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This catalog is published in conjunction with an exhibition organized and presented by the Rubin Museum of Art, New York, April 24 through
September 7, 2015, and curated by David P. Jackson, Karl Debreczeny, and Christian Luczanitz. Painting Traditions of the Drigung Kagyu
School is the fifth volume in the series Mastenvorks oj7ibeum Painting by David P. Jackson, published by the Rubin Museum of Art, New
York, and distributed by the University of Washington Press, Seattle and London.
Copyright © 2015 by Rubin Museum of Art
All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced in whole or in any part, in any form (beyond the copying permitted by Sections 107 and
108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except 0-9845190-7-6 by reviewers for the public press) without permission from the Rubin Museum of Art.
ISBN- 13: 978-0-9845190-7-1 (hardcover)
ISBN- 10: 0984519076
Project Director, Helen Abbott
Project Assistant, Jessica Baker
Designed by Phil Kovacevich
Edited by Annie Bien
Printed and bound in Ital y
Front cover: detail of Fig 7.8
Back c-over: Fig. 0.6
Frontispiece: detail of Fig. 8.9
p. vi: detail of Fig. 826
p. viii: detail of Fig 1137
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Jackson, David Paul, author.
Painting Traditions of the Drigung Kagyu School/ David P. Jackson ; with contributions by Christian
Luczanits and Kristen Muldowney.
pages em. -- (Masterworks of Tibetan painting ; fifth volume)
"This catalog is published in conjunction with an exhibition organized and presented by the Rubin
Museum of Art, New York, April 24 through September 7, 2015, and curated by David P. Jackson, Karl
Debreczeny, and Christian Luczanitz."
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-9845190-7- 1 (hardcover) -- ISBN 978-0-9845190-8-8 (pbk.} I. Buddhist art and
symbolism --Tibet Region--Exhibitions. 2. 'Bri-gun-pa (Sect}--Exhibitions. I. Luczanits. Christian. II.
Muldowney, Kristen.III. Rubin Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.) IV. Title.
N8193A3J33 2014
704.9'48943923 --dc23
2014017077
VII
DIRECTOR'S STATEMENT
LX
FOREWORD
XJ
PREFACE
XJII
INTRODUCTION: The Drigung Kagyu
XJII
MAPS
1
CHAPTER
I:
Drigung Thel's Branches and Main Surviving Mural Sites
19
CHAPTER
2:
Early Research on Dri gung Kagyu Art
33
CHAPTER 3: Recent Research on Drigung Kagyu Painting
57
CHAPTER 4: Written Sources
75
CHAPTER 5: Early Drigung Kagyu Painting
101
CHAPTER 6: Paintings from the Middle Period of Drigung Kagyu Art
121
CHAPTER 7: Full-color Paintings of Peaceful Deities in the Drigung Style
151
CHAPTER 8: Paintings of Semiwrathful and Wrathful Deities in the Drigung Style
177
CHAPTER 9: Recent Mural Sites in Lamayuru and Phyang
189
CHAPTER
IO:
Three Artists in Dri gung The! Monasteries of Ladakh in the Twentieth Century
2r 5
CHAPTER
I I:
BENEFICIAL TO SEE: EARLY DRIGUNG PAINTING by Christian Luczanits
261
CHAPTER I2: THE ELUSIVE LADY OF NANAM: AN I NTRODUCTION TO THE
PROTECTRESS AcHI CHOKYI DROLMA by Kristen Muldowney Roberts
274
APPENDIX A: The Main Lineage ofDrigung
276
APPENDIX B: The Hierarchs of Drigung with Contemporary Head Lamas of Kailash and
Ladakh. and Kings of Ladakh
280
APPENDIX C: Monasteries of the Drigung Kagyu
306
BIBLIOGRAPHY
314
INDEX
PATRICK S E ARS, ExECUTIVE DIRECTOR
Ru B IN MuS E UM OF ART
P AINTING T RADITIONS OF THE
DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL is the fifth
installment in the Rubin Museum ·s
series on the hi story of Tibetan painting.
Again David Jackson has painstakingly
elucidated a piece of the rich history
of Himalayan art. provoking new
discussio n of the region and its place
in the wider history of Asian art. At
the Rubin Museu m of Art it is just
such a dialogue that we are dedicated
to promoting. Himalayan art is more
than just painting and sculpture. it is an
expression of age-old ideas that cross
geographic and cultural boundaries
and remain relevant to contemporary
discourse.
For instance. in Rubin Museum
Senior Curator Christian Luczanitz·s
contribution he presents the art of the
Drigung School in the context of the
relationship of religious art and merit.
noting that by creating and seeing these
works practitioners achieve a bump in
their karma. This concept pervades not
on ly Drigung art. but much of Buddhist
art and in ternational religious art for
that matter, inc luding iconic European
religiou s compositions. The Rubin
Museum is proud to serve as a venue
for the discussion of these relationships
and promoting cross-cultural dialogues
that place the art of the Himalayas
and surrounding regions at the center
of important discussions of art's
relationship to ''big ideas:· including
life, death. faith. love. hate. joy. pain. the
environment. and the universe.
These are lofty and important
goals and they are not achieved easily.
We are proud to have a talented and
dedicated staff that brings projects like
this book series and the accompanying
exhibitions to life. From securing
the loans and delivery of important
works of art from across the globe to
designing the galleries for accessibi lity
and aesthetics to interacting with our
visitors to help them get the most out of
their experience, the staff of the Rubin
goes above and beyond to create the best
experience possible for visitors of all
ages and backgrounds. This small but
dedicated team is recognized at the back
of this book.
In addition to the work of our
team. this project would not be possible
without the generous support of those
who believe in the development of
scholarship around the art of the
Himalayan region. In particular I would
be remiss if I did not thank Donald
Rubin and the Shelley and Donald Rubin
Foundation, who had the initial vision
to c reate this important series of books
and exhibitions and have supported its
development, as well as the Henry Luce
Foundation, which has provided key
support to make these books a reality.
It is encouraging to know that there are
organizations and individuals who are
dedicated to this important subject and
have become loyal partners in the work
LENDERS TO THE EXHIBITION
Asia Society, New York
Brooklyn Museum, New York
Michael and Beata McCormick Collection
Essen Collection. Museum der Kulturen,
Basel
Walters Art Museum I John and Berthe
Ford
Pritzker Collection. Chicago
Private Collection
Private Collection. Switzerland
Private Collection. Zurich
This publication is supported by a
generous grant from The Henry Luce
Foundation and The Shelley & Donald
Rubin Foundation.
of the Rubin Museum.
PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNG KACYU SC HOOL
VII
jAN VAN ALPHEN
R uBIN MuSEUM OF ART
How SHOULD WE , as non-experts in
the study of Tibetan art history, assess
the place of Drigung Kagyu traditions
of painting? In thi s catalog David
Jackson warns us that Drigung painting
was until now generally little known
and not adequately studied. To clarify,
he divided Drigung painting into three
main periods, showing that in the latest
period (and especially in the eighteenth
through twentieth century) there existed
a rare and distinctive minor "Drigung
Based on the evidence presented
in this volume by Jackson, as well
as Christian Luczanits and Kristen
Muldowney Roberts , the very
persistence of Drigung Kagyu art in
Tibet from 1200 all the way down to
recent decades speaks volumes. In his
usual thorough manner as a historian
of Tibetan art, Jackson exhaustively
reviews previous research on the
topic, rebutting those (including some
of his own earlier publications) who
mistook Drigung Kagyu art for the art
of other Buddhist traditions. He found
straightforward ways of identifying
paintings in the Drigung style of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
such as distinctive mountain peaks
(shaped like an inverted V) , special
Style" of painting. Called the Driri by
Tibetans, that local style derived mainly
from the Khyenri Style, which together
with together with the Menri and Kanna
Gardri formed the three main styles
of painting in Tibet in which, from
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
on, Chinese style landscapes were
prominently depicted in backgrounds.
Jackson in his catalog also
surveys the early and middle periods of
Drigung Kagyu painting, giving many
examples located in the western Tibetan
cultural province of Ngari. Although
the Drigung mother monastery stands
in central Tibet, murals of the Drigung
Kagyu school mostly survive in that
vast province of Ngari , which includes
Ladakh in present-day India and Limi
in Nepal. Numerous branch monasteries
survived there, having avoided the
destruction of the Cultural Revolution
which ravaged most Drigung Kagyu
monasteries of eastern and central Tibet.
The earliest styles presented by Jackson
include special western Tibetan varieties
figures . But he does not base himself
merely on such visual stylistic clues.
His evidence for dating and placing a
painting firmly in the Drigung Kagyu
School is in many cases the identity of
the gurus depicted, especially of the
most recent hierarch of the lineage,
whose identity he establishes through
inscriptional and iconographic evidence.
Thus Jackson buttresses his
arguments in this book- as he did in
other volumes of this series- through
several useful strategies. One of his
great strengths within the field, I would
argue, is his own persistence, focusing
as he has on Tibetan painting since
his book that he co-wrote in 1984,
that he has not treated in prior catalogs.
Tibetan Thangka Painting , followed
in 1996 by his widely influential A
History ofTibetan PainJing , with many
other relevant books and papers to his
credit. This persistence has involved
the cultivation of many learned and
venerable native Tibetan scholars and
artists as infonnants, collaborators, and
friends. Then there is the matter of his
fluency in the Tibetan language, which
allows him access to historical records
and treatises, recollections. inscriptions,
and all manner of written and spoken
first-person accounts of Tibetan art and
its practice.
I appreciate the rigor and insight
that Jackson has shown so far in this
groundbreaking series and look forward
to its next installment with great
anticipation.
crenelated treatment of cloud edges, and
the shapes of flames arotmd wrathful
PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE DR I G U NG KAGYU S CHOOL
IX
Drigung
Kagyu traditions of painting in 1994
through my friend Ngawang Tshering.
Born into a family of Drigung Kagyu
adherents in Nyurla Village of western
Ladakh, he lived in Germany when we
first met, and he soon thereafter started
I FIRST LEARNED ABOUT
teaching spoken Tibetan at Hamburg
University. He often told me about the
wealth of sacred art from the Drigung
Kagyu School. (In this book I use the
spelling Drigung in conformity with
the Rubin Museum's established usage;
the tradition itself uses the spelli ng
Drikung.) Inspired, I came to learn that
from the time of the founding of the
mother monastery, Drigung Thel, the
patrons and artists of the school created
excellent art. Indeed, distinctive traditions of painting continue up to recent
generations.
Not many portable works of art
had survived in Tibet at the school's
old main seat, Drigung Thel. In central
Tibet, most of the tradition's art was
destroyed or dispersed during the Great
Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and
1970s or after other calamities. Fortunately, a number of important sites of
Drigung Kagyu mural art survived in
the northern Indian Himalayan district
of Ladakh, in such venerable monasteries as AI chi, Wanta, Lamayuru, and
Phyang. Today the Drigung Kagyu
continues to thrive, not only in Ladakh
but also in Limi of northwestern Nepal,
in Puran g of western Tibet, and in
the Nangchen and Gapa districts of
Kham in eastern Tibet. In Indian exile,
near Debra Dun in northern India,
Jangchubling Monastery has become the
school's new seat.
The present catalog surveys the
painting traditions of the Drigung Kagyu
that became available to me through
photographic documentation. At their
main seat in central Tibet and in munerous branch monasteries, the Drigung
Kagyu lamas commissioned an impressive variety of paintings in the course of
their long history. I sketch for the first
time their history and describe some of
their key stylistic and iconographic features, dividing them roughly into three
main periods: early (circa 1180s- 1450s),
middle (circa 1460s-1630s), and late
(circa !640s- 1950s).
The early period includes some
pictorial art in western and central
Tibetan styles, including both thangka
and significant mural sites in western Tibet, such as Alchi and Wan! a in
Ladakh. Paintings from the middle
period are fairly rare. During the late
period, the Drigung Kagyu lama-patrons
in the seventeenth century invited artists
of the Khyenri style, and (from the eighteenth century on) these artists developed their own distinctive "Drigung
Style," which survived unti l the twenti eth century as a rare and special style in
central Tibet and Ladakh.
In the following chapters I date the
paintings as much as possible by identifying the last datable Drigung abbot
whom the painting depicts. I also refer
to several previously overlooked written
Tibetan sources on Drigung Kagyu art,
both ancient and modem. Iconographically, I take a closer look in one chapter
at the Kagyu meditation hats, or gomsha
(sgom ::ftwa), worn by the lamas of the
Drigung Kagyu, comparing their depictions with similar hats from other Dakpo
Kagyu Schools, and with other hats that
Drigung Kagyu lamas occasionally wore.
THE TERM D RIRI
From about the early eighteenth century
on, Drigung Monastery was home to its
own special " Drigung Painting Style,"
called in Ti be tan Driri. However, outside
Drigung Kagyu circles the Driri was not
widely known, even in its homeland,
central Tibet. Although it is not included
in the dictionary of art terms ofTenpa
Rabten and Ngawang Jigme (2003), it
is nevertheless a well-established tern1
within its own religious and artistic
schools. The largest modern history of
Drigung Monastery, by Rase Konchok
Gyatsho, does use the term in a passage
about the Iife of the twenty-sixth abbot
of Drigung. It was also commonly used
orally by painters trained in Drigung
(such as Yeshe Jam yang of Ladakh).
The term Driri also occasionally
appears in other sources. Among the
references I could locate in pre- 1959
written Tibetan sources, Kathok Situ
( 1880-1925) employs the term in his
travel record to '0 and Tsang Provinces
as a pilgrim, though the well-informed
and seasoned scholar from Kham did
not use it immediately. When freshly
arrived at the main monastery of
Drigung Thel in 19 18, he saw many
thangkas with exquisite golden brocade mountings in a reliquary chapel
PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE DR I G U NG KAGYU S CHOOL
XI
of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century
masters. Concerni ng their style, he commented: " Between the New and Old
Menri styles, these seemed to resemble
more the Old Menri ," 1 struggling to find
the right classification for what were
most probably thangkas in the Drigung
style. Later he does pick up the local
terminology when visiting Yangri Gar
Monastery, a major Drigung Kagyu
branch founded by Rinchen PhUntshok
in 1534. In that monastery, which he
described as a summer residence of the
Drigung high lan1as, Kathok Situ noted
seeing works from "the Drigung Tradition" or Drigung Painting Style. In the
same monastery's temple for the Kagyu
lineage masters, he also saw fifteen
thangka boxes containing paintings by
previous artists of the Drigung art tradition '"whose color and shading would
be difficult to duplicate.''2 (I discuss
this passage from Kathok Situ in more
detail in chapter 4.)
AcKNOWLEDGMENTS
In producing this catalog, Helen Abbott
and her editorial assistants have outdone
themselves, making under pressure of
time a silk purse out of less than ideal
raw materials. Annie Bien's sharp eyes
did much to polish the text, while Jessica
Baker carefully kept track of the book's
countless illustrations, edited the bibliography, and much more. Nei l Liebman
helped greatly in the final phases of the
book's production. Phil Kovacevich as
book designer has exerted again his own
inimitable visual magic, transforming
the manuscript wonderfully into a book.
I am deeply indebted to Christian
Luczanits for contributing a valuable
chapter and carefully reading an early
draft of this book. Kristen Muldowney
Roberts for her part kindly contributed
a valuable chapter on Achi , Drigung's
famous protectress. I am gratefuI to Rob
Linrothe for making time at the last llllnute to carefully read tlu·ough the entire
XTI
PREFAC E
book in draft and make many helpful
suggestions, also generously providing
several crucial photographs.
I owe a special debt of gratitude
to my dear friend Ngawang Tshering
of Nyurla, for inspiring my interest in
Drigung painting many years ago, for
crucial help documenting the life of
Yeshe Jamyang, and for sharing many
rare photographs. (It is a tragedy that
deteriorating health prevented him from
contributing more in recent years.) I
also owe a great debt of gratitude to
the late Professor Mathias Driesch of
Cologne ( 1926-2013) for klndly sharing in 2001 notes on many paintings he
had identified. stylistic observations, and
photographs.
I also benefited from other generous lenders of photographs. Lionel
Fournier klndly showered me with many
precious images and historical sources
at just the right moment. (Thanks to
him I gained access in particular to the
valuable unpublished notes and lists of
Marc Fran~ois.) Chiara Bellini enriched
the book visually by sharing numerous
crucial photographs of Ladakhi murals.
Kristin Blancke also klndly shared her
forthcoming article and precious photographs of Lan1ayuru. PaljorTsarong took
the time to photograph several murals
at Jangchubling, while Ani Chime and
Michael Essex both provided several
crucial photographs at the last moment.
Erberto LoBue generously helped with
several impo1tant images and sourc.es.
Tashi Tsering in Dharamsala also
helped very much by generously sending several key Tibetan sources. Moke
Mokotoff helped me overcome several
obstacles through skillful introductions.
Dan Martin came through with several
crucial references to sacred hats. O laf
Czaja helpfully shared his forthcoming
publication and unpublished notes; he
also carefully checked several chapters
of this catalog, correcting errors and
referring me to needed better images.
Jorg Heimbel kindly helped arrange two
relevant interviews on my behalf. Last
but not least, Michael Pahlke kindly
visited Rinchen Ling Monastery on
my behalf, and he also interviewed and
arranged professional photographs of
Yeshe Jamyang, who was then visiting
Lumbiru.
The present catalog is the first
survey of a single Tibetan Buddhist
school's pictorial art. In it I rapidly survey the sacred painting traditions that
became accessible to me tluough photographs, concentrating mainly on the
datable ones. In many cases the avai lable photographs were not good enough
to read the tantalizingly present names,
which prevented me from achieving my
basic task as a historian: identifying all
the lamas portrayed. Even with better
photographs, each painting of this large,
sacred corpus deserves more time and
care. I hope this quick and superficial
overview will, if nothing else, inspire
others to take a longer and deeper look.
D. Jackson
March 2014
The Drigung Kagyu
THOUGH THE DRIGUNG KAGYU
was one of the most prominent and powerful schools of Tibetan Buddhism during its early period (circa 1180s-1280s),
its art is still relatively poorly known,
even among Tibetans. Its mother monastery, Drigung The! (' Bri gung The! ), was
tragically destroyed twice and much of
its art dispersed - once in the 1280s and
again in the 1960s or 1970s, during the
Great Cultural Revolution. Its painting
traditions were little known , and they
have been recognized as distinct schools
or styles only recently by Western and
Tibetan art historians.
Nevertheless, the Drigung Kagyu
School is quite widespread within the
Tibetan Buddhist cultural realm. In
addition to the reconstructed mother
monastery of Drigung The! and a few
prominent branches in central Tibetthe most noteworthy among them
being Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) several important Drigung Kagyu
branch monasteries also survive in
Kham Province of eastern Tibet. Most
of the school's original murals survive
in the traditional western Tibetan province of Ngari, which includes Ladakh
in " Indian Tibet," one of the main
locales where the Drigung Kagyu reli gious tradition survives and flourishes .
A. Life of the Founder. Jig ten Sumgon
Drigung Monastery was founded in
1179 in a remote corner of northeastern
0 Province by Jigten Sumgon, a charismatic disciple of Phagmotrupa (11101170). I recount here a traditional story
of his life, as compiled by Dan Martin
in 2008:
Jigten Gonpo Rinchen Pel (' Jig
rten mgon po Rin chen dpal) was
born to an illustrious clan called
the Kyura (sKyu ra) at a town in
northwest Kham [called Dente
Tsondu (!Dan stod gTson du)], in
1123. His father was a tantric specialist in Vajrabhairava practices,
heading a group of five hundred
practitioners. His mother had some
sympathies with Bon, so after his
birth she called a Bonpo for the
nanling ceremony. His first name
was thus a Bon name, Welbar Tar
(dBal ' bar thar). This was later
changed to Tslinpa Kyab (bTsun
pa sKyabs), and later on Dorje Pel
(rOo rje dpal)
o.r
Drigung Thel Monastery after snowfall
Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005
Photograph from hrtpJ/dharma-media.org/
media/exh ibits!DrikungThil-200 5/index.
hm1l P!Cf0082.
F JG.
Already as a young child,
Tslinpa Kyab demonstrated an
aptitude for memorization, reading
and meditation. By age eight he
encountered the face of the yidam
[tutelary deity], and in the following year he sta1ted instructing
otllers in meditation. He could not
bear to see other beings in distress,
even animals. Once he found a
dog that had nearly died of hunger.
No other food being avai lable, he
vomited out the contents of his
stomach to feed it. He was even
PAINT I NG TRA DITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
Xlll
scriptures in people's houses.
When a younger sister married a
man named Akhar (A mkhar) as
his second wife, she was unable to
withstand his abuse and committed
suicide. Akhar no doubt felt reoret
c
and had a change of heart, becoming an important patron for Jigten
Gonpo in his early years of meditation retreats.
In those days Tstinpa Kyab
was sought out for his blessinos
e '
which proved capable of curing
serious diseases. Once a thief stole
an ox and a horse from Akhar, and
then proceeded to Tstinpa Kyab's
hennitage and demanded to have
everything he possessed. Before
long he was satisfied that there was
nothing there worth stealing, so
he left. But that very night while
enjoying a beer with his friends
he fell down dead. This and other
incidents led people to beli eve that
Tstinpa Kyab's Dharma protector
was especially powerful.
One day Tstinpa Kyab asked a
Tibetan [learned man or] pandita
FIG. 0.2.
Portrait of Phagmotrupa (1110-1170)
Central Tibet; 13th century
Gilt bronze with gold, silver, copper,
rurquoise, lapis, and coral inlay; 13.5 x 12.0
x 8.5 em
The Cleveland Musewn of Art, Purchase
from the j. H. Wade Fund, 1993.160
Literature: D. Weldon and]. Casey Singer
1999, figs. 50 and 51; and D. jackson 2011,
fig. 5.3.
known to offer massages to lepers.
Once when a famine filled his land
'
his father went so far as to sell his
Vajrabhairava texts in exchanoe
c
for barley to feed his family.
Years later Jigten Gonpo would
tell this story with the comment,
"Never get married. lf you do,
you will have children, and if you
are unable to feed them. you will
end up selling all your 'refuges,'
Like my father did, since eating is
necessary."
Tslinpa Kyab's father died
when he was fifteen, and his
mother passed away a year later.
He was forced to support himself
and his siblings from donations
he received in return for readino0
XIV
INTRODUCTION
who had just come back from
0 -Tsang (central Tibet) about
the religious teachers there. This
is how he first heard the name
of Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo
(Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po,
11 10- 1170), and he immediately
resolved to become his student.
The biography says his heart was
stirred up by devotion just like the
leaves of a tree flutterinoc in the
wind. He was twenty-five when he
traveled to 0.
Upon his arrival at Densa The!
(gDan sa The!), he was w1able
to meet Phagmotrupa for three
days. Then he went into his presence, bearing gifts of brocade and
a horse. Phagmotrupa refused
to accept the horse, saying that
doing so would be an omen that he
would soon leave for another place,
perhaps even die. Tsiinpa Kyab felt
as if he were being scolded, and
wept. begging to be accepted as a
disciple. Phagmotrupa said. ··[ will
take special care of you. and grant
you all the teachings you desire. so
why the unhappiness?"" Over the
course of just two days he received
the entire span of Phagmotrupa ·s
teachings. from generating bodfticitta up through Mahamudra.
He concentrated so intently on
the practices that he hardly had
a chance to prepare food or even
time to eat. Sometimes he just
drank water with ashes mixed into
it, or heated his gruel by burning
tree leaves instead of wood.
Although TsUnpa Kyab experienced the highest realizations
of Mahllmudra. all this time be
remained a layperson. and Phagmotrupa often urged him to take
ordination as a monk. He did
take the Bodhisattva vows alono
"
with the name Rinchen Pel. but
he remained a layperson for the
two and a half years (some say
thirty-two months) he stayed with
Phagmotrupa.
When Phagmotrupa died. Rinchen Pel went on to study with a
master of Path with the Fruit (lamdre, lam 'bras) teachings named
Tsilungpa (Tsi lung pa), and a
number of other teachers of various schools. Then he went into a
five-year retreat at Yechung (dBye
chung), where he concentrated on
generation and completion process
meditations. Later. during another
rwo-year retreat at Yechung. he
contracted the dreaded disease of
leprosy in his foot. At first be felt
that he was the lowest of the low.
but then it occurred to him how
fortunate he was to have the hiohe
est teachings from Phagmotrupa
including those on the post-mortem
state and transference so that he
had no need to fear death. Finally.
he felt sorrow at the thought that
there were so few people who had
these teachings. Then, while meditating, he felt the disease ooino out
"
"
of his foot like dust swept away
in the wind, or like a field bcino
"
plowed. Eventually he had a vision
of a giant snake-spirit (naga) going
to another valley, and at last he
FIG. O.J
Phagmotrupa with His Previous Lives and
Episodes from His Saimly Career (a painting
from the Tak lung Kagyu tradition)
13th century
Distemper on conon; J2SAI x 10 in.
(32.1 x 25.4 em)
Photograph by David De Armas
Rubin Museum of Art
C2005.16.38 (HAR 65461)
Literature: S. Kossak 2010, fig. 51; and
D. Jackson 2011 , fig. 5.2.
fully recovered. Based on his own
experience he devised a practice
that other victims of leprosy could
use to cure themselves.
At the age of thirty-five (in
1177). Rinchen Pel finally fulfilled
his teacher's wishes by taking
PAINTING TRADITI O N S OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
XV
fiG. 0.4A
Drigung The! Monastery, the central temple
Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948
After Hugh Richardson 1998, plate 50.
Photograph from the Tibet Alhum
(TA 2001.59.15.17.1-0)
Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University
of Oxford
2001.59.15.12.1
FIG. 0.41l
Some central temples in Drigung The!
Monastic Complex
Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948
After D. Snellgrove and H. Richardson
1968, p. 40.
Literature: D. Jackson 1996, fig. 187.
Photograph from the Tibet Alhum
(TA 2001.59.15.17.1-0)
Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University
of Oxford
2001.59.15.19.1
monastic vows. For a while he
served as abbot of Densa Thel ,
where he required the monks'
strictest adherence to the Vi naya
rules of discipline. Then he went
to meditate at a place that was then
occupied by the teacher called
Lama Menyag (Bia ma Me nyag).
About a hundred students gathered
around him there, and in 1179 he
established Drigung Changchub
Lino0 ('Bri 0ounoc Byano
c chub colino)
1:)
Monastery.
