden by the old masters and discovered later by tertons, or treasure-finders, There
fore, the Indian visionaries cannot be considered the authors of the texts in question,
btit only the “res ealers.” or “receivers.”
12 Despite the highly esoteric nature of the Kalachakra, this tantra is considered to be the
“most explicit tantra,” according to Vesna Wallace, since it “imparts its teaching by
revealing the actual meanmgs: whereas the other anuttara-voga-ianti’as. which are
regarded as secret, or concealed, tant,’as, convey their meanings only in an implicit
manner” (Wallace 2001: 6).
13 The tantras pertaining to the category of Un excelled Yoga Tantra often include
two stages known as the “stage of creation” and the “stage of perfection.” During
the stage of creation, practitioners cultis ate the construction of their self-image as
a deity. The stage of perfection, which involves complex yogic techniques. is
believed to complete this transformation, giving rise to a ness physical structure
through the transformation of the body, speech and mind of the practitioner into the
body. speech and mind of a Buddha. In the Kalachakra initiations usually given by the
Dalai Lama, the participants are only authorized (and instructed) to practice the “stage
of creation.”
The divine theater o/Kalachala’a
203
14 Van Geirnep describes “rites of passage” as rituals accompanying all changes of place.
state, social positIon and age. According to Van Gennep, these rites are characterized
by three stages: separation, margin or liminarity and aggregation. As described by
Victor Turner,
The first phase (of separation) comprises symbolic behavior signifying the
detachment of the indis idual or group either from an earlier fixed point in the
social structure, from a set of cultural conditions (a “state”). or from both. During
the inters ening “liminal” period, the characteristics of the ritual subject (the
“passenger”) are ambieuous: he passes through a cultural realm that has few or
none of the attributes of the past or coming state. In the third phase (reaggrega
tion or reincorporation), the passage is constimmated.
(Turner 1995: 94- 5)
As ss e will see, this same ritual structure can be detected in the Kalachakra initiation.
15 In a sense, the Tantric ritual “redoubles” theatre. If the Dalai Lama, ins ested with the
Kalachakra “character.” is the lead actor. he is also the director of this uniqtie per
forniance, guiding the actor-spectators on an imaginary journey to the heart of the
mandala.
16 The Kalachakra initiation is considerably different from other initiation rites pertain
ing to the category of Unexcelled Yoga Tantra. According to Glenn Mullin,
the mainstream tantric initiations are comprised of four individual empower
ments. known as vase, secret, wisdom, and sacred word, each of ss hich is gis en
only once during the ceremony. In Kalachakra, however the initiation process is
in three separate sets: “entering like a child.” which is comprised of seven
phases: the four higher initiations: and the four higher than higher initiation. The
focir phases of each of the last t\vo sets has e the same names as the four initi
ations of the mainstream tantras, and the meditations pursued during them are
similar to those in the mainstream tantras,
(Mtillin 1991: 101)
The seven initiations in the first stage of the Kalachakra rite the only ones covered
by the Dalai Lama in the mass initiations over which he presides authorize the pupil
to practice within the sphere of the “stage of creation,” which. as we have seen, has
the os erarching aim of building a self-image as a fully enlightened deity. The eight
final initiations authorize the pupil to practice the advanced yoga techniques pertain
ing to the “stage of perfection” in order to transform his body, speech and mind into
the body, speech and mind of a Buddha,
During the second part of the ritual, however, other “internal initiations” given this
name because they occur “svithin” the womb of the principal deity’s consort svill
also take place in association with the principal initiations.
Here there are clear similarities between the psycho-physiological processes initiated
in the Kalachakra rite and the “symbolic effectis eness” of the healing ritual analyzed
by Levi-Strauss (1983), which displays, among other things, the “magical” aspect of
the Tibetan initiation rite.
Seed-syllables are monosyllabic mantras that contain the essence of a deity or a state
of absorption (samadhi).
Va/ru (Sanskrit) means “lightning,” “diamond,” “unbreakable,” etc. The sajra is the
most significant symbol in Vafrayana Buddhism, and essentially refers to the
“unbreakable, ““indivisible,” “immutable” enlightened aspect of the mind and enlight
enment itself. In Tibetan Buddhist iconoeraphy. vajras are depicted in the form of
scepters in the case of peaceful deities, or even as “weapons” in the case of svrathftil
deities.
www.berzinarchives.com web en archives ads anced kalachakra kalachakra world
peace attending kalachakra initiation.html.
