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KE Y R
藏学学刊
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H INS
TITUTE I
教育部人文社会科学重点研究基地刊物
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中文社会科学引文索引(CSSCI)来源集刊
第
辑
四川大学中国藏学研究所 编
藏学
学刊
JOURNAL OF
TIBETOLOGY
总第
22 辑
2020 ( 1 )
四川大学中国藏学研究所 编
中国藏学出版社
定价:92.00 元
第七届西藏考古与艺术国际学术讨论会专辑(下)
Proceedings of the 7th International Conference on
Tibetan Archaeology and Art, Part II
中国藏学出版社
主编
常务副主编
霍巍 石硕
张长虹
编辑委员会
( 以姓氏拼音为序 )
主席
巴桑旺堆(西藏自治区社会科学院)
委员
才让太(中央民族大学)
霍 巍(四川大学)
石 硕(四川大学)
沈卫荣(清华大学)
熊文彬(四川大学)
张 云(中国藏学研究中心)
多吉旺秋(德国汉堡大学)
范德康(美国哈佛大学)
马休·凯普斯坦 ( 法国巴黎高等研究实践学院、
美国芝加哥大学 )
滕华睿(美国纽约哥伦比亚大学)
谢 萧(法国巴黎高等研究实践学院)
编辑
陈 波 嘎尔让 华青道尔杰(张延清)
许渊钦 杨清凡 玉珠措姆(金红梅)
张长虹
编务
孙昭亮
Editors-in-chief
Huo Wei, Shi Shuo
Deputy Editor-in-chief
Zhang Changhong
Editorial Board
Pasang Wangdu (Chair, Tibetan Academy of Social
Science, China)
Tsering Thar (Minzu University of China)
Huo Wei (Sichuan University, China)
Shi Shuo (Sichuan University, China)
Shen Weirong (Tsinghua University, China)
Xiong Wenbin (Sichuan University, China)
Zhang Yun (China Tibetology Research Center)
Dorji Wangchuk (Hamburg University, Germany)
van der Kuijp, Leonard W. J. (Harvard University,
U.S.A.)
Kapstein, Matthew T. (École Pratique des Hautes
Études, France; University of Chicago, U.S.A.)
Tuttle, Gray (Columbia University, U.S.A)
Scherrer-Schaub, Cristina A. (École Pratique des
Hautes Études, France)
Editors
Chen Bo, Gaerrang,
Pelchan Dorje (Zhang Yanqing),
Xu Yuanqin, Yang Qingfan,
Yudru Tsomu (Jin Hongmei), Zhang Changhong
Editorial Assistant
Sun Zhaoliang
目
录
新时代的西藏考古与艺术研究——第七届西藏考古与艺术国际学术讨论会
述评 ……… 四川大学中国藏学研究所、故宫博物院藏传佛教文物研究所 / 1
西藏高原史前麦类作物的发现与研究 ………………………………… 郜媛媛 / 34
《元释墓志》与吐蕃入滇 ………………………………………… 陈明迪 陆离 / 53
吐蕃议事会制度研究 ………………………………………………………… 张旭 / 65
西藏林周县杰拉康帕拉风格石雕造像与碑刻的调查研究 ……… 夏吾卡先 / 81
成都地区新见明墓中的藏传佛教石刻初探 …… 索德浩 王梦雨 左志强 / 100
图像构建——早期西藏药师佛的个案研究(英文)
…………………………………………………… 克里斯蒂安·卢恰尼茨 / 119
在喜马拉雅雨影下 :穆斯塘土钦寺的绘画风格及其与古格艺术的关联(英文)
……………………………………………………………………… 陈秉扬 / 149
布达拉宫法王洞建筑演变及艺术风格考察 ……………………… 多吉平措 / 175
布达拉宫与齐吾岗巴画派研究中几个问题的补考 …………… 班旦次仁 / 192
尼泊尔西部喀萨王国佛陀造像的初步观察(英文)………… 艾米·海勒 / 215
1
南喀扎与“三兄弟银像”:来自西藏西部的一位十六世纪“神圣艺术家”及其
艺术遗产(英文)………………………尤利·霍赫洛夫 亚尼克·劳伦 / 236
文本与图像的对话——检视夏钦·仁钦米久坚赞(1717-1780)生平传记唐
卡的历史宗教语境(英文)………………………………约克·韩贝勒尔 / 275
乃琼寺回廊壁画所呈现的藏传佛教护法神体系……………………… 张昆晟 / 299
清宫藏传佛教文物与乾隆帝的宗教心态 ………………………………孔令伟 / 328
摘要 ………………………………………………………………………………… / 342
2
Table of Contents
A New Era in the Study of Tibetan Archaeology and Art — A Review of the Seventh
International Conference on Tibetan Archaeology & Art
1
Center for Tibetan Studies, Sichuan University
Institute for the Study of Tibetan Buddhist Heritage, the Palace Museum
Discovery and Study on Prehistoric Wheat and Barley Utilization on the Tibetan
Plateau
34
Gao Yuanyuan
A Study of the Epitaph of Yuan Shi: Issues Related to Tubo Entering Yunnan
53
Chen Mingdi, Lu Li
A Study of Tibetan Council System in Tubo Dynasty
65
Zhang Xu
The Sculptures in Pāla Style and the Steles from Rgyal Lha khang in Central Tibet
81
Shawo Khacham
A Preliminary Study of Newly Found Tibetan Buddhist Stone Carvings in the Tombs
of the Ming Dynasty in Chengdu
100
Suo Dehao, Wang Mengyu, Zuo Zhiqiang
Establishing an Iconography — The Case of Early Tibetan Representations of the
Medicine Buddhas
119
Christian Luczanits
3
Under the Himalayan Rain-shadow: The Painting Style of Thub chen Lha khang in
Mustang and its Guge Connection
149
Chen Ping-Yang
Research on the Architectural Evolution and Artistic Style of Chos rgyal Grub Phug
in the Potala Palace
175
Dorje Puntshog
Some Thoughts on the Links between the Potala Palace and the Chi'u Style
192
Paldan Tshering
Preliminary Remarks on the Buddha Sculptures of the Khaśa Kingdom in Western
Nepal
215
Amy Heller
Nam mkha' grags and the Three Silver Brothers: A Sixteenth-Century “Divine Artist”
from Western Tibet and His Artistic Legacy
236
Yury Khokhlov & Yannick Laurent
A Dialogue Between Text and Image: Examining the Historico-Religious Context
of a Narrative Thangka Painting Depicting Episodes from the Life of Shar chen Rin
chen mi 'gyur rgyal mtshan (1717-1780)
275
Jörg Heimbel
The Pantheon of Dharma Protectors in Tibetan Buddhism Exemplified by the
Corridor Murals in Gnas chung Monatery
299
Chang Kun-Chen
Tibetan Buddhist Material Culture in the Qing Court and the Religious Mentalities
of the Qianlong Emperor
328
Kung Ling-Wei
ABSTRACTS
4
342
Nam mkha' grags and the Three Silver Brothers:
A Sixteenth-Century “Divine Artist” from Western
Tibet and His Artistic Legacy
Yury Khokhlov & Yannick Laurent
ABSTRACT: This article discusses the identity and workmanship of the Tibetan sculptor
responsible for the “Three Silver Brothers” (Pritzker Collection), a miniature replica of the monumental
altarpiece of Khorchak Monastery in Purang, along with a portrait of the great abbot of Mustang Bsod
nams lhun grub (Philadelphia Museum of Art). Dedicatory inscriptions found on the pedestal of these
metal sculptures ascribe them both to artists bearing the same name, namely Nam mkha' grags. While the
life of Bsod nams lhun grub (1456-1532) provides a terminus post quem for his portrait in the first half of
the 16th century, the “Three Silver Brothers” image has been dated on stylistic grounds to either the 11th or
to the early 13th century.
A detailed analysis of these sculptures, however, highlights similar decorative motifs and the use of
a distinctive inlay technique. Furthermore, it draws attention to the presence of Chinese stylistic elements
in the “Three Silver Brothers” that belong to the visual grammar of Western Tibetan art from the 15th16th centuries. The authors argue that both images must instead be attributed to Nam mkha' grags, a 16th
century master artist (dpon mo che) from West Tibet. Epigraphic and textual evidence not only describe
him as “a divine artisan” (sprul pa'i lha bzo) and “a great pundit of the arts of manufacture” (bzo rig paṇ
chen), but also clarify Nam mkha' grags' artistic involvement in the renovation of Khorchak Monastery in
the year 1512.
236
1. Introduction
Within the Tibetan and Himalayan world, artists who produce the devotional images of Tibetan
Buddhism are commonly referred to as “those who make images of gods” (lha bzo ba). The
images they create not only comprise a large range of Buddhist deities but also the portraits of
the most influential Buddhist masters, past and present. From very early on, the painters and
sculptors responsible for this highest form of artistic production played an essential role for the
monastic communities and lay followers of Tibetan Buddhism.Yet few are the Tibetan artists of
a bygone era whose name and artistic legacy have left their mark on the history of Asia.
The master sculptor named Nam mkha' grags is an exception to this rule. Unlike the many
sculptors who preceded and succeeded him, two of his works are securely attributed to him by
means of inscription. The first sculpture is a group of three standing bodhisattvas better known
as the “Three Silver Brothers”, now held in the Pritzker Collection (Fig. 1)1. The second work
is the portrait image of a Buddhist master in the Philadelphia Museum of Art (Fig. 2). For
reasons which will be explored in this paper, these works have been ascribed to two different
artists who happened to share the same name in previous scholarship. This view was supported
by the attribution of the “Three Silver Brothers” image to the 11th or 13th century, and to the 16th
century for the Philadelphia image.
However, as this paper demonstrates, epigraphic and stylistic analyses leave little doubt
that these two sculptures must have been produced by the same extraordinary artist in the 16th
century. In what follows, the study of dedicatory inscriptions, situated within an analysis of
the relevant historical literature, pave the way for a stylistic comparison of these images. This
approach allows us to fully appreciate Nam mkha' grags's skills and to further explore some of
the artistic trends that inspired his generation.2
2. A portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub by Nam mkha' grags
Now preserved in the Philadelphia Museum of Art,3 a portrait of the great abbot of Mustang (Glo
1
2
3
We wish to extend our deepest gratitude to David Pritzker and the Pritzker Collection, Chicago, for sharing images
of this sculpture.
