Early Medieval China, 20. 83–104, 2014 OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING ZHENJUN ZHANG St. Lawrence University, USA As the compiler of several noted collections of Chinese tales, Prince Liu Yiqing was one of the most important figures in the history of early medieval Chinese culture, yet his life has never been fully studied. This article provides the first complete English translation of Liu’s biography, observations on Liu’s life from three different perspectives, and a discussion of his works. KEYWORDS: Liu Yiqing, biography, Shishuo xinyu, Buddhism Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444) was one of the most important figures in the history of early medieval Chinese culture. Liu’s importance lies not only in his princely social status, but also in the two noted collections of tales which are attributed to him: Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (New Account of Tales of the World) and Youming lu 幽 明錄 (Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms). The former is the quintessential work of zhiren 志人 (‘‘accounts of men’’), while the latter is a representative work of zhiguai 志怪 (‘‘accounts of anomalies’’).1 The collections of tales, especially the Shishuo xinyu, have been the subject of numerous studies, but until now Liu Yiqing’s life has never been fully studied. This article presents Liu’s life from three different perspectives and offers a brief discussion of Liu’s works as well. Information about Liu Yiqing’s life can be found in his biography in the Song shu 宋書 (History of the Song) and Nan shi 南史 (History of the Southern Empires),2 Huijiao’s 惠皎 (497–554) Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks),3 1 Traditionally, tales in the Six Dynasties (420–589) have been classified into two different categories or genres: zhiguai and zhiren. In his Strange Writing (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), Robert Campany translates zhiguai as ‘‘anomaly accounts.’’ Kenneth DeWoskin defines zhiguai as ‘‘the generic name for collections of brief prose entries, primarily but not exclusively narrative in nature, that discuss out-of-the ordinary people and events.’’ See DeWoskin’s entry on "Chih-kuai" in William H. Nienhauser, Jr., ed., The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, 2nd ed. (Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1987), 280. Zhiren works focus mainly on the words and actions of real people. These two genres are often considered the earliest forms of Chinese fictional narrative literature. 2 See Shen Yue 沈 (441–513), Song shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974) [hereafter cited as Song shu], 51.1475–80; Li Yanshou 李延壽 (seventh century), Nan shi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975) [hereafter cited as Nan shi], 13.358–60. 3 See Huijiao 惠皎 (497–554) et al., Gaoseng zhuan heji 高僧傳合集 (A Combined Collection of Biographies of Eminent Monks) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), 1–101. # Early Medieval China Group 2014 DOI: 10.1179/1529910414Z.00000000015 84 ZHENJUN ZHANG and biographies and anthologies of his contemporaries, such as Xie Lingyun 謝霛運 (385–433) and Bao Zhao 鮑照 (c. 414–466) who had close relationships with Liu Yiqing.4 Two brief modern chronicles of Liu’s life and works are available; the first, by Xiao Hong 蕭虹, is attached to her article ‘‘Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque’’ 世說新語作者問題商榷 (‘‘A Discussion on the Authorship of the New Account of Tales of the World’’);5 the second, by Fan Ziye 范子燁, is in his book Shishuo xinyu yanjiu 世說新語研究 (Study of the New Account of Tales of the World).6 Also valuable in terms of tracing Liu’s life are Qian Zhenlun’s 錢振倫 (1816–1879) Bao Canjun shi zhu 鮑參軍詩注 (Adjutant Bao’s Poems with Commentary) and Wu Piji’s 吳丕績 Bao Zhao nianpu 鮑照年譜 (The Chronicle of Bao Zhao).7 In order to reconstruct Liu Yiqing’s life, his biography in the Song shu, as well as other related materials from different sources, are rendered into English, with annotations. THE SONG SHU BIOGRAPHY OF LIU YIQING The Song shu presents the life of Liu Yiqing in the chapter on imperial kinsmen (Chapter 51), and, while containing a dedicated biography of Yiqing, information about him is also interspersed throughout the biographical treatments of his father and siblings. Liu Yiqing was born into a royal family at Pengcheng 彭城 , the modern city of Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu, in the first year of Emperor An 安 of Jin 晉 (403). His father, Liu Daolian 劉道憐 (368–422), was Prince Jing 景 of Changsha 長沙,8 a younger brother of Liu Yu 劉 裕 (356–422), founder of the Song. Liu Daolian had six sons. Yiqing was the second. In the eighth year of the Yixi 義煕 period (412), when Yiqing was ten sui, his uncle Liu Daogui 道規 (370–412), the youngest brother of Liu Yu, expired and was posthumously enfeoffed as the Prince of Linchuan 臨川.9 Daogui had no sons, so Yiqing was made his heir.10 Following the information presented earlier in the chapter (summarized above), the dedicated biography of Liu Yiqing in the Song shu offers the most detailed account of his life and career.11 It is rendered here as follows: When Yiqing was young, he was recognized by Gaozu (Liu Yu). [Gaozu] said repeatedly, ‘‘This is the Fengcheng [sword] of our 4 Xie’s biography is in Song shu, 67.1743–87; and Nan shi, 19.538–42. Bao’s biography is in Song shu, 51.1477–80; and Nan shi, 13.360. 5 Xiao Hong, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,’’ Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 國立中央圖書館舘刊, 14.1 (1981): 8–24. 6 Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu (Haerbin: Helongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998), 305–17. 7 Qian Zhenlun, ed., Bao Canjun shi zhu (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1966); Wu Piji, Bao Zhao nianpu (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974). 8 The seat of Changsha Commandery was at modern Changsha city, Hunan. See Tan Qixiang 譚其驤, Zhongguo lishi dituji 中國歷史地圖集 (The Historical Atlas of China) (Beijing: Ditu chubanshe, 1982), 4.26. 9 The seat of Linchuan Commandery was Linru 臨如, west of modern Linchuan County, Jiangxi. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 10 See Song shu, 51.1474. 11 Song shu, 51.1475–80. His biography in the Nan shi is a simplified version of that in the Song shu. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 85 clan.’’12 At the age of thirteen (415), [Yiqing] inherited the title of Duke of Nanjun (Southern Commandery);13 and was appointed as the Executive Assistant, which he did not accept.14 In the twelfth year of the Yixi period (416), he followed [Liu Yu] to attack Chang’an. After returning (419), he was awarded with the appointment of Bulwark-General of the State and Governor of Northern Qingzhou.15 Having not [yet] gone to take up the posts, he was transferred to be Army Commander of Yuzhou and Governor of Yuzhou.16 Then he became Army Commander of Huaibei,17 while remaining in both [the posts of] Governor of Yuzhou and Bulwark-General of the State as before. In the first year of the Yongchu period (420), Yiqing inherited the title of Prince of Linchuan and was summoned as Palace Attendant. In the first year of the Yuanjia 元嘉 period (424), he was transferred to be Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Director of the Palace Library; he was then moved to be Minister of Revenue and Governor of Danyang,18 retaining the title of Bulwark-general of the State and Cavalier Attendant-inOrdinary as before. At that time, there was a commoner [named] Huang Chu 黃初. His wife, who was from a Zhao family, killed her daughter-in-law. She met an amnesty and should have been sent away to avoid revenge from her grandson. Yiqing said, ‘‘According to the Rites of Zhou, the enemy of one’s parents could avoid revenge by fleeing beyond the seas;19 even though when the son meets him or her in the market, he would fight him or her [right away] without returning home to retrieve a weapon. It is perhaps because there is no injustice greater than this, that the principle [justifying revenge] cannot be fathomed. Harboring sadness and pillowing a dagger-axe 12 Fengcheng Swords, individually called Long Quan 龍泉 and Tai E 太阿, are said to be ‘‘spirits of precious swords’’ 寶劍之精, which were able to emit purple air (紫氣) into the sky. See the ‘‘Biography of Zhang Hua 張華’’ in Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (578–648), Jin shu 晉書 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 36.1075–76. In later literary works, the phrase ‘‘Fengcheng sword’’ is frequently used to praise persons of extraordinary ability, especially those who haven’t become widely known. 13 Nanjun Commandery was on the northern bank of the Yangzi River between the modern city of Zhicheng 枝城 and Jiangling 江凌 in Hubei. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 14 Probably because he was too young to hold the post. Official titles follow Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985). 15 Qingzhou covered the area around the modern cities of Zibo 淄博 and Weifang 坊 in Shandong. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 16 Yuzhou included the southeastern part of modern Henan. See Tan, dituji, 4.26. 17 Huaibei refers to the area north of the Huai River, including Yuzhou and Xuzhou. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 18 Danyang Commandery covered the area of the capital of [Liu] Song, Jiankang (modern Nanjing). See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 19 ‘‘Diguan Situ’’ 地官司徒 (Office of Earth: Ministers of Education) in Zhouli 周禮 (Rites of Zhou), says, ‘‘To mediate hatred, the enemy of one’s parents [is advised to] avoid revenge by fleeing beyond the seas; the enemy of one’s brothers [is advised to] avoid revenge by fleeing one thousand li away.’’ 凡和難，父之雠，辟諸海外；兄弟之雠，辟諸千里之外。See Ruan Yuan 阮 元 (1764–1849), Shisanjing zhu shu 十三經註疏 (Commentaries and Subcommentaries to the Thirteen Classics) (rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 732. 86 ZHENJUN ZHANG promises a sure revenge in justice.20 As for the case in which one’s own beloved and relatives are killed and one’s own flesh and blood have slaughtered each other, the way is certainly against normal code, and there is not a standard judgment in records. [We should] seek solutions outside of the law and judge it with human feelings. Besides, in the rites there are excuses for making mistakes, but in law there are no words about taking one’s grandparent as an enemy. Moreover, the reason that the woman from the Zhao family gave way to violence was basically because that she indulged in wine. To seek truth of the matter based on her intention, [it is clear that] the event was completely due to her muddleheadedness. How could we take the muddleheaded grandmother as the same as a man in the street who causes deep animosity? I think that even though the grandson bears regret and harbors sadness, this is not against the righteousness as a son; he shares the same Heaven and lives in same area [with his grandmother], there is no loss of the filial way.’’ In the sixth year (429), Yiqing took up [the position of] Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. In the eighth year (431), Venus had impinged on the Right Upholder (or Right Keeper of the Law).21 Yiqing was afraid that there would be a calamity, and thus requested to receive a military assignment out of the capital. Emperor Wen sent him an imperial edict, which gave him explicit instructions, saying, ‘‘The mysterious celestial phenomena are boundless and confusing. They are already difficult to understand. Moreover, among the historians and various prognosticators, each has a different view. When the Star of War22 is blazing and it impinges on a star, this indicates its host will be executed. Speaking in terms of this, [however,] there is even less to fear. After the death of Zheng, the Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, the Left Upholder had changed somehow; yet Mr. Wang, the Grand Master for Splendid Happiness, is safe until today.23 That the Sun is in 20 ‘‘Tangong A’’ 檀弓上 in Liji 禮記 (Classic of Rites), says, ‘‘Zixia asked Confucius, ‘In dealing with the enemy of one’s parents, what should one do?’ Confucius replied, ‘[He] sleeps on a straw mat, pillows a shield, and does not serve as an official. This means one should not share the world under Heaven with the enemy [of his parents]. If one meets the enemy in the market, he should fight him or her [right away] without returning home to retrieve a weapon.’’’ 子夏問於孔 子曰：居父母之仇，如之何？夫子曰：寢苫枕干，不仕，弗與共天下也，遇諸市朝，不反兵而 鬪。See Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhu shu, 1284. 21 Venus symbolized killing and war. When it impinges upon a star, the host of that star is predicted to die. The Right Upholder is one of the ten stars south of the Northern Dipper called Taiwei yuan 太微垣 (Supreme Palace Enclosure), which is considered a representation or a symbol of the imperial court in ancient Chinese astrology. The ‘‘Treaties of Astrology’’ 天文志 in Jin shu says, ‘‘Taiwei is the court of Heavenly Son ’’ 太微，天子庭也. See Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 11.291. Venus impinging the Right Upholder indicates that one of the high-ranking officials in the court is in grave danger. 22 I.e., Venus. Its movement in the sky, according to ancient Chinese astrology, signals warfare. 23 Zheng Xianzhi 鄭鮮之 (362–427) served as Shangshu you puye 尚書右僕射 (Right Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs) and died in the fourth year of the Yuanjia reign period (427). In the sixth year of the Yuanjia reign period (429), Wang Jinghong 王敬弘 (360– 447) became Shangshu ling 尚書令 (Director of the Department of State Affairs) and Zuo guanglu dafu 左光祿大夫 (Grand Master for Splendid Happiness). See ‘‘Wendi ji’’ 文帝 (‘‘Annals of Emperor Wen’’) in Song shu, 5.76–78. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 87 eclipse for three days is considered the worst omen under Heaven; and there was such an abnormal phenomenon at the beginning of [the reign of] Xiaowu of the Jin,24 who was [merely] a mediocre lord. Unexpectedly, however, nothing [bad] happened to him. The way of Heaven assists benevolence and favors goodness, which means that there is no point in worrying over chance occurrences. My elder brother and the Army of the Rear are respectively charged with duties to the interior and exterior; while both have their basis in the protection of the state, they are carried out on the inside and on the outside. In terms of flourishing and decline, this is what I ponder — indeed there is in this the causal reason. If Heaven would certainly send down calamities, how can you escape by running a thousand li away? And so it is not the matter of running far away and, furthermore, we do not know the definite place that is auspicious or inauspicious. If one stays in the capital and then meets an uncertain fate, yet he leaves here and is certain in keeping his good fortune: could one counter Heaven’s will so recklessly?’’ Yiqing was resolute and sought to relieve himself of the post of the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. Thus [Emperor Taizu (Liu Yu)] permitted him [to resign]. Yiqing was offered [the post of] Secretary Director and added the title of General of the Front, while retaining the Cavalier Attendant-in-ordinary and Governor [of Danyang] as before. Yiqing was in the post of Governor of the Capital for nine years, and then he left and became the Commissioner with Special Powers, Army Commander of the Seven States—Jing, Yong, Yi, Ning, Liang, Southern and Northern Qin,25 General Pacifying the West, and the Governor of Jingzhou.26 Jingzhou occupies the important location of the upper reaches [of the Yangzi River]. Its territory was broad and soldiers strong; its property, weapons, and armor accounted for half of what the royal court had. For these reasons, Gaozu [always] sent his sons to live there. Since Yiqing was a talented man of the royal clan, he especially had this offer. By nature he was unassuming, and from the time he arrived to the time when he left the garrison, he refused to accept any gifts that were used to welcome him and send him off. In the twelfth year (435), [Taizu] requested all of the officials who held posts within and outside the capital to select talented men for office. Yiqing submitted a memorial to the emperor, saying, ‘‘The imperial edict seeks 24 Emperor Xiaowu 孝武, Sima Yao 司馬曜 (r. 373–396), was the ninth emperor of the Eastern Jin. According to his biography and the ‘‘Tianwen zhi 天文志’’ in Jin shu, there was a eclipse in the tenth month of the third year of Ningkang 寧康 reign (375) of Emperor Xiaowu, but no further details are provided (See Jin shu, 9.227, 12.341). 25 The area under the jurisdiction of Jingzhou was the southwestern part of Hubei, west of the modern city of Yichang 宜昌. Yongzhou covered the area around modern Nanyang 南陽 in Henan and Xiangyang 襄陽 in Hubei. Yizhou occupied most of modern Sichuan. Ningzhou included modern Yunnan and Guizhou. Liangzhou covered the area from the modern cities of Nanchong 南充 in Sichuan to Hanzhong 漢中 in Shanxi. Qinzhou was centered on modern Ankang 安康 in Shanxi, covering the area between Qinling 秦嶺 and Daba 大巴 Mountains. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 26 Yiqing stayed in this position for seven years (432–439). 