After years of traveling at
the invitation of various patrons
who wished to receive his teachings he once more settled down
at Drigung. By the early 1190s
there were as many as four thou sand monk-disciples attending his
teachings, and as many as thirteen
thousand by the year 1200. During
this time he often recommended
that his serious students do retreats
at the hoi y places of Tsari (Tsa ri)
in the southeast, Mount Kailash (Ti
se) in the west, and Lachi (La phyi)
in the southwest.
As an elderly master his fame
had reached as far as the kingdoms
XVI
INTRODUCTION
F IG. 0. 5
Drigw1g T he!, central temples
Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005
f iG. 0.6
Drigung The! temples, viewed &om rbe side
Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005
of the Tanguts, the Khitans and
China. Since he had become a
vegetarian at the time he ordained
as a monk- he was a lifelong
teetotaler- he refused a medicine
made from yak lungs prescribed by
his doctor. As his health declined,
he passed on the abbot's chair
to Gurawa (Gu ra ba), and while
seated in meditation posture passed
into the realm of ultimate reality
(dlwrmadhiitu ). When his body
was cremated his skull did not
burn in the fire, but was found
to have a complete mandala of
Cakrasamvara inscribed inside it.
His nephew and disciple [Drigung
Lingpa] Sherab Jungne ('Bri gung
Ling pa Shes rab 'byung gnas)
took responsibility for building the
Ornament of the World ('Dzam
gling rgyan) stupa as a reliquary for
his remains and to serve as a focus
of devoti on for future generations.
Jigten Gonpo and his Drigung
Kagyu lineage are best known
for the set of teachings known
as The "Five Profound Paths of
Mahamudra" (Phyag chen lnga
/dan). Many of his doctrinal pronouncements were collected by
Sherab Jungne into what is known
as the Single Intention (dGongs
gcig), which inspired commentarial
works from following generations of scholars. Some of Jigten
Sumgon 's teachings were collected
by yet another disciple into what
is known as the Heart of the Great
Vehicle 's Teachings (Theg chen
bstan pa 'i snying po) .3
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DR I G U NG KAGY U S CHOOL
XVTI
FIG. 0.7
Jigren Sumgon wirb rwo attendant disci pies
Large applique thangka
Pbyang, Ladakh
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
ftG. 0.8
Image of Jigten Sumgon known as
Serkhang Choje
Serkhang Temple, Drigung Thel
Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005
Photograph from hnp://dharma-media.org/
media/exhi birs/D rikungTh il-2005/index.
hrml PICT0246.
B . His Memorial Stupafor
Phagmotrupa aJ Densa Thel
One of Jigten Sumgon 's chief artistic
projects was to oversee the building of
a remarkable memorial stupa for Phagmotrupa at Densa The!. He built this
extraordinary shrine based on a vision
he had of the hoi y site Tsari. (The shrine
has been studied by Olaf Czaja and
Christian Luczanits.) 4
Jigten Sumgon in his record of the
building ofTashi Gomang (bKra shis
sgo mang) stupa, mentioned the main
Tibetan artist as Master Artist Tshulrin
(dPon chen po Tshul rin, i.e., Tshul
khrims rin chen?), 5 and the main sculptor
as the great Newar artist Mfu.tibhadraperfect in his knowledge of religious art
and famed as an "art emanation" (bzo 'i
spml pa) - who had been invited from
the Kathmandu Valley, south of Tibet.6
XVIII
INTROD UCTION
C. Dominance ojDrigung Kagyu in
Western Tibet in the Thirteenth Century
Roberto Vitali in an article on two
Ladakhi temples asserted that the
Drigung Kagyu dominated western
Tibet for about eight decades in the
thirteenth century: 1193- 12807 In his
book on the history of Guge and Purang
he described the first two main Drigung
expeditions - or waves of "mountain
monks" (ri pa) and meditators- sent
to practice in sacred areas including
Kailash region of western Tibet,8 the
earliest being to Mount Kailash organized by Jigten Sumgon in 1191. That
journey by yogis occurred when Jigten
Sumgon briefly returned to Drigung and
exhorted his many monk followers who
had assembled there: "All you members
of the ordained sangha, go to the mountains and other monasteries and to other
lands!" Quite a few must have gone to
Kailash and Ngari Province.9 The second
wave of about three hundred Drigung
mountain anchorites reached Kailash
iconography are discussed by Kristen
Muldowney in chapter 12)
in 1208, led by Garpa C hangdor and
Nyo Chenpo. 10 The third expedition of
Drigungpa meditators was sent by Jigten
Sumgon to Kailash in 1215.11
E. Two Main LL1mas in Recent Times:
The Chetsang and Clumgtsang
Rinpoches
D. Distinctive Religious Traditions
Within Tibetan Buddhism, the Drigung Kagyu was probably best known
doctrinally for the "Single Intention"
(dGongs gcig) teachings of Jigten
Sumgon.11 Among its public teachings
or ceremonies, one of the most famous is
"The Great Consciousness-Transference
Ceremony" (Pho ba chen po)Y Among
its practices relating to protective dei ties, the school's most distinctive protector was "Grandmother" (A phyi)
Achi Chokyi Drolma, who originated
as Jigten Sumgon 's wonder-working
paternal grandmother. 14 (She and her
In the mid-seventeenth century, the final
male progeny of the Kyura family, from
whom all the abbots of Drigung came,
died. The monastery began to recognize
the subsequent abbots as rebirtl1s of
reincarnate lamas (tulku), and the main
Frc. o.9
The Pure Crystal Mountain of Tsari
Painting of rhe Holy Moumain ofTsari
After Toni Huber 1999.
Frc. o.1o
Achi Chiikyi Drolma
Detail of Fig. 7.13.
lamas of the two chief lama palaces
were called Chet.sang (Che tshang) and
Chungtsang (Chung tshang).
F. Online Resources and Projects
Concerning Drigung Kagyu art preservation projects and resources mentioned
online: H.H. C hetsang Rinpoche urged
Bargyaltsang Konchok Norbu to scan
PAJNTI N G TRADJTJONS OF THE ORIG UNG KAGY U SC HOOL
XIX
many Drigung Kagyu thangkas and
After the submission of Tibet
put under the control of various
reproduce forty-two thangkas and fifty-
and subsequent division of that cotm-
Mongolian ruling lineages. Ln 1267
four mandalas in the project called "A
Recent Project to Save Thangkas of
try by Mongol princely appanages in
the 1240s, the political order of Tibet
assumed a new Qubilai-dominated
during the foundation of the petty
kingdom of Mang yul Gung thang
under 'Phags pa bla ma [Phakpa
configuration. ln 1260 Qubilai declared
Lama], serious insurmountable
himself supreme khan of the Mongol
Empire at a great assembly that he called
land conflicts started to arise,
the Drigung Kagyu Tradition." After
traveling to Tibet twice, to Limi (Sle
mi) once, and Ladakh thrice, Konchok
Norbu completed this project in 20 12.' 5
at his headquarters in the city of Kaiping
affecting the inter-Mongolian
relations in tile same way as tile
from the internet from the Drigung
(Shangdu in present-day Inner Mongolia); he eventually becan1e the ruling
internal Tibetan ones- at a time
when tile relations between Khu-
Kagyu Ratnashri Buddhist Centre of
khan in the east, establishing the Yuan
Selangor, Malaysia. 16
dynasty with its capital at Daidu (Dadu,
present-day Beijing) in China. Lama
bilai Khan and Khaidu gradually
became hostile. As a result Tibet,
which in economic respects was
G. Aspects of Political History
Phakpa Lotro Gyaltshen (' Phags ba Blo
only of minor importance to the
gros rgyal mtshan, 1235- 1280) of Sakya
Mongols, became more and more
(nephew of the late Sakya Pandita,
1182- 1251) led the enthronement of
an object of strategic interests. In
tile 1270s and 1280s due to the
the khan ; eight years later the lan1a was
efforts carried out systematically
named Imperial Preceptor.
The Sak-ya!Yuan hegemony was
by Khubilai, a gradual decay of
the influence that the sTod hor
challenged most prominently in Tibet
had once exercised over Phag dru
became more than obvious. Khubi-
Before that, Drigung Kagyu paintings
were also available for downloading
In early times the political affairs of
Drigung were looked after by a series
of administrators appointed by the Drigung abbots. Called the Drigung gompa
(sgom pa), they were investigated in
two articles by Elliot Sperling (1987 and
1992). His first article, "Some Notes
on the Early 'Bri-gung-pa Sgom-pa."
appeared in the volume Silver 011 Lapis:
Tibetan Literary Culhtre and History.
In appendix I, he reproduces three lists
of gompaY He also provides a family
tree of Jigten Sumgtin and the gompa's
Kyura family over twelve or thirteen
generations in "Appendix II: Members
of the sKyu-ra lineage mentioned in E.
Sperling's article." 18
One of the crucial yet not wellunderstood events of Drigung political
history was the catastrophic Drigung
Rebellion ('Bri gung gling log) and mili tary defeat of 1288-1290. One recent
Tibetan cultural handbook says the
Drigung Kagyu representatives asked
for military assistance against the Sakya
(i.e., the Sakya-Yuan imperial government) in 1285, but as a result they were
destroyed by armies of Qubilai Khan
( 1215-1294) in 1290.19 That same book
also refers to early Drigung Kagyu ties
with Mtinke and later with (Qubilai 's
brother) HUlegU Khan. emperor of Persia, who crowned himself universal
khan of the Mongols in 1260.
XX
INTRODU C TIO N
by a Tibetan faction in Tsang. Its
proponents were punished by a fullfledged invasion of 100,000 troops after
Phakpa 's deatll in 1280. (At about tile
same time as tile Drigung Rebellion, tile
mid-1280s, tllere also occurred a revolt
in Manchuria.) In 1285 or 1287 tile
Drigung gompa led a revolt. The gompa
was sure he would receive powerful
military help from Duwa Khan of the
Chagatai Khanate, one of his monastery's staunchest supporters. The revolt
in Tibet was suppressed, witll many
fatalities, in 1290 when an army of tile
Yuan Mongols and Sakya-raised troops
attacked Drigung Monastery.
Karl-Heinz Everding gives one
lai in 1280 by means of a punitive
campaign [after Phakpa's deatll]
established his control over central
Tibet and henceforth effecti vely
suppressed not only tile rising
Tibetan nationalist movement,
but also the territories of Phag mo
gru pa and 'Bri gung pa. When
the 'Bri gung sgom pa, with his
back to the wall, in 1287 asked
Khaidu for help, Khaidu sent his
army to give a final blow to Khubilai's and his allies' troops. Even
though he lost the decisive battle
on dPal mo than g. in 1288 and
1289 he [i.e., Khaidu] continued
of the clearest descriptions of the poli-
to fight Khubilai 's troops tootll
tics behind the Sakya/Drigung conflict,
including the rivalry of tile "Upper" or
and nail within the territory of the
Chagatai-Khanate. 20
"Western Mongol" (sTod hor, i.e., Chagatai) Khanate witll tile "Lower Mongol" (sMad hor) Khanate of Qubilai 's
Resistance to the Yuan in the far
west of the Mongol conquests continued
Yuan empire:
for another decade.21
The main immediate provocation
Wi til the rise of the Mongol empire
Tibet was drawn into a rapidly
expanding world empire ... and
of the war between Sakya and Drigung
in the late 1280s was their conflict over
the appointment of tile abbot of Densa
Thel and a legal case lodged at the court
after the murder of Draklewa (Brag ble
ba) - the abbatial candidate favored by
Sakya and personally close to the Yuan
Imperial Preceptor Sharpa Yeshe Rinchen, who then resided at the imperial
capital . The particulars are explained by
Olaf Czaja in a long footnote: 22
Roughly speaking, this conflict
revolves around the issue whether
the ' Bri gung pa or the Sa skya pa
would accomplish hegemony over
Tibet. The scenery and the persons
involved in this struggle changed
over the decades. Areas affected
by this dispute were the religious
settlements in Dwags po, Kong
and Gnyal, but, more important
were the judicial controversies
at the Imperial court, where each
party tried to defend its own point
of view and win lawsuits. In the
followi ng, the developments and
events regarding only the Phag mo
gru pa will be discussed. According to the Deb !her dmar po, which
is repeated slightly different in the
Rgva bod yig tshang, a lawsuit
fom1ed the casus belli.
Under Grags pa ye shes the ties
to the Sa skya pa were still strong.
He had studied under 'Phags pa.
Later he gave one of his nephews
of the maternal side (dbon po),
who was known as the maternal
nephew (snag tsha), the one of
Brag ble (alias Brag sle) (Brags/
ble ba), to the Bla ma Shar pa Ye
shes rin chen (1248-1294). [Deb
titer dmar po 1233, Rgya bod yig
tsflang 541.15] . The personal name
of this nephew is not recorded in
the sources. The place of Brag ble
is unidentified. The bla ma Shar pa
Ye shes rin chen belonged to the
then influential Shar pa fan1ily at
Sa skya and he held the office of
a ti shri [imperial preceptor] from
1286 to 1291 (L. Petech 1990: 29).
The Sa skya planned to appoint
this nephew as the new see of
Gdan sa mthil, but he was killed by
Grags pa rin chen (1 250- 1310), as
it is stated in the Deb tlzer dmar po:
gcung rgya pos bkrongs .23 ••• The
conflict between both of them had
many causes ... . After the death
of Grags pa ye shes in 1280, his
younger brother Grags pa rin chen
followed him to the throne of Gdan
sa mthil. The Sa skya pa were,
however, still disappointed by this
outcome and planned to bring in a
lawsuit (kflaniS [kim] mchu) con-
F JG. O.II
Drigung The! rem pies, viewed from rhe side
Photograph by Zabrina Leung, May 2005
Photograph from hrtpJ/dharma-media.orgl
med ia/exb ibirs/Dri kungTh il-2005/index_
html PICf0081.
cerning Brag ble ba. This led the
'Bri gung pa to back Grags pa rin
chen . . .. Evidently the attempt
of the Sa skya pas to install their
own candidate and thus trying to
cut down their enemies' influence
[and] their enemies' sphere of
rule and sovereignty, namely on
the abbotship of Gdan sa mthil,
shows a somehow new quality of
animosities. The 'Bri gung pa gave
support to the candidate who was
not chosen by the Sa skya pa. This
became the casus belli between
these two powers. 24
PA JNTING TRAD JTJONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
XX.I
NOTE TO THE READER
in captions 10 ligures, we may assume that all
thangkas were painted with distemper on
cotton and created in the Tibetan cultural
region , unless otherwise specified. When
1he text refers to HAR (Himalayan Art
Resources). the reader is invited to lind
more information about a work of art
at himalayanart.org. using the number
given after HAR.
TO AVOID REDUNDANCIES
Some terms and names are given in
trans! iterated Tibetan on the first occurrenee in the text. These terms will also
be found in the index. Diacritical marks
are not provided for words of Sanskrit
origin if they are familiar to English
readers. In the main body of the texL
Tibetan proper nouns are rendered
phonetically. accompanied by Wylie
Romanization on the first occurrence.
When appropriate. names quoted from
inscriptions or lists of names remain in
transliteration. In endnotes. appendices,
and footnotes, Tibetan names are Romanized. Some common Sanskrit terms
or names with the character ca have
been spell ed as if it were aspirated, i.e.,
as cha: Yairocana = Yairochana.
MAP 1: D -T SANG PROVINCES
•••
' . ;
92'"Et··
........................
\··· .
.•
.. . . .. . . . .
~·- · --- -- ~
32' N
······ ······ ······ ·· -·· •···· ········ ···· ·
···'· · · ·· · ··· ··· ··· ·· ···· · · · ··· · ·· ··· ··· ·· ···· ···: · · ··· · ····· ·· ··
Svlrng T.so
: Nakc:hu
'
TIBET
NomTso
TSANG
0
Oam.shung.
Mt Nyenchen Tangtha.
Taklung.
.
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Ph enpo
Jona~ .
PontsoS::Iing 14
Tanak
Bodong E-
:rsedong
§.
Nyemo,
.
•
Tashill'kJnpot:,Shigatse Rinpong,
Gyang Bummoche.
.
Chumig,
'*'>' ng . shalu
Latil
l hatse :
Nanang•
o
•
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: Sakya
Nakartse,
·•
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0
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•
Ganden•
Tolung Oechen,;
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.
Ngamnng,
• Nalendra
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·
"tl
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lhasa
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• Dranang•
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utathang
·
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onggye
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: waOzong • Lhodrak
• • sekhar
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· cn~3
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f
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NEPAL
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PRADESH
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.. . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .
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.....•• ,.,.-,
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•'
• Tongsa Ozong
LEGEND
Thimphu
~apital
BHUTAN
.Town
. Mountain
District
INDIA
STATE/PROVINCE
1ooml
0
0
100 km
PAINTING TRA DI TIONS OF T HE D RI GUNG K AGYU SC H OOL
XX!l l
•• ••
MAP II: NCAR!
.
)6...
...
... . . -... -
·······
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..
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:
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.
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' •
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TIBET
-.
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.. -.-....
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,.,_.,_
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INDIA
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NEPAL
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.
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LEG END
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...........,
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STA TE/PROV/NCE
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0
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XXIV
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r
MAPS
MAP
III: l<HAM PROVINCE
; IOO"E
34'N
.. . .
. .. ... . . "
....
.,
: 102'E
..
... .. . . ·· · •··· ·· ·· ·· ~ · · · ··· .. ... .. .. ....
TIBET
-~
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Dzonyak" .t harlam Gon
. Nyiclzong
~
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Dzochukho
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. . . . . . . . .... .
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. .-..
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'
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.
. . .. ... .
Somong
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Beri. • Kandle
lhathOk.
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. Kha~agat :
,Nyarong
. Gongjo
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•
.
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.
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.
. .. ... . . -... .. .
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. ... ' ' ' .. .. .... .
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30'N
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..
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.. .. ... . .. .. ·>: ...,lithang
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.... . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . .. . . . . ...
'
. ... . . .
, Markham
LEGEND
District
0
INDIA
-
. Tsawarong
. ..... ... ' ..
0
Traditional Province
too mi
2ookm
,Mil
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE OR!G UN G KA G Y U SC HOOL
XXV
Drigung The! :S Branches and
Main Surviving Mural Sites
Drigung
Thel in central Tibet, possessed many
branch monasteries in central Tibet
(0), eastern Tibet (Kham and Jang),
and in the far west (Ngari). I would like
to begin this chapter by listing some
of the more prominent monasteries
in those regions, concentrating at the
end on branches in the far west, such
as at Mount Kailash. Purang, Limi,
and Ladakh. (In appendix C, I list the
branches of Drigung more thoroughly.)
I will conclude this chapter by surveyinao six murals at the three most prominent early mural sites in Ladakh: Alchi.
Lamayuru (Bia rna g.Yung drung).
and Wanla.
THE MOTHER MONASTERY,
The mother monastery, Drigung Thel,
stands on a magnificent steep, rocky
mountainside in southeastern 0 Province
about 135 kilometers northeast of Lhasa
(and around 72 kilometers northeast
of the town of Metro Gongkar [Medro
Kongkar J). After experiencing severe
damage during the Cultural Revolution. seven main temples have been
rebuilt since 1982. The most prominent
three temples are: the Main Assembly
Hall (gTsug lag khang). Serkhang (gSer
khang) Temple. and Dzamling Gyen
("Dzam gling rgyan) Temple. to the Main
Assembly Hall's right and left. both with
shininoe eoilt paooda-style
roofs.25
c
In addition to the mother monastery and the nearby Drigung Durtr(),
or sky-burial ground, several branch
monasteries or nunneries existed within
forty or fifty kilometers. They inc luded
Uru Katshe (dBu ru s Ka tshel, with
three tulku) , Dzongsar Tashi (rDzong
eosar bKra shis, with two tulku). Tsewa
Tratshang (rTse ba Grwa tshang. Khra
ba kha) Monasteries. and Terdrom Nunnery. (fur Drigung Dzong see Fig. 1.4.)
The scenic vale ofTerdrom with its hot
springs is illustrated in Figure 15.Z7
Ftc. 1.1.
Drigung Thel, m~in temples viewed from
the side
Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005
Literature: M. Kapstein 2006,1ig. 14.
Chief among Drigung Kagyu
branches in 0 was Yangri Gar Monastery, with its fourteen hilku. (See Fig.
1.6.) It had the misfortune of being torn
down and the land used for many years
BRANCH MONASTERIES
/. Central Tibet: Drigung The/
Monastery and Monc1steries or
Nunneries Nearby
Ftc. r. r
Drigung Thel complex viewed from below
Photograph by Rob I..inrothe, 2005
as a military compound- its monks only
regained their land recently. It was home
to a special tradition of ritual dance and
many eminent lamas. Though Drigung
Thel's abbot appointed the lamas with
the title dord:into the three mai n pilorimaoe
sites, includin!!- Mount Kailash,
0
0
many other Drigung Kagyu local head
lamas, for instance, most of the chjjje or
head Drigung Kagyu lamas of Ladakh,
were appointed and sent from Yangri
Gar.28 (See also Fig. 1.7.) (For the names
of numerous other branches in southern
0 and northern Tsang. see appendix C.)
2. Klwm and the Far-Eastern
Borderland
In a sketch of his life up to the early
1990s. H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche gave
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
1
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10
I.3
Map of the Drigung area
Map by Meryl White
After Keith Dowman 1988, p. 108.
FIG.
Ftc. 1.4
Drigung Dzong and Yuna Monastery
Photograph by Hugh Richardson, 1948
Photograph after Hugh Richardson 1998,
plate 47.
Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, University
of Oxford
2001.59.15.110.1
Ftc. 1. s
Terdom Nunnery
Photograph by Rob Linrothe, 2005
2
C HAPTER 1
~·
r
Frc. r.6
Yangri Gar Monasrery in 1948
Photograph by Hugh Richardson
Afrer Hugh Richardson 1998, plate 49.
Copyright Pin Rivers Museum, Universiry
of Oxford
2001.59.15.2.1
FJG. 1.7
Yangri Gar, d1e main remple
Photograph by O laf Czaja, 2010
l iterature: Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b,
fronr illustrarions.
FIG. r.8
Nangchen Gar Monastery
Afrer Andreas Gruschke 2004b, plare 76.
locations of many Drigung Kagyu
branches, including approximately
twenty in eastern Tibet and three in
"Jang," the Tibetan name for Lijiang in
the borderland ofYunnan.19 However,
most of its branches in the east were in
northwestern Khan1 in either Nangchen
or Gapa (modern "Yushu") districts.
Most were severely damaged during the
Cultural Revolution.
A. NANGCHEN
Nangchen was one of two major loca-
I I
I
•
•
tions of the Drigung Kagyu in Kham.
Andreas Gruschke in hi s Cultural Monuments of Tibet's Outer Provinces, Volume
2, noted the presence of six Drigung
Kagyu establishments in Nangchen.30
Even among Kagyu sub-sects, the Drigung Kagyu had slightly fewer monasteries than the Kanna Kagyu, Barom
Kagyu, and Drukpa Kagy u, all of which
possessed from fifteen to eighteen
branches there. (Here and elsewhere in
Khan1, a number of Geluk monasteries
existed that had originally been Drigung
Kagyu.)
Gruschke actually discussed only
two prominent branches: Pal me Monastery (dPal me dGon pa) and Lho Meyel
Gonpa (Lho Mi g.yel dGon pa).31 The
website drikung.org also describes two
prominent monasteries in Nangchen:
Lho Lungkar Gon (Lho Lung dkar dgon
PAI NTI NG TR AD ITI ONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SCHOOL
3
FIG. 1.9
Jigten Sumgon
Main Statue
Gar Monastery, Nangchen
After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, plate 77.
'Qo
min thub bstan bshad sgrub gling)
0
in Drongme and Gar Gon Jangchub
Choling (mGar dgon Byang chub chos
gling) at Lungzhu Choding.32
A more complete discussion of Driouno Kaoyu establishments in Nangchen
"
"
0
can be found in the fairly recent "History
of the Nangchen Twenty-five," which
lists five monasteries and two nunneries
and seven sub-branches of a major monastery. These are: Pal me Thubten Shedrup Ling (dPal me Thub bstan bshad
33 Kharoo Gon (mKhar 'go
sorub
olino)·
b
0
0 '
0
34
dGon); Dza Merchen Gegon (rDza
Mer chen), a nunnery; Lho Miyel Gon
(Lho Mi g.yel dgon);35 Tharmar Gegon
(mThar dmar dGe dgon), a nunnery:36
Ka Tashi Gon (Ka bKra shis dGon);37
and Gar Gonpa (mGar dgon pa) .38 The
last establishment was distinguished by
its possessing seven branch monasteries of its own, including one each in
Golok and Chamdo. (For branches in
Nangchen, see also appendix C, nos.
69- 77.)
4
CHA PTER 1
B. GAPA
FIG. r. ro
Gapa (including Ga, Denma, and Kyura)
was the second highly significant location of the Drigung Kagyu in Kharn. It
is special to the Drigung Kagyu relioious tradition for it was here (in !Dan
0
stod, upper Denma, to be exact) that its
fOlmder was born. And here the sect still
has many branch monasteries, large and
small. The website dri kung.org lists only
two prominent ones: Nyidzong Gon (Nyi
'dzang or Nyi rdzong) in Zhe 'u (see Fig.
1.10) and Ga Drubgyii Gon (sGa sGrub
brgyud dgon) in Gapa near Jyekundo, in
Nyidzong Monastery in Gapa
Photograph by Andreas Gruschke
After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, picrure 66.
FrG. r.rr
Drubgyiiling Monastery in Gapa
Photograph by Andreas Gruschke
After Andreas Gruschke 2004b, picture 54.
front of Driri Mountain. The "History
of the Nangchen Twenty-five" (Ba ri
Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005) mentions
seven branches in Gapa: Ayang Gonpa
(A dbyangs dGon pa) in Rakshlil ;39
Khamjok Gon (Kham mgyogs dgon);40
Nyidzong Gon (Nyi rdzong dgon);41
Ba Gonpa ('Ba dgon pa) near Zhe' u;42
Ge'u Gon ('Ge'u dgon);43 Chodze Gon
(Chos mdzad dgon);44 and Drubgyli Gon
(sGrub brgyud dgon) in Dzachuto (rDza
chu stod).'5
Tharlam Dezhung Lungrik Tulku
( 1906-1987), a native of Gapa, mentioned these three monasteries as the
most important Drigung Kagyu branches
in Gapa: Ayang Gonpa (A yang or A
yong dgon pa), Nyidzong (Nyi 'dzang
or Nyi rdzong), and Ga Drubgyti (sGa
sGrub brgyud) Gonpa.46 ln another context he also mentioned Kham 'jo (Kham
mgyogs) Gonpa, nearTrindu. Gruschke,
for his part, mentions the presence of
several Drigung Kagyu monasteries in
Gapa "Yushu" district of Khan1 including Drubgytiling near Trindu.'7 (For a
longer list of branches, see appendix C,
nos. 52 to 68.)