Initiated by art historian Yury Khokhlov, this research was presented at the 7th International Conference on Tibetan
Archaeology and Art, Chengdu, together with Tibetologist Yannick Laurent in October 2018. We are immensely
grateful to Hannah Theaker for her editorial comments and suggestions.
The Philadelphia portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub was purchased by auction in 2003. This statue measures
28.6 × 21.3 × 16.5 cm and is made of a copper alloy with abundant use of silver and copper inlays; see
the online collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art (no. 2003-6-1): https://www.philamuseum.org/
collections/permanent/258403.html?mulR=2905.
237
Fig. 1
238
A replica of the “Three Silver Brothers” of Khorchak Monastery, West Tibet or Mustang, first
half of the 16th century, copper alloy, silver alloy, copper and silver inlay, H. 71.4cm, Pritzker
Collection (Photo: Courtesy of the Pritzker Collection, Chicago).
Fig. 2
A portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub, Mustang, first half of the 16th century, copper alloy, copper and
silver inlay, H. 28.6cm, Philadelphia Museum of Art, accession number: 2003-6-1 (Photo: Courtesy
of the Philadelphia Museum of Art, public domain).
239
bo Mkhan chen Bsod nams lhun grub (1456-1532) is attributed to Nam mkha' grags by means
of inscription (Fig. 2).4
Portable statues depicting Bsod nams lhun grub are relatively widespread and easily
recognisable. The pot-bellied Sakya master is often shown with the attributes of Mañjuśrī: a
flaming sword and a volume of the Perfection of Wisdom both placed atop lotus flowers to
the right and left of his shoulders, respectively.5 He is also depicted, although perhaps less
systematically, holding a flaming gem in his left hand. Most noticeable is the rendition of his
fleshy face, with its stern expression, long sideburns, and receding hairline, which gives some
of these images a sense of vivid portraiture. Among the many portable images of Bsod nams
lhun grub preserved in monasteries, museums, and private collections today, dozens of them
have a Tibetan inscription on their pedestal. In many cases, the content of these inscriptions
serves to corroborate the iconographic identification of Bsod nams lhun grub, and provides
additional information related to the socio-political and religious context in which these objects
were created. This can include, for example, the name of a disciple, a donor, a ruler, or an artist,
who may or may not have known the Sakya master personally, but who developed a bond with
the great abbot of Mustang by virtue of sectarian affiliation, place of residence, patronage,
or even kinship ties. It should not come as a surprise therefore that many portraits of Bsod
nams lhun grub are reported from the monasteries of Mustang, most of them bearing Tibetan
epigraphs.6 The majority of these inscribed artefacts, however, have not yet been consistently
studied epigraphically and historically, regardless of whether these sacred images are in
Highland Nepal or on display in a museum showcase.
The Philadelphia statue is in this respect one of the most accomplished renditions of
this historical figure. The middle-aged hierarch is pictured as Mañjuśrī according to a wellestablished iconographic convention. From the outset, we can note the extensive use of metal
inlays and incisions to create the lavish decoration of Bsod nams lhun grub's robe with flowers,
4
5
6
On the life and works of Bsod nams lhun grub, see Kramer 2008 and The Treasury of Lives website: https://
treasuryoflives.org/biographies/view/Lowo-Khenchen-Sonam-Lhundrub/10497.
The iconographic conflation of the great abbot of Mustang with Mañjuśrī is plainly apparent in the portrait of Bsod
nams lhun grub from the Musée Guimet in Paris (no. MA12674). In addition to holding Mañjuśrī's attributes, the
dual identity of the figure is further recalled in the Tibetan inscription incised on the lotus base of this image. It
reads: § /swa sti 'jam pa'i dbyangs legs pa'i 'byung gnas la na mo//; “Svasti! Homage to Mañjuśrī Lekpai
Jungne”. The full ordination name of this Buddhist master was (Bsod nam lhun grub Legs pa'i 'byung gnas Rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang po), see below. We would like to thank Analicia Busha for obtaining photographs of this
inscription.
Tibetologist and art historian Christian Luczanits has been documenting monastery collections in Mustang
since 2012. A total of 17 statues of Glo bo Mkhan chen Bsod nams lhun grub have been identified to date. It is
interesting to note that most monasteries belonging to the Sakya-Ngor school of Tibetan Buddhism possess at least
one image of the Great Abbot of Mustang. Personal communication with Christian Luczanits and Chiara Bellini,
August 2020.
240
auspicious symbols, and ornamental letters. Paying close attention to details, his lips and
fingernails are also inlaid with copper. Most noteworthy is the naturalistic rendering of Bsod
nams lhun grub's facial features. Finally, what distinguishes this particular image from other
portraits of the abbot is the content of a long inscription which extends all the way around the
lotus base.
2.1 Dedicatory inscription
Bearing the signature of the artist so to speak, the Philadelphia image attracted the attention
of art historian Amy Heller, who briefly discussed its inscription in 2010.7 David Jackson,
in an attempt to raise awareness about the study of epigraphs in Tibetan Art, published
a transliteration of this inscription in 2012.8 In his endeavours, Jackson stressed that “all
inscriptions must be recorded exactly and exhaustively and in the case of doubtful readings
checked again against the best available photographs”. Thanks to the support received by the
Philadelphia Museum of Art, we are now able to present a revised transliteration and first-time
translation of this important epigraphic testimony. 9
Running on the lower rim of the lotus base, the inscription is rather rudimentary in its
appearance, yet all the letters are clearly carved. With the exception of two minor spelling errors,
which can perhaps be imputed to a careless engraver — not to be mistaken for the artist himself —
the structure and content of this inscription attest to a very high degree of literacy. It reads as follows:
Svasti!
With billions of shimmering merits and excellent virtues,
He spontaneously accomplished the wisdom that bestows ultimate truth.
I bow down to the excellent teacher, the source of liberation,
Who sets all migratory beings in a state of exalted wealth.
The unequalled guru Mañjuśrī,
The Protector of the World (i.e. Lokanātha-Avalokiteśvara), and the Vajra Holder
(i.e. Vajrapāṇi),
Are the body, speech, and mind of all the Victorious Ones,
Who have taken the form of this image.
7
8
9
Heller 2010.
Jackson 2012: 16-19.
A critical edition of this inscription is given in Appendix 1. We are very grateful for the support received from
Leslie Essoglou, Department Manager, South Asian Art, at the Philadelphia Museum of Art, who kindly provided
close-up views of this inscription.
241
As for Khri Srong lde bstan's activities in the past,
They too are being upheld in this day and age
By the descendant of A ma dpal,
The foremost ruler of men and minister.
The one [named] Tshe dbang rgyal po,
Whose aspirations [were fulfilled by] his glorious spouse
Dpal 'dzom, commissioned [this image] respectfully.
By this virtuous deed, may the benefactor together with 'ched 'grang
Enjoy a long, healthy, and wealthy life for the time being,
And, ultimately, attain perfect Buddhahood!
The emanation artisan is Nam mkha' grags.
Maṅgalaṃ!
Following the opening Sanskrit formula svasti written in Tibetan script, the first
stanza acts as a laudatory verse wherein the words for “merit” (bsod nams), “spontaneous
accomplishment” (lhun grub), “excellent” (legs pa'i), and “source” ('byung gnas) reveal the
identity of the great abbot of Mustang by giving his ordination name, Bsod nams lhun grub
Legs pa'i 'byung gnas. This first stanza follows a poetic pattern based on nine syllables per line.
The next stanzas, however, adhere to a seven-syllable pattern, with the exception of a single
line which reverts to nine syllables in the last verse.
With the second stanza, the iconographic conflation between the unequalled Sakya master
Bsod nams lhun grub and Mañjuśrī is confirmed. In the subsequent line, Bsod nams lhun grub
is further likened to manifestations of Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapāṇi. As the stanza continues,
this group of bodhisattvas, better known as the Protectors of the Three Families (trikulanātha,
rig gsum mgon po), is eventually assimilated to the body, speech, mind of all the Victorious
Ones who manifest themselves through the physical appearance (rūpakāya; gzugs sku) of Bsod
nams lhun grub and, by extension, through his portrait.10
The donative section of this inscription begins with the third stanza. Although anonymous
at this stage, the donor is introduced as a minister (bka' yi blon) and a ruler (mi dbang). As
such, his accomplishments are compared to those of the Tibetan emperor Khri Srong lde btsan (c.
742-800). Moreover, he is said to be a descendant (gdung 'dzin ba) of King A ma dpal bzang po
(c.1380-1440). The latter, who founded the Kingdom of Mustang (Glo smon thang) in the 15th
10 Although less obvious, an alternative reading would be to consider that the unequalled guru Bsod nams lhun grub /
Mañjuśrī takes the form of this image, along with Avalokiteśvara, Vajrapāṇi, and the body, speech, and mind of all
the Victorious Ones.
242
century, was none other than Bsod nams lhun grub's grandfather.11 The apposition of this august
company alongside our minister thus strives to present the donor of this image as a Buddhist
monarch akin to a cakravartin.
The identity of the donor is established at the beginning of the last stanza. His name is
Tshe dbang rgyal po and, together with his spouse Dpal 'dzom, they commissioned the portrait
of the great Sakya abbot. Much to our regret, the two benefactors cannot be currently identified
in historical sources pertaining to Mustang and West Tibet.12 There is good reason to believe
however, that they were contemporaries of Bsod nams lhun grub, whose portrait must have
been realised during his lifetime or shortly after.
Having expressed mundane wishes and transcendental aspirations, the dedicatory section
ends with the auspicious Sanskrit formula maṅgalaṃ.Yet, immediately prior to this, the identity
of the artist who made the statue is revealed. His name is Nam mkha' grags. The sculptor is
described as an “emanation artisan of divine [images]” (sprul pa'i lha bzo) or, in lay terms, as
an extraordinary craftsman. The use of this epithet speaks volumes within the Tibetan Buddhist
world. It conjures up the image of Viśvakarman (Bi shwa karma) who, in contrast to “human
artisans” (mi'i bzo bo), is generally presented as “the divine artisan” (lha'i bzo bo) or “the
emanation artisan” (sprul pa'i bzo bo) in literary sources. In Puranic mythologies, Viśvakarman
personifies the creative principle and, as such, is regarded as the universal architect. This
translates in Tibet into several epithets including “the great artisan of Indra” (brgya byin gyi bzo
bo chen po) and “the Great Sun and King of artisans” (skyong byed chen po bzo bo'i rgyal po).