88 ZHENJUN ZHANG talented men through various officials, and it extends to the local governors. It glorifies the worthy who are lowly and humble as well as promotes the well-doer who is secluded or remote. I’m thinking that Your Majesty’s kindhearted decision is glittering and grand, Your Majesty’s ordering of affairs is bright and far-sighted, Your Majesty’s imperial post is glorious and magnificent, and Your Majesty’s moral influence is like the rising Sun. However, [Your Majesty] still consults the decrees and institutions in the ‘Room of Thoroughfare,’ follows the teachings from the ‘Bright Terrace,’27 sends your profound pondering down to the warehouse keepers, and links your sagacious thinking with that of the wall-builders. For this reason, Your Majesty’s Way surpasses those in the past, and your Majesty’s virtue is above that of previous kings. Your vassal would venture to exhaust my empty and meager knowledge, and just obey your brilliant decree. I have seen the previous magistrate of Linzu, Yu Shi 庾實,28 a native of Xinye,29 who holds the true nature, keeps his promises [to social norms], loves and respects purely and profoundly. In the past when he was mourning the death of his mother, he became emaciated because of sorrow, which surpassed the ritual; now he is experiencing the suffering from the lingering illness of his father, and it is heard that he cried until he shed blood. His behavior is perfected within his residence, [but] his filial piety is noted among his neighbors and kinsfolk. This is sufficient to transform the indiscreet people into sincerity, to educate [people] and regulate customs. The prior appointed Audience Attendant Gong Qi 龔祈 (399–440), a native of Wuling,30 is gentle, amiable, chaste, and purely plain. He lives in seclusion to temper his will and abandons himself to ancient codes and records. This is also sufficient to pacify and stop the corrupted scramble [for power and profit] and to praise and encourage normal promotion.31 The recluse Shi Jue 師覺, a native of Nanjun, is talented, learned, bright, and smart.32 His personal integrity is pure and well cultivated, his deeds are as harmonious as pure well water, and his will is as firm as ice and frost. In former years, your vassal appointed him State Chancellor, and that did not contaminate his thought. If the orders from royal court come afar and jade and silk arrive from a distance, and exceptional talents emerge now and then, how could [we say] it is far?’’ Yiqing was attentive to helping and comforting people. For the officials in the state whose beloved elderly did not accompany them to live in official residence, he sent five officials to send food to their family every year. Prior 27 Both ‘‘Room of Thoroughfare’’ and ‘‘Bright Terrace’’ refer to the place where an emperor holds court and administers affairs of the country. 28 Linzu was located northwest of present-day Dangyang 當陽 in Hubei. See Tan, dituji, 4.34–35. 29 Xinye Commandery covered the area around present-day Xinye County in Henan. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 30 Wuling Commandery occupied the area around present-day Changde 常德 in Hunan. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. Gong Qi’s biography can be found in Song shu, 93.2285; Nan shi, 75.1869. 31 In the sentence 亦足鎮息頹競，獎勖浮動, Fudong 浮動 here does not make any sense to me. Thus it is here taken as an antonym of tuijing 頹競, corrupted and scrambled. 32 Shi Jue was also called Shi Jueshou 覺授. His biography is found in Song shu, 93.2279; Nan shi, 73.1806. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 89 to this, when Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432) governed Jiangzhou, there was also such a practice.33 Yiqing stayed in [Jing]zhou for eight years, and it became a place considered peaceful among western lands. He wrote the Biographies of the Previous Worthies in Xuzhou in ten juan and submitted it to the emperor; furthermore, he wrote the Comments on the Classics by imitating Ban Gu’s Introduction to Classics, so as to record the goodness of this august era. In the sixteenth year (439), his positions changed to Cavalier Attendantin-ordinary, Army Commander of the three commanderies, Xiyang, Jinxi, and Xincai,34 of Jiangzhou and Yuzhou, General of the Guards, and Governor of Jiangzhou,35 retaining the [office of] Commissioner with Special Powers as before. In the seventeenth year (440), he assumed the title of Army Commander of the Six Regions—Southern Yan,36 Xu, Yan, Qing, Ji,37 and You, and the Governor of Southern Yanzhou.38 Soon afterwards, the post of Commander Unequalled in Honor was added [to his duties]. [Liu] was a person of simplicity and quiet temperament. He was addicted to few things, [yet] he loved literary writings. Although his literary works were not numerous, he was good enough to be a representative of the royal house. As he had appointments to a succession of provincial frontier positions, he did not have the faults of luxuriance and extravagance. It was only in his later years that supporting Buddhist monks caused him tremendous expense. He was a good rider when he was young, yet when he had grown older, he did not ride a horse anymore because the road of life was so hard. [Yiqing] assembled men of letters from far and near: the [posthumous] Defender-in-chief Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453), whose literary works were the best at the time,39 was asked to be the Administrative Advisor of his guarding troops when Yiqing governed Jiangzhou. Other people such as Lu Zhan 陸展 33 Wang Hong, styled Xiuyuan 休元, was a grandson of Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), the Chief Overseer of the Department of State Affairs of the Jin. See his biography in Song shu, 42.1311–27; Nan shi, 21.569–72. 34 Xiyang Commandery was located northwest of the modern city of Huangshi 黃石 in Hubei. Jinxi Commandery was located to the west of the modern city of Anqing 安慶 in Anhui. Xincai Commandery was at the modern Xincai county in Henan. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 35 Jiangzhou in the Southern Dynasties period covered modern Jiangxi and Fujian and its seat was at the modern city of Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 36 Southern Yanzhou covered the area between the city of Guangling (modern Yangzhou), Jiangsu, and Xuchi 盱眙 County, Anhui. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. Both Guangling and Xuchi have been the location of the state governmental office. 37 Xuzhou covered the area of modern city of Xuzhou in Jiangsu to Yishui 沂水 in Shandong. Yanzhou was centered on the modern city of Jining 濟寧 in Shandong. Jizhou covered the area between the modern cities of Yantai 煙台 and Qingdao 青島 in Shandong. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 38 Youzhou was actually a province of Northern Wei that covered the area between modern cities of Beijing and Tianjin. See Tan, dituji, 4.50–51. 39 Yuan Shu later became the Governor of Xuancheng 宣城 Commandery (present-day Xuancheng, Anhui. See Tan, dituji, 3.55–56), and Shangshu libu lang 尚書吏部郎 (Secretarial Court Gentleman of the Appointments Section). His biography is found in Song shu, 70.1835– 41; Nan shi, 26.698–70. 90 ZHENJUN ZHANG (d. 454) from Wu Commandery,40 He Changyu 何長瑜 (d. 446) and Bao Zhao 鮑照 from Donghai,41 who all made beautiful literary works, were promoted as accessory clerks. When Taizu (Emperor Wen) wrote to Yiqing, he often weighed his words carefully again and again. Bao Zhao was styled Mingyuan 明遠, and his language was rich and unconventional. He wrote old-style yuefu poetry, in which the language is very vigorous and beautiful. During the Yuanjia reign period, both the Yellow River and the Ji River became clear.42 At that time it was considered auspicious.43 Bao Zhao wrote ‘‘A Eulogy to the Rivers Becoming Clear.’’ Its words are very exquisite. It reads: […].44 Shizu took Bao Zhao as Secretariat Drafter. The emperor loved writing articles, and he thought that none was his match. Bao Zhao understood his mind; thus when he composed literary works he added many superficial words and redundant sentences. [People] at the time all said that Zhao’s talent had been exhausted. In fact it was not true. When the Prince of Linhai,45 Zixu, governed Jingzhou, Bao Zhao became the Adjutant of the Army of the Front and was in the post of Chief Secretary. After Zixu was defeated, Bao Zhao was killed by rebel soldiers.46 40 Centered on the modern city of Suzhou 蘇州 in Jiangsu. See Tan, dituji, 4.26. He Changyu’s biography can be found in Song shu, 67.1774–75; Nan shi, 19.540. 41 A commandery centered with the modern city of Zhenjiang 鎮江 in Jiangsu. See Tan, dituji, 4. 26. 42 The Ji River was one of the four great rivers of China, which include the Yangzi River, the Huai 淮 River, and the Yellow River. The Ji River rises from the Wangwu 王屋 Mountain in Jiyuan 濟源 County of Hebei, and enters into the Yellow River. The lower reach of Ji River was a branch of the Yellow River. It flowed through Shandong to the ocean. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 43 Sima Biao’s 司馬彪 (d. 306) Xu Han shu 續漢書 (Continuation of the History of Han) says: ‘‘In the ninth year of the Yanxi period (166), the [Yellow] River in the commanderies of Jiyin, Dongjun, Jibei, and Pingyuan became clear. Xiang Kai submitted a memorial to the emperor, saying, ‘[Based on] the records and annotations found in the Spring and Autumn, the [Yellow] River has never become clear, but now it became clear. Yi qian zaodu (An Interpretive Companion to the Yi jing: Understanding qian) says, ‘When Heaven is about to send down an auspicious omen, water in the [Yellow] River becomes clear first.’ Jing Fang’s Commentary on the Book of Changes says, ‘When water of the [Yellow] River becomes clear, the world becomes peaceful.’’’ 延熹九年，濟陰、東郡、濟 北、平原河水清。襄楷上疏曰：‘‘春秋注記，未有河清，而今有之。