3. Far-western Tibet (Ngari Province)
In terms of their numbers, many more
Drigung Kagyu branches survived in
Ngari , the far-western province of cultural Tibet. For, in addition to the several
monasteries in Purang, Limi, and the
Mount Kailash area, we also find more
than forty branches, great and small, in
Ladakh.
A. MouNT
KAILASH
thirteenth century. The order's influence
peaked under the Dordzin Darma Gyaltshen (Dar ma rgyal mtshan), who presided over Gyangdrak Monastery during
the abbacy of Jung Dorje Drakpa (Dri
5), 1255-1278. At that time, in addition
to Gyangdrak Monastery, several other
well-known sacred sites in Ngari were
The area around Mount Kailash has
been a site of Drigung Kagyu hernlitages since the late twelfth century, when
administered by the Drigung Kagyu ,
such as Nyenri (Nyan ri), Dzutrtil (rDzu
' phruJ), Riwotsegye (Ri bo rtse brgyad),
Jigten Sumgon sent many anchorite
disciples to meditate there.48 With the
devout support of local rulers of Purang
and Jumla, the Drigung Kagyu spread
widely in all three regions of western
Tibet (mNga ' ris skor gsum) in the
Khojarnath, and many other places in
Purang, Trosho (Gro shod) in eastern
nomadic Ngari, and Khunu (Kunawar).
FIG. I.I2
Moum Kailash from the north
Photograph by Augusto Gansser, 1936
Photograph after M. Henss 1981, p. 42.
F JG. I.IJ
Gyangdrak Monastery
Photograph by Jan Reurink (reuri nkja n),
"Srupa in from of Gyangdrag Gonpa (air
5010m), Tiber," Sepr 22, 2011
hnp://www.ilickr.com/phoros/
reurinkjan/7367607556/
The decline of the mother monastery, Drigung The!, in the fifteenth
century weakened its branches in
PAINTI NG TR AD ITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
5
FIG. I.I4
Gyangdrak Monastery
Photograph by Bob Wid ox, "Gyangdrak
gompa near Mt Kailash," May 19,2005
hnp://www.ilickr.com/photos/
bobwitlox/3 70801 015/in/
pool-kang-rinpoche/
5
Purang hillside temples of Gnngbur GOnpa
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
FJG. I. I
F JG. I.I6
Temple at the foot of the Gungbur cave
complex
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
western Tibet. Few new Drigung monks
journeyed from central Tibet to these
distant holy places, and the handful who
remained could not keep them up. Some
monasteries were temporarily entrusted
to the Drukpa Kagyu and ultimately
remained in the bands of that order.
The seventeenth abbot, Gyalwang
Kunga Rinchen (1475-1527), did much
to restore monastic discipline and the
quality of the spiritual life at Drigw1g,
inspiring a period of renewal for the
branch monasteries in Ngari. He sent
three hundred meditator-monks to
Mount Kailash. Not long thereafter, the
next lineage holder, Rinchen Phtintshok (1509- 1547, abbacy 1528-1534),
appointed an outstandi ng personality
from Kham as dord:in at Gyangdrak:
Choje Denma Kunga Drakpa (Chos rje
lOan ma Kun dga' grags pa).49 He would
be instrumental in leading a revival of
the Drigung order in the Maryul (dMar
yul) region of western Ngari now better known as Ladakh. When he was
appointed dordzin at Gyangdrak Monastery in the late 1520s or early 1530s, the
monastery was in decay and he rebuilt it.
Within a short time, he had turned things
around to such an extent that he was
sending many of his own new disciples
in western Tibet back to central Tibet
6
CHAPTER 1
Frc. r.r7
HaJji ViUage of Limi wirh Chorren in
Foreground
Augusr 2010
Lim~ \Veltse (Halji) Village
Phorograph courresy of Lionel Fournier
FrG. r.r8
Welrse (Ha lji) Rinchen Ling, remple &om
\Vel rse, Limi, Nepal
Phorograph by Asrrid Hovden, 2010
FJG. r. 19
Vairocana, central image
\Veltse (Ha lji) Rinchen Ling, Limi
Afrer Amid Hovden, 2002 Halji updare,
Asian Art, fig. 5.
to study at the mother monastery. After
receiving an invitation from the king of
Ladakh, he left the Kailash region for
Ladakh.
B. PURANG
One of the main surviving Drigun.g
Kagyu monasteries in Purang was
Gungbur Gonpa (also called Gongphur
Gonpa and Tsegu Gonpa). The drikung.
org website confirms its importance and
describes it as situated on the slope of
the mountain T aida Khar, just outside
the Purang county seat town. It consists
of six cave-temples including a Main
Assembly Hall (Dukhang, ' Du khang),
Temple for the Kanjur Canon (Kangyur
Lhakhang, bKa' 'gyur Lha khang),
Dharma Protectors' Temple (Gonkhang,
mGon khang), and small shrine room
named Palde Lhakhang.
C. LIMJ
Limi is located near Purang, but it
lies across the Nepalese border to the
southeast (in the corner of northwestern Nepal). It is home to Weltse (called
HaJji) Village with its venerable temple,
Weltse Rinchen Ling (dBal Jtse Rin
chen gling). (See Figs. 1.17 and 1.18.)
This ancient temple was described in
an article by Mimi Church and Mariette
Wiebenga.50
In Limi, two other villages are
home to Drigung Kagyu monasteries:
Zang and Til. Their monasteries are
called Zang Phelgye Ling and Til Kunzom Dongak Ling. Because of Limi 's
isolation, its local monasteries preserved
many ancient religious objects. Depicted
in Figure 1.19 is the central image of
the Yogatantra mandala to which Weltse
Temple is devoted.51
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SC HOOL
7
under the authority of the monastery of Phyang."53 Jina and Konchok
Namgyal simi larly list those four as
"sub-gompas" of Phyang.>~ Evidently
Lamayuru and Sharchukhul are technically branches of Phyang, yet each also
functions as a mother monastery (ma
dgon) with a duster of fifteen or more
small branch monasteries or small vil lage shrines beneath them .55 This makes
Ladakh the locale with the most Drigung Kagyu branch-monasteries anywhere in the Tibetan Buddhist world.
MAIN SURVIVING MURAL SITES
Few old Drigung Kagy u murals survive
in either central Tibet or Kham. By far
the greatest number of wall paintings
may still be found in far-western Tibet,
within the vast traditional Tibetan cultural prov inee of Ngari. In the heartland of this area (central Ngari) lay the
kingdoms of Guge and Purang, located
just to the east and west of Mount
Kailash. Also traditional ly included in
Ngari Province, west of Guge, were the
principalities of Ladakh and Zangskar,
which now belong politically to India.
In the following pages I describe some
of the most prominent surviving murals
in Ngari .
1. Murals al Mounl Kailash
FIG. I.20
Phyang Monastery, general view
Photograph taken in the 1970s
After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 82.
FIG. 1.2.1
Thangka of Jigten Sumgon with Chief
Disciples
Phyang Monastery
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
D. LADAKH
Ladakh was home to more than forty
Drigung Kagyu affiliate convents, all
under the administration of the Ladakh
Choje (La dwags chos rje) appointed
from Yangri Gar and based at Phyang
Monastery.52
Though Phyang in central Ladakh
was the head institution, Lamayuru
in the west was older, housing more
monks and with nearl y as much property. Binczik and Fischer state that
"today the monasteries of Shyang,
Sara, Lamayuru, and Sechukul are
8
CHA PTER 1
The main surviving Drigung Kagyu
branch in the Mount Kailash area is
Gyangdrak (rGyang grags) Monastery,
which stands about six kilometers south
of the mountain. It and Seralung Retreat
or Selung Monastery (about five miles
west of Gyangdrak) are described, for
instance, in the pilgrimage/trekking
guide by Victor Chan.56 Gyangdrak
was the seat of the Drigung-appointed
dordzin , the prestigious head of the Drigung sect in those parts, and it still exists
as a li ving establishment.
2. Murals in Purang
Purang is the site of five Drigung Kagyu
branch monasteries. (See appendix C,
nos. 8- 12.) Gongbur Gonpa is also mentioned in chapter 6 of this volume as a
mural site of the middle period of Drigung Kagyu painting.
3. Murals in Limi
Limi is located near Purang in the corner of northwestern Nepal. According
to the drikung.org website, Ti l Kunzom
Dongak Choling in Limi possesses
"outstanding wall paintings."57 Weltse
Tshokkhang (Lhakhang Nyingpa)
and Gonkhang, 1530s
3. Purang, Gongbur (alias Tsegu)
Gonpa, circa 1550-1600?
Late Period Mural Sites
I. Lan1ayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang
(Avalokitesvara Chapel),
Dukhang, circa 1860s
2. Lan1ayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang,
Veranda (Veranda), Lantern, lower
row of figures, circa 1870s (lineage up to Dri 35, 1871- 1906)
3. Phyang, Tshokkhang, Lantern
(lineage up to Dri 35, 1871- 1906)
Rinchen Ling is another prominent surviving site.
4. Phyang, Dukhang, Lantern, central wall (lineage up to Dri 37.
1927- 1940)
4. Mural Sites in Ladakh
5. Lan1ayuru, Gonkhang, circa 1930
(''up to thirty-sixth lan1a of Drigung Kagyu lineage'' i.e., Dri 37,
1927- 1940)
In Ngari there survived more than a
dozen roughly datable and stylistically
quite distinct sites with mural paintings
that were sponsored by Drigung Kagyu
patrons. Dating from the last eight centuries, they include four at a renowned
early site- Aichi - and feature a wide
variety of styles. (To improve the accuracy of dating, I have concentrated on
those that depict guru lineages.) Here I
list fifteen notable ones, dividing them
into three periods:
Early Period Mural Sites
I . Alchi, Sumtsek Temple, circa
1200-1210
2 . Alchi, Small Stupa, circa
1210-12 15?
3. Alchi, Lotsawa Lhakhang, circa
1215-1220?
4 . Alchi, Lhakhang Soma, circa
1217- 1220s
5. Larnayuru, Sengge Gang,
1240s- 1260s
6 . Wanla, circa 1250s- 1280s?
Middle Period Mural Sites
I . Ph yang, Guru Lhakhang,
circa 1440s? (predating Tashi
Chodzong)
2. Phyang. Tashi Chodzong,
and Wanla. Five of them contain depictions of lineal gurus (which greatly
helps their dating) . The first monastery,
at A! chi, contains at least four stylistically distinct early temples, while only
one early temple survives at Lamayuru
and Wanla. The Alchi monastic complex lies about seventy-six kilometers
west of Leh and ' ·contains six temples
as well as three painted gateway stupas
(kakani chorten, ka-ka.-ni mchod-rten)
of a style lmique to the AI chi group."58
The monastery is renowned for its art
and can provide us with at least four
distinctive temples and murals from the
point of view of early Drigung Kagyu
portraiture:
1. AI chi, Sumtsek Temple, circa
1200-1210
2. Alchi, Small Stupa mural, circa
12 10-1215?
3 . Alchi, Lotsawa Lhakhang, circa
1220s-early 1230s?
4 . Alchi, Lhakhang Soma, circa
1217- 1220s
6. Lan1ayuru, New Dukhang,
Veranda, 1976
In chapter I 1 in this volume, Christian
Luczanits explores several of the most
prominent earlier Drigung Kagyu mural
sites in more detail.
1. A/chi Sumlsek
Among the oldest Drigung mural sites in
Ladakh, the earli est example of Drigung
EARLY DRIGUNG KAGYU
F JG. 1.2.2
MONASTERIES IN LADAKH
Here I begin by briefly describing six
mural sites that are found in three monasteries in Ladakh: Alchi, Lamayuru,
Plan of !:he Alchi monastic complex
De[3iJ of a plan made by a team from
!:he Graz University of Technology wi!:h
adjustments by the a uthor/C. Luczanits
After C. Luczanirs 2005 , p. 79.
0
S...•l...
2_0+I-------+I-40metres
_o_ _ _ _ _ _ _
PAINTI N G TR A DITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
9
Kagyu portrait paintings is found at
Alchi, in western Ladakh. In Figure 1.23,
Jigten Sumgon appears i.n a Kagyu lineage in a mural of Sumtsek Temple of
that monastery. This is one of the earliest
examples of Drigung ponraiture among
mural paintings and is the first depiction
of a lineage within the Alchi complex.59
The series of masters portrayed is a
lineage of sorts, but it includes three of
Gampopa's disciples. (Luczanits lists
them in order, giving the actual Alchi
spellings of their names f,oThe lineage is:
I. Vajradhara
2 . Ti lo
3 . Narc
4 . Marpa
5. Milarepa
6. Dwags po chen po [sGam po pa,
1079- 1153]
7. Dwags po dBon [sGom pa Tshul
khrims snying po, 1116-1169)
8. Dwags po dBon chung ba [sGom
chlmg ba or dBon sgom Shes rab
byang chub, 1130- 1173)
9. Lama Phagmotrupa (Bia ma Phag
mo gru pa)
10. Lama Drigungpa (Bia rna 'B ri
gung pa. i.e., Ji gten Sumgon,
1143- 1217)
Their positions are indicated by
Diagram [A). For guru number 7, the
dwags po on in the inscription is a misspelling of dwags po dbon (''The Dwags
po nephew"), which refers to Gampopa 's
nephew and monastic successor, Gompa
Tshultrim Nyingpo (sGom pa Tshul
khrims snying po). Similarly for number
8 , the dwags po on clumg of the inscription is a misspelling of dwags po dbon
c/umg. ''The Jesser Dakpo (Dwags po)
nephew," referring to another of Gam -
fiG. I.2.3
Ten Lineal Gurus of a Dakpo Kagyu Lineage
Left panel, lantern's entrance wall, Sumtsek,
Alchi; ca. 1200- 1210
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010
Literature: Roger Goepper and Jaroslav
Poncar 1996, p. 216; cf. C. Luczanits 2011,
fig. 6.1 (general view of wall) and 6.3 (the
three botrom-row lineal lamas in the left
panel).
IO
CHAPTER 1
4
7
10
3
2
6
5
9
8
popa's nephews, Tshultrim Nyingpo's
younger brother Gomchung (sGom
chung or dBon sgom) Sherab Changchup (S hes rab byang chub). The painters were not familiar with this subject,
and it is strange that the last three lamas
(gurus 8-10) all have nearl y the same
01.24
Alchi, Small Srupa
Phorograph by C. Luczanits, 2010
ftG. 1.25
Jigten Sumgon as equal to a buddha
Mural, Small Stupa, Alchi, ca. 1210-1215?
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
Literature: C. Luczanits 2011, fig. 6.5
"Drigungpa in the small Srupa of Alchi in
the center of a composition derived &om
central Tibet."
face and distinctive hairline (typical of
Jigten Sumgon), whi le Phagmotrupa, for
instance, is unlike his other well-known
early portraits .6 1
Since Jigten Sumgon is the final
master, we can assume that the painting dates to a time when he stiU lived.
I would estimate a date within the
last two decades of his life (i.e., circa
ll97- 12l7) . Luczanits considers this to
be one of the earliest representations of a
lineage not only for the Drigung Kagyu,
in particular, but also for the Kagyu
Schools, in general. 62
2. Alchi, Small Stupa mural, circa
1210- 1215?
In Figure 1.25, the manner of portraiture
has changed strikingly. For the first time
a Tibetan lama appears in a position and
with features that clearly equate him
with a buddha, as described by Luczanits. The "so-called Rinchen Zangpo"
of the painting turned out to be Jigten
Sumgon, though this had been completely forgotten by local tradition.
This portrait, which is somewhat
hidden within a small stupa in the monastic complex (Fig. 1.24), thus reflects a
second early stage of Jigten Sumgon 's
portraiture, which has taken on board
some central-Tibetan painting conventions. The unusual lineage in the top register has the ordering of Diagram [B].
Up to guru number 4 it depicts the lineage down to the long-haired Marpa, but
after him there is no clear white-robed
Bl
ga
ga
ga
ga
ga
I
2
3
4
8
5
6
7
B2
oa
"'oa
"'oa
"'oa
0
oa
"'
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
II
Philip Denwood in vol. 2 of Snellgrove and Skorupski , The Cultural
Heritage of Ladakh, presents the text of
the Lotsawa Lhakhang (Lo tsa ba Uw
khang) inscription.61 He noticed that the
language seems much later than most of
theAichi inscriptions -perhaps as late
as the thirteenth century.64 The first verse
he interpreted as referring to Atisa and
Dromttin and to Rinchen Zangpo.65 But
the phrases "bla ma bka · brgyud" and
"dws rje 'gro 'gon yab sras" definitely
refer to lamas of the Kagyu tradition
and to Jigten Sumgon and his chief disciple or disciples. That would perfectly
fit the lineage depiction. which goes
down to the third abbot. Denwood also
noted in his inscription I0 (the later
one recording Tashi Namgyal 's renovation of Alchi) the strange phrase ''A! chi
Drigung" (A lei 'Bri gum) as possibly
stating a link with Drigung, perhaps seeing Alchi as a sort of miniature Drigung
fiG. I .1.6A
Jigren Sumgon with gurus and deities
Lorsawa Lhakh:111g, Alchi; ca.
U20s-mid-12 30s
Phorograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
Lirerarure: Pal and Fournier 1982, fig. LL2.
repa, except possibly guru 7. So possibly
5 and 6 were meant to depict Gampopa
and Phagmotrupa. who were moved out
of order.
3. A/chi. Lotsawa Uwklumg. ca.
1220s-mid- 1230s?
Figure 1.26a is another lama portrait that
for many generations, if not centuries.
was held to depict the Tibetan translator
Rinchen Zangpo. Indeed, it is the most
prominent guru portrait within a temple
that is still referred to as the "Lotsawa
Lhakhang." (It is one of three large
images depicted on the wall directly
facing the entrance door [wall I of R.
Khosla 1979. p. 64.J. the other two being
Buddha S!ikyamuni and Four-armed
I2
CHAPTER I
Avalokitesvara.) In the previously available illustration. it was difficult to discern the faces and details of the minor
deities. Yet (like Fig. 125) it follows a
classic central-Tibetan composition that
prominently depicts both lineage and the
Eight Great Adepts .
Thanks to the photographs of
details (see Figs. 126b and 1.26c), it
is now possible to see the nine lineal
gurus and gurus below them more
clearly. I conclude that after the central
figure (guru 8) the lineage probably
continues for two more generations, as
shown by two lamas in the right column
(gurus 9 and I 0). My interpretation of
the upper part of the painting is shown
in Diagram fC].
The two lamas in the right column
cannot have been placed there random ly.
Chronologically, the consequence is that
we are conveyed to the generation of the
third Drigung abbot. Sonam DraJ.:pa (Dri
3. abbacy 1221-1234). I would propose
a dating of about the 1220s or before the
mid- 1230s.
monastery.66
Concerning the Lotsawa Lhakhang,
Luczanits says: 67 ''Temples like the
MaiijusnTem ple in Alchi show a
decline in material and artistic quality.
Further. the Lotsaba Lhakhang. which
was added to the side of the Maiijusrf
temple at some later stage. combines
the earlier western Himalayan stylistic
features with the foreign central Tibetan
ones. However, the artistic quality of
the murals is much poorer than in any
of its predecessors." Reconsidering the
inscription, Luczanits adds: 68
The inscription there. which
alludes to a person named Rin-chen
(among others). may well be the
reason for the association of this
temple, and in extension the whole
Alchi Monastery. with this fan10us
translator of the lith century. However. Rin-chen can also refer to
Drigungpa because his ordination
name is Rin-<:hen-dpal (Magnificent Jewel), a name inscribed on
the back of the Origungpa thangka,
F IG. 1. 2.611
Derail of Fig. 1.26a, beginning of lineage
Jigten Sumgon with gurus and deities
Lotsawa Lhakhang, Alchi; ca.
1220s- mid-1230s?
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010
ga?
Bl
I
2
'
.)
7
4
5
6
ga?
ga?
ga?
ga?
ga?
9
8
10
FIG. I.2.6C
ga?
ga?
Derail of Fig. 1.26a, continuation of lineage
Jigten Sumgon with gurus and deities
Lotsawa Lhakhang, Alchi; ca.
1220s-mid-1230s?
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
ga?
ga?
are found in the representation of
a hierarch on the main wal l of the
Alchi Lotsawa Lhakhang, which
which is in a pri vate collection.
There, the name used is Rat:na guru
sri, a phrase that trans lates into
Rin-chen bla-ma dpal. The acrostic
of the first line (four verses) in the
likely goes back to the late 13th
or early 14th century. Very likely
it is again Drigungpa that is repre-
the main lineage of Drigung abbots is
sented there .69
depicted.
Thus, if the second abbot of Drigung (Dri 2) is s hown, then the dating
4. Alehi Uzakhang Soma
written in red ink instead of black,
Figure 1.27 depicts a crucial lineage-
reads Bla-ma chos-rje Rin-chen
bla-ma and, thus, may well refer to
bearing mural in the Lhakhang Soma.
This reading is further s upported by the depiction of the
teacher on the main wall of that
temple which is to some extent
simi lar to that in the Small
Chorten. More decisivel y. however,
the depiction conforms to a large
degree to the Drigungpa paintings
and 9 . [Dri 2] Khenchen Gurawa
Tshultrim Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra
ba Tshul khrims rdo rje, 1154-1221),
tenure 1217- 1221. Here we assume that
Translator's Temple inscription.
Drigungpa.
mgon, 1143- 1217), tenure 1179- 12 17;
The second part of the name (Soma,
gsar ma) marks it as the relatively new
temple of Alchi. I briefly discussed it in
my Nepalese Legacy catalog.70 There
I dated it to 1220- 1250. For its guru
lineage order see Diagram [D].At that
time, I assumed that Sherab Jungne
could have been shown in the Lhakhang
Soma lineages one generation after the
shou ld be revised to the early 1220s,
Khenchen Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje's
tenure of 12 17- 1221. He was abbot of
Drigung at the time of Sherab Jungne 's
visit to Ladakh during the first three
years of his six-year journey to Ngari
(1219- 1225) and "fotmding" of Lamayuru. (According to Vitali, Sherab Jungne
was involved in Lamayuru's restoration
at that time, in about the early 1220s.)11
5. Lamayuru, Sengge Gang Temple .
1240s- 1260s
used as comparisons for the Small
Drigung founder (since he personally
visited Purang in 1219). In that catalog
Chorten depiction and, thus, also
when interpreting the main lineage, I
ln recent centuries the second most
belongs to this group.
jun1ped to the fourth abbot, skipping
prominent Drigung Kagyu monastery in
the second and third. Strictly speak-
Ladakh (after Phyang) was Lamayuru,
whose full name was Lan1ayuru Thar-
Luczani ts also states:
The gravest misunders tandings
ing, the last two gurus in the Lhakhang
Soma lineage should normall y be: 8.
[Dri I] Ji gten Sumgon ('Ji g rten gsum
paling (Bla ma g.Yung drung Thar pa
gling). Possessing more monks than the
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SCHOOL
I3
fiG. 1.2.7
Hevajra with Kagyu Lineage
Lhakhang Soma, Alchi, Ladakh;
1217- 1220s
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
Literature: P. Pal1982, plate LS15; and D.
Jackson 2010, p. 120, fig. 6.27.
for just one temple in what later
became a large monastery, may
quite possibly recall the name of
the original foundation . The main
image here is a well preserved
stucco representation of the primary Buddha Vairocana (see the
frontispiece of [Snellgrove and
Skorupski's] Cultural Heritage,
vol. l), with the other four Buddha
manifestations of the five-Buddha
mandala arranged two to either
side. His mandala also appears as
a mural painting on the left wall.
Also on the back wall to the left
are miniature scenes of the life of
Sakyamuni, similar to those found
in tl1e Lhakhang Soma at Alchi.
8
6
4
2
Phyang, it was located in lower (western) Ladakh, about 124 kilometers west
of Leh, the capital.72 A much older foundation than Phyang, it was reconfirmed
to the Drigung Kagyu School by King
Jan1yang Nan1gyal in the 1530s, during
the long Ladakh visit of Choje Denma,
who greatly expanded it.
Lamayuru was built on a very
ancient site, taking into account the
play of sunlight upon the landscape. It
originally consisted of five mandala-like
temples, traditionally said to have been
built in the time of Rinchen Zan gpo.
73
The earliest surviving temple is the
14
CHAPTER 1
3
5
7
9
Senggang (Seng sgang) Temple. It is
within a structure that is traditionally
called the Lotsawa Lhakhang, which
includes a Gonkhang and verandal1.74
(Fig. 1.29.)
Snellgrove described the temple:7 ;
One small temple [is] known as
Seng-sgang ("Lion Peak"). From
its iconography this may be placed
in [the] time of Rin-chen-bzangpo or soon afterwards, nan1ely the
lith to 12th century. The rather
unusual name of "Lion Peak"
The Sengge Lhakhang can be
approached in two ways: up the stairs
behind the main building of Lamayuru
and via a lower route passing through
part of the nearby village. As in Alchi,
we find Yogatantra mandalas in it, with
Sarvavid Vairocana (Kun rig rNan1 par
sNang mdzad) as main deity.
Romi Khosla describes the Sengge Gang Chapel in his book, Buddhist
Monasteries in the Western Himalayas.
with four photographs (figs. 52- 55) and
an architectural plan.76 He introduces
the monastery and setting,77 describing
the temple in some detail, mentioning that the main monastic complex
of Lamayuru was "so conspicuously
placed on the Leh-Srinagar route that
it provides a very convenient resting
stage for travellers." The same spot. he
believed, would have been convenient
for army camps that traveled the same
route in earlier periods, such as the
invading army of Zorawar Singh in the
fiG. I.28
Lamayuru in the 1930s
Photograph after M. Pa llis 1949, p. 234
[-4], "Storm Clouds over Yuru."
.
FIG. I.29
I .. '
,
Plan of Sengge Gang Temple
After Romi Khosla 1979, no. 12, p. 69.
FIG. I.30
Ancient column capital
Sengge Gang Temple, Lamayuru; 13th
century
Photograph by C. Luczanirs
.f.
nineteenth century. He continued, ''The
original traces of antiquity have therefore long disappeared. Not only have
armies camped here in the past, but
even today the process of demolition
and re-construction is carried on under
the direction of the monks." 78
"Sanctity, however, seemed to be
attached to a small temple located well
below the main monastery complex
which is among some of the monk's residences.'>79 Two clear signs of antiquity
that Khosla mentioned (in addition to the
carved wooden door frame) are the central stucco image of Vairocana and the
ancient column capital that caps a recent
roughly made capital (Plate 52).80 (See
Fig. 130.)