Viśvakarman regularly assists humans in the construction of religious edifices, the making of
statues, and even the carving of woodblocks.13 By analogy therefore, artists having mastered all
the different facets of their craft could be elevated above their peers and placed symbolically on
the same footing as the divine artist himself.
It is by no means trivial in the present context that Viśvakarman is also said to have
taken part in the making of the main altarpiece of Khorchak Monastery ('khor chags, kha
11 On A ma dpal's extension of power and royal dynasty, see Jackson 1984: 119-132; Kramer 2008: 19-22.
12 Could Tshe dbang rgyal po be, for some unfathomable reasons, the same person as the minister from Mustang Tshe
dbang bzang po? The latter, as Jackson remarks, was in his fifties in the year 1507. He was held by local tradition
as to be one of the Three Excellent Ones (bzang po rnam gsum) together with King A ma dpal bzang po and the
Buddhist master Ngor chen kun dga' bzang po (1382-1456). Tshe dbang bzang po was the father of Kun dga' grol
mchog (1507-1566), see Jackson 1984: 147, 154 n. 17. The minister (dpon po) Tshe dbang bzang po is also reported
to have commissioned the dedicatory verses — composed by Bsod nams lhun grub — of a Perfection of Wisdom in
twenty-five thousand stanzas, see Kramer 2008: 251.
13 For traditional accounts about Viśvakarman as the deity presiding over craftsmen in Tibet, see Konchok Lhadrepa
and Davis 2017.
243
char, Kojarnath) in Purang.14 As is well known, Khorchak was no ordinary monastic complex.
Founded in 996, the monastic compound of Khorchak housed one of the three Jo bo images
of Tibet and was therefore an important pilgrimage destination.15 Made of silver, the iconic Jo
bo image was eventually paired with two other figures and the triad came to be revered as the
Three Silver Brothers (dngul sku mched gsum).16
2.2 The master artist Nam mkha' grags
Biographical information on Nam mkha' grags is scarce but confirms his repute in Western
Tibet. In 1512, Nam mkha' grags is known to have been taking part in the renovation of
Khorchak Monastery. Under the reign of Bsod nams lhun grub's father, A mgon bzang po (b.
1420), the Kingdom of Mustang had extended its control to the region of Purang and Khorchak
had become a Sakya-Ngor monastery, as it remains today. It was thus under the leadership of
Mustang that the temples of Khorchak underwent several renovation phases in the early 16th
centuries.
Written in the 16th century, a work on the history of Khorchak titled A Delightful Melody:
Record of the Temples and Shrines of the Precious Jowos [called] the Three Silver Brothers
gives a detailed account of the work carried out by several guilds of artisans between 1506
and 1512.17 According to this text, Nam mkha' grags and his apprentices were assigned various
tasks of restoration during the last renovation phase that we know of. This final renovation
phase can be dated to the Iron-Sheep Year of 1512:18
14 “Thereafter, the Dharma King and Queen Jo 'bum, herself an emanation of the venerable lady Ārya Tārā,
summoned Viśvakarman who manifested himself as an artisan under the deceptive appearance of a human being.
He thus realised the silver casting of Mahākāruṇika [Avalokiteśvara] and Vajrapāṇi at the size of venerable
Mañjuśrī.” see text B in Appendix 4. For a richly illustrated work on the history, art, and religious festivals of
Khorchak Monastery, see Tsering Gyalpo et al. 2015.
15 The three Jo bo images of Tibet are the precious Lha sa'i Jo bo rin po che, the self-manifested Jo bo of Skyid grong
in south-western Tibet, and the Jo bo images of Khorchak.
16 On the historical and legendary origin of this triad, see Heller 2003a: 28-9. Khorchak Monastery suffered extensive
damage during the Cultural Revolution. As a result, today's triad is an entirely new altarpiece, see Tsering Gyalpo
et al. 2015: 62, 105.
17 The Jo bo rin po che dngul sku mched gsum rten dang brten par bcas pa'i dkar chag rabd ga'i glu dbyangs, also
known under the short title Record of the Jowos [called] the Three Silver Brothers (jo bo dngul sku mched gsum
dkar chag), was composed by Wagindra Karma (Wa gindra Karma) in the first half of the 16th century, according to
Roberto Vitali who contributed an introduction to the first modern edition of this text. Vitali argues that Wagindra
Karma must have been “a specialist in the culture of West Tibet” and the same person as Ngag dbang 'phrin las
rnam rgyal, who wrote a guidebook to Mount Kailash, see Wagindra Karma 1996: vii–xix. Heller was the first to
suggest that the Philadelphia image was probably the work of the artist Nam mkha' grags who is mentioned in this
text, see Heller 2010.
18 For the complete passage corresponding to the 1512 renovation work at Khorchak, see text C in Appendix 4 and
Wagindra Karma 1996: 34-35.
244
The master artist Nam mkha' grags and his apprentices renovated the clay statues
of the Buddhas of the ten directions, the Tārā who protects from the eight great fears,
and the eight [medicine Buddhas] inside the [chapel of] the Great Mother. Inside the
Tashitsekpa [Temple], images of the thirty-five [confession] Buddhas were newly
created. The hand attribute of the precious Jo bo, an utpala [lotus], and so on, were
elegantly made.
In this passage, Nam mkha' grags is described as a “master artist” (dpon mo che); a honorary
title given to several artists who oversaw teams of artisans (dpon slob) at Khorchak.19 As
observed by Tashi Tsering, the term dpon was commonly used in West Tibet for official
government artists.20 Accordingly, Nam mkha' grags must have already been an accomplished
and, we assume, well-known sculptor when his services were retained in 1512. Together
with his apprentices, they renovated a number of clay statues (lder sku) and images from the
chapel of the Great Mother inside the Great Temple of Khorchak (lha khang chen mo).21 Most
noticeably, Nam mkha' grags was also asked to work inside the Tashitsekpa Temple. Among
other tasks he performed there, he made the blue lotus flower (utpala) of the Jo bo, that is to
say the hand attribute held by Mañjuśrī, the central image of the Three Silver Brothers.22
As discussed below, we believe that Nam mkha' grags's artistic achievements were
recorded once more when his name was engraved on the pedestal of a miniature replica of the
Khorchak triad; only this time to be lauded as the great pundit of the arts of manufacture.
19 For instance, the master artist Sgra dbyangs pa and the master copyist (dpon yig) Dpal ldan rgyal po, together
with their respective apprentices, are reported as such in 1506. Likewise, the master artist Shes rab rgya mtsho
ba together with his apprentices, as well as an anonymous master artist from Nepal (bal po dpon mo che) and his
team, all worked at Khorchak in 1507. Finally in 1512, working at the same time as Nam mkha' grags, the master
artist Sgra dbyangs pa and his apprentices returned to Khorchak along with a master artist named Rgyal bzang ba
and his team of artisans, see Wagindra Karma 1996: 33-35.
20 “In Central Tibet, a painter is called lha bris pa. If he is an official government painter then he is called by the
designation chen mo or dbu chen mo lags. In the upper parts of Mnga' ris, they are called dpon, while in Skyid
grong and the Sherpa land they are called mkhas pa.” see Tashi Tsering 2013: 170. Sometimes translated as “chief
artist” or “great master”, the honorary title dpon mo che was also in use in the Tsang region, for example at Jonang,
Gyantse, and Tashi Lhunpo, in the 14th and 15th centuries, see Jackson 1996.
21 Founded in 996 by King Khor re; (r. c. 988-996), the Great Temple (lha khang chen mo) of Khorchak was
originally named the “Wish-fulfilling and Spontaneously Accomplished Temple” (yid bzhin lhun gyis grub pa'i
gtsug lha khang). On the two historical inscriptions located inside the vestibule of this building, see Tropper 2019
and forthcoming. We are most grateful to Kurt Tropper for sharing his forthcoming research article with us.
22 According to local tradition, the Tashitsekpa or “Auspiciously Erected Temple” (bkra shis brtseg pa'i gtsug lha
khang) is said to have been established by King Lha lde (r. c. 996-1024) who was responsible for commissioning
the main Jo bo image cast in silver. For this reason, it is more commonly known as the Jokhang or “Temple of the
Jo bo” (Jo khang) nowadays, see Tsering Gyalpo et al. 2015.
245
3. The miniature version of the “Three Silver Brothers”
As noted at the beginning of this article, the so-called miniature version of the “Three Silver
Brothers” from the Pritzker Collection was held, and with good reason, to be “a tour de force of
Himalayan art” when photographs of it were first published in 2003 (Fig. 1).23 While stressing
the “enormous art historical and cultural implications of this masterpiece”, Pratapaditya Pal
could not help but notice some “art historical issues” concerning this image: Was it or was it
not a copy of the famous triad of Khorchak Monastery? If so, why is Avalokiteśvara, rather
than Mañjuśrī, the central figure of the Pritzker image? And last but not least, how to reconcile,
in Pal's own words, “an eleventh-century West Tibetan style with some idiosyncratic nuances”
and the “rococo exuberance of the overall design”?
Pal was joined in that state of mind by collaborator Amy Heller who also published her
own research about this masterpiece at about the same time.24 Making use of a variety of textual
sources and early photographs, Heller drew attention to the complex art historical development
of the Khorchak altarpiece. She noted, for example, how the major features of the pedestal
in the Pritzker's sculpture are in fact consistent with a description given in Wagindra Karma's
Record of the Jowos.25 In both instances, pairs of Nāga kings and celestial musicians adorn
the rising stems of the lotus base.26 Likewise, the seven precious possessions of a universal
monarch (saptaratna; rgyal srid rin chen sna bdun) can be distinguished underneath. Looking
more specifically at the inscription of the Pritzker's Three Silver Brothers, Heller eventually
concluded that, “until it is possible to identify Namkha Grag with certainty, there is no way to
pinpoint the provenance and chronology of this triad”.27
Despite striking similarities and obvious textual evidence, Pal and Heller did not
investigate further the rapprochement between the Khorchak image and its miniature copy,
convinced as they were that the central image was Avalokiteśvara. For Art historian Christian
Luczanits, on the other hand, there was little doubt that the Pritzker's Three Silver Brothers
had been modelled after the famous triad of Khorchak Monastery completed in 1220.28 Thus
attributing the replica to the early 13th century, Luczanits concluded that this image marked “the
23
24
25
26
Pal 2003: 136-37.