@易乾凿度A 曰：上天将降 嘉應，河水先清。’’ 京房 @易傳A 曰：‘‘河水清，天下平。’’ Cited in Li Daoyuan 酈道元 (d. 527), Shuijing zhu 水經注 (Annotations to the Classic of Rivers) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991), 5. 44 The lengthy eulogy, which eulogizes the Liu-Song with this rare and auspicious omen, is omitted here. 45 A commandery around the modern city of Linhai in Zhejiang. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 46 Shen Yue attached Bao Zhao’s biography and his lengthy literary work here. In terms of writing style, it is truly awkward. Zhao Yi 趙翼 (1727–1814) says, ‘‘The Song shu has too many redundant words and composes too few biographies as well.... Bao Zhao’s talent in literary writing ranked the first at his time. Since Song shu does not have biographies of literary writers, why did not [the author] put him in the memoirs; but instead, he only presented [his biography] as an attachment to the biography of Liu Yiqing? Not only did he attach Bao’s biography to Yiqing’s biography, but [he] also included the whole piece of his ‘A Eulogy to the Rivers Becoming Clear,’ which increases the length limitlessly. Isn’t this close to the case of a presumptuous guest usurping the role of the host?’’ @宋書A 則蕪詞太多，而立傳又太少。… 鮑照文才為當時第 一，@宋書A 既無 @文苑傳A，何不立於列傳？乃亦僅於 @臨川王義慶傳A 内附見之。既附 于 @義慶傳A 矣，又全載其 @河清頌A 一篇，累幅不盡，不几喧客奪主乎？See Zhao Yi, Gaiyu congkao 陔餘丛考 (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1965), 60. In fact, Liu Yiqing’s biography is also attached to the biography of another person, his uncle Liu Daogui. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 91 When Yiqing was ill at Guangling,47 a white rainbow arched over the city wall and a wild elk entered his official residence.48 He hated this very much, and resolutely stated [his reasons] for requesting to return [to the capital]. Taizu permitted him to be released from [the posts in] the province, and he returned to the court with his original titles. In the twenty-first year (444), Yiqing passed away in the capital at the age of forty-two. He was retroactively conferred the positions of Palace Attendant and Director of Public Works. His posthumous title was Prince Kang.49 OBSERVATIONS: POLITICAL ACTIVITY Liu Yiqing spent most of his forty-two years as an official. The role he played was similar to many other royal house members in medieval China, but, due to his specific historical situation, his political career began at a much earlier age. In an effort to secure the positions of the imperial family, the Song founder Liu Yu distributed power to his sons and nephews, appointing them as governors and generals when they were still young. As recorded in his biography in Song shu, Liu Yiqing was put in key positions when he was still young, thus providing him with ample opportunity to participate in political and military activities. In 415, at the age of thirteen, Yiqing inherited the title of Duke of Southern Commandery and was appointed as Executive Assistant, but he did not take up the post, likely due to his young age. The following year, he accompanied Liu Yu on his campaign against Chang’an. After returning in 419, he was awarded with the posts of Bulwark-general of the State and Governor of Qingzhou but again, he did not take up the positions. He then became Army Commander of Yuzhou and Governor of Yuzhou, and was also made the Governor of Shouyang 壽陽 in the same year.50 47 This event took place in the twentieth year of the Yuanjia period (443). The appearance of both white rainbows and elk entering into one’s residence were considered bad omens in ancient China. Shi ming 釋名 (Interpretation of Names) says, ‘‘A rainbow symbolizes attacking—pure yang attacks pure yin air, and that is the reason why [there is a rainbow]’’ 虹, 攻也, 纯陽攻陰氣故也. See Liu Xi 劉熙 [fl. 200], Shi ming (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1966), 1.7. ‘‘Wei ce’’ 魏策 (‘‘Intrigues of Wei’’) of Zhan guo ce 戰國策 (Intrigues of the Warring States) reads, ‘‘When Nie Zheng assassinated Kui (Prime Minister Xia 俠累) of the Han, a white rainbow was crossing the Sun’’ 聶政之刺韓傀也，白虹贯日. See Gao You, ed., Zhan guo ce (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, 1968), 25.27. Xiao Guangji’s 蕭廣 濟 ‘‘Xiao zi zhuan’’ 孝子傳 (‘‘Biographies of Filial Sons’’) says, ‘‘When Xiao Guo was experiencing the death of [his parent], a swan visited his courtyard and left in the evening; an elk entered his gate in the evening, traveled with a dog and a horse, and left at dawn’’ 蕭國遭 丧．有鵠游其庭, 至暮而去; 獐暮入其門, 與犬馬旅, 至旦而去. See Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007– 1072), ed. Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚 (Compendium of Arts and Letters) (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 95.1649. 49 See Song shu, 51.1480. 50 Song shu, 36.1072. The region under the jurisdiction of Shouyang is not clear. Zang Lihe 臧勵龢 says that the prefecture was established in the Southern Qi dynasty and was in modern Sichuan; see Zang Lihe, Diming dacidian 地名大辭典 (Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1982),1085. 48 92 ZHENJUN ZHANG In the first year of the Yongchu period (420), when Yiqing was eighteen, he inherited the title of Prince of Linchuan, and was offered the post of Palace Attendant. After this, he stayed in the capital, Jiankang, for ten years. During his first four years at the capital, the period when he was the Palace Attendant, his life was stable and peaceful. After Emperor Wen, Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), ascended to the throne, Liu Yiqing’s life changed dramatically. In the first year of the Yuanjia period (424), he was repeatedly transferred from one position to another. He became Cavalier Attendant-in-ordinary, then Director of Palace Library, then Minister of Revenue, and Governor of Danyang.51 After several moves, in the sixth year of the Yuanjia reign period (429), Yiqing took up the highest position he would hold during his life, the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, which was second only to the Director of Department of State Affairs. Surprisingly, Yiqing stayed in that position for merely two years, and then he requested to resign. The cause of his resignation is puzzling. According to his biography in Song shu, Venus had impinged on the Right Upholder.52 Yiqing was afraid that there would be a calamity, and thus requested a transfer to the provinces. Emperor Wen tried to dissuade him, but Yiqing insisted, thus, he resigned his position as the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs. There are enough reasons to believe that Liu’s resignation was closely related to the political situation. Emperor Wen was originally not the heir, and he became emperor through the machinations of Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426), Chief Overseer of the Department of State Affairs, Minister of Education, and Governor of Yangzhou 揚州,53 and Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426), Director of the Department of State Affairs.54 Only two years after he ascended to the throne (426), however, Emperor Wen executed both Xu and Fu.55 Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426), the Governor of Jingzhou, was killed in the same year.56 In the seventh year of the Yuanjia period (430), Zhu Lingxiu 竺靈秀 (d. 430), the Governor of Yanzhou, was executed as well.57 Modern scholar Zhou Yiliang 周一良 believes that Emperor Wen was a suspicious, jealous, and cruel man, and his killing of his subjects was partly related to health problems and psychological status.58 In the meantime, Liu Yikang 義康 (409–451), the younger brother of Emperor Wen, became powerful.59 Yikang was offered the position of Director of 51 See Song shu, 51.1475. See footnote 21, above. 53 His biography is found in Song shu, 43.1329–35; Nan shi, 15.432–35. 54 Fu’s biography can be found in Song shu, 43.1335–41; Nan shi, 15.441–43. The original heir selected by Liu Yu was his eldest son Yifu 義符, who was only seventeen years old when Liu Yu passed away. Because Yifu was fond of idling about instead of governing, Xu Xianzhi, Fu Liang, and Xie Hui decided to dethrone him and enthrone Yilong, the third son of Liu Yu. 55 Song shu, 5.74. 56 Song shu, 44.1347–62. 57 Song shu, 5.79. 58 See Zhou Yiliang, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha’’ 世說新語和作 者劉義慶身世的考察, in his Wei Jin nanbeichao shilunji xubian 魏晉南北朝史論集續編 (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1991), 19. 59 His biography is found in Song shu, 68.1789–97; Nan shi, 13.366–69. 