Khosla added: 8 '
The murals on the wal ls of the
Senge sgang are in a very bad
condition and make it difficult to
identify content and style. Snellgrove and Skorupski have identified a mural of the 11 -headed
Avalokitesvara and a mandala of
Vairocana. Plate 53 shows a part of
the painting below the Vairocana
mandala. [My Fig. 13 J shows a
detail from another panel.]
translates that the Tise Karchag says that
he founded ('debs) Yuru. In his main
historical account though, Vitali always
interprets the word as "renovated."
Further, he believed it was a project supported by the Ladakh king Ngtidrup Gtin
(dNgos grub mgon). Finally he thought
that the particular Lamayuru temple
Sherab Junone
"founded" or "renovated"
0
was Sengge Gang saying, "It contains
murals dating to the 13th century."
(Vitali may be right that Lamayuru was
renovated or expanded then, since it
Roberto Vitali in his Guge-Purang
book of 1996 dated Sengge Gang
Temple to the (early) thirteenth century.
He thought that Sherab Jungne, who
visited Ngari in 1219- 1225, renovated
probably was founded long before the
advent there of the Drigung Kagyu; at
the same time, the 1ise Karc/Jak may be
correct if its author wanted to stress tl1e
Lamayuru .82 Vi tali correct! y quotes and
establishment of Lamayuru at that time
as a branch of Drigung.)
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I5
prayer-wall and some chO!ens [stu-
pas] and then the first house surrounded by its fields of ripe barley.
Ten minutes later a bend in the valley brings into view the Wan1a Fort,
perched on its summit of crags, a
fantastically beautiful setting.
Just below the fort stands the
temple [of Wanla], about 6 meters
square, dedicated to 11-headed
Avalokitesvara like other old
temples in Ladakh. Inside there
are alcoves in the main faci ng
wall and to the right and the left,
containing respectively images of
Avalokitesvara (white), Lokesvara
FIG. 1.31
Phagmotrupa and Jigten Swngon
Painting in Senge Gang Temple, Lamayuru
13th century
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
Literature: R. Linrothe 2009, fig. 5
Vitali describes the style of the
Sengge Gang murals: 83
The wall paintings in the TibetoPala sty le of the 13th century are
sti ll found in the Seno-oe-soano
0 0
0
0
together with relics dating to the
Kha-che artistic period in West
Tibet (i.e., the sculpted cycle composing its shrine and some murals
depicting dkyil 'klwr-s on the left
wal l). Some mchod rten-'s of the
Byang chub chen po type, also
called Ka ni ka mchod rten-s in the
literature (i .e., stu pas with a passageway), are located near to the
Seng ge sgang below the sandy
spur on which the later Bla ma g.yu
ru monastery was bui It.
Wanla is an lith-century ruined
citadel, like so many in Ladakh,
with a small temple attached, containing ancient murals. To get there
from Lamay um one rides gently
up along a valley with willows and
poplars all turning to their autumn
tints. This gradually becomes a
narrow gorge with fantastic rock
others assumed, to Rinchen Zan gpo's
time. But when was it bui lt? Its dati ng
about 1240.''85 The same scholar in his
the open as one crosses the pass
with brown and reddish summits
article of 1996 on Kanji and the Phyang
all around, as bleak and as desolate
Guru Lhakhang repeats his dating of
Wanla to about 1240.86
as one can imagine. This pass is in
fact higher than Mt. Blanc [4,810
Christian Luczanits, who studied
the temple more intensively, dated it vari-
meters (15,781 ft.) high, the highest point in the AI ps and western
Europe], but as the valleys on both
ously. For instance, in hi s article of 2002
devoted to "The Wan la bKra shis gsum
brtsegs," he concludes it dates to the "first
sides are correspondingly high, the
half of 14th century." More recently he
differences in e levation are prob-
opines: 117 "According to an inscription to
the side of the Maitreya image, the Wanla
ably only 1000 meters [i.e., around
3,280 feet]. One descends the far
side into a similar gorge. Some dry
patches of grass appear, and then
briars. Then a little stream trickles
their appearance, and Ngawang
says at once, "Houses and fields
cannot be far away." Suddenly the
gorge opens out into a valley with
trees , poplars and willows along
the river's edge. One passes a
CHAPTER 1
Wanla did not date, as Snellgrove and
disappear. Then one emerges into
David Snellgrove in 1979 visited the
16
TEMPLE OF WANLA
cliffs on both sides and all trees
forth, gradual ly becoming a substantial river. A few birds make
described his ride there on horseback
from Lamayum:84
D ATING THE THREE-STORY
has remained something of a puzzle:
Vitali in his book of 1996 dated it "to
6. Wanta Three-Story (Sumlsek) or
Chujik:Jzal Temple, ca. 1250s- 1280s?
picturesque citadel of Wan Ia, with
its temple and surviving murals. He
'
(dark hued) and Sakyamuni.
temple was erected by a certain 'Bhagdar-skyab, the eldest son of a minister of
an unnamed government. This occurred
most probably in the late thirteenth or
early fourteenth century, an otherwise
wholly obscure period of Ladakh's history."88 Still later Luczanits dates it to tl1e
early fourteenth century.89
The Wanla inscription was quoted
in footnotes of both Vi tali 1996a and
Luczanits 2002 but was finally published
in complete form by Kurt Tropper only
Ftc. 1.3:t
Sadaksara Avalokitdvara with Two
Attendants and Kagyu Lineage
Wanla, Ladakh; ca. 1250s-1280s
Photograph by C. luczanirs
Literature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 344; D. jackson 20 I 0, fig. 6.30.
in 2007. Thus Vitali dated Wan) a quite
early ("to about 1240").90 He considered
it to be close in style to the Lamayuru
Sengge Gang. He describes its ' 'Sumtsek
Temple":91
Cos mopolitanism was in vogue at
Wan-la. Its inscription says that
Newar prototypes were used as
model s for the complex threedimensional decoration of the gswn
brtsegs roof, which no longer survives:9Z ... while the artists working in its interior were Tibetan.93
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
II
12
Though the historical background
of this period is obscure. Vitali dates the
have necessitated a slightly later dating
than the 1240s.)
main patron of Wanla. the ruler Triptin
Bhagdar Kyab (Khri dpon 'Shag dar
The Wanla mural (Fig. I 32). judging by the lineage it depicts. should be
dated two or three guru generations later
would be: 12. (Dri 5]Jung Dorje Drakpa
( 121 0-1278), abbacy 1255-1278.
At a second location, another lineage is found, but it is thirteen gurus
than the lineage of the Lhakhang Soma
(Fig. I .27) . What exactly do the lineages
show? lo Wanla. the entire temple has
only one or two lineage-depicting pan-
lo ng (as C. Luczanits 2002 and K. Tropper 2007 record) . That would bring us
to Thokkhawa Rinchen Sengge, tenure
1278- 1284.) In any case. I would sug-
els. One is depicted above SaQak~ara
Avalokitesvara with attendants.95 The lin eage order is shown in Diagram [E].
Guru numbers 4 and 5 are obviously
gest an approximate date of the Wanla
lineages and Vitali's interpretations of
Marpa and Milarepa, judging by their
distinctive iconography. So if the lineage
the inscription, the contents of which do
seem to fit the mid-thirteenth century
corresponds to the standard Drigung
Kagyu lineage or something close to it,
it indicates a dating to approximately
the time of the fifth throne-holder of
better than the early fourteenth. (In the
remainder of the Yuan period, after Drigung was destroyed in 1290. the Driguog
Kagyu is unlikely to have received prom-
Driguog- who in the normal abbatialline
was lung Dorje Drakpa 1210-1278. (His
abbacy was from 1255 to 1278.) That
agrees fairly closely with the lower range
of the dating if the maio Dri gung throne
holders follow the usual abbatial progressioo: i.e., we reach between 1235 and
inent support in Ngari in the form of
newly established temples such as this.)
s Kyabs). who was the eldest son of a
Ladakhi royal mini ster, to the time of
early Dri gung influence and the rule of
Ngari by the Namsa Bakshi (gNam sa
dPa' shi), i.e .. in any case between 1240
and 1280.9-1 He considered Bhagdar Kyab
to be (with De khyim) an instance of
resurgence of local power in Ladakh during the 1240s. That may have been true
about hi s initial ri se to power, but he also
was someone who effectively had his
rule legitimatized by the greatest powers
of the day (the Mongols), if his later title
tripon (klzri dpon) was a Mongol one, as
seems most likely.
The references of Vitali to Wanla
in hi s Guge-Purang book thus indicate
a dating to the mid-thirteenth century
(ci rca 1240s or 1250). (Vitali apparently
did not notice that Bhagdar Kyab was
already deceased at the time that Wanla
Temple was built by his sons; that would
1255. The last Drigung abbot depicted
murals to between 1255 and 1284,
cons idering the presence of both guru
PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SC HOOL
17
Early Research Touching on
Drigung Kagyu Art
Drigung Kagyu
painting was not a well-known area of
Tibetan art history. At first it was hardly
recognized in its own right, as distinct,
for instance, from Drukpa Kagyu art.
Scholars had reached no consensus
about whether the Drigung Kagyu ever
possessed its own special painting style,
though hints to that effect started surfacing in the secondary literature as early
as the 1940s. By the 1980s and 1990s,
a few scholars either asserted the existence of a Drigung style or used the term
Driri without explaining or defining it.
In this chapter I summarize the earliest
publications on Drigung Kagyu art, from
the 1940s unti I around 200 I.
UNTIL RECENTLY,
MARCO PALLIS 1939 AND 1948
The first and only Western publication
from the 1930s to touch on Drigung
Kagyu art was the book Peaks and
Lamas by Marco Pall is ( 1895-1989),
which first appeared in 1939.96 Pall is visited Ladakh in 1936 and met at Phyang
Monastery a monk-painter named Konchok, whom he specified was from the
"Dikhung" [i.e., Drigung] Kagyu order.
That painter recommended Marco Pallis to visit Drigung Monastery in central
Tibet and study Buddhism there under
the head lan1a of his school. 97
Though the original edition of the
book appeared in 1939, ?allis extensively rewrote it during and immediately
after World War 11, cutting much old
matter and adding a new chapter. As he
wrote in a note to the revised edition,98
the new version of 1948 "was to be
regarded as fully authoritative." 99 In the
1939 edition of his book, Pal lis alluded
to DriQUilo
Kaoyu
paintino 100 sayi no
c
0
0
0
that Pall is and his two traveli ng companions each commissioned thangkas from
Konchok Gyaltshen. 10 1 Then, one day,
the painter suddenly asked Pallis: 102
0~
"Do you wish me to put in ordinary
clouds or Kargyudpa clouds?"
"What are they?" we asked.
"Why should there be two sorts of
clouds?"
"But there are " said the lan1a·
'
'
"from ancient times the artists of
scholar to place Tibetan art within its
actual political and cui tural context,
through the study and systematic analysis of local historical sources.'' 103 Tucci's
magnum opus, Tibetan Painted Scrolls,
contained a lot of Tibetan history though
relatively little iconographic analysis. 10>
When Tucci published his ground breaking work in three sumptuous vol -
we are of course pennitted to use
the ordinary methods, too, but we
prefer our own tradition." We of
umes from Rome in 1949, he produced
a masterpiece that was far too expensive for ordinary people in post-war
Europe. But among scholars of Tibet it
became an instant classic. He ill ustrated
a thangka that depicted Hayagrfva with
consort (rTa m.g rin yah yum) . 105 (See
also chapter 8, Figure 8.17.) Though
Tucci did not realize it, this painting was
one of the first thangkas published in the
West that should be attributed to a Dri-
course ordered Kagyupa clouds for
our thangkas; they can be seen on
the photograph opposite page 404,
where one of Gyaltshan 's works
gung Kagyu stylistic corpus.
Though he possessed the broadest
knowledge of Tibetan painting among
scholars of his generation, Tucci was not
has been reproduced.
in a position to notice any connection
with the Drigtmg Kagyu, either stylistic or doctrinal. The mixed Drigung/
Nyingma iconographic content posed
special difficulties. Tucci stressed the
ove1tly Nyingma content of the work,
the Kargyudpa have their own
special convention for portraying
clouds, and also certain plants. No
other order draws them as we do;
Konchok Gyaltshan was thus proficient
in both Drigung and non-Drigung styles.
We should understand "Drigun.g Kagyu"
whenever Pall is speaks of "Kargyudpa"
clouds.
GIUSEPPE Tucci 1949
Modern studies of Tibetan art history
can be said to have begun with the
research of the Italian scholar Giuseppe
Detail of Fig. 2.1a
Tucci ( 1894-1984). He visited important temples of western Tibet (Ngari)
and Tsang Province. He was "the first
enumerating the minor scenes featuring
Padmasan1bhava, quoting and translating the inscription beneath each scene.
He classified the painting under his loose
rubric "Tibetan ' Settecento' Various
Schools," 106 yet we can now recognize
the mountains and clouds as typical of the
PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
I,9
FIG. 2..IA
Milarepa, Rechungpa, and Gampopa
Dimensions unknown
After G. Tucci 1949, plates 40 and 41.
of that thangka. Yet with a second painting that he also published in Tibetan
Painted Scrolls ( plates 40/41 ), he erred
egregiously, overlooking the painting's
more obvious Drigung Kagyu origin.
Though the thangka had overt Drigun.g
Kagyu links, he misidentified its main
guru, wrongly reading his name as
''Zhang pa rOo rje." The correct name is
bZhad pa' i rdo rje, a name for Milarepa.
In this painting, Figure 2 .la, Tucci
was also misled by the shape of the lineal
gurus' hats, believing that they represented lamas from one of the other Dakpo
Kagyu sub-sects: 107 "All around are pictures of gods and masters, all belonging,
as may be seen from the shape of their
hats , to the 'Brug pa school." He also
overlooked the presence of the Drigw1g
School's founder, Kyobpa Jigten Sumgyi
Gonpo (sKyob pa ' Jig rten gsum [gyi]
mgon po), though a label clearly names
him in the top-right comer.
The thangka 's three central figures
actually are: Milarepa. Rechungpa, and
Gampopa. The painting depicts them
and the other smaller gurus as the lin -
9
4
2
lib? II a?
13
IS
17
7
19
I
6
3
8
5
10
12
14
16
eage of White Amitayus according to
the tradition of the Queen of Realization (Grub pa' i rgyal mo' i lugs kyi Tshe
18
dpag med), a specialty of Rechungpa. 108
I have reconstructed the lineage follow-
20
ing Tucci's transcriptions of the names,
[P22]
though one name is evidently missing
from the left column in Diagran1 [A].
21
The patron of the painting [P 22 in the
Driri style of the eighteenth or nineteenth
century. Tucci seems to have used the
Italian word settecefllo (seven hundred)
categories or groupings. "Khams Style"
was his next main class of paintings,
while ' 'The Great Yellow Monasteries of
to designate "various [eighteenth-century
central-Tibetan] styles," which was one
the Yellow Sect" was the preceding one.
of his later fairly extraneous stylistic
by the mixed Drigung/Nyingma content
20
C HAPTER 2
Tucci was understandably misled
chart] is named. according to the inscription, Namkha Palgon (Nam mkha ' dpal
mgon). He was probably the disciple
of guru number 21, Nan1kha Samdrup
(Nan1 mkha' bsam 'grub) .
The I i neage can be reconstructed
from Tucci's transcriptions as: 109
I. 'Od dpag med (Amitayus)
2. sPyan ras gzigs (Avalokite5vara)
3. Grub pa "i rgyal mo
4. U rgyan padma "byung gnas
[Padmasambhava]
5. Ti phu pa
6. [Milarepa[ bZhad pa rdo rje
(7. Ras chung rOo rje grags pa
1083-11611
[8. sGam po pa bSod nams rio chen]
9. Phag mo gru pa
10. sKyob pa "Jig rten gsum [gyi]
mgon po
I Ia. [missing in Tucci 1949?]
I I b. sPyan snga G rags pa 'byung gnas
( 1175-1255)
12. Yar [= Yang I dgon Chos rje
[=Yang dgon pa Thugs kyi rdo rje]
13. sPyan ln ga Rigs ldan [=sPyan
Rin chen or Thugs sras sPyan
snoa
0
snga Rigs ldan]
14. Zur rus pa I=Zur phug pa Rin
chen dpal bzang]
15. sKyes mchog rGyal mchog dpal
bzang (="Ba· ra ba rGyal mtshan
dpal bzang?]
16. Sangs rgyas bsod dbang
17. Lo chen Nam mkha · grags pa
18. mKhas grub Sangs rgyas dpal
bzang
19. Ph a rgod bSod nams bzang po
20. sPrul sku Nam mkha" rgyal
mtshan (1372-1 437)
21. mKhas btsun Nam mkha · bsam
'grub (1408-1462?)
Tucci provides only s ix names for
the seven lamas in the left column (did
number II a, or another
he omi t ouru
0
one?). Rechungpa should be the main
number 6). as he was actu(ouru
fioure
0
o
ally the guru of Milarepa for this lineage.
Could ..s Prul sk-u Nam mkha · rgyal
mtshan'' be Lachiwa Nan1kha Gyaltshen
(La phyi ba Nam mkha· rgyal mtshan.
1372-1437)? That master was the main
transmitter of this and similar Rechung
lineages to later generations. as mentioned in Michael Pahlke ·s recent study
of his life.110
The lineage was popular among
Kagyu lamas in western Tibet in the
sixteenth century. Two different (Drilineaoes
Kaoyu)
ouno
° for this Rcc hung
0
0
0
transmission ( twenty and twenty-five
ourus lono) are found in the murals of
0
"
Phyang, Ladakh, and Gun bur (Tsegu),
Purang. A thangka for a western Tibetan
Drukpa lineage of the same Rechungpatransmined tradition is preserved in the
Koelz collection in Ann Arbor.'"
DAVID SNELLGROVE AND lADEUSZ
F1c. :>..r8
Detail of Fig. 2. La
Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski
inu·oduced in the 1970s many important
cultural sites of Ladakh. most of them
Buddhist monasteries. Volume I ( 1977)
was the fruit of the authors' three-anda-half-month stay in Ladakh during late
1974 and early 1975.112 They hurried to
Ladakh soon after the region was opened
to outside visitors for the first time in
many years. considering it to be the most
significant survival of Tibetan culture in
SKORUPSKI 1977 AND 1980
the world. 113
Through their two-volume book, The
Culhtral Heritage of Ladakh. David
Snellgrove and Skorupski present Lamayuru Monastery as one of
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
2I
two Drigung Kagyu monasteries they
visited, the other being Phyang. 114 Their
consideration of Phyang Monastery
seems superficial in comparison.115 They
evidently did not learn then about other
major Drigung Kagyu sites such as
the temple near the Wanla Citadel. nor
did they realize that the main site they
studied. AI chi -where they stayed two
weeks-was originally Drigung Kagyu.
Later in his memoirs. Asian Commitment, Snellgrove recounts the same
visit to Ladakh of 1974-75. He provides
a more detailed and positive account of
Phyang and its murals; we also learn
that he visited Phyang on November 29,
1974.11 6
We then drove on to Phyang, which
was new to us. another ten miles in
the same direction. The monastery
is built on a hilltop up a side valley
north of the Indus with a village
just below. The wall paintings. dating from the 1930s. are very good
indeed. as was observed by Marco
Pall is when he visited Phyang sixty
years ago. 117 The fifteen monks
present received us in a very
friendly manner.
Snellgrove followed Petech 's wrong
information about its founding: 118
Phyang was founded in the 16th
century by Tashi Namgyal [sic!],
one of the greatest of Ladakhi
kings, as a Kagyupa monastery
of the 'Bri-gung-pa Order in connecti on with a visi 1 of the abbot of
Drigung ....
When visi ting Lamayuru a few years
later (in 1979). Snellgrove found "a veritable museum." with wonderful murals.
In panicular. he remarked on the excellent quality of both the recent murals
depicting the Kings of the Four Quarters
in the antechamber and the sacrificial
cakes (forma. gtor ma) in the gonkhang.
22
C BArTER :Z.
"which would surely win a prize, were
such prizes offered for these displays."
(Both murals and forma cakes were the
handiwork of the Drigung monk-artist
Yeshe Jan1yang.) (Snellgrove's account
is quoted in chapter 9 .) 119
Snellgrove called Lamayuru "one
of the most impressive monasteries in
Ladakh."120 (See Fig. 2.2.) After visiting it for three days in October 1979. he
went to the picturesque citadel of Wanla.
with its temple and surviving murals.
This was his last journey to Ladakh and
to the Himalayas.
LuciANO PETECH 1978
Luciano Petech 'sanicle of 1978, ''The
'Bri-gung-pa Sect in Western Tibet and
Ladakh," carefully summarized the
history of the Drigung Kagyu School
in Western Tibet. It supplemented the
scattered mentions in the much earlier A
Stud\' of the Chronicles of lAdakh and
his history of Ladakh published in the
Serie Orientale Roma series (The Kingdom of LAdakh ca. 950-1842). ln 1997
he also contributed an updated sketch of
western Tibetan history in the Tabo book
(Tabo a Lamp for the Kingdom) by D.
Klimburg Salter ( 1997).
fiG. :z..2
L:unayuru Monastery
Photograph by C. Lucz.anits
Petech thought Choje Denmawhom he knew was a (Drigungappointed) dord~in or head lama of
Gyangdrak Monastery near Kailash fomuled the Drigung Kagyu School
in Ladakh. during a visit at the invitation of King Tashi Namgyal (who he
thought ruled circa 1555-1575), in the
1550s. (The abbot of Drigung Thei
appointed dord~in to each of the three
main pilgrimage sites: Kailash, Tsari,
and Labchi .) 121 After becoming the
personal spiritual teacher of the king,
he founded Gangngon Tashi Chodzong
(sGang sngon bKra shis chos rdzong)
Monastery at Phyang (Phyi dbang),
northwest of Leh. The same lama, he
says, founded soon thereafter Lan1ayuru
Monastery. nanling it Yungdrung Tharpaling (g.Yung drung Thar pa gling). But
Petech was about twenty years too late
with his dating of Ph yang. and Lanlayuru had been founded much earlier.
Petech helpfully summarizes the
origins and later imponance of the successive Togdan Rinpoches. specifying
their links with Yangri Gon. 122 He also
underestimates the early glory of the
Drigung Kagyu:m
Thus the story of the "Bri-gung-pa
in Western Tibet is typical of the
fortunes of a second-rank sect in
medieval and modem times. Never
to be compared with the brilliant
careers of the Sa-sl..')'a-pa. dGelugs-pa and even of the "Brug-pa. it
contributed a share. however modest to spiritual life in Gu-ge and
Ladakh. and still continues doing
so at present. after the destruction
of the parent monastery.
But he fo rgets the early glory years of
the thirteenth century when Drigung did
compete head -to-head politicall y with
the Sakya-based Yuan-established government. though with disastrous results.
PRATAPADITYA PAL 1982
Pratapaditya Pal in hi s book of 1982, A
Buddhi.rt Paradise: The Murals of A/chi.
conjectured an important link between
Al chi Monastery in Ladakh and the
Drigung Kagyu . After dating the earliest
phase of the AI chi Monastery ·s murals
(the Sumtsek temple) too early- about
the mid-eleventh century. i.e .. late in the
life of the translator Rinchen Zangpo
(958-1055)-he considered the next
main stylistic phase (his "Style lr") to
be represented by the Lhakhang Soma
temple of Alchi. He believed he could
link that second phase with the Drigung
Kagyu and date it to the time of the
school's fo under: 124
The iconography of the murals of
the Lhakhang Soma may indicate
a Kagyupa. specifically Drigungpa
association .... One of the Ladakhi kings. NgMrup (dNgos-drub),
was a patron of the Kagyupa lama
Rinchenpal (Rin -chen-dpal). alias
Dharmasvamin ( 1143- 1217) who
founded the Drigung monastery in
Central Ttbet and an order by that
name rra1 refers in a note to Petech
1977. The Kingdom of Ladakh. pp.
19-20]. ln 1215 he sent one of hi s
followers to found a monastery in
Kailasa, in which he received the
cooperation of the monarchs of
Guge and Purang as well.
Pal then referred to two thangkas in a
similar style, about which Heather Stoddard Karmay had already conjectured a
possible link with Drigung Kagyu lamas
in a thangka from Kharakhoto.' 25 He
continued: "Thus the probability that
King Ngodrup built the Lhakhang Soma
around 1215 to commemorate his association with the Drigungpas becomes
more than conjecture. especially when
we are told that Ngoorup was responsible for restoring the temples built by
:t.J (ALSO FIC. 1.27)
Hevajra with Kagyu Lineage
Lhakhang Soma, Alcbi, Ladakn;
F lC.
12 17-1220s
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
Literature: 1'. Pal1982, plare LS15; and
D. Jackson 2010, p. 120, fig. 6.27.
his ancestors. one of which may have
been AI chi. The Drigw1gpa foray both
in the no rth and in the west in the beginning of the twelfth century indicates an
organized effort at expansion:·
Pal repeats later: "The Lbakhang
Soma was very likely built and painted
under the patronage of King Ngodrup.
perhaps as a royal benefaction for the
Drigungpas. the newly foW1ded sub-sect
of the Kagyupa.""1211 He rightly noticed
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGVU SCHOOL
23
distinctive elemen ts such as Kagyu
guru lineages for Anunar ayoga Tantric
traditions. If we examin e them. we find
in them both of the main convent ions
to have been active: "In the early part
of the thirteenth century the Drigungpas
... established themselves in western
Tibet, especially around the Mt. Kai -
of lineal descent in paintings: the older
Jodie one. from left to right (P. Pal 1982.
plates LS 16 and LS 17); 127 and the
conven tion that after about the sixteenth
century become s almost universal in
lasa region. The iconography of the
Museum 's thanka [P3) also seems to
indicate its association with a Kagyup a
monas tery." 131
In retrospe ct we can say that Los
Tibet, which starts with a central Vajradhara and alternates back and forth, to
right and left (P. Pal 1982, plates LS 15
Angele s County Museum of Art thangka
P3 has no connect ion with Driouno
c
0
Kagyu art. Meanwhile Pal, in the same
catalog, overloo ked a thangka with an
obvious Drigung Kagyu guru lineage. m
and LS 19). 128 (Fig. 2.3.)
The occurre nce of both conven tions in the same chapel is unusual.