Heller 2003a; 2003b.
See text A in Appendix 4 for a complete translation of this passage in English.
A close-up view of the original base at Khorchak Monastery was taken by Eugenio Ghersi in 1935. This
photograph attests to the accuracy of Wagindra Karma's description and to the high degree of resemblance between
the pedestal of the Khorchak altarpiece and that of the Pritzker's replica; see Heller 2003a: 28.
27 Heller 2003b: 289.
28 Luczanits 2014: 128-33.
246
final phase of the highest-quality art production in the early Western Himalayan style”.29
3.1 Dedicatory inscription
The Tibetan inscription engraved on the Pritzker image is straightforward, yet its reading
has given rise to some unwarranted assumptions in modern scholarship. The carving of this
dedicatory inscription along the upper part of the pedestal is relatively neat. Written in Tibetan
headed script (dbu can), the letters are properly incised with their heads following a virtual but
almost perfect horizontal line. This six-line inscription is composed of nine syllables per line
and contains only a single spelling error.30 It opens with a eulogy to the three brothers, followed
by a praise for the artist and its image. The last line of the inscription provides a donative
statement. Based on our study, this inscription reads as follows:
He who dispels the darkness of ignorance is the venerable Mañjuśrī;
The almighty Lord of Compassion is the venerable Avalokiteśvara;
The almighty Lord of Power is the venerable Master of Secrets [i.e. Vajrapāṇi]:
This wondrous image, which one cannot help but contemplate,
Was created by the Panchen of the arts Nam mkha' grags.
It is dedicated to the kindness of both the father and mother.
The identification of the Three Silver Brothers does not pose any problem; it corresponds
to the Khorchak triad as it stood in 1512, and as it still does today. The order of appearance of
the three standing figures in the opening eulogy is in all respect consistent with the enumeration
of other divine triads, whereby the central deity is described first, followed by the one standing
to the right, and the one situated to the left.31 As such, Mañjuśrī is the first of the three brothers
to be lauded. The bodhisattva of wisdom is depicted in his Siddhaikavīra form (sgrub thob
kyi dpa' bo gcig pu) (Fig. 3).32 This particular manifestation of bodhisattva Mañjuśrī is white
in colour. This would explain the use of silver for the central figure, in keeping with the
original altarpiece at Khorchak. Mañjuśrī's right hand is outstretched in the gesture of supreme
29 Luczanits 2014: 131.
30 Line four is made of ten syllables due to what appears to have been a scribal error, see Appendix 2.
31 In the Tibetan Buddhist world, triads may include Buddhist deities as well as deified historical figures such as, for
instances, “The Forefather Dharma Kings” of Tibet (chos rgyal mes dbon rnam gsum) composed of King Srong
btsan sgam po, Khri Srong lde btsan, and Khri Ral pa can; “The Father and Spiritual Sons” (rje yab sras gsum)
representing Rje Tsong kha pa, Rgyal tshab rje, and Mkhas grub rje; and the “The Deities of Longevity” (tshe
lha rnam gsum) comprising Amitāyus (Tshe dpag med) in the centre, White Tara (Sgrol dkar) to his right, and
Uṣṇīṣavijayā (Gtsug tor rnam rgyal ma) to his left. The enumeration of divine triads, as exemplified above, and
their spatial arrangement in artistic depictions always follow the same principle (i.e. [2] [1] [3]).
32 Bhattachacharyya 1958: 113-14; Pal 2003: 136.
247
generosity (varanamudrā; mchog sbyin gyi phyag rgya). He holds the stalk of a sixteenpetalled blue lotus with his left hand. He wears a dhotī, a sacred thread (yajñopavīta), and a
flower garland. His body is adorned with bangles, armbands, earrings, crown, and necklace.
There is no reason, as Pal and Heller did, to identify the central figure as Avalokiteśvara.
Although lacking his more distinctive attributes (i.e. flaming sword and Prajñāpāramitā
sūtra), Mañjuśrī can still be identified by means of the blue lotus flower he holds with his left
hand. Overlooked in previous scholarship, the distinction between Avalokiteśvara's pink lotus
(padma) and Mañjuśrī's blue lotus (utpala; nīlotpala) conforms to Buddhist statuary produced
in Kashmir and West Tibet in the 10th-13th centuries, period during which the altarpiece of
Khorchak was created.33 If the two types of lotuses are shown as fully open flowers, the number
and shape of their petals allow us to distinguish between them (Fig. 4). In a great majority
of cases, the pink lotus flower of Padmapāṇi-Avalokiteśvara is shown as circular and open.
It consists of a central row of eight obovate petals with additional rows of petal tips behind
the main petals. In contrast, a fully open blue lotus has lanceolate or spearhead-like petals
numbering fifteen or more.
To the right of Mañjuśrī stands Avalokiteśvara. The bodhisattva of compassion holds the
stalk of a full-blown eight-petalled pink lotus (padma) with his left hand, as discussed above.
His right hand is open flat at hip level and may have once held a rosary (akṣamālā; phreng
ba) or water pot (kamaṇḍalu; chab bum ril ba), two attributes traditionally associated with
Avalokiteśvara.
Finally, bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi stands to the left of Mañjuśrī. The third brother is described
by means of epithets: he is the Lord of Power and the Master of Secrets. His iconographical
identification is however secured by the presence of a vajra on top of a lotus flower. The
bodhisattva performs the gesture of fearlessness or protection (abhayamudrā; mi 'jigs pa'i
phyag rgya) with his right hand.
33 From a botanical viewpoint, both species are rhizomatous and semi-aquatic flowering plants. As noted by art
historian Mireille Bénisti, the pink lotus (padma), or Nelumbo nucifera according to modern taxonomy, has a large
flower measuring 15-20 centimetres in diameter. The petals are obovate with a slightly pronounced apex. They
are numerous and arranged in three rows; the inner petals are smaller and crowned with a thick fringe of stamens
surrounding the pistil. The blue lotus (utpala), on the other hand, is a Nymphea caerulea. Less radiant than other
lotuses, the flowers are 10-15 centimetres in diameter. The petals are blue and lanceolate, see Bénisti 1952: 1-3.
In Indian Buddhist arts, remarked art historian Marie-Thérèse de Mallmann, Avalokiteśvara's pink lotus (padma)
is shown circular and open, while Mañjuśrī's blue lotus (utpala) is traditionally depicted as a brush-shaped flower,
that is to say mostly closed, De Mallmann 1964: 33-36, 33 n. 9. In the Buddhist Art of Kashmir and West Tibet,
however, the two types of lotuses are sometimes depicted as fully open flowers. In these cases, the number and
shape of their petals are noticeably different. For examples of pink and blue lotus flowers from these regions, see
pl. 31A, fig. II-5 and pl. 42A in Schroeder 2001. As part of the iconography of Mañjuśrī in human form, the fully
open blue lotus can also be represented with some closed petals in the centre, upon which may stand a sword or a
Perfection of Wisdom, see pl. 43C-E in Schroeder 2001.
248
Avalokiteśvara and Vajrapāṇi are
also bedecked with bangles, armbands,
earrings, crown, and necklace. Unlike
the central figure, they do not wear the
Brahmanical thread.
After identifying the three standing
bodhisattvas, the fourth line of the
inscription extolls the mesmerizing
power of this astonishing sculpture (sku
yi ya mtshan). The expression “which
one cannot help but contemplate”
(lta bas mi ngoms) underscores that
a look (lta ba) at this triad cannot
be sufficient to fulfil (mi ngoms) the
worshippers' heart. It may be inferred
from the following line that the power
of attraction of this image is due, in part
at least, to the fact that it was realised
by an outstanding artist. According
to the inscription, the sculpture was
made by Nam mkha' grags, who is
described as the “Panchen of the arts
of manufactures” (bzo rig paṇchen).
The juxtaposition of these two terms,
bzo rig and paṇchen, is unique and no
other instance of this epithet could be
found by these authors. A contraction
of the Sanskrit word “pundit” (paṇḍita)
and the Tibetan adjective “great” (chen
mo), the title “Panchen” (mahāpaṇdita)
is frequently employed for renown
Buddhist scholars. This led Pal and
Heller to argue that Nam mkha' grags
must have been a monk-artist.34 Given
the rarity of the epithet “Panchen of
Fig. 3
Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, silver alloy, copper
alloy with silver and copper inlay, Three Silver
Brothers, Pritzker Collection (Photo: Courtesy of
the Pritzker Collection, Chicago).
34 Pal 2003: 136, 289.
249
Fig. 4
Comparative view of Avalokiteśvara’s pink lotus (left) and Mañjuśrī’s blue
lotus (right), Three Silver Brothers, Pritzker Collection (Photo: Courtesy of
the Pritzker Collection, Chicago).
Fig. 5 Comparative view of three standing bodhisattvas.
Left: Padmapāṇi-Avalokiteśvara, Kashmir, 998, copper alloy with silver and copper inlay, 183 cm, Gokhar
Lhakang, Khatse, Zhada county of TAR, China (Photo: Thomas J. Pritzker 1999. After Schroeder 2001: fig.
II-5).
Centre: Figure of a bodhisattva, Western Tibet, 13th century, copper alloy with silver and copper inlay, 102.5
cm, Jokhang/Tsuglakhang, Lhasa, TAR, China (Schroeder 2001: pl. 41C).
Right: Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, Three Silver Brothers, Pritzker Collection (Photo: Courtesy of the Pritzker
Collection, Chicago).
250
the arts of manufactures”, and the concise biographical references extracted from the sources
aforementioned, the alleged monastic background of Nam mkha' grags should be treated with
circumspection. In effect, the term Panchen might simply have been a hyperbolic device used
to highlight Nam mkha' grags's artistic mastery, not unlike the usage of “emanation artisan” in
the inscription of the Philadelphia portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub.
A brief donative statement concludes this dedicatory inscription. It provides only a laconic
context for the commissioning of this image. As a pious gift, the miniature version of the
Three Silver Brothers was dedicated to the parents of an anonymous donor. In their pioneering
studies, Pal and Heller raised the obvious question of whether this masterpiece might have
been a royal commission.35 The latter opined that Nam mkha' grags must have been the donor,
who therefore realised the sculpture to honour his parents. There is, however, no obvious
grammatical relationship between the last two lines of this inscription. In the absence of any
continuative, connective, or agentive particles, the identity of the donor cannot be reasonably
inferred.