52 OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 93 Department of State Affairs in the same year that Yiqing became the Left Vice Director of Department of State Affairs. Song shu says, ‘‘From then on all of the affairs inside and outside were decided by Kang.’’60 Yiqing must have felt the danger of staying between these two political powers, and that could have been the real reason for his resignation.61 Having left the capital, Yiqing became the Governor of Jingzhou in 432, and he stayed in this position for seven years (432–439).62 During this period, Yiqing devoted himself to governing. He was attentive to the needs of the people under him, submitted a memorial recommending Yu Shi and others to Emperor Wen, and wrote the Biographies of Previous Worthies in Xuzhou and the Comments on the Classics. In the sixteenth year of the Yuanjia period (439), Yiqing became the Governor of Jiangzhou, another strategic location. In the following year (440), however, he was transferred and became the Governor of Southern Yanzhou. His move from Jiangzhou to Yanzhou was related to another political event that had occurred in the capital. That year, Emperor Wen had Yikang’s most trusted subordinate Liu Zhan 劉湛 (392–440) killed, and he jailed all of Yikang’s clique as well.63 As a result, Yikang was forced to retire from the position of Director of Department of State affairs, and then was banished from the court to Jiangzhou. Because of this, Yiqing was moved.64 Yiqing stayed in Yanzhou for three years before he returned to the capital in the twentieth year of the Yuanjia period (443) and died the next year at the age of forty-two.65 According to his biography, his interests changed from politics to literature during the latter period of his life. OBSERVATIONS: LITERARY ACTIVITY Liu Yiqing has been noted for his talent in literature. His biography in Song shu indicates that ‘‘He was addicted to few things, [yet] he loved literary writings;’’ 60 See Song shu, 68.1790. Yiqing’s concerns were not at all groundless. Two years after Yiqing’s death, Liu Yikang was demoted as a commoner. In the twenty-seventh year of the Yuanjia period (448), the army of Northern Wei attacked Song. To prevent Yikang from rebellion, Emperor Wen offered him death (449). This initiated the notorious killings between blood brothers in the royal house of the Song. According to Wang Zhong’s 汪中 (1745–1797) ‘‘Bu Song shu zongshi shixibiao xu’’ 補宋書宗室 世系表序 (Preface to Additions to the Genealogy of Royal House in Song shu), eighty out of 129 members of the royal clan were killed by their own kin during the sixty years of the Song reign. Luo Zhenyu’s 羅振玉 (1866–1940) ‘‘Bu Song shu zongshi shixibiao’’ 補宋書宗室世系表 (Additions to the Genealogy of Royal House in Song shu) adds, among the 158 royal members one was killed by his own son, four were killed by his subjects, and 103 were killed by their own kin. See Ershiwu shi kanxing weiyuanhui 二十五史刊行委員會，Ershiwu shi bubian 二十五史補 編 (Additions to the 25 Dynasties History) (Taibei: Taiwan Kaiming shudian, 1959), 3.4233–41. This may be the best explanation of the reason why Liu Yiqing requested so urgently to leave the capital. 62 Song shu, 51.1476. 63 Song shu, 5.87. 64 Song shu, 68.1791–95. The reason why Emperor Wen’s move against Yikang’s power base necessitated a move for Yiqing from one governnorship to another is unclear. 65 Song shu, 51.1480. 61 94 ZHENJUN ZHANG and ‘‘Although his literary works were not numerous, yet he was good enough to be a representative of the royal house.’’ The biography also notes that his talent was respected by others, including Emperor Wen, saying ‘‘When Taizu (Emperor Wen) wrote to Yiqing, he often weighed his words carefully again and again.’’66 There is an important reason that explains why Liu Yiqing’s talent in literature drew great attention among his kinsmen. According to the Wei shu 魏書 (History of the Wei), the Liu clan was a humble one.67 While living in Jingkou 京口,68 Liu Yu made a living selling shoes, and was often ridiculed by his contemporaries. Liu Yu admired those who had talent in literature, and his admiration had never stopped, even after he became Prime Minister.69 When Yiqing was young, Liu Yu was proud of him for his literary talent.70 Liu Yiqing’s love of literature cannot be separated from the cultural environment around him. Yiqing’s father, Daolian, was a student in the national academy. It is likely that Yiqing’s literary sensibility was influenced by his father. When Yiqing followed Liu Yu in Liu’s attack on Chang’an at the age of fourteen, Guo Chengzhi 郭澄之, the author of Guozi 郭子, a collection of zhiguai tales, was also among the troops. From age fifteen to eighteen, Yiqing administered Shouyang as the Governor of Yuzhou. Considering this position likely to have been nominal, Xiao Hong thinks that Yiqing might have had plenty of time for his literary pursuits, and, following Guo Chengzhi’s example, might have already had a plan of compiling a collection like Shishuo xinyu.71 At that time, however, Liu Jingshu 劉敬叔 (fl. early fifth century), the compiler of the Yiyuan 異苑 (A Garden of Marvels), took up the post of Biaoji jiangjun 驃騎將軍 (Cavalry General) under Liu Daolian, Yiqing’s father.72 Yiyuan is a zhiguai collection compiled in the same period as that of Youming lu, and there are about a dozen tales in Youming lu that were also included in Yiyuan. Even though we cannot say that Liu Yiqing and Liu Jingshu were associated with each other, it is possible that an influence existed between them. Liu’s subsequent positions would have likely continued to give him enough time to enjoy and work on literature. During the eleven-year period between 421 and 431, Yiqing was in the capital Jiankang. The first position he took was Palace Attendant, a post generally held by an erudite person. Among the positions he took up in the years of the Yuanjia period was that of the Director of Palace Library, a post for learned scholars who possessed a good command of literature and history, and this was significant. In that position, Yiqing had access to the imperial library, a collection that must have been important for his compiling the Shishuo xinyu and Youming lu. 66 Song shu, 51.1477. See Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572), Weishu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 97.2129. 68 Modern Nanjing. 69 See Song shu, 64.1696. 70 Song shu, 51.1475. 71 Xiao Hong, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,’’ 13. 72 See Liu Jingshu, Yiyuan, vol. 3, in Wang Genlin 王根林 et al., eds., Han Wei Liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan 漢魏六朝筆記小説大觀 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999), 612. 67 OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 95 After leaving the capital in 413, Yiqing became the Governor of Jingzhou, where he displayed obvious interest in literature. According to his biography, he wrote the Biographies of the Previous Worthies in Xuzhou in ten juan and the Comments on the Classics.73 Besides these two works, his biography in Li Yanshou’s Nan shi adds two works: Shishuo in eight juan and Jilin 集林 in 200 juan. The bibliographical treatise of Sui shu also lists Shishuo and Jilin, but the total juan of Jilin is 181, instead of 200. Furthermore, it includes the following works: Jiang zuo mingshi lu 江左名士錄 (Records of the Famous Men South of the Jiang) in one juan; Xuan yan ji 宣驗記 (Records of Manifest Miracles) in thirty juan; Youming lu in twenty juan; Xiaoshuo 小説 (Minor Sayings) in ten juan; and Linchuan wang Yiqing wenji 臨川王義慶文集 (An Anthology of Liu Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan) in eight juan. 74 None of Liu Yiqing’s works have survived. Though there is a problematic version of Shishou xinyu, the rest have all been lost. Two of his shorter prose pieces can be found in the Song shu (‘‘Huang Chu qi Zhao zui yi’’ 黃初妻趙罪議 [‘‘About the Crime of Huang Chu’s Wife, Zhao]’’75 and ‘‘Jian Yu Shi deng Biao’’ 薦庾寔等表 [‘‘A Memorial to the Emperor about Recommendation of Yu Shi and Others’’])76 and another in the Taiping yulan (‘‘Qi shi’’ 啓事 [‘‘A Note’’]).77 Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843) also collected the remnants of three of Liu’s rhapsodies from various collectanea: ‘‘Konghou fu’’ 箜篌賦 (‘‘A Rhapsody on Konghou’’),78 ‘‘He fu’’ 鶴賦 (‘‘Rhapsody on the Crane’’),79 and ‘‘Shanji fu’’ 山雞賦 (‘‘A Rhapsody on the Mountain Pheasant’’).80 Additionally, there are two extant poems: ‘‘Wu yeti’’ 烏夜啼 (‘‘Crows Caw at Night’’), and ‘‘You Yuanhu shi’’ 游鼉 湖詩 (‘‘Playing on Turtle Lake’’).81 As for the fictional works attributed to Liu Yiqing, none of them survive in their original form. Available today are only those passages cited in other books or 73 See Song shu, 51.1475–80. See Wei Zheng, et al., Sui shu 隋書 (Sui History), 33.980; Liu Xu 劉昫 (877–946), Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書 (Old Tang History) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 46.2005; and Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072) and Song Qi 宋祁 (998–1061), Xin Tang shu 新唐書 (New Tang History) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 59.1540. Though there has been debate concerning the authorship of some of these works, such as Shishuo, Youming lu, and Xiaoshuo, by and large, scholars accept their attribution to Liu Yiqing. The Xiaoshuo listed here is, however, tricky, because there is also a work by the same title by Yin Yun 殷芸 (471–529). Since almost all the other bibliographies attribute Xiaoshuo to Yin Yun, this caused confusion. Xiao Hong, for example, considers the record of Liu Yiqing’s Xiaoshuo in Sui shu to be a mistake.74 Actually, it seems there are two collections with the same title. For this reason, commentators refer to Liu’s collection as the ‘‘Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu’’ 劉氏小説, so as to distinguish it from Yin Yun’s Xiaoshuo. 