Pal was not aware of the Kagyu lineal
gurus as a key source of evidence for
dating a slightly earlier phase of Alchi
murals to about the time Pal mentioned
(circa 1215), and the Lhakha ng Soma to
slightly later.
PRATA PADITY A PAL
r983
In his 1983 catalog of the Tibetan collection of Los Angele s County Museum
of Art (Art ojTibe t)Y9 Pal speculatedwrongly, as it turned out-that a certain
painting hailing from western Tibet
might have Drigung Kagyu connections. The painting in question was one
of the thangkas discovered in a western Tibetan cave temple by Professor
August o Gansse r (Pal ·s catalog number
P3. Plate 9, '"An Abbot and his Lineage''). In the catalog entry Pal referred
to his having attributed e lsewher e the
murals of AI chi Monast ery in Ladakh as
perhaps having been ..rendered for the
Drigung pas, a sub-sec t of the Kagyupas.
around the year 1215."130 He mentioned
the suggestion of Heather Kannay that
.. the same (l)rigun g Kagyu) order had
something to do with the Kharak hoto
tflangkas." Pal then tried to link the
Los Angeles County Museum of Art
thangka (his catalog number P3) with
western Tibet, where he mentions that
the Drigung Kagyu tradition was known
2.4
CHAPTE R 2.
This painting depicted Milarepa with
episodes o f his life and li neaoe·
" , Pal followed Tucci in mistakino"' the Dri<>uno
0
c
Kagyu gomsfla hat as Drukpa Kagyu. 133
When describ ing the lineage he said:
"'Above the demons , in a row, are the
seated figures of gods, mafltJsiddhas,
Marpa (Milarepa ·s guru). and several
monks wearing hats typical of the Drukpas, a subsect of the Kagyu.' ' 134 Pal also
stressed the unusual ly colorful palette.135
Stating that it certainl y came from westem Tibet. he added that it was ..difficult
to relate to a particular s tyle:· He continued in the elllry to pursue possible signs
of links with the Drukpa Kagyu. comparing the donor figures of this thangka
with those in Tibetan Painted Scrolls
(Fig. 42), a Drukpa Kagyu painting that
Tucci acquired at the village of Nan1gyal
near the Indian border.
Stylistically, however. Pal was
not on a comple tely wrong track, since
he did link it with Tucci's (actually
Drigung Kagyu) thangka of Tibetan
Paimed Scrolls. plates 40 and 41.136
The painting came from the private
Heeran1aneck collecti on, which Tucci
had sold in New York City in the 1950s.
Before coming to Los Angeles , the
thangka had represented fo r a while a
standar d exampl e of western Tibetan
an. appeari ng in two previou s catalog s
of P. Pal 1969137 and G. Beguin 1977.138
Pal in his 1969 catalog , The Art of Tibet,
did not comme nt on the details of the
Frc. 2.4
~larepa
with Episodes from His life
Western 1ibet, a Kagyupa monastery;
c. 1500
Miner3l pigments and gold on corron cloth;
51 'lz x 41 'lz in (130.8 x 105.4 em)
LAC:'v!A, From the Nasli and Alice
Heeramancck Collection (purchased wirh
funds provided by the Jane and Justin Dart
Foundation)
~L81.90.2
h ttp://collcctions.lacma .orglnode/2464 76
Literarure: P. Pal1969 , pp. 61 and 135; G.
Segu in ed. 1977, Ku11st des Buddhisnms, p.
22 fig. 57; P. Pal 1983, no. P 14, plate 19;
and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka
no. 1.
thangka 's school of origin. Beguin , for
his pan, classified it in his 1977 catalog
as art of the Kagyu School (withou t
specula ting abou t any possible Kagyu
sub-sch ool) and considered it to be one
of the most significant works of western
Tibetan art. (See Fig. 2.4.)
Though this large painting - which
measures over 51 inches tall - was previously said by Pal to be Drukpa Kagyu
an. its inscriptions state otherwise. As
read by Hugh Richardson. they establis h
unmista kably its connect ion with the
Drigung Kagyu.B9 I chart the arrange1
ment of the lineal !rufUS in Diaoran
"
c
[B]. The lineage of gurus is unusual for
showing an even number of gurus in a
single register. Its central Vajradhara
starts the lineage from a place to the
right of the central glacier peak above
as I
lineaoe
The ouru
tile main Iieure.
'
0
0
...,
have reconstr ucted it, is:
I. rOo rje 'chang (Vajradhara)
2. sTon pa Sangs rgyas (Buddh a
[S!!k yamuni J)
3. Te lo pa
4. Nli ro pa
5. Mar pa
6. [Mi Ia Ras pa, shown below as
main figure]
7. sGam po pa
8. Phag mo gru pa
9. 'Jig rten mgon po ( 1143-1 217)
[Dri I J
12
10
8
5
3
1
2
4
7
9
1I
13
PA I NT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
2.5
10. dBon Rin bSod nams grags [=Dri
3. On Sonam Trakpa. 1187- 1235).
tenure 122 1- 1235]
11. IC ung Rin po che l= (Dri 5) ICung
rOo rje grags pa. 121 0-1278 ]
12. Rin chen ( Richard son guesses
the last two or three decades of the thirteenth century . (The previou s dating by
Pal and others was about two centurie s
too late, to "circa 1500 .")
One of Pal's main sources for his
"?chos rgyal." it is unclear ) dpal
bzang po [=06 Rinchen Sengge ?]
idea of Drigung Kagyu expansi on was
Heather Karmay 1975. who wrote to
provide possible historica l backgro und
13. dBon Rin po che (dBon Grags pa
'byung gnas. Dri 4?)
informa tion regardin g a lama portraye d
in a thangka from Kharak hoto: 1..,
The Drigun g Kagyu lineage as Richardson read it seems to jump over
the second abbot [Dri 2]. Khench en
Accord ing to dPa · bo gTsug lag
phreng ba, six monks of the ' Bri
!!1lJ10 sect were in Xixia in 1222
Tshultr im Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba
Tshul khrims rdo rje, 11 54-1221 ; tenure
under the leadersh ip of gTsang- pa
1217- 1221). and the fourth. lOri 4] Jennga Trakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags
pa 'byung gnas, 1175--1255; tenure
1235--1255). G uru 11 may be [Dri 5]
Jung Dorje Trakpa (gCung rOo rje grags
pa. 121 0-1278 ; tenure 1255--1278). I
assume that guru 12, for whom Richa rdson could o nl y make out the names
Rinchen and Palzang po, cou ld be [Dri
., "
Dung-k hur-ba, who was a d isciple
of Bla-ma Zhang .... It is not
known what kind of hat the 'Brigung-pa wore. but ...
Finally Karmay specula ted: "The figure
in the painting may possibly be a representativ e of a ' Bri-gun g-pa monk." Yet
in the later revised second ed ition of her
book, she deleted the whole assertio n. 141
6] Thogkh awa Rinchen Sengge (Thog
kha ba Rin chen seng ge. 1226--1284:
tenure 1278-12 84). In that case, could
guru 13. "Lln Rinpoch e,'' be [Dri 7]
Tshamj e Trakpa Sonam (mTsha ms bead
Grags pa bsod nams. 1238-1 286; tenure
1284-1 286) (younge r brother of 06)? If
not he mioht be one of the sti ll earlier
"
missing ones, but
'
here represen ted out
of order.
Accord ing to Richard son, the small
figures seated to the right a nd left of
Milarep a's head are named Sonam Lhai
Wan gpo (bSod narns Lha · i dbang po.
to the ri ght) and Dilshab pa Lotro (Dus
z habs pa Blo gros, on the left), whom l
cannot immedi ately identify. These may
have been the personal precept ors of
the commis sioning patrons . If we count
them as continu ations of the lineage,
then they bring us to a period of approxi mately the eighth abbot of Drigung . (Dri
8 was Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe ( 12231293 ; tenure 1286--1293 .) In any case,
the lineage seems to indicate roughly
26
CHAPTE R 2
AcARYA NGAWANG
SAMTE N
I986
Figure 2.5 is valuabl e as an
exampl e of a non-Dri gung Kagyu style.
Thouoh
., said to be in the Kam1a Gardri ,
the set exempli fies the domina nt Tsangri style of Ladakh . It makes use of the
solid dark-blu e sl..-y and a variety of
mounta in peak shapes and sizes that are
never used in later Dri gung Kagyu painting. Note the distinct ively rounded peaks
on the upper-r ight horizon .
ELENA DE Rossi FILJBE CK
I988
Elena De Rossi Filibeck publish ed in
1988 two pilgri mage guide books by
Tendzin Cho kyi Lotro, the thi1ty-fifth
abbot of Drigung . One was the "Guide
to Mt. Kailash ... which contribu tes
essentia l informa tion about the history
of the Dri gung Kagyu in Ngari Prov ince of western Tibet. especia lly in the
Mount Kailash area. De Rossi Filibeck
edited the Tibetan text and summari zed
its main hi storical content s. These parts
of her book augmen t and enrich the contributio ns of Petech. especia lly Petech
1978. where the source is used quite
exhaust ively.
One of the first publica tions to use
the term ... Bri bris" (or · Bri ris) as
the Tibetan name for a Drigung painting style was an exhibiti on catalog by
Acarya Ngawan g San1ten . Publish ed in
1986. the book employ s the tem1 tacitly, while classify ing the school of art
of two golden painting s from Pbyang
Monast ery, Ladakh .' 42 Howeve r. that
publica tion does not mention ' Bri bris
among the four main styles or painting
schools that the author enu merates in his
introducti on.' 43 Yet its employ ment may
mean that the author's informa nts. who
include d the abbot and monks of Pbyang
Monast ery, knew and used that term for
one of the two groups of thangka s that
were borrowe d from Phyang for the
exhibiti on. (The other group of Phyang
thangka s in that catalog was conside red
to embody a particul ar variety of Karm a
Gardri style.)
RoGER GoEPP ER 1990 AND 2003
Roger Goeppe r in his article of 1990
investig ated clues for dating the Sumtsek temple of Alchi. presenti ng evidenc e
for assignin g o ne of Alchi Monast ery's
earlier phases (i.e., the Sumtse k temple)
to about 1200. a century or more later
than had previou sly been believed . The
main evidenc e was his identific ation of
a group of Kagyu linea l la mas on the
left panel of the front wall of the second
floor. beside the window . His emende d
datino., did not receive immedi ate universal accepta nce.,..,
Though the basi c thrus t of Goepper's argume nt proved to be correct. he
misiden tified the last two gurus of the
lineage depicte d.' 45 ln R. Goeppe r and
J. Poncar 1996, Goeppc r continu ed to
FlG. 2.. 5
Four of the Sixteen Arhacs
Ca. 18th century
Dimensions unknown
After Acllrya Ngawang Sam ten 1986, p. 23,
thangka no. 4.
PAINTING TRAD ITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
27
maintain that dating and stated that the
founder of the Sumtsek must have been
a "younger contemporary or pupil of
Drigungpa Jigten Gonpo."146 He emphasized147 the significant changes that
occurred with the arrival of the Drigung
Kagyu in western Tibet in the early thirteenth century when King Ngodrup Gon
(dNgos grub mgon) reigned. He mentioned the inscription- and portrait-based
proof148 of the school's presence at AJchi
by then (though wrongly identifying
lamas numbers 6 and 7) .1"9
In his article of 2003, Goepper refined and further buttressed the
evidence for his Sumtsek temple dating. Acknowledging that the last three
gurus should be corrected to Dakpo
Onchungwa (Dags po dBon chung ba),
P hagrnotrupa, and Drigungpa (Jigten
Sumgon), he repeats that this supports
the idea of the dating to the early thirteenth century, a time of continuing early
Drigung Kagyu ex-pansion in western
Tibet (which included a bit later the new
building or renovation of Lamayuru). 150
Goepper stressed that the Sumtsek
was painted in a Kashmiri style by Kashmiri artists. He believed the close connections151 with Kashmir were proven
by details of the royal and gentry life in
Kashmir as depicted in the dhoti of the
large clay statue of Avalokitesvara, by
the new iconographic emphasis on Tara,
and by the presence of an inscription in
Proto-Sarada script in a narrow white
border! ine beneath a large panel of the
Five Taras. 152
MARYLIN RHIE AND RoBERT
THURMAN 1991
Marylin Rhie in her stylistic introduction
to the Wisdom and Compassion catalog
(co-authored with Robert Thunnan)
mentioned a 'Drigung Style': 153 "There is
some evidence of a style associated with
the Drigungpa, a sub sect of the Kagyu
Order." She added:
28
CHAPTER 2
A fourth distinctive style can be
seen in the Drigungpa lama in
No. 87. This style, which may be
associated with the Drigung Order
whose main monastery is in D,
emphasizes a simple but fairly
prominent landscape and use of
a naturalistic tree instead of the
traditional shrine motif. The line
is exquisitely refined and there is
a domi nance of red color a nd gold
dotting in the garments.
And again: ISJ
This delicate and refined painting
FlG. 2.6
Great Adept in a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
Drigung Monastery, 0 Province, 1ibet
Dimensions unknown
Photographed at Drigung Monastery
Literature: Liu Yisi ed. 1957, fig. 22; and M.
Rhie and R. Thurman 1991, fig. 15.
has a very distin ctive style. Since it
can be assoc iated with the Drigu ngpas. possib ly from the 0 region ,
it is espec ially impor tant to the
under stand ing and categ orizin g the
devel opme nts that comp rise the
comp lex artistic style of thi s period.
Stylis tically it is comp arable to
other works of the late 16th centu ry
[whic h she lists and descr ibes !.
of large trees, rocky ledges, swift
water falls, and some select ive yet
prom inent archit ectura l eleme nts
(Fig. 15 [- Fig. 2.6 here J). Overl apping banks sugge st some recession
on the groun d plain. but like the
Arhat s discu ssed above Iin the
previo us parag raph] the main focus
remai ns on a fastid iously realis tic.
firmly outlin ed, large main image ,
with the lands cape acting as a
The startin g point for Rhie and Thurman 's chain of specu lation s was a mistake; painti ng numb er 87 of her catalo g
some what ambig uous but never the-
acrua lly belon ged to the Karm a Kagy u
and not the Drigu ng Kagy u. Its centra l
comm andin g positi on of the large
less impor tant setting. These semi
unified lands cape eleme nts, the
figure, whom they misid entifi ed as "Dri.,ouno., Kaoy
., u Lama Chets ang Rinpoche'"
figure on the ground plane , the
detail s of the figure style. such as
the large. bony body of the image
(Rhie and Thurm an 1991 , no . 87), is
actua lly one of the Sham ar Tulku (Zhw a
dmar sprul sku), a leadin g lama of the
in Figur e 15, and the mann er of
portra ying the robes show ing the
beaut y of the sweep ing curve s and
Karm a Kagy u.
Fi!!Uf
e 2.6 illustr ates a secon d case
0
where Rhie paid specia l attent ion to what
she consi dered Drigu ng Kagy u painti ng,
angle s are alI el cmen ts cl carl y seen
a series of thang kas from Drigu ng whos e
lands capes were strong ly relate d to
Ch inese lands cape painti ng. They were
publis hed in a Chine se book on Tibet an
an edited by Liu Yisi. from which Rhie
ci ted four figures. Rhie descr ibes them: 155
They appea r to date from the perio d
of the 14th to the first half of the
15th centu ry and to have strong ele-
in Yuan dynas ty Budd hist painti ngs.
[Rhie refers to two exam ples from
Osva ld Siren 1958, Chinese Painting. Leading Masters and Prin-
ciples (New York: Rona ld Press ).
vol. 6, plates 6 and 7 .] They are.
howe ver. transf ormed here into a
marve lous. fresh view that deligh ts
in a freedom o f unres traine d , even
unnat ural juxtap ositio n of eleme nts
in space and in prese nting all elements with an unam biguo us clarity
of shape and detail .
ments from Chine se Yuan and early
Ming Dyna sty painti ng, espec ially
the realis m of faces and body, the
loose folds of drape ry, and the considera ble usage o f lands cape as a
settin g for the main figures.
Acco rding to Rhie:
Some impor tant 14th centu ry tangkas reportedly at the Drigu ng Monastery in 0 (Liu 1957, Figs. 20.
2 I, 22, and 24) also conta in large
figure s of monu menta l appea r-
The sourc e of the thang kas under
discu ssion is Liu Yisi 1957 (cited by M .
Rhie 1991 and 1999 as"Li u 1-se") . who
publis hed photo graph s of thang kas from
Driou
e no
., Mona ste ry a decad e befor e the
mona stery was destro yed durin g the
Great Cultural Revo lution .' Rhie may
have follow ed Liu ·s chron ology . But
could they not be classified as exam ples
56
of Khye nri at Dri gung? In that case. they
could belon g to a much later period: the
sixtee nth or early seven teenth centu ry.
MAR YLIN R HI£ AND RoBE RT
THURMAN 1999
In a later public ation - Rhie and Rober t
Thurm an 's catalo g of Rubin collec tion
thang kas (Worl ds ojTra nsjor matio n)Mary lin Rhie return ed to two of the
same plates from Liu's public ation (Liu
Yisi ed. 1957. figs. 22 and 24). She cited
them again as illustr ations of thang kas
that were said to have existe d in the mid1950s at Drigu ng Mona stery. In her summary of painti ng styles . these '"Drigun g
Tangk as" cal led for yet anoth er discu ssion (thou gh witho ut illustr ations ). Here
she adjus ted the latest limit of their dating a half centu ry forward to includ e the
first half of the fifteenth centu ry: 157
Sever al tangk as were publis hed
by Liu in 1957 as being then at
the Dri ouno
Mona stery in Central
0
..
Tibet . They appea r to date to the
perio d of the 14th to the first balf
of the I Sth centu ry and to have elements from C hines e Yuan and early
Ming Dyna sty painti ng, espec ially
the realis m of the faces and body,
the loose folds of drape ry, and the
consi derab le usage of lands cape as
a settin g for the huma n figures (Liu
1957, figs 22. 24). Also, the paintings of arhats and great king deitie s
in the Cleve land Muse u m, recen tly
studie d by Steph an Little and dated
by him to ea. 1340- 1370. afford
impor tant evide nce of the assim ilation of Chine se painti ng styles
and techn iques into Tibet an works
(Littl e, 1992) .
Rbie refers to portra yals of ponds . moun tains , trees, and archit ectura l eleme nts
in the mural s of Shalu Mona stery of the
early fourte enth centu ry as well as to
some from Narth ang, sayin g this style
was furthe r devel oped in the mural s of
the Gyan tse Kumb um of the early fifteenth centu ry. However:
ance. portra yed withi n lands capes
PAINT ING TRAD ITION S OF THE DRICU NG K AGYU SCHO OL
29
.. . with the exception of the Drigung tangkas and the Cleveland
paintings [studied by Little], the
landscapes in these works [the
murals of Shalu and Narthang]
do not strongly relate to Chinese
painting and must therefore ...
be assumed to derive .. . from
Nepalese and/or Indian traditions.
.. . The usage of landscapes in
these works [such as the Drigung
t!tangkas and Cleveland arhats] ..
. heralds a major change in Tibetan
painting, one which came to fu ll
(bsTan 'dzin padma' i rgyal mtshan,
1770- 1826) .159 Accordi ng to the abbatial
history of Drigung by Tendzin Peme
Gyaltshen, then, one of the later Drigung
painting styles arose in large part out of
the Khyenri .160 I cited a 1994 interview
with H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche, who said
that the distinctive more recent Drigung
style descended from that "Driri";161 I
also quoted the contemporary Drigung
Kagyu lan1a Ayang Rinpoche who said
(in the 1980s):
of the great painters Meola [Dondrup] and Khyentse, and reached
universal acceptance as the set-
The Drigung style of painting was
famous on account of its special
characteristics. One of these is the
way in which a very subtle effect
is created by the use of light colors
in combination with fine detail. As
ting for deities only from the 17th
century.
a popular saying goes: "Drikw1g
painting is like the dawn" ['bri
prominence only in the second half
of the 15th century, with the work
bris tho rangs shar ba 'draj. 162 • ••
Thus Rhie dated that small group of
Drigung thangkas published by Liu
to the generations before Menthangpa
and Khyentse (first half of the fifteenth
century, at latest) . In addition, Rhie and
Thurman 1999 wrongly identified the
central figure of their figure number 113
as a "Drigung Kagyu Lama." He is actually a prominent Drukpa Kagyu master
(note the special ewam symbol in front
of his meditation hat, or gomsha).
DAVID jACKSON 1996
In my discussion of the main artists in
the history of Tibetan painting, I briefly
introduce Drigung Kagyu painting. 158
Under the rubric "'Bri-gung" I remind
the reader that I had previously mentioned in that book a branch of the Khyenri style that came to Drigung from the
late seventeenth and remained unti I at
least the early nineteenth century. Propagated by the students of Konchok Trinle
Sangpo (dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang
po, 1656-1719), it also persisted during
the period of Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
JO
C HAPTER 2
Today [late 1984], only one master
of this style of painting remains
alive: an elderly monk called Yeshe
Jamyang, who lives in Ladakh. 163
What I did not say then was that Ayang
Rinpoche was hoping to fw1d a small
art school in which Yeshe Jamyang
could instruct young successors in that
rare style.
H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche also
asserted that the master of the abovementioned painter Yeshe Jam yang was
"Ben be" (acrually named "Barpa"), a
layman painter from a hereditary family of artists at Drigung who was the
foremost painter of his generation. 164
Chetsang Rinpoche was in 1994 aware
that mountains were one of the special
characteristics of the Drigung painting style- especially mountains with
peaks that possessed a particular pointed
shape resembling the mountain peaks
in the vicinity of Drigung Monastery in
northern 0 Province. He added other
tantalizing detai ls (which I could not
later confirm) such as the rivers near
Drigung being normally quite turbulent,
so the rivers depicted in paintings are
often similarly shown as roiled with
large waves; also, in the background
landscape flowers of a certain type
were included, such as gentians (spang
rgyan), similar to their actual appearance
in meadows near Drigung. 165
I conclude my sketch by warning
that several paintings have been attributed to the " Driouno Style " or 'Bri
"' "
'
bris, in catalogs. But we should not be
overhasty in automatical ly identifying
all paintings produced by a religious tradition as belonging to the style bearing
its name. 166
CLARE HARRIS 1999
In her book In the Image of Tibet,167
Clare Harris accepted and tacitly uses
the term "Driri ." It was one of several
traditional stylistic names that she
recounts based on an oral enumeration
of styles by the Ladakhi painter Yes he
.Jamyang: 168
In Ladakh, Yeshe Jam yang was
able to describe the characteristics
of six major schools of Tibetan
art: the Gyari-Chinese style;
Khamri- from the Kham region;
Driri- from the Drigung region
[Drigung also refers to a suborder
of the Kagyupas] ; Uri- from Lhasa;
Tsangri- from Tsang [particularly
strong at the monastery ofTashilhunpo]; and Tsuri- from Tsurphu
and the Karmapa sect of Tibetan
Buddhism. His explanation of how
these styles should be distinguished
consisted of a poetic evocation of
their qualities of light. Gyari, for
example, should be ' like a rainbow
in tile sky, all colours equall y positive' . The style in which Jam yang
trained- tile Driri- should also have
brilliant colours radiating ' the full
light of day' , with an all pervasive
blue in the background of each
composition.
Harris considered Yeshe Jamyang 's later
painting style to be a regional version of
the Menri perpetuated in Ladakh: 169
Jamyang, for example, became a
Driri painter when he left Ladakh
and studied in Drigung.. .. Hence
Ladakhis have perpetuated versions of the Menri which were
originally associated with two
Tibetan monasteries [Drigung and
Tasbilhunpo].
Erberto LoBue in his review
article on Harris's book points out: " Her
further implication that a variation of
the sMan ris style was associated with
the monastery of ' Bri gung (' Drigung,
p. 69') appears to clash with historical
records associating that monastery with
the mKhyen ris style." 170 But Harris
was con·ect insofar as Yeshe Jamyang's
later style was not a true Driri style and
had (as I believe) become in impo1tant
respects close to Menri styles. (See
chapter 10.)
PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
JI
Recent Research on Drigung Kagyu
Painting
or so has seen
a marked upswing in the quality and
quantity of research on Drigung Kagyu
painting. In thi s chapter I complete my
survey of previous research, reviewing
those more recent works that have come
THE LAST DECADE
to my attention.
CHRISTIAN LuczANrTs 1998
The first publication to document more
convincingly the advent of Drigung
Kagyu influence in Ladakhi painting
of the late twelfth and early thirteenth
centuries is Christian Luczanits's paper
of 1998. Studying what he calls an
"unusual painting style in Ladakh:· be
sensed the arrival of central Tibetan
an, in general. and the impact of the
Drigung Kagyu. in particular. (His leadoff image, figure I. is the "Ri ncben
Zan gpo" mural of the Small Stupa in the
AI chi Monastery courtyard.) Taking the
Lhakhang Soma murals and its Eastern
lndian/''IPllla]lnternational'' style as
his point of departure, he introduces his
main stylistic terms for western Tibetanpainting and assigns some of the bestknown shrines to each style.
Goepper's revised dating of the
Sumtsek compelled Luczanits to reconsider the other monuments and temples
of the AI chi complex. including the
Lhakhang Soma Temple. T hat temple ·s
murals had similarities with central
libet of the twelfth through fourteenth
century. such as then. most prominently.
the ·"faklung" corpus described by Jane
Derail of Fig. 3.3
Casey Singer in her publication of 1997.
Luczanits goes on to classify and
survey western Tibetan painting styles
in Ladakh from about 1200 to 1300,
noting the crucial advent of new motifs
that probably expressed the Drigung
Kagyu presence. 171 The three main early
western Tibetan sty Ies he names are:
the '·West Tibetan style," the "Kashmiri
style," and the ''Early Ladakhi stylc:' 172
The West 1i be tan style was that of
the Tabo renovation of I042 onward
(including even its much later revivals
at Tsaparang in the fifteenth to early
sixteenth century). The Kashmiri style
was the distinctive painting style of the
Alcbi Surntsek and related monuments
in wbich the band of Kashmiri painters
was probably present. The Early Ladakhi style is native to Ladakh. somewhat
crude, and was found at such sites as the
Alchi Lhakhang Soma, the Shangrong
(Shang ron g) Temple, the Jujikshal
(bCu gcig zhal) Temple at Wanla. the
Sengge LhakJ1ang at Lamayuru, the
Guru Lhakhang at Phyang, and the
caves at Saspol. 113 He ci ted Beguin and
Fournier 1986 as evidence for asserting
that those temples lacked a fixed dating
and may have been painted over long
periods. 174
Regarding the Early Ladakhi
style, Luczanits says it shared many
features with the main central-libetan
styles of the period (i.e., the Sharri).175
Yet he dismisses the concept of a single
"Inner Asian International Style. 12th14th century... since the individual
regional styles are clearly distinct,
though be admits that the different Pl!la/
Sena-inspired art styles of the lands in
question ''shared a number of characteristics internationally." ''The characteristics under discussion,'" be observes, "are
not solely of a stylistic nature." Indeed,
the composition of the main elements
was decisive here.Among the widely
shared characteristics. he lists five as
most relevant when comparing the Early
Ladakhi style and the [Shari] paintings
of central Tibet: (I) division of painted
surface into rectangles fran1ed by styled
jewels. petals. or rocks (only West Tibet
uses a simple line): (2) elaborate throne
backs with cushions and attached bead
nimbuses: (3) standing bodbisanvas'
attendants shown in three-quarter profile: (4) short dhotis of bodbisanvas; and
(5) no notion of space. with bodies only
slightly shaded.