It is our contention that the three epithets “emanation artist”, “master artist”, and “Panchen
of the arts of manufacture” discussed in the epigraphic and textual sources above were
employed to designate one and the same person: Nam mkha' grags. Accordingly, this artist
would thus have been responsible for the Philadelphia portrait of the great abbot of Mustang,
the renovation of the Jo bo of Khorchak in 1512, and the making of its miniature version.
Indeed, as we have seen, the political and religious involvement of Mustang in the affairs of
Purang and the renovation of Khorchak Monastery under its leadership in the early 16th century
allow us to locate the artist named Nam mkha' grags as present at the right place and time in
all three cases. This observation is somewhat at odds with views commonly held regarding the
dating of the Pritzker's Three Silver Brothers. It is therefore necessary to establish Nam mkha'
grags's hand in order to debunk art historical misconceptions regarding this replica.
3.2 Stylistic analysis
The miniature version of the Three Silver Brothers has been attributed to either the 11th century
or to the early 13th century on stylistic grounds.36 On the other hand, the dates of Bsod nams
lhun grub's life provide a solid terminus post quem for the making of the Philadelphia portrait,
which must have been realised in the first half of the 16th century. Arguing that both images
were produced by the same artist, a comparison of these images is therefore in order. As we
shall elaborate, a detailed analysis of these two sculptures highlights the usage of inlays and
35 Pal 2003: 136 and Heller 2003a: 33.
36 For an attribution to the 11th century, see Pal 2003: 136-37. For a later attribution to the 13th century, see Heller
2003a; Luczanits 2014: 128-33.
251
decorative motifs pertaining to an artistic tradition and visual grammar established in Western
Tibet in the 15th-16th centuries. These characteristics are notably absent from earlier metal works
and images produced in Greater Kashmir and West Tibet between the 11th and 13th century.
Moreover, the adoption of a new inlay technique and floral motifs, as shall be demonstrated,
attests to the close ties and circulation of goods that developed between China and Tibet from
the 14th century onwards.
A comparison between the central figure of the Three Silver Brothers and earlier examples
of standing bodhisattvas from Kashmir and Western Tibet attributed to the 11th and 13th
century is a good point of departure (Fig. 5).The treatment of their dhotī, in particular, reveals
strikingly different aesthetics (Fig. 6). In sharp contrast with the intricate patterns and opulent
decorations of early images, Nam mkha' grags's treatment of Mañjuśrī's dhotī shows a definite
simplification of textile designs, with highly stylised vegetal scrolls. At the same time, the
inlay technique is also considerably different. First, the flowers and leaves of these scrolls are
outlined with metal wires of different colours. Second, the inlayed surface of the dhotī is flat
and smooth, as opposed to inlays made in relief in the 11th and 13th century examples.
The same artistic approach was employed, to some extent, in the rendering of Bsod
nams lhun grub's monastic garments. The technique adopted in both images consisted of the
delineation of decorative motifs in a different metal. In the case of the abbot's robe, the outline
of a silver motif — now blackish dark due to oxidation — is made of copper, while, conversely,
a copper design is silhouetted with a silver outline. Moreover, it is interesting to note the great
similarity between the treatment of swirling leaves when comparing the vegetal motifs of the
robe with those of Mañjuśrī's dhotī; in the case of the monastic robe, however, these leaves
were incised, while those of the dhotī were inlaid. The correspondence between textile design
and inlay technique in these images is made even more apparent when considering the flowers
with two crossed petals at the top (Fig. 7). Having recourse this time to the use of the same
inlay technique, these motifs were realised by using a different metal inlay to highlight the
outline of these flowers.
Leaving aside technology for the moment, the vegetal and floral patterns of these statues
can be attributed to the influence of various Chinese artworks dating back to the early Ming
Dynasty (1368-1644).Tibetan fascination with luxury textiles from China can possibly be
traced back to the Tibetan Imperial period.37 In the 11th-13th centuries, the Tangut rulers of Xi
Xia started bestowing gold and silk garments upon Tibetan masters in exchange for religious
37 The majority of textiles and silk excavated from Tibetan (possibly Tuyhun?) tombs in Dulan appears to have been
of Chinese origin, see Xu Xinguo 2006: 277.
252
Fig. 6
Comparative views of the dhotīs worn by standing bodhisattvas in fig. 5.
Fig. 7
Details of figures 2 and 3.
teachings and rituals.38 The Mongols subsequently adopted this practice during the Yuan
Dynasty, when countless bolts of silk and precious silk robes were donated to Tibetan monks
along with other valuable objects.39 In turn, the early Ming emperors continued the same policy
of presenting bolts of silk, including flowered silks, silk garments, and luxury items to Tibetan
38 On the offering of silk garments to a high Tibetan master by a Xi Xia ruler, see Sperling 1987: 32-33.
39 For a discussion on gift-giving of luxurious silk textiles to Tibetan clerics during the Mongol rule, see Watt et al.
1997: 127-41. For a particular example as when Güyüg Khan (1206-1248) presented two hundred precious robes
to Tibetan monasteries in 1247, see Petech 1983.
253
Fig. 8
Fig. 9
A Vertical pendant with boys holding a lotus scroll, complex gauze with silk and metal thread
weft patterning, Yuan or early Ming Dynasty, China, 27.9 × 118.1 cm, the Metropolitan Museum,
accession number: 1987.291 (Photo: Courtesy of Metropolitan Museum, public domain).
A Panel of silk brocade with various flowers, including peonies and lotuses, woven with a gilt outline
against a sea-green ground, Ming Dynasty, China, 69 × 75 cm, current whereabouts unknown (Spink
1999: pl.16).
Fig. 10 Offering mandala, cloisonné enamel, 15th century, Ming Dynasty, diam. 34.3 cm, the Metropolitan
Museum, accession number: 1992.331 (Photo: Courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum, public
domain).
Fig. 11 Incense burner, cloisonné enamel, 15th century, Ming Dynasty, China, diam. 15.3 cm, The Palace
Museum, Beijing, China (Chen Hsia-sheng 1999: pl. 12).
254
clerics; many of these religious offerings and diplomatic gifts being recorded for instance
during Yongle's reign (1402-1424). 40 Alongside the prestige of Chinese silk and textiles,
Chinese stylistic elements gained popularity and were progressively incorporated into the
artistic repertoire of Tibet from the 14th century onwards.41
In this context, two pieces of fabrics made of silk and datable to the early Ming Dynasty
provide comparative materials for the treatment of vegetal and floral motifs by Nam mkha'
grags (Fig. 8-9). Some of the swirling leaves and blossoming flowers of these textiles are not
only reminiscent of their Tibetan interpretations, but were also represented with a contrasting
outline.The treatment of these Chinese motifs is even more explicitly apparent in luxury
religious paraphernalia made in another medium, namely cloisonné.
The earliest cloisonné vessels were produced during the Yuan dynasty.42 The technique
became increasingly popular in the early Ming when it was used for the production of Buddhist
ritual items such as mandala bases, consecration vessels, and incense burners (Fig.10-11).43
These cloisonné objects are likely to represent court production and would have been donated
to religious hierarchs and monasteries as imperial gifts, thereby contributing to the diffusion of
particular Chinese motifs to Tibet, too.
The similarity of technique between the treatment of Mañjuśrī's dhotī and Chinese
cloisonné is striking in this regard. Deriving from French word for “compartments”, cloisonné
decorations are formed by soldering silver or copper wires to the object surface. These wires
of contrasting colours remain visible in the finished piece, outlining in this way the different
compartments or inlays. Attesting to the diffusion of this medium outside of China, the stylistic
treatment of flowers and leaves is remarkably similar between Mañjuśrī's dhotī and the incense
burner and mandala base from 15th-century China (Fig. 12-13).
Further evidence for the impact of Chinese cloisonné aesthetics can be found in the
religious architecture of West Tibet. The establishment of the new capital of the Guge Kingdom
at Tsaparang in the 15th century translated into the founding of several richly decorated
edifices. The White Temple (mchod/lha khang dkar po), as it is now called, in particular, has
been praised for the vastness of its proportions, its monumental Buddhist images, and the
40 Several donations from Ming emperors are discussed in Sperling 1983: 86-87, 138, 144, 152, 158, 163, 207-8,
210, 214, 228 n. 19, 229 n. 24, 230 n. 32, 235 n. 54.
41 On Chinese artistic influences in Tibetan murals and painted scrolls in the 14th-15th centuries, see Kossak and
Singer 1998: 45-46.
42 On the historical and technological developments of cloisonné in China, see Brinker & Lutz 1989.
43 For other examples of cloisonné ritual implements including a mandala base bearing a Jingtai reign mark (14501457), see Henss 2020: 96, 121.
255
Fig. 12 Details of figures 11 and 3.
Fig. 13 Details of figures 10 and 3.
Fig. 14 A clay pedestal inside the White Temple, Tsaparang, West Tibet, 16th century (van
Ham 2016: 316).
256
Fig. 15 A flask, Xuande reign (1426–1435),
Ming Dynasty, China, The British
Museum, asset number 1469657001
(Photo: Courtesy of The British Museum,
creative commons license).
Fig. 16 Seated Buddha, Western Tibet, 15 th -16 th
century, H. 29 cm, Rietberg Museum, Zurich
(Uhlig 1995: cat. 23).
exquisiteness of its wall-paintings.44 The painted pedestal of a monumental clay statue of
Vairocana is a remarkable example of the influence of cloisonné-like floral design (Fig. 14).
The shiny and colourful surface of this pedestal replicated cloisonné technique by outlying
vegetal scrolls and flowers stylistically similar to a mandala base.45
44 Tucci 1989.
45 The singularity of this pedestal did not escape Victor Chan when he penned what has been considered the most
detailed and comprehensive travel guide to Tibet: “The base of one is superb and unique, a rounded, columnar
stand. Expanded in its top portion (mushroom-shaped) to support the image. This surprising innovation probably
originated at Tsaparang and is seen also at Tholing Monastery, but nowhere else in West Tibet. The floral motif
on its curvilinear surface is striking and the use of colors original.” see Chan 1994: 440-41. Also, Xizang Jianzhu
Kancha Shejiyuan 2011: 80-1, 149, 181.