75 Found in Liu’s biography in Song shu, 51.1475–76. 76 Found in Song shu, 51.1476–77. 77 In Li Fang 李昉 (925–996) et al., eds., Taiping yulan 太平禦覽 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960), 703.3267b. 78 Found in Xu Jian 徐堅 (659–729), Chu xue ji 初學記 (Taibei: Xinxing shuju, 1966), 16.66; Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju, 44.788. 79 In Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju, 90.1567. 80 Yan Kejun, ed., Quan shanggu sandai Qin-Han sanguo liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國 六朝文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 3.2496–97; Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju 91.1587–88). 81 See Lu Qinli 逯欽立, ed., Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 2.1202. 74 96 ZHENJUN ZHANG collectanea. The three anecdotes from Jilin that are survive are an anecdote about the Weaving Maiden stone (zhinü shi 織女石) (Taiping yulan, fascicle 8), an anecdote about Ji Xi 嵇喜 (Li Shan’s 李善 note on Ji Kang 嵇康, ‘‘Zeng xiucai ru jun’’ 贈秀才入軍 (‘‘To the Xiucai Who Is About to Join the Army’’), Wenxuan, fascicle 24), and the tale about Li Kang 李康 (cited in Li Shan’s note on Li Kang, ‘‘Yun ming lun’’ 運命論 (‘‘On Fate’’), Wenxuan, fascicle 53).82 Two tales from Xiaoshuo are contained in other books: a story about Cai Hong 蔡洪 (fl. Taikang reign of Emperor Wu of Jin) is cited in Su Yijian’s 蘇易簡 (958–996) Wenfang sipu 文房四譜 (Notes of the Four Treasures of the Study),83 and a story about Du Yu 杜預 (222–284) becoming a snake is found in Li Fang’s Taiping guangji.84 The general contents of this book remain unknown. Xuan yan ji was lost at an early date. Today, it exists only in thirty-five quotations, which were collected by Lu Xun from various collectanea.85 Youming lu experienced the same fate as the Xuan yan ji.86 Shishuo xinyu is the only collection that exists as a whole book, but modern scholars believe it deviates from the original version. The extant edition of Shishuo xinyu was redacted and edited by scholars of the Song dynasty. The hand-copied edition, which is considered closest to the original, contains only a small portion of the whole book.87 As for the role Liu Yiqing played in the compilation of the book, Liu was traditionally recognized as the compiler, but the modern scholar Lu Xun 魯迅 (1881–1936) raised a different argument in his Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue 中 國小説史略 (A Brief History of Chinese Fiction): The History of the [Liu] Song says that Yiqing had little gift in writing himself yet that he assembled men of letters from far and near. Then, it is possible that the books attributed to him were all compiled by multiple hands.88 宋書言義慶才詞不多, 而招聚文學之士, 遠近必至, 則諸書或成於眾手, 未可 知也。 This argument has been accepted and extended by modern scholars.89 82 See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, 47–49. Wenfang sipu (Siku quanshu edition; rpt. Taibei: Shangwu, 1979), 843.4a. 84 Li Fang, Taiping guangji 太平廣記 (Extensive Recordings from the Taiping Reign Period) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, 1961), 456.3728. 85 Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, 547–60. An account of this book can be found in Donald E. Gjertson’s Miraculous Retribution: A Study and Translation of Tang Lin’s Ming-pao chi (Berkeley: Centers for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California, 1989), 20–22. 86 On the transmission and recompilation of the Youming lu, see Zhenjun Zhang, ‘‘A Textual History of Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu,’’ in Oriens Extremus, 48 (2009), 87–101. 87 See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, 122–206. Modern translations of Shishuo xinyu include: Bruno Belpaire, Anthologie chinoise des 5e et 6e siecles: le Che-chouo-sin-yu par Lieou (Tsuen)Hiao-piao (Paris: EÏditions universitaires, 1974); Richard B. Mather, A New Account of Tales of the World (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002); and Makoto Mekada 目加田誠, Sesetsu shingo, 3 vols. (Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1975–1978). 88 Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue (Beijing: Renmin wenxue, 1973), 67. 89 Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, 36–98. 83 OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 97 Liu Yiqing was also noted for gathering eminent scholars of his time. His biography states that he ‘‘collected men of letters from far and near;’’ when he was governing Jiangzhou, he invited Yuan Shu to be the Administrative Advisor of his guarding troops; and he also promoted Lu Zhan, He Changyu, and Bao Zhao as accessory clerks.90 Yet the passage only provides obscure information on the beginning date of Liu’s gathering men of letters and those who were assembled. In fact, Yiqing started to collect literati from the Jingzhou period, prior to the Jiangzhou period, and Yuan Shu was not the first person summoned by Yiqing. The correct order of the persons who were assembled should be: He Changyu, Lu Zhan, Yuan Shu, and Bao Zhao. During the Jingzhou period, He Changyu and Lu Zhan became Liu’s assistants.91 Later He Changyu was exiled because he wrote a verse satirizing Lu Zhan, and he was not able to return until Liu’s death.92 When Liu Yiqing moved from Jingzhou to Jiangzhou, Bao Zhao and Yuan Shu were under his authority.93 Bao Zhao’s biography in Nan shi describes how Bao Zhao recommended himself to Liu Yiqing: Earlier, Zhao once went to visit Yiqing, and he was not yet [recognized and] appreciated [by Yiqing]. When he intended to send poems so as to express his will, someone stopped him, saying, ‘‘Your position is still humble, you should not lightly insult the great prince.’’ Zhao became angry …. Then he sent his poems. Yiqing marveled at them and bestowed him with twenty bolts of silk. In a short time he was promoted to be an Attendant Gentleman of the State, and was extremely appreciated. 照始嘗謁義慶，未見知，欲貢詩言志，人止之曰：‘‘ 位 卑，不可輕忤大 王。 ’’照勃然 …. 於是奏詩，義慶奇之。賜帛二十匹，尋擢爲國侍郎，甚見 知賞。94 The modern scholar Xiao Hong thinks that Bao Zhao was summoned to replace He Changyu,95 but they actually served under Liu in different time periods. Furthermore, it is most likely that Yiqing would have accepted Bao Zhao, regardless of whether He Changyu was still in his coterie or not. In fact, the scholars and writers who were assembled by Liu Yiqing were not limited to the aforementioned four individuals. According to Cao Daoheng 曹道 衡, there were at least four more people who were gathered by Liu Yiqing, including Xiao Sihua 蕭思話 (406–455), He Yan 何偃 (413–458), Sheng Hongzhi 盛弘之 (fl. 437), and Zhang Chang 張暢 (?–455).96 Additionally, at least three 90 Song shu, 51.1477. See the account of He Changyu attached to ‘‘Biography of Xie Lingyun,’’ Song shu, 67.1775. 92 See Song shu, 67.1775. 93 Yuan Shu’s life can be seen in his biography in Song shu, 70.1835–41. 94 Nan shi, 13. 360. 95 See Xiao Hong, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,’’ 15. 96 Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao 中古文學史 料叢考 (Collected Textual Research on the Historical Materials of Medieval Chinese Literature) (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003), 325–26. 91 98 ZHENJUN ZHANG more scholars, Yang Xin 羊欣 (370–442), Shi Jueshou 師覺授, and Gong Qi 龔祈 (399–440), were summoned by Liu Yiqing, though they refused to accept the offer.97 Literary activity, including the patronage of talented literati, appears to have provided Liu Yiqing with some degree of solace, as well as protection against political calamity. Zhou Yiliang comments on Liu’s life as follows: He lived under the rule of Emperor Wen of Song, who was suspicious and jealous of the princes of the royal clan. In order to protect himself and keep away from disasters, thus he [Yiqing] summoned the literati and placed his feelings in literature and history. 他處在宋文帝劉義隆對於宗室諸王懷疑猜忌的統治之下, 為了全身遠禍, 於 是招聚文學之 士, 寄情文史.98 OBSERVATIONS: RELIGIOUS ACTIVITY In his later years, Liu Yiqing devoted himself to Buddhism and spent a prodigious amount of money supporting Buddhist monks. A passage from his biography reads: As he had appointments to a succession of provincial frontier positions, he did not have the faults of luxuriance and extravagance. It was only in his later years that supporting Buddhist monks caused him tremendous expenses. He was a good rider when he was young, yet when he had grown older, he did not ride a horse anymore because the road of life was so hard.99 受任曆籓，無浮淫之過，唯晚節奉養沙門，頗致費損。少善騎乘，及長以 世路艱難，不復跨馬。 This passage indicates that Liu Yiqing’s devotion to Buddhism was related not only to the social background in which Buddhism was flourishing, but also to Liu’s personal life and experience. Interpretation of the phrase ‘‘road of life was so hard’’ in this passage is the key to understanding why Liu Yiqing ‘‘did not ride a horse anymore,’’ as well as his devotion to Buddhism. Zhou Yiliang argues that before the attack of Northern Wei in the twenty-seventh year of the Yuanjia period (450) the south was relatively peaceful, thus the ‘‘road of life was so hard’’ in this passage does not refer to social disturbance or general hardship in life during that time; rather, it refers to the political struggles in the royal court (discussed above).100 This is a reasonable interpretation. 