Here Luczanits explicitly focuses
on ''AI chi and the Drigungpa," finally
addressing the "Rinchen Zangpo'' mural
of the Alch i Small Stupa. 176 (See Fig.
3 .l.) In the depiction of the eminent
lama Ranked by two bodhisanvas, he
found clear evidence of a "foreign''i.e., central Tibetan - artistic influence
that was clearly exerted first at Alchi
by the Drigung Kagyu tradition. Nter
describing the "Rinchen Zangpo" mural
in more detail and comparing key elements with a depiction of a TakJung
hierarch from centrallibet, he summarizes: "T he triad of a teacher flanked by
two bodhisattvas. the manner in which
'Rincben Zangpo ·is represented, the
lineage above and the malliisiddhas at
the sides of the central figure can all be
considered as resulting from Central
PAINTING TRADITI O N S OF T>IE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
33
the importance of this inscription has been well known si nee
Francke's work on the "Antiquities
of Indian Tibet" and several authors
have used information from the
inscriptions, it has never been
published. Together with the art
historical evidence, Wanla provides
information on an otherwise practically unknown period of Ladakh's
history, the late thirteenth or early
fourteenth century.
Indeed, Luczanits considered Wanla to
be relevant for the history of Tibetan
Buddhism, in general, since it also
exemplified the reception and adaptation of central-Tibetan Buddhist art
FIG. ) .I
"Rinchen Zangpo" mural
Small Stupa, Alchi, Ladakh
Photograph by C. Luczanirs
Lirerarure: C. Luczanits 1998, fig. 1
(black and white); and C. Luczanirs 2011 ,
fig. 6.5.
Tibetan influence brought by the ' Bri
gung pa." 177 He stresses that this was
not Rinchen Zan gpo portrayed in the
murals, as had been commonly maintained until then.
Luczanits next considered the
unusual Ladakhi style of his title, 178
which he found in a nearly collapsed
gateway stupa of Ale hi Shang-rong hamlet and in another stupa of a similar style
in a group of stupas at the western end
of Lamayuru vi llage. Though the style
has little relation to the other murals
of Alchi , he explored its possible links
with the Early Ladakhi style exemplified
by the Lhakhang Soma. This style. he
concludes, cannot be considered a direct
precursor to the Early Ladakhi style of
such sites as the Lhakhang Soma- it
was too refined. It probably represented
a new style inspired by central Tibetan
34
C H A PTER
3
(and presumably Drigung Kagyu) influence from the east. Indeed, it was a
gentler and more refined local Ladakhi
variety of the style that could be roughly
dated to the thirteenth century but not
earlier than the last quarter of the twelfth
century. Possibly this unusual Ladakhi
gateway-stupa style of the early thirteenth century was a predecessor of tl1e
Early Ladakhi style.
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2002
In hi s publication of 1998, Luczanits
cites Wanla as a prominent site of the
Early Ladakhi style. In 2002 he devoted
an entire article to that site, the importance of which he stresses as:
... one of the most underestimated monuments in the context
of academic research on Tibetan
and in particular Ladakhi history.
In Wanta not only is a practically complete monument of the
founding period preserved, but the
temple even contains an extensive
inscription relating to the background of its foundation. Although
in the western Himalayas. He also
believed tl1at the temple was promising for "achieving an absolute date for
this painting style," i.e., he believed it
could eventually yield a firmer and more
accurate historical dati ng of an instance
of the Early Ladakhi style than most of
the other sites. He refers to the study of
G . Beguin and L. Fournier 1986, which
had attempted such a chronology of the
sites "but did not gain access to all of the
preserved temples."
In particular, Luczanits believed
the lineage depictions at Wanta were
promising, remarking that the lineages
were: 179 "represented several times, two
of them preserved completely. T here the
lineage consists of twelve (ground floor,
Pl. 35) or thirteen figures (gallery, the
beginning of the lineage is shown on Pl.
98) ." (His Plate 98 showed just the first
eight lineage masters.)
He also noticed that the Wanla
inscription clearly sets the foundation
and ritual use of the temple in a Kagyu
context by mentioning that among the
decorations the Kagyu lamas are represented as being headed by Vajradhara,
quoting a relevant passage: V7~7 1: rdo
rje 'chang gis dbu' md:ad da /tar b:hugs
{line 26} kyi bar II bka 'rgyud bla. ma
mams /..yi slat gzugs tlwg mar bz!mgs II.
Here it explicitly says: "The sacred
forms of the Kagyu gurus are present [in
the mural] at the beginning, headed by
Vajradhara and down to those who are
now alive."
Regarding the original sectarian
identity of Wan Ia, Luczanits noticed
a crucial mention of Drigung in the
inscription: ·'In a second part of the
inscription, the Bka' rgyud pa context
is further narrowed down to the ' B ri
gung pa. A bla ma named Shag kya
rgyal mtshan and w ith a partly illegible
title is invited to the place to deliver
teachings." The passage he quotes in
footnote 18 states: [VI 18-20] dar dang
'od :er 'bwtl nyis pho rtsal plum Sill!!
tslwgs II thu cw1.gs shag kya rgyal tshan
'bri gung byonnas ni II c/ws rje'i zhabs
pad btugs na.s chos khrid mang du {line
44} :hus II . The last two lines say:
"Younger brother Shakya Gyaltshen
went to Drigung, and having personally
met and paid respects to the Dharma
lord, he received many religious
instructions."
Luczanits summarizes that the
inscription and the artistic content of
the Wan la Temple do not yet allow us to
date it precisely: "However, the range
within which the temple could have been
founded is relatively narrow. Considering the severe cultural shift and the
lineage represented in the paintings, the
earliest possible date would be the end
of the 13th century." 180 He adds: "On the
other hand a considerable gap between
the events mentioned in the inscription
and the foundation of the kingdom of
Ladakh in the early 15th century has
to be expected, as none of these events
narrated in the inscription is recorded in
a historical text. Thus, the foundation .
.. most likely took place .. . during the
first half of the 14th century."
Luczanits was aware of Vitali's
description of Wanla, but holds that
Vitali had not achieved a reliable enough
text for the inscriptions he had quoted ,
stating: "Vitali published apparently
hastily copied excerpts of the inscription
and drew on its historical information
(Vitali 1996a: 385- 90):'181 He apparently overlooked Vitali's approximate
dating of the site to about 1240.
There are many problems in interpreting the Wan la inscription. But in retrospect I think we can now expect that
its foundation occurred during about the
mid-thirteenth century, in the middle of
the roughly one century of early expansion of the Drigung Kagyu, when the
school flourished all over Ngari Province, even in eastern Ngari. As I have
summarized above, the tradition itself
remembers that its "influence peaked
Guru Lhakhang much too early, i.e., to
Rinchen Zangpo's time.186 Binczik and
Fischer repeat the traditional accotmt of
Tashi Chodzong's foundation by Denma
Kunga Trakpa. 1117 They list dependent vi llages188 and assert that the main Drigung
Kagyu monasteries of Ladakh are dependencies ofTashi Chodzong, including
Shyang, Sara, Lamayuru, and Secbukul
[Sharchukhul]. They present the murals
of the "Mallakala temple" as the oldest
temple of Tashi Chodzong, built during
the reign of King Jam yang Namgyal
(flourished sixteenth century).189 They
also enumerate names of the five painters who were responsible for the murals:
under the Dordzin Darma Gyaltshen
(Dar ma rgyal mtshan), who presided
over Gyangdrak Monastery during the
abbacy of Jung Dorje Drakpa (Dri 5),
1255-1278." After 1290, in Yuan-ruled
Ngari, conditions became much worse;
it would not have been so likely for a
Thundup Lagspa, Spolden Tsering.
Stampa, Ganu. and Skyiap. 190
Binczik and Fischer believed one
beautiful new Drigung Kagyu temple
such as this to be built with prominent
local noble patronage. 182
ples: to his right his nephew On Sherab
Jungne (dBon Shes rab 'Byung gnas ,
1187- 1241) alias Drigung Lingpa ('Bri
gung Gling pa), and to his left JellJlga
Drakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa
'Byung gnas. J 175-1255).191This representation is known as "The trio of the
Lord Protector-Father and his two spiritual sons" (sKyob pa yab sras gsw11) .
Phagmotrupa may be pictured by
the lama directly above Jigten Sumgon,
but the image is too damaged to make
o ut more than his hat. The main figure
of another mural can be identified as
Milarepa with two main disciples stand-
ANGELIKA BrNczrK AND RoLAND
FISCHER 2002
Angelika Binczik and Roland Fischer
wrote a bilingual book (in German and
English) entitled Verborgene Schiit:e
aus Ladakh/ Hidden Treasures from
Ladakh, documenting Drigung Kagyu art
in Ladakh. With the encouragement of
H.H. Chetsang Rinpocbe, they published
a text by Binczik with images taken by
the professional photographer Roland
Fischer. The color plates document many
wal l paintings, thangkas, and statues
from two important Drigung Kagyu
mural sites in Ladakh: Phyang183 and
Wanla.184 The murals of Phyang Monastery include the nearby older site of tl1e
Guru Lhakhang (wrongly called the Lotsawa Lhakhang) 185 and the Tashi Chodzong, inc luding its old Main Assembly
Hal l and "Mallakala temple" (mOon
khang). They date the fifteenth-century
mural (Fig. 3.2) depicted Phagmotrupa,
whereas the iconography actually agrees
with Jigten Sumgon- note the distinctive hair line- with his two main disci -
ing to his right and left: Gampopa and
Rechungpa (wearing a white robe and
colorful pointed hat) .192 This trio occurs
quite frequently in Drigung Kagyu
pai ntings of the sixteenth century in
western Tibet, reflecting the spread of
Rechungpa's special traditions.
Among the many thangkas presented by Binczik and Fischer, the
first portrays Achi Chokyi Drolma.193
Though dated to the sixteenth century,
the three lamas portrayed above are
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
35
Chtikyi Gyaltshen (fourth Chungtsang,
1793-1826). Hence the thangka could
not possibly date earlier than the 1790s.
Binczik and Fischer next present
a sttmning series of Drigung Kagyu
lineage-master portraits preserved at
Phyang Monastery, which they date to
the sixteenth century. 194 The incomplete
set also presents in the background the
eighty-four great adepts as minor figures. One thangka from the set is said
to portray Chogyal Rinchen Phiintshok
( 1547- 1602),195 whose tenure was 15791602. (1 describe the set in more detail in
chapter 6.)
Figure 33, the next thangka in
Binczik and Fischer 2002. 196 depicts
'
Buddha Sakyamuni
with his two chief
disciples as the central thangka of a
set of the Sixteen Arhats. It is actually
painted in the Tsangri style ofTashilhunpo (note the dark-blue sky), and not
the Driri. The thangka section of the
book concludes with a set of the Sixteen
Arhats 197 and two golden thangkas (gser
thang).198 Then , after presenting numerous statues,199 the book concludes with
a section docmnenting the murals of
Wanla,200 including German and English
translations of the now damaged and
incomplete inscription.201
DAVID jACKSON 2002
In my article of 2002 1 summarize what
I had learned since 1996 about Drigung
Kagyu painting traditions. In that article
for a Tibet loumal special art issue, I
mainly document the role of the Ladakhi
painter Yeshe Jam yang in the recent history of the tradition.Along with translating into English a long interview with
FIG. 3.2.
Jigren Sumgon wirh His Two Main Disciples
Gonkhang, Phyang Monasrery
© 2014 Arrisrs Rights Sociery (ARS),
New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
Airer A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 147.
36
CHAPTER
3
Jigten Sumgon flanked by the later
abbots "Peme Gyal tshen" and "Chtikyi
Gyaltshen." Those abbreviated names
refer to the eminent thirtieth and thirtyfirst abbots of Dri gung whose full names
were Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (fourth
Chetsang, 1770-1826), and Tendzin
Yeshe Jamyang that was made on my
behalf by Ngawang Tsering in 1995, I
also list in a final appendix the previously published Drigung Kagyu paintings that I then knew.
When the article went to press in
2002, I had trouble locating decent black
and white photographs, especially of the
paintings listed in the appendix (many
were from old Schoenle Asiatica sales
catalogs). So I left the article without
illustrations, hoping to publish some in
the future in color (as I did in Jackson
2005). One of my M.A. students in
Hamburg. Rosita Faber, had also by then
become deeply interested in studyi ng
that tradition (resulting eventually in the
MA.thesis that she submitted in 2010).
DAVID jACKSON 2003
In my publication of 2003, I summarize
how to use internal evidence to more
reliably date Tibetan paintings. in it. I
take two Drigung Kagyu thangkas as
examples of dating with t11e help of
lineages. 202 These were a black thangka
of ''Maiiju5rr-Yamantaka" with Drigung
Kagyu lineage published by Essen and
Thingo (G. Essen and T. Thingo 1989.
ll-331). now in Basel, and the SahajaSanwara with Drigung Kagyu lineage
from the Driesch collection, previously
published as D. Jackson 1996, plate 64.
(For an updated discussion of each, see
Figures 8.6 and 8.24.)
DAVID jACKSON 2005
In 2005 I published a paper entitled
"Recent Painting Traditions of Ladakh:
Central Tibetan Styles in Far Western
Tibet," which appeared in a book o n
Ladakhi art and culture (Ahmed and
Harris eds. 2005). In it, I sketch recent
local painting styles in Ladakh (including Drigung Kagyu), presenting fifteen
illustrations. After summarizing the
Tsangri style.llll I briefly s ketch the
"Style of Drigung in Northern 0." 204
Presenting two photographs ofYeshe
Jamyang's works (figs. 5 and 6). and
one thangka attributed to him (fig. II ).
I also mention the important rece nt
art-historical contributions of Rase
Ki.inchok Gyatsho. 20; In my catalog of
2012. I update and expand that material
in a section entitled "Painting Styles of
Ladakh in Recent Centuries." 2116 I also
briefly described the Drigung painting
style in Ladakh, with six illustrations
(figs. 7.12- 7.17 of that catalog). 207
PRATAPADITYA PAL, ET Al. 2003
Pratapaditya Pal in his catalog Himala yas: An Aesthelic Adventure published
a painting of four Kagyu lineal lamas
from the private collection of "R.R.E.''208
Based on informatio n received from
Amy Heller, he identifies the third main
lama as Drigung Ji g ten Su mgi.in and the
fourth as Taklungthangpa Chenpo. 209 He
Frc. 3·3
Buddha Snkyamu ni with Two Chief
Disciples
Central thangka of a set of the Sixteen
Arhats
Preserved at Phyang, Ladakh
~ 2014 ArtistS Rights Society (ARS),
New York I VG Bild-Kun~ Bonn
Alter A. Binczik and F. Fischer 2002,
pp. 207 and 209.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
37
therefore assigns the provenance of this
painting provisionally to "Drigung Monastery (?)."
Yet, in fact, the fourth lama cannot
be the founder of the Drigung Kagyu.
His hairline lacks its usual characteristics. (This same painting is discussed
below in connection with the article published by Richard Ernst in 2013.)
HEATHER STODDARD 2003B
In 2003 Heather Stoddard also contributed to a book edited by Donald Dinwiddie an illuminating chapter entitled
"Fourteen Centuries of Tibetan Portraiture." There she discusses early images
of Jigten Sumgon, presenting at great
length their mention in Tibetan historical
sources.213 She also presents the Musee
Guimet statue of Jigten Sumgon at the
start of her article.214 (See Fig. 3.4.)
they were made under orders from
the Mongol king.
Rinchenpal's fame reached as
far as India where he had nmnerous disciples and princely donors.
They too made portraits of him,
in an 'authentic Indian' d:hiksham bronze with gold inlay, in
red bronze with gold inlay, and in
white bronze with ornamentations
in red bronze.215
HEATHER STODDARD 2003A
One of Heather Stoddard's two contributions published in 2003 is an article
entitled "'Bri gung, Sa skya and Mongol
Patronage: A Reassessment of the Introduction of the Newar 'Sa skya' Style
into Tibet." It touches on several relevant themes. Concerning early portrait
statues of Jig ten Sumgon, she says: 210
According to Tibetan sources,
numerous small portrait images of
this great meditation master (Jigten Sumgon) were made during
his lifetime for his disciples who
lived in caves and hermitages scattered the length and breadth of the
Himalayas.
Stoddard cites the Drigung abbatial
history by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
('Bri gung bsTan 'dzin Padma'i rgyal
mtshan),"211 which actually refers to one
famous statue at Drigung The!. Stoddard
adds:212
According to the 'Bri gung g Dan
rabs gSer 'phreng ("The Golden
Rosary of the Abbots of ' Bri
gung"), Rin chen dpal himself
had many foreign disciples and
princely donors including "kings of
India," who as mentioned above,
had portrait statues made of him
using precious metals.
38
CHAPTER
3
According to Stoddard:
'The Protector of the Three
Worlds ' asked his chief disciple,
the [Tibetan] malu7siddha Gar
Dampa Chodingpa [1180-1240].
to have a portrait of himself made
as a receptacle for the 'tooth
of the Tathagata' that had been
offered to him. Gar invited a Chinese artist [who had run away to
Tibet to escape Mongol armies],
and prepared the casting oven in
Lower Drigung Til. The statue
was made and the tooth put inside.
The master himself consecrated
it one hundred times, and it was
called the 'Lord of the Golden
Temple.' It was a very special 'support' - no different from the master
himself. It has spoken to many of
the lineage abbots of the seat of
Drigung, and especially taught the
'Six Yogas' to Kunchok Dawa.
When the monastery was attacked
by the Sakya army [in 1290], the
image was hidden. When the situation calmed down, people went
searching but could not find it. So
the statue stretched up its arm and
exclaimed, 'Here I am!'There are
many amazing stories like this.
During that period Gar had many
portraits made of the master. They
are known as the 'Mongol Images.'
Aithough the artist was Chinese,
they are known by this name since
Actually the "Mongol Images" (hor sku)
were so named because they were made
during the period of the Mongol khans,
not because the Mongol khans had
ordered them.
D EBORAH KLIMBURG-SALTER
2004
Deborah Klimburg-Salter in her article
of 2004 for Orientations introduces a
precious thangka in which the footprints
of Jigten Sumgon were preserved on a
silk cloth. Now preserved in the Rubin
Museum of Art, this painting evoked
a quite detailed initial documentation
from Klimburg-Salter. In j ust five pages
she presents ten illustrations (including
several details of her fig. I) and provides
not only details of the iconography but
also its background. She sun1marizes
three functions of the painting, including
as icon, touch relic, and artist's model. 216
The fuJ I title as written at the top margin
of the cloth is not "Drigtmgpa," as she
quotes, but " Drigungpa Chenpo." In the
inscription in figure Ia, he is also called:
"Guru and Dharma-Lord Rinchen Pal"
(Bla machos rje rin chen dpal). She says
the painting contains three of the four
possible types of inscriptions, which are:
(I) information bearers [i.e., labels], (2)
dedicatory, (3) recording consecrations,
and (4) color codes (the last were not
present here). 217 The dedicatory inscription at the bottom she summarizes but
does not transcribe or illustrate. (Her
figure number Ic depicts the continuation of a label, not the long garbled
consecration prayers at the bottom, the
damaged and incomplete state of which
she does not mention.)
Klimburg-Salter identifies the
guru lineage in the top row. 218 She also
names the individual Tantric deities in
the second row but not their mandala
or the usual name of their main deity
(Guhyasan1aja Maiijuvajra). The line of
eight protectors at the bottom she identifies as almost all belonging to the buddha family of A~obhya. She lists and
describes the eight mahasiddhas framing
the central footprints and deity, though
she was not able to identify in this first
attempt the main practice among the
teachings of Cakrasamvara (bDe mchog)
and related teachings.
Klimburg-Salter sensed the potential of the painting as a starting point for
the study of Drigung Kagyu painting: 219
This thangka is an artistic document contemporaneous with the
later years of Drigungpa's life, and
thus the history of the Drigung
artistic style (Driri ['Bri ris]) can
now be studied from its inception.
If further research reveals that
some of the footprint thangkas
discussed below are associated
with Drigungpa as well, we wi ll
have significant evidence for the
Drigung style in central Tibet, and
thanks to the mural paintings in the
Sumtsek and the two painted stupas at Alchi, Ladakh, for a regional
Drigung style in the western
Himalayas during the same period
(Goepper and Poncar, 1996). The
evidence for the Drigw1g style has
been examined by David Jackson,
largely on the basis of later paintings (Jackson, 2002).220
began no earlier than about the sevententh century). She also did not yet realize
that the composition of Figure 3.5 served
as a template for a group of closel y
related thangkas that were specifically
Drigung Kagyu, though she knew that
some with footprints had been studied by
Kathf)'ll Seli g Brown.221 She also fails
to identify the second footprint thangka
(fig. 2) as Drigung Kagyu art. 223 She had
published it once before in her catalog of
1982,2 2-1 assigning it to the Western Trans-
Klimburg-Salter thus uses the term
Driri too loosely for a Drigung artistic
style of a very early period (the true Driri
Himalaya without attributing it to any
particular Tibetan Buddhist school of origin. Once again in 2004 she hesitated to
FIG. 3·4
Drigung Jigren Sumgon
13rh cenrury
Srarue wirh base and backrest (brass,
polychrome); 5th in. (14 em)
Musee des Am Asiatiques-Guimer,
Paris, France
MA6032
© RMN-Grand Palais I An Resource, NY
Phorograph by P. Pleynet
ART412375
l iterarure: H. Stoddard 2003, fig. 4; and
D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5 .26.
PA I NTING TRAD ITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
39
KATHRYN SELIG BROWN 2004
The main painting (fig. 1) discussed by
Klimburg-Salter in her 2004 article possessed a plan that later could be identified
as shared with a group of closely related
footprint paintings that were specifically
Drigung Kagyu. Several such paintings
were studied by Kathryn Selig Brown,
who included three of them in her cataloot>
of footprint thangkas, Etenw.l Presence,22s
and who learned almost immediately of
Klimburg-Salter's article of 2004.
ln her captions, Selig Brown calls
the three thangkas "Footprint Thangka
of a Kagyu Lama." 229 Noticino
from
t>
the lineage that the main lama was a
Kagyu adherent and disciple of Phagmotrupa, 230 she ultimately identifies the
main lama as Jigten Sumgon, founder
231
.
o f D ngung.
She based that conclusion
(as she explains in note 16) on the forthcoming article by C hristian Luczanits
(C. Luczanits 2006a), who had clarified
the depictions of the Eight Great Adepts
in early Drigung Kagyu paintings.
AMY HELLER 200 5
FIG. 3·5 (A LSO FIG. 5-5)
Foorprinr thangka of Drigung Jigten
Sumgon
30-\4 x 25 3/ r6 in. (78 x 64 em)
Private Collection
(HAR 81411)
Literarure: D. Klimburg-Salter 1982, pl.
111; and K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8.
do so,225 saymg
' t hat at the emergence of
the various Kagyu sub-schools, their art
did not differ much. She notes differences
in the treatment of the lower bodies of the
naga Ma gros pa and Sog ma med, but
actually those niiga, simply by their presence in the composition (whether with or
without snake tails), can now be counted
as markers of belonging to this early
Drigtmg Kagyu corpus. She also specu1ates that the Karma Kagyu started such
footprint thangkas later (not having seen
D. Jackson 2009, fig. 4 .4). 226 She identifies on tenuous grounds an early Karma
Kagyu footprint thangka (her fig. 3) as
the footprints of the Third Karmapa.227
In her article of 2005, entitled "A Thang
ka Portrait of ' Bri gung rin chen dpal ,
'Jig rten gsum mgon [1143- 1217],"
Amy Heller confirms the identity of
the central figure of an important early
Sun1oon
painting of Dri2uno
....
c Jioten
0
0
through examining an inscription on its
reverse side. (See also, Fig. 5.9.) This
painting, from a private collection in
Zurich, had been previously published
in Pal's Himalayas catalog of 2003.232
For that earlier catalog, Heller, with the
help ofTshenshab Rinpoche, had found
the Sanskrit name " Ratna Guru Shri''
repeated in consecration prayers on the
reverse side and hence identifies the
main figure as Jigten Sumgtin.233 The
correct Sanskrit name should not be
" Ratna Guru Shri'' (which would correspond with the Tibetan name Rinchen
40
C HAPTER 3
Lama Pal) but "Guru Ratna Shrl' (Lama
Rinchen Pal).
The key advance regarding that
mural he made only in his revised version of 2011, where he states that the
ln the 2005 article, Heller clarifies:134 "The key expression is the rep-
so-called Rinchen Zangpo must be none
etition in lines 16-17 in the main body
other than "Drigtmgpa," i.e., Drigungpa
('bum pa) of the stupa: otrt ratna guru
ratna.fri slat, "of!! body of Rin chen
dpal, the precious teacher (bla marin po
Chenpo Jigten Sumgon. and in the subsequent passages adjusts his discussions
accordingly to fit that crucial fact. 237 (He
c/ze)." She also summarizes the iconog-
reaches the san1e conclusion in C. Luc-
raphy of Jigten Sumgon fotmd in this
portrait: 235
zani ts 2006b .)
He is shown as a bla ma, his head
in three-quarter view, receding
hairline, plump face, no beard,
dha.rmacakra mudrtl, seated in
vajraparyanka tlsana seated in
meditation (Tib. rdo rje skyil krcmg
...) inside a throne flanked by
two standing bodhisattvas; thus he
is spiritually identified as a Buddha. In thi s particular portrait, the
emblem ratna is emphasized by its
position on a textile immediately
beneath the lotus petals of the
throne cushions.
secure glimpses into the early history
of Buddhism in Ladakh." ln this paper
he hoped to outline "the most crucial
historical issues and questions from the
point of view of an art historian and
archaeologist, drawing on a selection of
exemplary monuments and objects, the
historical value of which has in many
instances yet to be exploited."