257
In addition to silks and cloisonné, similar motifs with flowers, scrolls, and leaves can be
found on Ming porcelain vessels, which also circulated in Tibet in the 15th century (Fig. 15).46
The inlay technique used by Nam mkha' grags for Mañjuśrī's dhotī is exceptional and,
like the Tsaparang pedestal, must have constituted a 15th century novelty in the visual arts of
West Tibet. It is however not unique to the images realised by this artist and can be found in
other metal sculptures produced in Guge and Mustang in the late 15th-16th centuries. A Buddha
sculpture from the Rietberg Museum in Zürich is a good example of the adoption of this
technique by two artists from Guge in West Tibet (Fig. 16). Dated by inscription to an EarthRabbit Year, this image was realised by Dkon mchog 'od zer and his sibling at the meditation
cave of Karak in 1519 or 1579.47 The pattern decorating the hem of the Buddha's robe exhibits
a similar use of copper and silver inlays to outline the design of leaves and flowers, which
strongly recall those of Mañjuśrī's dhotī (Fig. 17). It is worthy of note that several other metal
sculptures attesting to the use of this particular inlay technique have been reported by Christian
Luczanits and Chiara Bellini following their work inventorying monastery collections in
Mustang.48
Lastly, the elaborate toraṇa frame of the Three Silver Brothers draws attention to the
visual arts of West Tibet once again. Murals from the White Temples at Tsaparang and Tholing
offer comparative material dating to the 15th-16th centuries (Fig. 18-19). In all three cases, the
arched frame is formed by the head of a snake-eating garuḍa holding the tails of two makaras
46 Sumptuous gifts including porcelain bowls, for instance, were presented to Tsong kha pa by the Yongle Emperor
along with an invitation to visit the Ming court in 1408, see Karmay 1975: 80-1.
47 A translation of this important inscription is given in Appendix 3. While both artists are said to be from Guge (Gu
ge pa), the location of the meditation cave of Karak (Ka rag bsam gtan phug pa) is open to discussion. It could
correspond to an old, richly painted cave located near the Kharak temple (mkhar/kha rag lha khang) in Zhada
County (rtsa mda' rdzong) of the Ngari Prefecture in West Tibet. According to Tibetan scholar Tsering Gyalpo the
word rag means “in front of” ('khris) or “nearby” (gam du) in local dialect, while the first syllable indicates the
presence of a “fortified site” (mkhar), whence “near the fort”; see Gu ge Tsering Gyal po 2006: 284-285. Similarly,
a site named “Karak” (kar rag; khar rag; mkha' reg) has also been identified less than 4 kilometres to the southwest of Lo in Upper Mustang. This place name refers to a fortified site with some caves located nearby. According
to local lore, a yet-to-be-identified royal workshop of artisans and metal sculptors used to be situated near the
capital of Lo; personal communication with archaeologist Marion Poux at the 15th IATS seminar in Paris in July
2019. Given the specific mention of the sculptors' origin in the dedicatory inscription of the Rietberg image, it can
be hypothesized that Dkon mchog 'od zer and his sibling may have produced this image outside of their native land
of Guge, perhaps in Upper Mustang.
48 Examples of statues with similar types of inlays were shown, for instance, at the “Tibetan Monastery Collections
and Museums: Traditional Practices and Contemporary Issues' workshop” at SOAS, University of London in
November 2018 and by Bellini during her presentation “Is there a Mustang Style of Sculpture?” at the 15th IATS
seminar in Paris in July 2019.
258
Fig. 17 Details of figures 16 and 3.
clasped in its beak. The representation of these sea monsters is particularly distinctive. The
makaras from West Tibet are depicted with a long body resembling that of a snake. In addition,
another defining element and typical motif of the period is the Chinese-styled clouds floating
above these creatures. In the end, the rococo exuberance of the arched frame exhibits a visual
grammar well-attested in West Tibet, to which the region of Purang belonged. As a consequence
of the above, the toraṇa frame, as reproduced in the miniature version of the Three Silver
Brothers, would have replicated the late 15th or early 16th century restoration work performed on
the original triad at Khorchak.
4. Conclusion
On basis of this combined epigraphic and stylistic analysis, it may be concluded that the master
artist Nam mkha' grags, who realised the portrait of the Great Abbot of Mustang Bsod nams
lhun grub, and who worked at Khorchak Monastery in 1512, can be confidently identified with
the outstanding sculptor credited for the replica of the famous Khorchak altarpiece. Although
little biographical information is available at present, it is however certain that Nam mkha'
grags's reputation and artistic skills were well-established at the turn of the 16th century. From
the use of epithets of praise in epigraphic and literary sources to his mastery of modelling and
259
Fig. 18 Painted panel showing Akṣobhya, 16th century, White Temple, Tsaparang,
TAR China (van Ham 2016: 317).
inlay technique, Nam mkha' grags must have been a contemporary of the Great Abbot and
possibly even a court artist from Upper Mustang. His portrait of Glo bo Mkhan chen Bsod
nams lhun grub not only distinguishes itself for the naturalistic rendition of the cleric's face,
but its dedicatory inscription also highlights that the portrait had been commissioned by a ruler
related to the royal house of Mustang.
Compared to Bsod nams lhun grub's portrait, Nam mkha' grags's Three Silver Brothers
is admittedly a work of far greater refinement. Yet both sculptures, as we have shown, were
products of their time. Nam mkha' grags's use of aesthetic motifs and cloisonné-like design
were in keeping with an artistic tradition that likely developed in Western Tibet in the 15th
260
Fig. 19 A painted panel of Uṣṇīṣavijayā, 16th century, White Temple, Tholing, TAR
(Zhejiang University 2015: 186–87).
century. There are grounds to suggest therefore that some of the workshops (dpon slob pa)
employed under the patronage of Mustang at Khorchak Monastery in Purang shared the
same artistic trends that flourished at Tholing and Tsaparang more or less at the same time.
Hence, Nam mkha' grags's use of a distinctive inlay technique and Chinese stylistic elements
261
advocate for the creation of the miniature version around 1512, when the master artist and
his apprentices were commissioned to conduct renovation work at Khorchak, including on
the central Jo bo image of the Tashitsekpa Temple. Influenced by Chinese luxury items, Nam
mkha' grags's incorporation of these elements into Mañjuśrī's dhotī embodied the nature of
Khorchak's complex history, namely that of a multi-layered and three-dimensional place of
worship which, since its establishment at the turn of the first millennium, had experienced a
long series of extensions, alterations, and renovations. As such, Nam mkha' grags's replica,
like the original triad, can perhaps be regarded as an artistic palimpsest. With its mesmerizing
power of attraction, the miniature version of the Three Silver Brothers counts among the most
sophisticated images ever produced in Tibet and the Himalayas.
262
APPENDIX 1
Portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub
(Philadelphia Museum of Art)
Epigraph
Editorial signs
[1], [2], [3] etc.
§
/
a
(m)
()
[]
beginning of a line
dbu
shad
uncertain reading
use of anusvāra nar ro for letter /m/
abbreviation (bsdus yig)
editorial emendation
1. Portrait of Bsod nams lhun grub (Philadelphia Museum of Art)
1.1 Transliteration
[1] §/ swasti / dge legs bsod nams bye ba'i gzi 'bar zhing/ / nges don gnang ba'i ye shes lhun
gyis grub/ / legs pa'i lam ston mthar49 pa'i 'byung gnas kyis/ / 'gro kun dpal 'byor bzang por
mdzad la 'dud//mtshungs med bla ma 'jam pa'i dbyangs/ /'jig rten mgon dang rdo rje 'dzin/ /
rgyal ba kun gyi sku gsung thugs/ / gzugs sku'i rnam par shar ba 'di/ / sngon dus khri bsrong50
lde51 btsan gyi/ / las kha 'dzin zhing ting52 sang dus/ / a ma dpal gyi gdung 'dzin ba'i/ / mi dbang
bka' yi blon [2] gyi mchog/ / tshe dbang rgyal po gang de dang/ / de yi53 dgongs pa'i dpal 'dzin
ma/ / dpal 'dzom gus pas bshengs pa yi54 [/ /] dge bas sbyin bdag/ 'ched 'grang55 bcas/ / gnas
skabs56 tshe ring nad med 'byor ldan zhing/ / mthar thug rdzogs pa'i sangs rgyas shog/ sprul
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
Sic, for thar.
Sic, for srong.
Jackson reads lde'u (sic), see Jackson 2012: 16.
Jackson reads deng sang instead of ding sang, yet both terms are roughly similar and mean “nowadays”, “these
days” or “today and tomorrow”, see Jackson 2012: 16.
Jackson gives the transcription de'i while the inscription, for obvious metric reasons, reads de yi, see Jackson 2012: 16.
Here again, Jackson gives pa'i while the text, in fact, reads pa yi, see Jackson 2012: 16.
Sic, for mched grangs? See footnote 60.
Jackson reads khang, see Jackson 2012: 16. Damaged by a notch, the word skabs seems to have been misspelt
kabs, with a split letter /sa/. However, our reading is warranted given the use of this word in the well-known phrase
“the present conditions for a long life, free from disease, and wealth” (gnas skabs tshe ring nad med 'byor ldan).
263
ba'i lha bzo nam mkha' grags/ / la(m)ga57 la(m)/ /
1.2 Translation
Svasti!
With billions of shimmering merits and excellent virtues,
He spontaneously accomplished the wisdom that bestows ultimate truth.
I bow down to the excellent teacher, the source of liberation,
Who sets all migratory beings in a state of exalted wealth.
The unequalled guru Mañjuśrī,
The Protector of the World,58and the Vajra Holder,59
Are the body, speech, and mind of all the Victorious Ones,
Who have taken the form of this image.
As for Khri Srong lde btsan's activities in the past,
They too are being upheld in this day and age.
By the descendant of A ma dpal,
The foremost ruler of men and minister.
The one [named] Tshe dbang rgyal po,
Whose aspirations [were fulfilled by] his glorious spouse.
Dpal 'dzom, commissioned [this image] respectfully.
By this virtuous deed, may the benefactor together with 'ched 'grang,60
Enjoy a long, healthy, and wealthy life for the time being,
And, ultimately, attain perfect Buddhahood!