97 Cao and Shen, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 325–26; Liu Sai 劉賽, ‘‘Linchuan wang Liu Yiqing zhaoji wenshi huodong kaobian’’ 臨川王劉義慶招集文士活動考辨 (‘‘A Textual Research on Liu YIqing’s Assembling Men of Letters’’), Hubei daxue xuebao, 34.6 (2007): 73– 77. 98 Zhou Yiliang, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,’’ 21. 99 Song shu, 51.1477. 100 See Zhou Yiliang, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,’’ 18–20. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 99 There is evidence that the circumstances of Liu Yiqing’s life led him to turn to Buddhism. During the Jiangzhou period, his elder brother Yixin 義欣 (d. 439) and younger brother Yirong 義融 (d. 441) both died in their thirties. As Xiao Hong has suggested, this might have caused him to feel that life is as ephemeral as a dream.101 Later, his moving from Jiangzhou to Yanzhou likely caused him a sense of being unable to fend for himself. According to the tale ‘‘Wu ye ti’’ 烏夜啼 (Crows Caw at Night) in Wu Jing’s 吳競 (670–749) Yuefu guti yaojie 樂府古題要 解 (Essential Explanations to Old Titles of yuefu Poetry): During the Yuanjia period, Yikang, the Prince of Pengcheng, was banished to Yuzhang Commandery.102 Yiqing was then governing Jiangzhou. When they met each other, [both of them] cried. When Emperor Wen heard of this, he marveled at it and he recalled Yiqing back to the capital.103 Yiqing was in great fear. Hearing of a crow crying at night, his concubines knocked at the garret, saying, ‘‘Tomorrow there should be a pardon!’’ When it was dawn, Yiqing became the governor of the Nan Yanzhou. For this reason he composed this song. 宋元嘉中, 徙彭城王義康於豫章郡。 義慶時為江州, 相見而哭。 文帝聞而 怪之, 徵還宅。 義慶大懼, 妻妾聞烏夜啼, 叩齋閣云, 明日應有赦。 及旦, 104 改南兗州刺史, 因作此歌。 Based on other related records, Wu Jing’s account is considered believable.105 This story offers a good example of Liu Yiqing’s difficulties in his political career and thus helps explain his turning to Buddhism. According to a poem by Bao Zhao, Yiqing once climbed Mount Lu 廬山, a famous Buddhist holy site at that time, when he was in Jiangzhou.106 Even though it is hard to say that this indicates the tendency of Liu’s turning to Buddhism, there is evidence that he had close relationships with Buddhist monks when he was in Yanzhou, and most of Liu’s activities that involved Buddhist monks occurred during this period. While his biography in Song shu contains almost no such information, detailed accounts of his patronage of Buddhism are available in other historiographic sources. According to Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan, in the seventeenth year of the Yuanjia period (440) when Liu was the Governor of Southern Yanzhou, he had a close 101 See Xiao Hong, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,’’ 15. Yuzhang Commandery governed the area around the modern city of Nanchang 南昌 in Jiangxi. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 103 The zhai 宅 (residence) in the text should be jing 京 (capital). 104 Wu Jing, Yuefu guti yaojie (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, nd.), 176. 105 See Zhou Yiliang, ‘‘Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,’’ in his Wei Jin nanbeichao shilunji xubian, 20–21. 106 See ‘‘Cong deng Xianglu feng’’ 從登香爐峰 (‘‘Accompanying (Prince of Linchuan) to Ascend the Xianglu Incense Burner Peak’’), in Qian Zhenlun, Bao Canjun shi zhu, 78–80. At that time, Mount Lu was a holy site of Buddhism. In 402, Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416) established the Bailian she 白蓮社 (White Lotus Society) at Mount Lu, which attracted many literati. After Hui Yuan’s death, many famous Buddhist Monks lived there in succession. 102 100 ZHENJUN ZHANG relationship with Tan Wucheng 曇無成, a monk who temporarily lived in the Zhongsi 中寺 (Central Monastery) of Huainan 淮南: At that time at Zhong Monastery there was another man by the name of Tan Jiong,107 who studied under the same teacher and was as famous as Tan Wucheng. He was held in esteem by [Liu] Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan. 時中寺復有曇冏者, 與成同學齊名, 為臨川王義慶所重焉.108 That same year, Liu Yiqing played a role in converting Daoru 道儒 (410–490) [from a layman] into a Buddhist monk: The Monk Daoru (410–490), surnamed Shi, was a native of Bohai.109 He lodged in Guangling. When he was young he embraced pure belief, admired and was delighted to leave home [to become a monk]. It happened that the Prince of Linchuan of the Song was [then] governing Southern Yanzhou, so Daoru let him know his story. The prince praised and fulfilled his will by initiating his conversion into a monk. After becoming a monk, he became a vegetarian and chanted su! tras. Wherever he went, Daoru would persuade people to abandon evil and do good things. People far and near all followed him, and finally he became a grand mentor. 釋道儒, 姓石, 渤海人。寓居廣陵, 少懷清信, 慕樂出家。遇宋臨川王義慶鎮 南兗, 儒以事聞之。王贊成厥志, 為啟度出家。出家之後, 蔬食讀誦, 凡所之 110 造皆勸人改惡修善, 遠近宗奉, 遂成導師。 In the eighteenth year of the Yuanjia period (441), the Indian Buddhist monk Sanghadatta 僧伽達多 (fl. 441) and others visited the Song capital. Liu Yiqing invited them all to live in Guangling. At that time there were also Indian monks such as Sanghadatta, Sengalo, and others, all of them had a deep understanding of dhy!ana-meditation. They came and traveled in the land of Song. Once when Sanghadatta was sitting in meditation on a mountain,111 the sun was about to set and he was intending to fast. Then there was a flock of birds that arrived and brought him fruit in their mouths. Sanghadatta thought: ‘‘When a monkey gave honey to the Buddha, he accepted and drank it;112 now the flying birds have 107 Zhong Monastery here was located in Huainan Commandery of the Song, around the modern city of Huainan. Another monastery by the same name was located in Guangling. 108 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 7.49c. 109 Bohai Commandery was in the territory of Northern Wei, covering the region north of modern Nanpi 南皮 and south of Cangzhou 滄州, Hebei. See Tan, dituji, 4.50–51. 110 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 13.94c. 111 To sit in dhy!ana, i.e. abstract meditation, fixed abstraction, contemplation; its introduction to China is attributed to Bodhidharma (though it came earlier). See William Edward Soothill and Levis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1937), 234. 112 See Takakusu Junjir!o 高楠順次郎 and Watanabe Keigyoku 渡邊海旭, eds. 1924–1932, Taisho! shinshu! daizo! k 大正新脩大藏經 (Taisho! Tripitaka) (Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai); Reprint version (Taibei: Xin wenfeng chubanshe 新文豊出版社, 1978), 53.251. OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 101 brought me fruit, why it is not permissible?’’ Thus he accepted and ate it. In the summer of the eighth year of the Yuanjia period (431), he was invited by the Prince of Linchuan and Kang and settled down at Guangling. Later, he passed away at Jianye. 時又有天竺沙門僧伽達多、僧伽羅多等, 並禪學深明, 來遊宋境。達多嘗在 山中坐禪, 日時將迫, 念欲虛齋, 乃有群鳥銜果飛來授之。達多思惟, 獼猴奉 蜜, 佛亦受而食之; 今飛鳥授食, 何為不可? 於是受而進之。元嘉十八年夏, 113 受臨川康王請, 於廣陵結居, 後終於建業。 In the twentieth year of the Yuanjia period (443), Liu Yiqing brought Daojiong 道 炯 to Guangling and supported him there. The Buddhist monk Daojiong, surnamed Ma, was a native of Fufeng.114 When he first left home [to become a monk], he was a disciple of Daoyi. When Daoyi was ill, he once sent Daojiong and three other people to Mount Huo in Henan to gather stalactites.115 Having entered a cave and gone several miles, the three people were all drowned while crossing the river over a wooden bridge. In addition, the torches were extinguished. Daojiong thought with certainty that he had no way to cross the river. Daojiong had habitually chanted the Lotus Su! tra. The only thing he could rely on was his sincerity in this activity, and he further set his mind on Guanyin (Avalokite"svara). In a short while, he saw a light glimmering like a firefly. He chased it but couldn’t catch up. Finally he was able to come out of the cave. Thus he further practiced his dhy!ana-meditation, and his integrity and deeds were continuously renewed…. In the twentieth year of Yuanjia period of the Song (443), Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan and Kang, brought him to Guangling, and he lived there until he died. 釋道冏, 姓馬, 扶風人。初出家為道懿弟子。懿病, 嘗遣冏等四人至河南霍 山採鍾乳。入穴數里, 跨木渡水, 三人溺死, 炬火又亡, 冏判無濟理。冏素誦 法華, 唯憑誠此業, 又存念觀音。有頃見一光如螢火, 追之不及, 遂得出穴。於 是進修禪業, 節行彌新。… 宋元嘉二十年, 臨川康王義慶攜往廣陵, 終於彼 116 矣。 Liu Yiqing’s interaction with Buddhist monks can also be seen from the following accounts: Wang Sengda (423–458), a native of Linyi in Langye,117 was the youngest son of the Grand Guardian, Hong. His older brother, named Xi, was dull 113 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 3.23c–24a. Fufeng Commandery was northwest of the modern city of Xiangfan 襄樊, Hubei. See Tan, dituji, 4.25–26. 