Luczanits attempted to survey (as
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.004
In his book Buddhist Sculpture in Clay,
Christian Luczanits took on primarily the
period of the late tenth to early thirteenth
century. The main western Himilayan
painting styles end with the arrival of
what he calls tl1e "New Schools,''2.18
which in Ladakh for the most part meant
the Drigung Kagyu. He notes that in
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
Ladakh was completely independent of
Guge and was not home to such stylistic
revivals as occurred in Guge. 239 He enumerates240 theAJchi Lhakhang Soma and
the other main sites of the "Early Ladakhi
Based on its identical iconography,
and artistic heritage can provide more
he mentions in the conclusion of his article, p. 91 f.) the " most important remains
of early architectural and art historical
evidence that can help to improve our
knowledge of Ladakh 's more distant
past, once a sufficiently dense documentation is available for study." He wanted
to stress many usually ignored aspects
of this heritage and take a "holistic''
approach (i .e., taking into account every
aspect of the whole historical picture),
which he says had in recent years fallen
out of scholarl y fashion. "The importance of minor artistic heritage such as
rock- and stone-carvings, stone-engravings and wood carvings and ruins of all
kinds for evaluating Ladakh's distant
Heller suggests further that a mural of a
Style" of his 1998 article,241 adding here
the "small temple at Kanji." In this publi-
lama in a small stupa at AI chi previously
cation he classifies their murals as "local
pioneering works of Francke, Giuseppe
identified as Rinchen Zan gpo might also
portray Jigten Sumgon.236
variants of a thirteenth-century central
Tibetan painting tradition," [i.e. Ladakhi
Tucci, David Snellgrove, and Tadeusz
Skorupski," yet such forms of evidence
variants of the central-Tibetan Sharri
had been underestimated by most subse-
style]. The Ladakhi site he treats in most
quent scholars.
Luczanits treats as main themes
or sub-themes: "Pre-Alchi heritage,"
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.003
AND 2.011
detail is Wanla, with its giant Jujikzhal
statue, which he dates242 to the late thir-
In his paper of 2003 on "Art-Historical
Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art" and its
revision from 2011, Christian Luczanits
teenth or early fourteenth century.
concentrates on dating methodology.
using as his first exan1ple the "so-called
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2.005
Rinchen Zangpo" mural of the Small
Stupa at AI chi, which he had already
prominently discussed in Luczanits 1998
(see Fig. 3 .1) . In his 2003 contribution, in
the section on " Aichi and its relationship
to Central Tibetan Art," he cautiously
repeats the descriptions and interpretations of that mural given in his 1998 arti cle. though sharpening them somewhat.
past- as has been demonstrated by the
" Painted AI chi," " Alchi Rebuilt," ''The
Wood Carvings of Alchi in Context,"
''The AI chi Group," and "Ladakhi Painting ." In the first section he surveys
the " Pre-Alchi heritage," reviewing
In his article of 2005 Christian Lucza-
neglected sites of stone inscriptions,
nits reconsidered the early art-historical
including steles and temple ruins. Considering "Painted Alchi," he reaches
heritage of Ladakh, surveying the major
and minor monuments, along with fragmentary remains. Lan1enting the lack of
themes of great relevance for Drigung
art. 243 He stresses prominently at the
secure dating for much of Ladakhi art
beginning that the attributi ons of older
predating the early fifteenth century, he
stresses that only a comparative study of
historical records with "the architectural
Ladakhi temples to Rinchen Zangpo
commonly found in both local oral tradition and some recent local histories
PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
4I
were not supported by art history
or architecture. z.w Among the Alchi
temples. he focuses here on the two
older ones. the Dukhang and Sumtsek.
reviewing Goepper's lineage-based evidence for dating the Sumtsek to about
1200-1220. He saysu5 the building of
these temples is datable to approximately the mid-twelfth to early thirteenth century, and they were built by
the local elite- rulers who came from
the 'B ro clan of central-Tibetan descent.
Luczanits reviews his findings
on the (Drigung-Kagyu-inspired) lama
portraiture in AI chi. especially the "depictions of a Central -Tibetan teacher" (traditional ly identified as Rinchen Zangpo)
found in slightly different depictions in
the Small Stupa and G real C herten of
AI chi. 246 They were painted in a new and
clearly Kagyu religious context. He is led
to consider but cautiously refrains from
asserting that both murals portray Jigten
Sumgon. taking into consideration problems with the depiction of a prominent
Indian siddha who appears as an important minor figure. w
The AI chi Dukhang Temple, he
says. is the oldest structure, and with it
we are in a pre-Drigung period. When
considering the "Aichi Group,'' he finds
evidence of new schools248 of Tibetan
Buddhis m I the Drigung Kagy u] in the
thirteenth century. He also observes2A9
that the pre-Drigung styles did not disappear immediately, considering the cases
of the Mailju§rT and Lotsawa Temples.
In connection with "Ladakhi Painting.''250 Luczanits discusses Wanla in
more detail. considering it to be the site
with the earliest ''Ladakhi Style" murals
and which shows a marked shift away
from the iconographic programs of
Alchi. Considering the '"new and old''
mentioned in the Wanla inscription.
he rightly interprets the "new" to have
referred to the Drigung Kagyu. {The
same implication of doctrinal change
can be read into the word "New" in the
4:1.
C HAPTER
3
name of the New Temple [Lhakhang
Soma] of Alchi.)
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 2006A
Another fruit of Christian Luczanits ·s
investigations of the advent of Drigung
Kagyu art in Ladakh in the early thirteenth century is a paper that he contributed to Rob Linrothe's catalog Holy
Madness. Entitled ''The Eight Great
Siddhas in Early Tibetan Painting:· in it
he discusses the eight siddhas. beginning
with a group depicted around Jt'lanatapa
in a thangka from Riwoche (now in
The Metropolitan Museum of Art), the
Taldung Kagyu seat in western Kham.
He mentions more than once the crucial
early Drigung Kagyu footprint thangka
on silk introduced by Klimburg-Salter
2004, which was by then at the Rubin
Museum of Art (Linrothe cat. no 6. HAR
65205). It gave him invaluable help in
identifying each minor figure.
One noteworthy feature of the early
footprint thangka (in this catalog. Fig.
5.1) is its placement of four siddhas to
the right and four to the left of the central footprints. These eight are uniquely
portrayed in that the top siddha on both
right and left is presented not singly but
as a triad .In the upper-left comer of the
group is Indrabhiiti with consort and
sister, while in the upper-right we find
Nagarjuna, here portrayed as Buddha
'
Sakyanmni
with Nagarjw1a and Ati§a
to his left and right. Then Luczanits
describes ''The Drigung Group.''251 Such
siddha depictions were so distinctive and
consistent that they allowed him to identify a whole group of early thangkas that
might otllerwise have been overlooked
as Drigung Kagyu.
After listing several examples.
Luczanits stresses tlleir stylistic diversity and great geographical range. He
also perceptively observedm tile presence of numerous prominent jewels
as a possible symbol of Rinchen Pal.
"Glorious Jewel.'' Mter describing
Taklung traditions of the eight siddhas,
he stresses233 the prominent presence
in early Drigung Kagyu paintings of
Virupa. calling him the ''Nintll Siddha." No doubt in early times a closer
connection existed among tile Kagyu
lamas with Virupa and his Patll with
the Fruit instructions, which Phagmotrupa had received from Sachen and
as his intimate disciple had written its
first Tibetan-language commentary. 254
Rinchen Pal personally sought out and
received those teachings in depth under
the master Tsilungpa, after the death of
Phagmotrupa.
CHRISTIAN L uczANITS 2oo6B
C hristian Luczanits's second publication in 2006 was a paper entitled ''Aichi
and the Drigungpa School of Tibetan
Buddhism.'· It was a suitable contribution to the Goepper felicitation volume
(festschrift) since it took as its point of
departure Goepper's discovery of an
inscribed lineage on a fairly inaccessible panel of the Three-story Temple.
The revised dating by Goepper surprised
Luczanits since it was much later than
the then widely accepted one and also
because nobody had been expecting
the presence of the Drigung Kagyu
School at Alchi - none of the oilier art or
inscriptions provided the slightest hint
of any such connection. (The only subtle
iconographic clue in the Sumtsek temple
that Luczanits mentions is tile presence
of the eighty-four madasiddhas.)
In a footnote Luczanits adds: ''The
range of possible dates, which can be
inferred from the lineage. depends on
whether one assumes tllat Drigungpa
was still alive when tile painting was
executed. l n the case of many scrollpaintings (thangkas) it is more likely
that they were executed postllumousl y.
but there are definitely also cases where
we can assume that the venerated was
still alive.''
Reviewing the relevant data. Lu ct
zanits mentions the controversy of tha
da tin g- wh ich he had als o researched
bu t he als o notes that it was supported
by Go ep pe r's stu dies of a mural in a
large Alchi stu pa. Luczanits had published in 2003 the so-called Rinchen
the
Za ng po - the ''Teacher Depiction in
b)
Small Chorten at Al ch i" of his (2006
article - as evidence of central-Tibetan
iconography but was unable to identify the main figure conclusively. In
his chapter here, however. he extracts
several key markers from the Rubin
ka
Museum of Art's old footprint thano
"'
(Fig. 5.1 ) to identify ma ny previously
obscure iconographic features of this
ct
portrait. concluding that its main subje
po.
was none other than Drigungpa Chen
iTh e main w1usual (i.e .. distinctive Dr
gung Kagyu) features Luczanits could
isolate here are: composition, teaching
lineage.m nu mb er and portrayal of sid
dhas, and protectors.256
Luczanits qualifies the immediate
i,
impact of the Drigung Kagyu at Alch
etic
stressing that Alchi retained its aesth
independence for ye ars :m
Th e Drigu11gpa School and its
foWJder obviously were well
known at AI chi when the Sumtsek
an d the c!torten were built, and
they were considered important
en ou gh being referred to in such
a prominent marmer. Nevertheless, given that als o in the Small
Ch on en the Drigungpa influence is
restricted, aft er all only one of the
four panels in the interior ch orten
sh ow s affiliations with the Drigungpa School ru1d Central-Tibetan
an . and not fully developed where
it is visible. one can conclude that
Alchi kept considerable independence throughout its early flourishing years. an independence tha t
is also visible in the iconographic
program of these monuments.
o6 c
CH RI ST IA N LU CZ AN IT S 20
e''
Taking much more than a .. first ofanc
". in his
ing
int
pa
u
gy
Ka
ng
igu
Dr
rly
ea
at
its
third art icl e of 2006 Christian Luczan
the
put ea rly Drigung art more clearly on
uses
art-historical map. In this article, he
the Rubin Museum of Art early footfor
print thangka (Fig. 5.1) as his guide
an
deciphering what had been until then
unknown iconographic language.
On e key distinctive marker that be
is
extracts for early Drigung Kagyu art
Sidthe special treatment of Eight Great
dhas (as desc ribed in cormection with
258
C. Luczanits 2006b). ln addition. he
259
extracts several other major characteristics: treatment of tri pie jew els , the
at a
nll ga flanking the main throne se '
vase atop a vi.fvavajra with emeroino
"'pe"(es
top
at
s
ha
dd
bu
o
tw
m.
ste
lotus
ht)
cially the Medicine Buddha to the rio" '
ial
attendant standing bodhisattvas, spec
s.
am dei ties, and distinctive protector
yid
Luczanits als o o bserves: 260
Th e two representations of AJchi
considered here are exceptions
in as much as the painting style
used for them is distinctly Western
Himalayan. Nevertheless. even in
Alchi there are monuments decorated in a Central Tibet derived
style, in particular the New Temple
(Lhakhang Soma). In oth er words '
iliere ma y be no real distinction
between Central and West Tibetan
Drigungpa art during the 13th
century.
He als o addresses so me of the main
on
uncertainties regarding the interpretati
of lineage s:261
It currently is unclear wh at the
chronological clues found within
the lineage depictions mean in
absolute tem1s [i.e .. for establishinoe
a concrete date]. Due to the wide
geographic range of the depictions,
it cannot simply be assumed that
the hierarchs represent the lineaoe
0
of the abbots of DrigWJg Mon astery. ln this lineage, the third
n opa
generation abbot aft er Dri au
"' e
(rje sPyan-snga Rin -po-che, 11 75 1255: abbot from 12 34 -1 25 5). held
the se e WJtil 1255. If all ex am ple s
referred to this lineage , the succession and changes indicated above
would all fall within a fairly short
period. So me ex am ple s, especially the Pritzker and M cC or mi ck
footprints as well as t11e RR .E .
thangka. appear to indicate that
the lineage need not necessarily
lead up to the contemporaneous
hierarch. Th us . even a late-13th century painting may merely portray the co re lineage leading up to
Drigungpa.
Concerning the animal-ornanJents
in
of the backrest of a buddha ·s throne.
footnote 5 he writes: "It ap pe ars that
what is ca ll ed the six ornaments of the
throne, with the ntl ga undemeath the
nly
central guru being one of them was o
establis hed in the course of the 13th
and 14th centuries and clearly under
of
Nepalese influence. On early variants
Lucthrone-frames and throne-backs se e
zanits (20Q.l) .'~
KU RT TR OP PE R 20 07
de
Ku rt Trap pe r in his article of 2007 ma
the Wanla Temple more accessible to
e
historians by publishing the complet
ptext of its inscription. Th e long inscri
tion was composed by an otherwise
unknown mo nk named Changchub
Za ng po (Byang chub bzang po) wh o
nlived in the mid- or late thirteenth ce
y
tury. a period that otherwise is poorl
documented in Ladakhi historical
wsources. (The thirteenth century is, ho
ever. counted by DrigWJg Kagyu his
s
torians as a high point in their sc ho ol'
ing
development in western Tibe t. includ
OF TH E DR IC UN C KA CY U SC BO OL
PA IN TIN G T RA D ITI ON S
43
Ladakh.) The inscription, which is damaged in a few places, reveals that the
temple of Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara
was commissioned by the sons of a powerful district chief in western Ladakh
named Bhagdar Kyab. whose personal
tutelary deity was the bodhisattva
Avalokitesvara.
Trapper summarizes previous
research, tracing the earliest mention of
the temple to the first Western researcher
on Ladakhi history, August Hermann
Francke, who in his book of 1914 and
1926 (Antiquities of Indian Tibet) mentions the inscription but does not actually cite it. Trapper also uses the partial
text of the inscription found in the Ladakhi Tibetan-language monastic history
by Konchok Sonam, who tried to read
it in an almost blackened condition.263
He also compares an almost complete
rendering of the inscription given in the
short description of the Wanla Temple by
Konchok Tashi in his history of Lamayuru.264 Thus he refers to two of the main
rec.e nt local histories that were published
in Tibetan.265 He also takes into account
the contributions of R. Vitali 1996 and
in, at the latest, the 1270s and the statues
added in the period 1278-1284. (I know
of a much later case in western Ladakh,
the Chenrezik Lhakhang of Lamayuru,
in which the lower and upper murals can
be dated to the tenures of two successive
Drigung abbots of the 1860s and 1870s.)
Trapper rightly rejects the traditional dating of the temple to the time
of Rinchen Zangpo. But how much later
should it be dated ? As Vitali suggests,
the inscription probably dates to the
period of eastern or Upper Mongol (stod
hor) rule in Ngari, and to the period of
Drigung Kagyu early expansion in western Tibet ( 1190s-l280s?). A hint to that
effect is the Mongol-period political title
khri dpon, head of a khri skor (an administrative district comprising 10,000 families). U and Tsang Provinces of central
Tibet comprised thirteen such districts in
Yuan times, in the 1270s. Its occurrence
in the inscription may indicate that the
same term was also used by the "Upper
Mongol" (sTod hor) administration of
Ngari. The usage of kha. che 'i yul here
to name the place where Bhagdor Kyab
received the title khri dpon (myriarch)
C. Luczanits 2002. though overlooking
the English and German translations of
the inscription published by Binczik and
Fischer in 2002.266
Trapper discusses the site's dating, conspicuously citing as evidence
the thirteen papier-mache sculptures of
lineage gurus preserved in the temple's
top floor.267 That lineage continued
down to the thirteenth guru, Thogkhawa,
is admittedly confusing and imprecise.
Normally kha che designates Kashmir,
but here it probably is used imprecisel y
to refer to somewhere else, presumably
an important site of eastern or Upper
Mongol rule in Central Asia.
Trapper broke the text down to 133
lines of versified text. Line 85 nan1es the
three expert artists who led its creation:
"The incarnation of [the divine artist]
who Trapper says died in 1285. (I date
his death to J284 and his tenure to
1278- 1284.) Trapper does not mention
here the presence of a painted lineage,
which appears above a mural section
depicting four-arn1ed Avalokite5vara,
and which Luczanits had published.268
There the gurus number twel ve, ending
Visvakarman, Legs pablo gros. and the
incarnation of Maiijugho~a, the artisan
(B)sod ..., the divine incarnation (D)
kon (m)chog ldor ba, father and son,
the three:· Thus the artists were Lekpa
Lotro, Konchok Dorwa the father, his
son, and an artisan whose name is partially effaced but who may have been
with the abbot Jung Dorje Trakpa, tenure 1255- 1278. I therefore suggest we
interpret the lineages to mean that Wanla
was begun and the lower murals painted
called Son am (bSod nams).
The four sons of Bhagdar Kyab,
who were the main patrons, are also
44
C H A PTER
3
mentioned. Lines 113 to 115 refer to a
series of temples erected in their father 's
memory and mention worship performed
perpetually in his memory at a separate
spur klwng (cremation house or chapel) .
Hence at the time of the Wanta Chapel's
completion and consecration. Shagdar Kyab was already dead, survived
by his four sons, three of whom were
laymen. 269 Two females of very high
position (presumably female relations
such as the sons' younger sisters, sring
mo) called "Khathtin (Kha thun) [and]
Drongmo (sBrong mo)'' are mentioned
as having provided excellent food,
who were said to be like emanations
of "Onjo" (i.e., comparable with the
legendary Chinese Princess Wencheng,
consort of King Songtsen Gampo).
Trapper observes: "What is decisive in regard to the dating of ' Shag dar
skyabs, however, is that starting from
verse-line 112 tl1e inscription gives
an account of the ruler's four sons, of
whom the youngest is reported to have
thrown himself at the feet of a 'Sri
gung master (or masters)."270 The passage mentioning Drigung Monastery in
lines I I9-120 is fairly opaque as Trapper translates it: "After the arrival at/
of (the) ' Sri gung, he touched the lotus
feet of the dharma-master(s) and then he
requested religious instructions in great
numbers." Here the inscription actually
says that the yotmges t among the four
brothers, a monk named Shakya Gyaltshen, traveled to Drigung Monastery,
paid obeisance there to (:.habs la btug)
the "Dharma-lord" (the Drigung abbot
of his time), and received many religious
instructions at his feet.
Trapper has misunderstood a
few other words in the inscription. For
instance, in Iine 97, the common word
rnam g:hag occurs with the unusual
meaning of " formal offerings'' or "ceremonial offerings."271 Elsewhere he
mistranslates mi dbang , a common word
for ruler and synonym of rgyal po, as
"chief of laity." 272 Such minor problems are understandable in this, a first
complete translation. In general, the edition and translation are very helpful for
historians.
ERBERTO
Lo Bu£ 2007A
In 2007 Erberto Lo Bue published a
paper entitled ··A 16th-century Ladakh
School of Painting:· In it he documents
more clearly than previous scholars had
the history of the murals of the Tashi
Ch&lzong of Phyang, Ladakh, as the
fruit of four visits to Ladakh for research
during the summers of 2001- 2003 and
2005. He observes that Western scholars
have generall y neglected Ladakhi art
from after the fourteenth century and
that painting styles from the fifteenth
century on have not yet been investigated in much detail.273 In another
publication he dates the Guru Lhakhang
murals of Ph yang to the 1440s.V4 Here
studying the inscriptions of these murals.
he also identifies several of the painters.
(He apparently omits the ··~xu·· of the
name Phyogs bcu dus gsumma from its
inscription in footnote 12.)275 Others had
mentioned the names of five painters
responsible for the Mahakala Temple.176
Lo Bue (following Petech ·s dating
of Phyang to the 1550s) concludes that
he could identify the artists responsible
for the creation of those murals "and
hence identify the protagonists of Ladakhi painting enjoying royal patronage at
Ph yang and Basgo in the latter half of
the six teenth cen tury."' 277 He held that
the half dozen a1tists mentioned "represent the largest and most important
group of painters so far identified'" in
Ladakhi painting. Such royal painting
commissions in Kagyu temples at Phyang and Basgo confirmed. he believed.
the important cultural and political
roles played by the Drigung Kagyu and
Drukpa orders in Ladakh in the second
half of the sixteenth century (though we
need to adjust the period under discussion to the 1530s. the actual period of
Phyang's foundation).
ERBERTO
Lo BuE 2007B
ln his second contribution of 2007
Erberto Lo Sue summarizes the lives
and works of traditional Buddhist
painters in Ladakh, several of whom
belonged to the Drigung Kagyu tradition. (I have extracted most of those
details pertaining to three relevant
nventieth-century Ladakhi painters in
chapter 10 .)
MELISSA KERIN 2008
Melissa Kerin submitted in 2008 a 369page PhD dissertation entitled: ··Retracing Lines of Devotion: Religious
Identities and Political Ideologies in
Fifteenth-Sixteenth-Century Wes tern
Himalayan Wall Painting." Though
she received her degree from the University of Pennsylvania, her research
was mainly supervised by Deborah
Klimburg-Salter of Vienna University.
Kerin visited Vienna to use its western
Himalayan photo archives and consulted
Kurt Tropper and others for help on Drigung Kagyu history, historical sources.
and inscription-writing practices. She
focused on previously overlooked
sixteenth-century wall paintings of a
Buddhist temple in the Tibetan-Buddhist
cultural area of Kinnaur (Khu nu) in the
state of Himachal Pradesh in northern
FIG. J .6
Gya Phakpa Temple in Nako Village, Khunu
Photograph by M. Kerin
After M. Kerin 2008, p. 231, pl. 7,
"Exterior of Nako's Rgya 'pbags pa
temple."
India. ln a temple of Nako Village she
found evidence for the previous presence of the Drigung Kagyu School.
ln her first chapter. Kerin clarifies
the place of Nako Village within the
political. religious. and artistic contexts
of Khunu and the Spiti valley. After
describing the political and artistic
mi lieu of Upper Khunu , she sketches
the religious history and artistic heritage
of Nako's various temples, concentratin g on lhe Gya Phakpa Temple (Fig.
3 .6). She does not clarify in which language she conducted her interviews; for
example. she speaks of "the importance
of the Hindi language in the area, as
opposed to Tibetan."218 She also does
not allude to the ethnic and linguistic
diversity of Khunu. True. her main community. the people of Upper Khunu.
spoke a dialect ofTibetan.179 They were
for many centuries Tibetan Buddhists.
and those who were literate and involved
in religious practice learned Tibetan as
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
45
FIC. 3·7
Drigung Kagyu Lamas
onh wall, Gya Phakpa Temple, Nako
Phorograph by John Henry Rice
Afrer M. Kerin 2008, p. 255, plate 2.7:
"Rgya 'phags pa Temple, North Wall,
Lineage porrraits."
a classical religious language. In Lower
Khunuthere also existed a distinct Kinnauri language. (Elsewhere in Khunu a
small community speaking the ancient
non-Tibetan Zbano-:z.huno
e
c lanouaoe
e
et of
Ngari also survives with a few thousand
speakers.)
In chapter 2, Kerin investigates
how the Gya Pbakpa Temple was understood by previous Western scholars
and how it is still understood by the
present-day village faithful. Both groups
take the temple to be a Drukpa Kagyu
establishment and do not notice the surviving Drigung Kagyu elements in its
murals. As proof of that forgotten secta.rian affiliation, she found two obviously
Drigung Kagyu iconographic features in
earlier murals: depictions of the Driouno
" "
Kagyu protector Achi outside and of
Jigten Gonpo inside. She also notes the
presence of five other probably Drigung
Kagyu lamas, some with cryptic inscriptions beneath tbem.
46
CHAPTER
3
Figure 3.7 shows the main inside
murals. The key inscriptions under the
five lamas. starting with the north wall
(with my translations added in brackets), are:
North wall
I. Lama to the upper left: 'jig rten
mgon po [Jigten Gonpo]
2. Lama to his right: clws rje danna
mtshan can. II translate: The lord
of Dharma named Dlirma. i.e.,
clws rje dharma 'i mtshan can, ''he
whose name lin Sanskrit] would
be Dharma:· which in Tibetan
would be: Chos kvi ...]
East wall
3. Lan1a to the Ieft: ... Rin chen
[illegible]. [Presumably to be
com pi eted as: "The [Lord of
Dharma] named Rinchen."l
4. Lama to the right: illegible.
South wall
5. Lan1a to the left: blo gros mtshan
can/ana mo. IMy translation:
Homage to (the lama) named
Lotro.]
6. Lan1a to the ri ght: illegible.
Kerin sought help from every
expert on Drigung Kagyu history she
could find in India and Tibet about these
names.280 All were baffled. Still, at least
the words Chos f..)>i and Rin chen are
common enough name elements among
Drigung abbots of the fifteenth century.
which is roughly the most likely period.
The most difficult name to place is tbe
second to the last (blo gros mtshan can.
''[tbe Lama] named Lotro..), since no
lama named Lotro appears in the main
Drigung Kagyu lineage during the relevant centuries. One possibility is that
he was not an abbot of Driouno
" .,. but
rather another ou tstanding lama, presumably the guru of number 6, the final
lama. who we can presume was involved
in refurbishing the temple in the midor late fifteenth century. (Compare the
prominent depiction of the Gyangdrak
master [ChOje Denma Kunga Tral.'P3] in
tbe Tashi ChOdzong murals at Phyang in
Ladakh). 281 Unfortunately I also could
find no ·'Lotro'' among the successive
dord::.in (Drigu ng-appointed head lamas)
of Gyangdrak Monastery of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Ti se
dkar chag. p. 78ff.: fols. 33b-34a).
U we leave out the fifth lama as not
a Drigung throne-holder. the following
sequence of lamas would be possible for
the first four masters:
I. 'Jig rten mgon po
2. [dBang Rin chen] Chos kyi rgyal
po (Dri 16) ( 1448-1504)? (the
lama with the name "Dharma'' or
Chos kyi)
3. Rin chen phun tshogs (Dri 18)
(1509-1557)? (the one named
Rinchen)
4. Illegible, but possibly Dri 19. if
the previous two are correct
5. An unidentified lama named Blo
gros Ia prominent Drigung Kagyu
lama who flourished in the early
or mid-six teenth century]?