The emanation artisan is Nam mkha' grags.
Maṅgalaṃ!
57 Sic, for maga.
58 The Protector of the World (Lokanātha, 'Jig rten mgon) is the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara.
59 In the present context, this figure must be identified as Vajrapāṇi rather than Vajradhara who may also bear the title
of Vajra Holder. Collectively known as the Protectors of the Three Families (trikulanātha, rigs gsum mgon po), the
group Mañjuśrī-Avalokiteśvara-Vajrapāṇi is a popular theme in the Buddhist visual landscape of Western Tibet.
60 Jackson, who erroneously reads 'cho 'grang for 'ched 'grang, does not provide a translation of this passage, see
Jackson 2012: 16. It is unclear if the word 'ched 'grang refers to the name of a person. Alternatively, it could
perhaps be a corruption of mched grangs, in which case the passage would read: “By this virtuous deed, may the
benefactor together with numerous relatives enjoy the conditions for (…)”.
264
APPENDIX 2
The Three Silver Brothers
(The Pritzker Collection)
Epigraph
2. The Three Silver Brothers (Pritzker Collection)
2.1 Transliteration
[1] §/ ma rig mun sel rje btsun 'jam [2] pa'i dbyangs/ / thugs rje dbang phyug rje btsun spyan
ras gzigg61 / [3] mthu stobs dbang phyug gsang ba'i bdag po yi/ / lta bas mi ngoms62 sku yi ya
mtshan 'di/ / bzo rig [4] paṇ chen chen63 nam mkha' grags kyis bzhengs/ / drin [5] can pha ma
gnyis kyi ched64 du bsngo//65
2.2 Translation
He who dispels the darkness of ignorance is the venerable Mañjuśrī;
The almighty Lord of Compassion is the venerable Avalokiteśvara;
The almighty Lord of Power is the venerable Master of Secrets:66
This wondrous image, which one cannot help but contemplate,67
Was created by the Panchen of the Arts Nam mkha' grags.
It is dedicated to the kindness of both the father and mother.
61 Sic, for gzigs.
62 Heller erroneously reads 'joms for ngoms, see footnote 67 and Heller 2003b: 289.
63 On the basis of nine syllables per line, the metric pattern of this inscription suggests that the repetition of the
syllable chen is a scribal error.
64 Heller mistook ched for tshed, see Heller 2003b: 289.
65 Heller remarks that “the inscription does not end with the usual final punctuation signs (sic)”. Instead, she notes
that the dedicatory sentence concludes with the less deeply incised Sanskrit lexical item svāhā (sva ha); see Heller
(2003b: 289). However, we were unable to see any traces of letters in the small gap between the final strokes (shad)
of the concluding line and the fleur-de-lys motif marking the edge of the pedestal. Incidentally, the auspicious
formula maṅgalaṃ, or its Tibetan equivalent (bkris for bkra shis), is more commonly used than svāhā at the end of
dedicatory inscriptions calling for the fulfilment of a wish or aspirational prayer.
66 Responsible for transmitting tantras to humans, the Master of Secrets (Guhyapati; Gsang ba'i bdag po) is an
epithet used for bodhisattva Vajrapāṇi (Phyag na rdo rje).
67 The expression lta bas mi ngoms is used to describe an exceedingly attractive object in the eyes of the beholder
who cannot be satisfied (ngoms) with a glance (lta bas). The same expression is used in a wall inscription praising
the visual and artistic qualities of the three-storeyed temple of Wanla in Ladakh, see Tropper 2007: 117, 138.
265
APPENDIX 3
Tathāgata Akṣobhya
(The Rietberg Museum, Zurich)
Epigraph
3. Tathāgata Akṣobhya (Rietberg Museum)
3.1 Transliteration
[1] §/ /Oṃ svasti/ / phan dang de ba'i lam chen po/ / dang por 'byed mkhas rgyal ba nyid/ / shes
rab dpal 'byor dad pas bzhengs/ / 'gro kun sangs rgyas myur thob shog/ / lha bzo phul phyin
guge pa/ / dkon mchog 'od zer mched gnyis kyis/ ka rag bsam gtan phug pa ru/ / sa mo yos kyi
lo la grub/ sangs rgyas kun gyis (bsngags) (pa dang)/ / 'od dang gzi brjid 'bar ba dang/ / byang
chub sems dpa'i brtson 'grus kyis/ / bdag gi bsam pa rdzogs gyur cig/
3.2 Translation
Oṃ svasti!
The happiness and benefit of the Great Path,
Were first uncovered and experienced by the Victorious One.
This was commissioned by Shes rab dpal 'bjor with devotion.
May all migratory beings quickly obtain Buddhahood!
The eminent artists from Guge,
Dkon mchog 'od zer and his sibling,
Realised [this image] in the meditation cave of Karak,
In the female Earth-Rabbit Year.68
Lauded by all the Buddhas,
With splendour and blazing charisma,
May my intention be fulfilled,
Through the bodhisattva's practice of diligence!69
68 Based on stylistic evidence attributed to the 15th-16th centuries, the female Earth-Rabbit Year given for this image
would correspond to the calendar years 1459, 1519, and 1579.
69 Heller and Loten Dahortsang offer no transliteration of this inscription. Their translation is generally consistent but fails
to reproduce the three stanzas forming the basic metrical units of this inscription: “Oṃ Svasti. This image of the learned
Buddha, he who has been first on the great path of happiness and help, is commissioned by Shes rab dpal 'bjor. May all
beings quickly attain Buddhahood. It is made as an offering by the artists Gu ge pa Dkon mchog 'od zer and his brother
in the meditation grotto of the Ka rag bsam gtan in the earth-female-hare year. May my wishes be fulfilled through the
diligent activities of the Bodhisattva, which are praised by all Buddhas in blazing brilliance and light”, see Uhlig 1995: 70.
266
APPENDIX 4
Jo bo dngul sku mched gsum dkar chag
Wagindra Karma70
Textual Edition
A. Description of the pedestal of the Three Silver Brothers at Khorchak71
A.1 Transliteration
de nas 'di nyid gtsug lag khang btab ste/ rdo a mo li ka dbus su bzhags pa ri rab tu mtshon par
byas/ gser dngul zangs lcags sogs rin po che sna tshogs bsdus nas lugs kha gcig tu72 byas pas
maṇḍal gyi tshul du rang byon du grub pa'i gling bzhi gling phran brgyad dang bcas pa'i mdun
ngos nas rin po che'i ri bo/ dpag bsam gyi shing/ 'dod 'jo'i ba/ ma smos pa'i lo thog/ 'khor lo/
nor bu/ btsun mo/ blon po/ glang po/ rta mchog dmag dpon de rgyal srid sna bdun/ gter chen
po'i bum pa/ g.yas g.yon du seng ge re dang rma bya res btegs pa dang/ sku rgyab kyi g.yas
g.yon phyogs su/ glang dang glang po che re re mtshon par byas pa'i bar mtshams rnams su
mchod pa'i lha mo brgyad zlos pa'i gar stabs bsgyur ba'i rnam 'gyur dang bcas kun tu bzang
po'i mchod sprin stobs ba'i tshul du 'khod pa/ de dag thams cad kyang bzo khyad phul du phyin
pa/ rdo a mo li ka'i dbus drang thad nas pad sdong rtsa ba gcig las sdong bu gsum gyes pa'i
g.yas g.yon nas sbrul mgo bdun/ {bzhugs khri lugs su blug stabs sngon nas da lta'i bar rgan
rabs rim par brgyud pa'i gtam la/ gong du bkod pa ltar gser dngul zangs lcags sogs rin po che
sna tshogs bsdus nas lugs pa'i las 'go brtsam pa na/ jo bo rin po che'i zhal nas/ dkon gnyer
dkon gnyer73 gdan khri lugs su blug la zhag bdun sgo ma 'byed par zhog74/ zhag bdun thim pa
dang sgo phye zhig gsungs pa la/ dkon gnyer75 gyis gsung byon lugs 'di ci 'dra byas yong ngo
70 The transliterations of texts A-C are based on an edition of the Record of the Jowos [called] the Three Silver
Brothers (Jo bo dngul sku mched gsum dkar chag) that was published in celebration of the commemoration of
the thousand years of Tholing Monastery; Wagindra Karma 1996. A second addition of this text was published in
Tibet by the Gangs ti se mnga' ris rig gnas gces skyong khang at an unknown date. It is referred to as the Gangs ti
se edition in the critical notes on text A-C given in footnotes; see Wagindra Karma (n.d.). For a digital copy of the
Gangs ti se edition, see TBRC: W1AC352. We are indebted to Jörg Heimbel, Shawo Khacham, and Per Sørensen
for their helpful suggestions concerning these passages.