115 Mount Huo is in modern Shanxi province. 116 Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 12.85b–c. Tale 97 in Mingxiang ji also says, ‘‘In the nineteenth year of Yuanjia (442), Prince Kang of Linchuan governed Guangling, and he invited Tan Jiong [to join him] and nurtured him’’ 元嘉十九年, 臨川康王作鎮廣陵, 請冏供養. See Lu Xun 魯迅, ed., Guxiaoshuo gouchen 古小説鈎沉 (Collected Lost Old Stories), in Lu Xun quanji 魯迅全集 (Complete Works of Lu Xun) (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973), 8.627–28. 117 Linyi belonged to Langye Commandery and was located northwest of modern Linyi, Shandong. See Tan, dituji, 4.48–49. 114 102 ZHENJUN ZHANG and lacking in refinement. Having heard that Sengda was a prodigy, Taizu (Emperor Wen) summoned and met him in the Deyang Palace. When he asked him about his studies and household affairs, [Sengda] responded easily and cleverly. The emperor appreciated him very much and married him to the daughter of the Prince of Linchuan, Yiqing. When Sengda was young, he loved to study and was good at literary writing…. He loved hunting with falcons and dogs by nature; he ran around with the young toughs in his town, and he himself killed a bull. Having heard that he was like this, Yiqing asked Huiguan, the Buddhist monk who followed him as a retainer, to go observe him. Sengda placed books all over the mat, and talked about literature with him. Being unable even to respond, Huiguan deeply praised and admired him. 王僧達，琅邪临沂人，太 保 弘少 子。兄錫，质訥乏風采。太祖聞僧達 蚤 慧，召見於德陽殿，問其書學及家事，應對閑敏，上甚知之，妻以臨川王 義慶女。少好學，善属文。… 性好鷹犬，與閭里少年相馳逐，又躬自屠 牛。義慶聞如此，令周旋沙門慧觀造而觀之。僧達陳書满席，與論文義，慧 118 觀酬答不暇，深相稱美。 Liu Yiqing also associated with nuns. In Wang Yan’s Mingxiang ji there is another anecdote in which Liu Yiqing supports Tanhui 曇輝, a Buddhist nun: Tanhui (422–504), a nun of the Song, was a native of Chengdu in Shu Commandery. Her surname was originally Qingyang and her given name was Baiyu.119 As early as at the age of seven she delighted in sitting meditation. Each time she sat she would reach the state [of meditation]. She was unable to understand what it meant herself, and she thought also that it was a dream. Once she slept together with her older sister, and at mid-night she entered a sam a! dhi or meditative concentration.120 Her older sister found her in a corner behind the screen. She found that her body was like a piece of wood or stone, and she was not breathing as well. Her older sister was greatly disturbed by this and she awakened family members to tell them. They embraced her together, yet at daybreak she still had not awakened. They ran to the shamans and asked them, all said that her body was possessed by a ghost or spirit. 118 Song shu, 75.1951. It is said that the Qingyang was a son of the Yellow Emperor, and it became a bi-syllabic surname later. 120 Ding, Sama! dhi, or meditative concentration, is a mental state of concentration and focusing of thought on one object. It is closely related to chan or meditation. Soothill’s A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms says, ‘‘chan is dhy!ana, probably a transliteration; ding is an interpretation of sam a! dhi. chan is an element in ding, or sama! dhi, which covers the whole ground of meditation, concentration, abstraction, reaching to the ultimate beyond emotion or thinking’’ (459). Hui Neng 慧能 (638–713) Liu zu tan jing 六祖壇經 (The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch) says, ‘‘to transcend characteristics externally is ‘meditation.’ To be undisturbed internally is ‘concentration.’ Externally ‘meditation’ and internally ‘concentration’ is meditative concentration’’ 外離相即禪，內不亂即定，外禪內定，是為禪定. See John R. McRae, trans., The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2000), 60. 119 OBSERVATIONS ON THE LIFE AND WORKS OF LIU YIQING 103 When she reached the age of eleven, a foreign dhy!ana master [by the name of] K a! laya"sas (fl. 424) came to Shu.121 [Tan] Hui requested to inquire about what she had seen. Because Tanhui had already had the natural propensity [of meditation],122 K a! laya"sas intended to persuade her to leave home [and become a nun]. At the time, Tanhui was about to marry, and a date had already been set. [Bhiksun!ı] Fayu did not tell Tanhui’s family and secretly brought her back to her monastery. Her family learned about this and were going to force her to marry. Tanhui in the end was not willing to leave, and she made a deep vow, ‘‘If my mind for enlightenment cannot be fulfilled, and finally I am forced [to marry], then I will throw myself onto fire, or feed a tiger with myself, [thereby] to discard my filthy form. I wish for various Buddhas from the ten directions to verify my most perfect mind.’’ The local governor, Zhen Fachong, believed in and upheld the correct dharma [of Buddha]. Hearing of Tanhui’s aspirations and deeds, he welcomed and met her. Furthermore, he summoned his assistants and knowledgeable monks to question her in turn. Tanhui responded without yielding. Those who were seated sighed in admiration over her behavior. Only then did Chong allow her to leave the home of her husband and enter the Dharma. In the nineteenth year of the Yuanjia period (442), the Prince of Linchuan welcomed her and brought her to Guangling. 宋尼釋曇輝，蜀郡成都人也。本姓青陽，名白玉。年七歲, 便樂坐禪，每 坐, 輒得境界，意未自了, 亦謂是夢耳。曾與姊共寢，夜中入定, 姊於屏風 角得之，身如木石, 亦無氣息。姊大驚怪，喚告家人，互共抱持，至曉不 覺。奔問巫覡，皆言鬼神所憑。 至年十一，有外國禪師彊良耶舍者來入蜀。輝請諮所見。耶舍者以輝禪既 有分，欲勸化令出家。時輝將嫁，已有定日。法育未展，聞說其家, 潛迎還 寺。家既知，將逼嫁之。輝遂不肯行, 深立言誓：‘‘若我道心不果，遂被限 逼者，便當投火飼虎，棄除穢形。願十方諸佛, 證見至心。 ’’ 刺史甄法崇，信尚 正法, 聞輝志業，迎與相見。并召綱佐及有懷沙門，互加難問。輝敷演無屈, 坐者歎之。崇乃許離夫家，聽其入道。元嘉十九年，臨川康王延致廣陵.123 From the above records a conclusion can be reached: Liu Yiqing was an enthusiastic devotee of Buddhism, though those who received patronage from him were all properly tested Buddhists or nuns. As a prince and a good rider, Liu Yiqing was most likely ambitious when he was young, but he did not achieve admirable deeds of daring. Instead, he received 121 The biography of K a! laya"sas can be found in Huijiao, Gao seng zhuan heji, 3.23c–23a. Soothill defines ‘‘fen’’ 分 as ‘‘the sixth sense of mental discrimination.’’ See A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, 219. 123 Wang Yan (b. ca. 454), Ming xiang ji (Signs from the Unseen Realm), see Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, 628–29. The story about Tanhui can also be found in Biqiuni zhuan 比丘 尼傳 (Bhikshuni Biographies) by Baochang 寶唱 (fl. 465), in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 947c– 48b. For an English translation of this story, see Kathryn Ann Tsai, trans., Lives of the Nuns: Biographies of Chinese Buddhist Nuns from the Fourth to Sixth Centuries: A Translation of the Pi-ch’iu-ni chuan (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1994), 92–95. 122 104 ZHENJUN ZHANG praise for his skills of protecting himself by avoiding disasters.124 From this summary of Liu Yiqing’s life and career, Liu’s devotion to Buddhism appeared to rival his devotion to literature. Presumably, indulging in Buddhism is another way for him to avoid calamities. CONCLUSION As a prince and high-ranking official, Liu Yiqing was said to have been upright, honest, and attentive to aiding the people under him, though his political career was far from successful. As a lover of literature, however, Liu Yiqing was unexpectedly successful. While his talent in writing was recognized by his contemporaries and anecdotes regarding his gathering of men of letters circulated widely, the tale collections compiled by him and his assistants, especially the Shishuo xinyu and Youming lu, earned him constant fame in the history of Chinese literature and culture. As a devotee of Buddhism, Liu Yiqing spent much time and money to support noted Buddhist monks and nuns, which has almost earned him a bad reputation for luxuriance and extravagance. Tragically, Liu Yiqing’s interests in literature and Buddhism were likely due to the conflict in the royal house, and his own unsuccessful political career. NOTES ON CONTRIBUTOR Zhenjun Zhang received his M.A. from Peking University and Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is now Associate Professor of Asian Studies and Modern Languages & Literatures at St. Lawrence University. His research interests focus on pre-modern Chinese literature and culture, especially the interaction of fiction with history, religion, and culture. He authored Traditional Fiction and Chinese Culture (1996), co-authored the Comprehensive Commentaries on the Strange Tales from Liaozhai (1994) and Confinement and Transcendence: Observations on Chinese Citizen’s Ideology in the San yan Er pai (1988). Currently he is finishing two book manuscripts, Buddhism and Tales of the Supernatural in Early Medieval China: A Study of Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu (forthcoming, Brill 2014) and The Hidden and Visible Realms: A Translation of Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu. Correspondence to: Zhenjun Zhang. Email: zzhang@stlawu.edu 124 See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, 91.