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Rebirth
22 Vesna \\ allace discusses the same account of king \Ianiushrivashas’s mass initiation
event s ith a slightly different take. In her words.
The KSlacakra tradition expresses the concern that due to the similarity between
the Vedic and Barbarian Dharmas with regard to killtng. future generations of
BrähmaiJical communities may well convert to Islam, unless they join their Bud.
dhist compatriots in the vajra-family. The Vbnalapabha’s account of Mafijuri
Yaas’s teaching of the Kãlacak,atantiv to thirty-fi’e million BrShmaiJic Sages
in Sarnbhala attests to that concern. According to the Viinalaprabhd, the king
Yaas was aware that Br5hmaas in Sambhala were originally from different
countries with contrary customs regarding eating meat, drinking liquor, and the
like. Therefore, he deemed it necessary to unite them into a single vajra-family
by initiating them into the kdlacakm-maiala, which he constructed in a sandal.
wood grove, south of the village of Kalapa [the capital of Shambhala].
(Wallace 2001: 117)
23 www.berzinarchixes.com web en archives advanced kalachakra kalachakra world
peace attending kalachakrainitiation.html.
24 There are four principal schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The Ny ingma School was the
first school of Buddhism established in Tibet in the eight and ninth centuries. During
the second stage of the spread of Buddhism in that country (beginning in the eleenth
century) there emerged thc other three of the four most important schools in Tibetan
Buddhism: Kagvu. Sakya and, as we have discussed in Chapter 2, a few hundred
years later, in the fourteenth century’. the Gelug School. The schools created during
the second period belong to the sarma tradition. In the Tibetan language. “sarma”
basically means “new translation.” In contrast, the only important school that emerged
during the previous period became known as Nyingma. or the “old translation.”
25 This kind of non-sectarian posture is sometimes controversially referred to as “rime”
(Tib. na mcd) after the homonymous nineteenth centurr’ movement. For a detailed
discussion of the Rime mo\ement, see Smith (2001: 235—72).
26 Despite the Fifth Dalai Lama’s trans-sectarian posture in what concerns the creation
of a symbolic apparatus for the nascent state, after gaining power he persecuted repre
sentatives of other schools. The Fifth Dalai Lama established a particularly harsh
policy against the Kagyu and Jonang schools since their representaties were allies
with the Tsang king.
27 In a certain sense, a more recent performance of the Kalachakra initiation rivaled the
esent at Graz in terms of its explicitly political nature. Partly due to the evident polit
ical symbolism of Washington D.C., the “Kalachakra for World Peace 2011” that
took place at the Verizon Center in the American capital, was particularly revealing
of the alliance between the political and the spiritual that, I believe, underlines these
initiations. During the event, for instance, the Dalai Lama was received by president
Obama at the White House and invited to Congress by Speaker John Boehner and
congressional leaders from both the Republican and the Democratic parties. Also
during the event, more specifically on July 6. 2011, the day the Dalai Lama celebrated
his 76th birthday, he gae a very significant speech in the presence of several illustri
Otis guests. such as Ann Gandhi, the grandson of Mahatma Gandhi, and Martin
Luther King III. the son of Martin Luther King, Jr. After the gtiests and the Dalai
Lama himself proffered words about world peace. the Tibetan leader announced that
he would deliver a speech in his nati e tongue to be broadcast to the people in Tibet.
In a statement rich in historical associations and positioning, the Dalai Lama reiter
ated his decision to abdicate as political leader of the Tibetan people which, as we
have seen in Chapter 3. was announced a few months earlier that year and his deep
commitment to democracy. Between the lines we can also read messages being
delivered indirectly to the Chinese Government. In 2009. when I was staying at
Harvard University as a visiting scholar. I had the opportunity to witness another
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Time divine theater ofKaiaehcikra
205
instance of this kind of indirect dialogue with the Chinese government in the context
of a conference about Sino-Tibeian relations. Lobsang Sangye. the current Prime
Minister ot’ the Tibetan gox emment in exile. ss as then a Ph.D. student at Harvard and
one of the main organizers of the conference, The cs ent also included other Tibetan
scholars active in the United States and Chinese scholars coming from China. During
the talks, the exchange of political messages between the two parties ‘a as quite clear.
28 Heinrich Harrer died a few years later. on January 7, 2006, aged 93.