71 Wagindra Karma 1996: 19-21.
72 The Gangs ti se edition reads kha cig tu, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 18: line 20).
73 The Gangs ti se edition reads dkor gnyer dkor gnyer, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 10).
74 The Gangs ti se edition reads zhogs, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 11).
75 The Gangs ti se edition reads dkor gnyer, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 11).
267
snyam sgo phye par rings shing ngang sring ma thub par zhag phyed bdun song mtshams sgo
phyed nas ltas76 pas bzhugs khri lugs kha gcig la pad sdong gsum du gyes shing/ de la yang yal
ga dang 'dab ma dang/ me tog sna tshogs su gyes pa la la kha bye grub pa dang/ 'ga' zhig bye
grabs dang/ 'ga' zhig bye 'phro lus pas yin zhes da lta'i bar grags che zhing/'on kyang 'di skor
ldebs 'bris dang dkar chag rnying pa/ rnam sogs77 yig cha dngos su ma bkod snang bas 'di yang
kyus78 su ma bris par mchan bu tsam du bkod do/} gyis zur phud brgyan pa'i gdengs can gyi
dbang po dga' bo dang 'jog po gnyis kyis brten ba'i tshul du gnas pa/ de'i g.yas dang g.yon nas
shang shang gis79 btegs dang/ sdong po dbus ma yal ga dang 'dab mas yongs su gugs pa'i rtser
padma 'dab ma nyis brtsegs sum cu rtsa gnyis kyi lte bar zla nyi'i dkyil 'khor gyi steng du jo bo
'jam dbyangs sku chen mo bzhugs su gsol zhing/ pad sdong g.yas g.yon gnyis zur du 'phyang
nas slar gyen du langs pa'i yal 'dab g.yur zar ldem pa'i rtser me tog padma 'dab ma bcu gsum
dang ldan pa rang byon du 'khrungs pa ni 'phags pa 'jig rten dbang phyug dang gsang bdag
phyag na rdo rje gnyis kyi sku yang gzhongs shig pa'i brdar go dang yang de dus bzhengs ma
thub pas bzhugs khris stong par lus zhes grags/
A.2 Translation
Thereupon he established the main temple. An amolika stone representing Mount Meru
was placed in the centre. Having gathered various precious substances such as gold, silver,
brass, and iron, they were used for the casting work. As a result, four continents and eight
subcontinents appeared spontaneously in the manner of a mandala. Facing them were the
precious mountain, a wish-fulfilling tree, a wish-granting cow, spontaneous crops, and the
seven possessions of a universal monarch — namely, the wheel, the jewel, the queen, the
minister, the elephant, the horse, the general — and a vase of great treasures. A lion and a
peacock supported [this arrangement] on either side. Behind, there were depictions of elephants
and bulls on both sides with, in the intervals between them, eight offering goddesses in dancing
postures, and Samantabhadra's clouds of offering displayed in the most powerful way. Not
just that, all these [elements] were of outstanding craftsmanship, too. Rising straight from the
middle of the amolika stone, three stems had grown from the [root] stalk of a lotus [flower]. To
the right and left, the Nāga kings Ananta and Takṣaka —
Regarding the account of how the pedestal was cast, as it has been passed on over the
generations from former times until the present day: According to the above description, the
commencement of work started when the gold, silver, brass, iron and various gems that had
76
77
78
79
The Gangs ti se edition reads bltas, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 12).
The Gangs ti se edition reads rnam thar sogs, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 15).
The Gangs ti se edition reads dkyus, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 15).
The Gangs ti se edition reads gyi, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 19: line 17).
268
been collected were melted. The precious Jo bo said, “Caretaker! Caretaker! In order to cast
the pedestal, do not unlock the [temple] door for seven days! When a week has passed, open
the door!” The caretaker wondered, “How will the speaking image possibly do this casting
work?” Eager to open the door and unable to wait any longer, he unlocked the door after
six days and saw three lotus stems rising from the cast pedestal. There were also all sorts of
twigs, leaves, and flowers spreading. Some of them were blossoming, some were just about to
open, and others were in full bloom. To this day, [this account] is widely popular, yet no wall
inscriptions,80 old records, hagiographies and so forth would appear to have recorded it in
writing. Hence, since it has not been recorded at length, this was merely written down as a
gloss.
— whose head was adorned with a seven snake-headed [hood], were standing supporting
[the stems]. To their right and left were sitting Kinnara [birds]. The impressive statue of Jo
bo Mañjuśrī had been invited to take a seat upon the moon and sun discs at the navel of a
two-tiered lotus flower made of thirty-two petals, resting on the downward-facing tips of
twigs and leaves from the central stem. Two lotus flowers made of thirty petals had appeared
spontaneously on both sides of heavy foliage, which was rising up swirling to the right and
left of the lotus [root] stalk. As there were signs that the statue of the Lord of the World, Arya
[Lokeśvara], and that of the Master of Secrets, Vajrapāṇi, should be added, and since they had
not been made, it is said that the [lotus] thrones were left empty.
B. Viśvakarman's legendary activity at Khorchak Monastery81
B.1 Transliteration
gnam mgon ldes sku mkhar gong du dzambha la bsgrubs pas zhal gzigs/ mi ring bar sog po'i
tshong pa gtos che ba byung/ nor rnams rgyal po la bcol te lo gsum la nged ni ma slebs na
khyed rang tshos spyod gcig zer log go/ de nas lo dus la ma slebs pa'i tshe kha bye82 nas gzigs
pas nor bsam gyis mi khyab pa dang khyad par rin po che dngul gyi phung po mi khur bcu bzhi
tsam byung ba'i Tam kha thams cad la dzam zhes pa'i yi ge gsal bar 'dug pa sha stag byung bas
rmugs 'dzin gyi dbang po arya dzambha las jo bo rnam gnyis kyi sku rgyu dngos su phul bar
nges so/ de nas chos rgyal de nyid dang je btsun ma 'phags ma sgrol ma rnam 'phrul jo 'bum
rgyal mo gnyis kyis bi shwa karma mi'i zol 'dzin pa'i sprul pa'i bzo bo bkug ste/ rje btsun 'jam
pa'i dbyangs dang sku tshad gnyis pa'i thugs rje chen po dang phyag na rdo rje dngul la gar
80 See below note 83.
81 Wagindra Karma 1996: 23.
82 The Gangs ti se edition reads kha phyes, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 21: line 9).
269
lugs su bsgrub/
B.2 Translation83
[The King of Purang] Gnam mgon lde was in his palace when, after propitiating Jambhala,
he had a vision [of the latter]. Shortly thereafter, a large number of Mongolian merchants
appeared. They entrusted the king with their wealth and told him: “If we do not return after
three years, please use it towards religious activities!” [after which] they departed. By the end
of that period, they had not returned. After opening [the trove], [the king] saw inconceivable
riches and heaps of sublime precious substances and silver. As all the coins, [which amounted]
to about fourteen human loads, appeared to be clearly [minted] with the so-called dzam dzam
syllable, it was obvious that the Keeper of Stacks and Lord [of Water], Ārya Jambhala, had
offered [them as] material for [the making of] the two Jo bo statues.
Thereafter, the Dharma King and Queen Jo 'bum, herself an emanation of the venerable
lady Ārya Tārā, summoned Viśvakarman who manifested himself as an artisan under the
deceptive appearance of a human being. He thus realised the silver casting of Mahākāruṇika
[Avalokiteśvara] and Vajrapāṇi at the size of venerable Mañjuśrī.
C. The renovation phase of the Water-Monkey Year 151284
C.1 Transliteration
de'i phyi lo lha khang chen mo'i skor dang/ bkra shis brtsegs pa'i zhal ba dang/ kun spyod kyi
skyo ra rnams sgrubs/ dus der hor dmag gi 'jigs sgra che bar byung / 'bum brgya tshar gnyis
bsgrags / dpon mo che sgra dbyangs pa dpon slob sangs rygas rab bdun gyi lder sku'i zhig
gsos grub / dpon mo che nam mkha' grags dpon slob pas yum chen mo85 la phyogs bcu'i sangs
rgyas kyis bskor ba'i lder sku / sgrol ma 'jigs pa brgyad skyobs lha86 brgyad rnams kyis gso
bzhengs / bkra shis brtsigs87 par sangs rgyas sum cu rtsa lnga'i sku gsar bzhengs / bkra shis
brtsigs par sangs rgyas sum cu rtsa lnga'i sku gsar bzhengs /jo bo rin po che phyag mtshan
utpala la sogs legs par bzhengs / dpon mo che rgyal bzang ba dpon slob pas yum chen mo'i
83 An abridged version of this narrative is given in a 15th century inscription found in the entrance area of the Great
Temple (lha khang chen mo) at Khorchak. It has been suggested, with good reason, that Wagindra Karma used
the content of this 46-line long epigraph when he composed the Record of the Jowos [called] the Three Silver
Brothers, see Tropper 2019: 68.
84 Wagindra Karma 1996: 34.15-35.8.
85 The Gangs ti se edition reads yum chen po, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 30: line 6).
86 Sic, for bla, see footnote 90.
87 Sic, for brtsegs.
270
ngos ris bzhengs / 88 gzhan yang sku phran gyi gsos mang po dang khyad par lo chen gyi sku
li ma ngo mtshar can 'di la sogs pa legs par grub pas dus der chos ldan gyi skyes bu mchog
dman mang pos sku gsung thugs rten gsar du bshengs ba dang rnying pa rnams gso bzhengs
byas nas mchod sprin gyis stabs so /
C.2 Translation
In the following year [1512], the ambulatory of the Great Temple, the plastering of the
Tashitsikpa [Temple], and the enclosure of the Künchö [Chapel] were completed.
At that time, the fear of Hor troops intensified. The figure of twice eight hundred thousand
[soldiers] was put forward. The master artist Sgra dbyangs pa and his apprentices accomplished
the restoration of the clay images of the seven excellent Buddhas from the past.89
The master artist Nams mkha' grags and his apprentices renovated the clay statues of the
Buddhas of the ten directions, the Tārā who protects from the eight great fears, and the eight
[medicine Buddhas]90 inside the [chapel of] the Great Mother.91 Inside the Tashitsekpa [Temple],
images of the thirty-five [confession] Buddhas were newly created. The hand attribute of the
precious Jo bo, an utpala [lotus], and so on, were elegantly made.
The master artist Rgyal bzang ba and his apprentices realised the murals on the interior
walls of the Great Mother [Chapel]. Furthermore, the renovation of many minor images,
in particular the remarkable metal image of Lochen [Rin chen bzang po], and so on, were
beautifully realised.
As a result, many devout people of higher and lower [ranks] commissioned sacred
representations of the body, speech, and mind, and had old images restored at the time, in the
manner of a cloud of offerings.
88 The whole line is missing in the Gangs ti se edition, see Wagindra Karma (n. d.: 30: line 9).
89 The chapel of the seven excellent Buddhas of the past (sangs rgyas rab bdun lha khang) is situated to the north of
the assembly hall ('du khang) inside the Great Temple (lha khang chen mo) of Khorchak, see Tsering Gyalpo et al.
2015: 87.
90 On the basis of the pictorial and sculptural programmes of this chapel, we would suggest the spelling bla brgyad
rather than lha brgyad, in conformity with the well-known group of eight medicine Buddhas (sman bla de gshegs
brgyad), see Tsering Gyalpo et al. 2015: 184-97.
91 The Great Mother is a representation of the Perfection of Wisdom (Prajñāpāramitā) as a female deity (Sher phyin
ma). Also known as the shrine of the Buddhas of the ten direction, the chapel of the Great Mother is located to the
south of the assembly hall inside the Great Temple (lha khang chen mo) of Khorchak; see Tsering Gyalpo et al.
2015: 184-196.
271
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274
Journal of Tibetology (Vol.22)
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Chengdu, China
ISBN 978-7-5211-0284-0
First Published in June 2020
China Tibetology Publishing House
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