6. A final lama, possibly from Drigung or Gyangdrak
If my hypothetical identifications are
accurate (hard evidence is still lacking),
Klimburg-Salter acknowledges "the rich
artistic heritage of Ladakh."285 Kerin
then the period indicated for the Drigung
Kagyu murals of Nako would be roughly
the mid- or late sixteenth century (ci rca
l550s- l590s).
next discusses286 two articles of Christian Luczanits 1998, "On an Unusual ..
."and 2006b, "Alchi and the Drigungpa
In chapter 3 , Kerin describes the
painting style of the Gya Phakpa Temple
and addresses its stylistic relationship to other Drigung Kagyu temples,
while also investigating its style and
use. Summarizing previous literature,
she discusses whether the Drigung
Kagyu possessed a distinctive painting
style. The question was not relevant for
the period of the Gya Phakpa Temple
murals, when it did not possess one.
Still, she decides to grapple with the
question, investigating works of second-
Late in her third chapter,288 Kerin
records that through her fieldwork in
Upper Khunu and Spiti, she could not
find any other Drigung Kagyu temples
with sun,iving fifteenth- to seventeenth-
ary literature that cited or recorded the
existence of a Drigung style, before or
after her own main period. She ends
up considering a quite late period (D.
Jackson 2002) and very early styles (D.
Klimburg-Salter 2004 and C. Luczanits
1998 and 2006b).
Kerin cites me in my article of
2002 as the first Western scholar "to
advance the notion of a ' Bri gung pa
painting style."282 She overlooked that
three years before my article, Clare
Harris prominently mentions the style,
employing Yeshe Jam yang as an important source on the classification of recent
styles and using the term Driri ("Drigung Painting Style'j.Z83
Kerin next discusses Deborah
Klimburg-Salter's article (KlimburgSalter 2004), 284 which describes a crucial very early painting for studying
the inception of "the Drigung painting
style (Driri)" [referring to a very early
painting, i.e., Fig. 5.1 in the present publication] . Kerin glosses over KlimburgSalter's overly loose usage of the term
Driri for early period art and finds her
approach acceptable since KlimburgSalter "does not deny the possi bi I ity
that there may have been other coeval
painting traditions in Ladakh," and since
century wall murals. Adding that most
Ladakhi murals date to the thirteenth
or fomteenth century, she jumps ahead
chronologically to discuss the site of
"Tsegu" (i .e., Gongbur) Monastery in
Purang, which she dates, after a brief
visit. to the eighteenth century, but she
could not photograph it. (It is a pity
she could not work longer at Gong bur
Monastery because its murals would
have been chronologically closer to
her Nako ones, if my reading of the
Amitayus lineage is con·ect.) Then Kerin
considers five sites in Ladakh- Linshed,
Kanji , Wanla, Alchi, and [Tangtse] in the
Changthang- all of which she acknowledges were either too early or too late
for a good comparison. But why not
use the chronologically closer mmals of
Phyan.g Monastery in Ladakh?289
In chapter 4, entitled "From
Courtly to Regional Idioms: West Tibet's
painting Tradition, [in the] Fiftee.nth-Sixteenth Centuries," Kerin compares the
Gya Phakpa murals with other murals
from Khunu , Spiti and "Ngari" (by
which she actually means just Guge in
central Ngari). She asserts that the Gya
Phakpa sixteenth-century mural styles
were neither local nor specific to the
Drigung Kagyu School but rather a vari ant of a regional style. That style, she
says, was commonly referred to as "the
Guge Renaissance style," and she distinguishes within it two main phases: the
"Renascent style" [circa 1470s-1500?],
which she believed was commissioned
under the courtly patronage of the newly
formed Guge Kingdom of Ngari ; and
the "Late-Medieval Guge Style," which
consisted of "stylistic developments that
developed after the fifteenth century"
[i.e., circa 1500-1600]. Aiming to document for the first time a coherent group
of visual forms from the fifteenth to sixteenth centmy that reflected the region's
political and artistic history, she adds290
that the second (late) stage quite likely
persisted into the seventeenth century,
though her dissertation mainly focuses
on up to the end of the sixteenth century.
Kerin discusses the dates of the
Red Temple of Guge, which Tucci ( 1971
" Tibetan Notes'') had dated to the early
fifteenth century. Following Petech291
and Vitali. 292 she considers the Red
Temple (w hich is key for her chronology, in general) to date instead to the last
quarter of the fifteenth century. 293 (She
refers confusingly to both Tsaparang and
Tholing ' Du khang as ''Red Temples.'')
She considers them and the Golden
Temple ofTabo to represent the apogee
of the "courtly idiom."
Kerin next investigates a site that
is her missing link, Tabo Cave Paintings (plates 4.62-4.64).m (See Fig. 3.8
in the present publication.) Though she
correctly notes the likely Geluk sectarian affiliation of this site, she does not
realize that what is portrayed around
the two bodhisattvas are the two main
Kadam lineages ofTsongkhapa, which
he received by way of Atisa and Dromton. (The Tibetan layman depicted
with white robes on both sides must be
Dromton .)295
Later296 Kerin follows Tucci 1949
in asserting that the style persists ''tmtil
roughly the late 17th century."297 That
is when Tucci believed "the prov inee
[of Guge] was incorporated into Greater
Tibet at the end of the seventeenth century, its individuality was completely
lost and the new manner of the Tibetan
'settecento' triumphed in Guge, too.''
But Tucci in 1949 had very little to base
his dating on, either for Guge or for central Tibet.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
47
time she refers to. the mid-fourteenth
century. were involve d in further
strength ening the forms of Yuan Buddhi st
art- the Beri style in Tibet-n ot rejecting it. Its heavy Newar compon ent may
have been part of what made that art so
foreign in the eyes of the Han Chinese .
When we conside r the general develop ment of Tibetan painting styles in central
Tibet, at precisely this time ( the end of
the Yuan). the styles jump in a counter intuitive direction, not away from the
Yuan-Sakya Beri style, but deeper into
it. The classical Eastern -Indian Sharri
style, for its part, comple tely died out
3.8
Saicyamuni, Mairreya, and Manju§rr
Northern wall, cave temple, Tabo
Phomgr aph by john Henry Rice
After M. Kerin 2008, plate 4.62.
fiG.
ln chapter 5 (her final chapter ).
Kerin traced the relation s of her Upper
Khunu temple ·s murals with related
Guge and Tabo cave painting s of the
same general style. Explori ng the
"Origin and Meanin g of a Renasce nt
Painting traditio n," she attempt ed to
demons trate how the later Guge style
revealed many formal aspects of the
prior painting style of the early royalty
of Guge-P urang of the elevent h and
twelfth centurie s. The fifteenth -century
Guge rulers emulate d the early style.
she suggest s. in respons e to a !50-yea r
disrupti on in local rule during the Sakya/
Yuan rule of Tibet: 298
Guru Lhakha ng, Phyang.) By adoptin g
the domina nt (mainly red) color scheme
and several other key decorat ive features
be a brief passage quoted by Roberto
Vitali 300 from the History r~f Dharma in
Ngari (Mnga · ris chos 'byung). There
around the middle of the fifteenth century, the painters of Guge demons trate
that even in their far-flun g location they
the passage from Vitali actually refers
to western Tibet regainin g some sort
of political indepen dence from central
Tibet (0-Tsan g) in the late fourteenth
could not escape the strong gravitational
pull of these widespr ead. and within
the Tibetan Buddhist cultural world,
or early fifteenth century -which had
ruled Guge not for the single century of
Sakya!Yuan rule - but, in Vitali's words,
"for hundred s of years." Even granting
that a major political change occurre d
in the mid- or late fourteen th century
and that Guge returned to greater peace
and prosper ity under King Namgya l De
(d. 1439?), that was still long before the
new painting style she refers to began to
flourish in Guge in the mid- or late fifteenth century . Did the art hibernate for
the Ming Dynasty (1368-1 644) did
after the Yuan Dynasty 's tennina tion. Courtly artists of the Ming
Dynasty revived the styles and
decades before reacting to these "epochmaking ·· changes ? The Yuan ended
"indi genous" identity after the foreign rule of the Yuan Mongol s.
CHAPTE R
3
in central Tibet at precisel y that time,
though it lingered on for a few more
generat ions in one highly conserv ative
periphery. Ladakh. (See. for instance , the
could not give much evidenc e to support
it. She mainly cites " the royal chronic le
of the fifteenth century Guge Kingdo m."
Her sole textual evidenc e299 seems to
Throug h its art, the Guge Kingdom
sought to reestablish its cultural and
ancestral heritage. This is not unlike
forms of the Souther n Song period
(twelfth-thirteenth century) as a
way to reestablish their cultural and
48
Kerin ·s hypothe sis that a stylistic
reaction occurre d in Guge at the end of
the Yuan dynasty is intrigui ng. but she
in 1368. while her Guge style began
flourishing a century later. in the 1470s.
Where is the propose d direct link?301
Kerin cannot be faulted for not
knowin g well the general stylistic trends
of Tibetan painting of the fou rteenth and
fifteenth centurie s, but Tibetan s at the
almost universal aestheti c changes . They.
too. adopted a regional variety of the
Beri.300 (Artists at Phyang in conserv ative Ladakh were in the 1530s still using
a Beri style like that of the Gyantse
Kumbu m. a century after it ceased to be
widely used in central Tsang.)
In a second part of this final chapter, Kerin asserts that the s tyle as found
in Upper Khunu was peripheral and no
longer signale d the messag e of dynasti c
emulati on but instead a royally sanctioned legitima cy. Two of her key mural
sites were the temples ofTholl ng and
Tsapara ng in Guge. The dating of those
sites, howeve r. has been significantly
revised (chronologicall y reversed) by
Luczani ts, who found wall inscript ions
when visiting there in 2007.303 Luczanits summa rizes more convinc ingly
the mix that made up the Guge style
of the fifteenth century, includi ng key
central-Tibetan (i.e., Beri) elements,31W
and Purang from the twelfth to seven-
written hagiographies of Jigten Sumgon.
though in his extremely brief stylistic
teenth century. hoping to reveal a motive
For instance, in his figure 8a (Fig. 3.9
summary of 1998.J05 Luczanits does consider Tsaparang of the fifteen/sixteenth
in the present catalog), Linrothe documents a mural detail with two lamas,
century the last phase of the western
for the patronage of the Drigung Kagyu
murals at Nako.316
In sum. Kerin bravely investigates
Tibetan style.
in her study the murals of a poor! y pre-
For her part. Kerin denied that the
Guge style possessed any basic stylis-
served Dri gung Kagyu village temple in
the Himalayan borderlands- a highly
monks" in his figure lOa may be a dou-
tic allegiance to the Beri -though she
obscure comer even within the little
( Note the white skin and identical dis-
misunderstands Pal's term Sakyapa306
first of all as being the same as her Inter-
tinctive hair lines of both main figures.)
national Style. She also mistooJ<.l0'7 what
known field of Drigung Kagyu painting.317 One section where she shines
is where she finds318 in a Tabo cave a
Pal meant by ''Sakyapa Style," thinking
the style was linked with Gyantse, which
stylistic " missing link'' for her Nako
Temple style. But why were there so
RoB LINROTHE 2007B
she considers "one of the most important
many problems elsewhere? After a
Sa skya centers in Tibet," which it was
ce1tain point, a beginning scholar who
not. (Pal's mis lead ing terms "Sakyapa
Style'' and " Kadampa Style" terminol-
is investigating a neglected period and
obscure local style has to rely on the
ogy
Ifor the Beri and Sharri styles! were
expertise of her advisers, but who was
debunked by Stoddard 1996, which
Kerin cites in her bibliography, though
in 2005 or 2006 sufficiently expert in
western Tibetan painting of the sixteenth
she overlooked this critique). In fact,
or sevmteenth centuries? Judging by the
uneven quality of her results. nobody
she consulted was expert enough in both
period and locale.
she closely follows Klimburg-Salter
in asserting that the art of Guge in the
late fifteenth century "was not merely a
continuation. but a revival of [what she
calls] the Indo-Tibetan styte:·J<l8
Kerinl09 seems essentially to still
follow the basic analysis and chronology
ofTueei in 1949 (quoting his pioneering sketch of the history of the ·western
Tibetan school" from the eleventh to the
seventeenth century (ending with the
invasion of Ladakh by Sengge Namgyal).310 Her stylisti c terms are imprecise
or antiquated, not taking into account
the terms for western Tibetan painting
laid o ut by Luczanits in several recent
publications (w hich appear in her bibliography).311She sti ll commonly uses, for
instancel12 the terms " Inner Asian International Style'' and "International Style...
though Klimburg-Salter says they were
unanimously rejected in 1995 as no longer useful by art historians.m Kerin also
overlooked that the term Indo-Tibetanl14
was rejected by Luczanits.m
Ln her conclusion, Kerin tries to
place the Gya Phakpa sixteenth-century
murals within a detailed history of Guge
RoB LINROTHE 2007A
with Phagmorrupa to the left and Jigten
Sumgon to the right. The two ·'Drigung
bled representation of Jigten Sumgon.
In his second Orientations article of
2007, Rob Linrothe investigates the
identity of a black-skinned and whiterobed adept whose portraits appear
in early Drigung Kagyu paintings in
Ladakh and Zangskar. Linrothe is no
doubt correct in identifying these as Phadampa Sanggye, the South-Indian master who resided until his death at Dingri
in western Tsang in the early twelfth
century, some two decades before Jigten
Sumgon·s birth. Phadampa's iconography is unmistakable.
One of Linrothe ·s aims was to
explain Phadampa ·s turning up as a great
In January 2004. while visiting Kum-
siddha in early Drigung Kagyu murals
bum Monastery in Lingshed Village of
Zangskar, Rob Linrothe explored in the
in Ngari as an attempt by that school to
establish another legitimatizing Indian
Tashi Odbar Lhakhang a small hole in
lineal link (in addition to the school's
the wall behind a stupa. Together with his
main Indian lineage through Tilopa and
hosts, he found on the other side a previously unknown temple (now called the
Nll.ropa). I must admit tl1at I did not
expect to see him depicted in the places
"Hidden Lhakhang'') with murals dating
Linrothe found him. Yet Phadampa
to the thirteenth century. To the amazement of the local monks accompanying
was widely honored and revered in that
period as a realized adept who taught
him , whose monastery for centuries has
esoteric precepts that were considered
followed the Geluk School. the murals
contained a Kagyu lineage down to Gam-
extremely effective. The portraits themselves can now be taken as visual proof
popa. Even more intriguing. two of the
of how widely Phadarnpa was respected
side walls contained murals depicting
in thirteenth-century Ngari.
central monks surrounded by narrative
vignettes that proved to portray episodes
More relevant for understanding
the existence of his portraits is the fact
from the life story of Jigten Sumgon.
that Phadampa was deeply revered by
Dan Martin helped Linrothe confirm the contents of the paintings. identifying some painted episodes and tracing
Phagmotrupa, as the latter's biographies
clearly mention (as Linrothe also rightly
stresses). Phagmotrupa ·s personal devo-
some of the parallels in published
tion to him would have been enough
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
49
Local Styles.311 and (3) Guge Period
Styles.322 The first (early) period is his
maio subject in his dissertation. Luczanits does not directly investigate the
early central-Tibet inspired Drigunglinked styles, but says that we can note.
during the second period, the arrival
of that school through innovations in
iconographic program typical of the Dri!!UD" and other similar Sarmap a (New
c
"'
Translation Era) schools. These include
an Anuttarayoga Tantric subject matter.
prominent portraits of lamas and lineages. and the Sixteen Arhats (especially
the Four Great Kings).
OLAF CZAJA
2006 AND
FORTH COMIN G
Ftc. 3·9
Phagmorrupa and Jigten Sumgon, detail
from "Hidden Lhakkang~ mural
Lingshed, Zangskar; 13th cenrury
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
Literature: Rob Linrothe 2007a, fig. Sa.
reason for depicting Pbadam pa, one
would think. Yet it remains a puzzling
fact how seldom this same distinctive
adept turns up in early Drigung Kagyu
paintings from central Tibet. (A very
similar dark-skinned Indian yogi does
turn up as a half-hidden minor figure in
a few early Taklung Kagyu thangkas.
paired with Padmasambhava.)319
RoB LINRO THE
former residence in Tsatsap uri, a little
known site in Alchi Village.
Unroth e illustrates with his figure
Ia a pictorial hagiography of that master.
By ways of iconographic comparison,
Linrothe also presents in this article
some then rare and inaccessible details
from the lineage depictions of Wanla.
the "beam 1ineage,'" which had become
more accessible for photography due
to renovation work. He compared (his
figure 3a) on the faces of Phagmotrupa
and Jigten Sumgtin, noting the typical
beard of the former. He even found (sec
his figure 5: the present catalog 's Fig.
131) in the oldest temple of Lamayuru a
similar pair of lineal lamas to compare,
convincing visual proof of the presence
of those masters ' tradition in each place.
2009
In his article in Orientations in 2009.
Rob Linrothe summed up the conserva-
CHRIS TIAN LUCZA NITS 2009
tion activities in Ladakh as of summe r
2008.A s in his two articles in the same
publication in 2007, he presents several
In his article of 2009. "Styles in Westem Himalayan An,.. Christian Luczanits concentrates on a single style: he
interesting findings relevant to Drigung
Kagyu art. Once again he found remains
of murals portraying episodes of the life
describes just the sub-schools of the
western Tibetan style. enumerating the
three main periods and includes two
later ones. He differentiates: (I) Early
of Jioten
Sumoon
. In this case. the murals
c
"'
were discovered during renovation work
performed in the second Aoor of a lama·s
50
CHAPTE R
3
West Tibetan Styles (late tenth-ea rly
thirteenth ccntury),320 (2) lntern1ediary
Olaf Czaja has devoted much attention
to the history of Phagmotrupa 's monastic seat. Oensa The!. mother monastery
of the Phagtru Kagyu, and its art. In
2006 he dcfended at Leipzig Uni versity his dissertation "Medie val Rule in
Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling
House of Phag mo gru pa." A much
revised version of that study is about to
be published by a Viennese academic
press with the additional subtitle: .. With
a Study of the Monastic Art of Gdan
sa mthil :·Czaja has contributed two
articles on Densa The! and its marvelous
reliquary stupa commissioned by Jigten
Sumgon. The first, published in 2006,
was "The Sculptural Art of Densati 1" in
Orielllal Art Maga:i11e.
In his first article. Czaja as a PhD
candida te introduces the Densa The!
tashi gomang memori al stupas in a
preliminary way. He summarizes tlleir
sculptural program on the basis of writteo descriptions, photographs from
the 1950s, and known surviving fragments. He asserts that Tibetan sculptural
art was "deeply influenced by tllese
statues for two and a half centuri es:·
though not every excellent piece of art
was widely copied or automatically
FIG. 3.10
Densa Thel memorial srupa, lower level
Photograph by F. Mete, 1948
After Olaf Czaja 2006, fig. I.
influenced subsequent developments.
Briefly recapping the site's historical
background. he all udcs vague! y to the
importance of Phagmotru Densa Thel for
the Phagmotrupa governmen t founded
by Tai Situ Changchup Gyaltshen. He
adds that the Phagdru Kagyu School
was later "submerged into Gelukpa,"323
though not clearly specifying w hat
period he is referring to; the monastery
remains today an important monastery
of the Dakpo Kagyu tradition. One of
Czaja's main written Tibetan sources is
an inventory of all figures within one
Tashi Gomang. More than once he refers
to that inventory, without specifying its
author or citing its title either in his text
or bibliography.JH
The (first) stupa. Czaja explains.
included about 2.200 deities and was
built at Drigung between 1198 and 1202.
He mentions Tashi Obar (bkra shis 'od
'bar) as the name for the funereal reliquary stupa, explaining the two main
parts that were meant to be enshrined
together: Tashi Obar (the smaller reliquary stupa placed above) and Tashi
Gomang (bkra shis sgo mang), the
elaborate multi-tiered stupa below. Czaja
assumes that Jigten Sumgon's "manifold
political interests" found expression in
the Tashi Gomang stupa, though not
offering much evidence.325 He suooests
that Ji gten Sumgon intended to brino
"
Tashi Obar permanently to Dri ouno
"
and hence to shift the religious center
from Densa Thel to Drigung. The Tashi
Gomang. we are told. stayed in Driouno
"
and the reliquary stupa (Tashi Obar) was
sent back to Densa Thel without it.
Czaja explains that, in all, eight
Tashi Gomang were made at Densa
Thel. the first in the second half of
....
..
.
thirteenth century. He summarizes the
basic structure of this group of Tashi
Gomang stupas.316 ln figure 8 he illustrates the eight-tier plan of one side (the
eastern side) of the stupa. In later fio"
ures. he presents a number of survivino
fragments (figures 9-11 and 13- 16). He
also mentions some artistic or compositional features that the Tashi Gomano
stupa shared with early Kagyu painting.
(Note: ln figure 12. the eight great ndga
are listed among deities on the lowest
tier of deities [the sixth tier]. the tier of
worldly protectors.) Throuoh his fioure
18. he presents a Pritzker Collection
thangka with triple rainbow nimbuses
( ,.
1°" od) ·311 sorne thangka paintings
have a similar structure, Czaja notes.
''These tlumgkas should be understood
as neatly interwoven with the concept of
the Densathil stupas and [their] sculptu ring." He concludes by asserting that the
Densa Thel stupas had a "lasting influence on Kagyu painting."Jls
In this article Czaja thus summarizes for art historians a few key points
about this important yet poorly known
site. He helpfully explains the structure
of the whole stupa and maps the main
iconographic subjects of the top and
bonom tiers. Yet his findings remained
unpolished and provisional.
..
..
..
..
OLAF CZAJA 2010
In 20 I0 Czaja published his 2006 PlATS
(Proceedings of the International Association for Tibetan Studies) paper ''The
Commemorative Stupas at Densathil:
A Preliminary Study." Here he summarizes again findings from his doctoral
research, though in a more polished
form. Combining old photographs with
survivi ng fragments and a long and
detailed written description, he hoped to
reconstruct what the old stu pas had been
like. He describes more clearly at the
beginning the written descriptions of the
Tashi Gomang that he had used. Attributing one main work to Jigten Sumgon's
disciple Sherab Jungne (the longer
version, he says, occurred in the collected works of both Ji gten Sumgon and
Sherab Jungne), he mentions shorter and
longer versions of this work, in addition
IO a separate work that enumerated the
sacred relics and other contents inserted
into the Tashi Gomang stupa before its
consecration.l29
After introducing the stupa in
general.no Czaja tries to establish bow
many such stupas bad once existed at
Densa Thel.331 He outlines the basic
iconographic program as it can be seen
from Mete's photographs.332 then presenting in more detail the inner structure
of the stupa, including the relics that
were inserted at its consecration.m He
PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
describes in more detail some surviving
fragments from the sixth, i.e., bottom,
tier.334 He discusses successively the
four sides: East (p. 238ff.) ; South (p.
244ff.); West (p. 250ff.); and North (p.
256ff.). Then he addresses "Meaning,
Context and Perspectives," asserting that
the erection of the first stupa was politically determined, "which is reflected
in the iconographic program as well as
the structural layout."335 In closing, he
suggests three possible areas for further
research .336
In footnote 140, Czaj a describes
Jigten Sumgon's vision from the peak
of Gampogar (sGam po gar), in which
he clear! y saw the hoi y site of Tsari.
including the palace of Cakrasamvara on
top ofYu tsho (g.Yu mTsho [Turquoise
Lake]) and the Crystal Mountain (Shel
gyi ri). He mentions in passing many
rare and important works of sacred
art that were deposited as relics in the
Tashi Gomang stupa. For instance, he
touches on these three holy obj ects:337 a
realistic image (sku 'bag ) of Gampopa,
a painting of Gampopa 's footprints. and
a painted image of Phagmotrupa. Unti l
now we did not have concrete references to such images, though histories
stated that Phagmotrupa made images of
Sachen and Gampopa.338
Czaja refers intriguingly to a
painting (of Phagmotrupa?) that was
the holy object of the personal practice
(thugs dam) of Jigten Sumgon, bearing the form of his [guru's] footprints
(zlwbs rjes bkod pa can) , and done in
gold.l39 Czaja trans lates thugs dam many
times as " high aspiration." following
the suggestion of Dan Martin. But that
rendering is infelicitous, as I explain
elsewhere; it is better to translate it as
"holy object for the personal practice [of
such and such a master]." 340 Czaja also
translates 'od skor as "circle of light"
outside the stupa.341 Better would be to
render it "nimbus"; that is the ordinary
Tibetan name for the circular radianc.e
around the sun or moon. i.e., the literal
52
C HAPTER
3
translation would be "halo" for ring of
light around the sun or moon. (For the
Nyingma School, we also find mentioned a statue of Padmasambhava!)342
In another passage we also find listed
many of Phagmotrupa's writings including other Path with the Fruit (Lam 'bras)
books and specifically Phagmotrupa 's
commentary called the "Volume from the
Library" (Lam 'bras dPe mdwd llW), 343
and also the "Lamdre of Jo Lhajema"
(Jo Lha rj e ma), i.e., the transmission
of the Tibetan yogini Majik Shama (Ma
gcigZha rna, 1062- 1149).w These references attest to the importance of esoteric
instmctions deriving from the great adept
Virupa. Czaja also refers to many other
significant facts and terms, some of which
he will presumably present again in his
forthcoming book-length study.345
CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS 20!0
Christian Luczanits in his article of
20 10 contributes to the iconographical
description and interpretation of the first
Tashi Gomang stupa of Densa The!,
complementing the contributions of Olaf
Czaja. Using the written account (Karchak) of Sherab Jungne, Luczanits tries
to make sense of the large number of
mandalas presented, noting that each tier
can be considered a mandala of mandalas, as can the whole six-tier stupa.
One of his overriding considerations
was the date of the main written description, which he asserts was essentially
the san1e in all available versions. As he
observes: "Czaja takes [Sherab Jungne]
as the actual author of the text and, from
the historical context he has worked
out, sees this text as an authentic work
of the early 13th century." 346 Luczanits
was more doubtful , sensi ng the presence
of possible anachronisms and raising a
question of textual history or philology
that had important chronological consequences for art history.
Luczani ts uses the written Iist
of this iconographic corpus of 2,170
deities as a "pendant," i.e., as a parallel
or contrasti ng example, for comparing
the many deities of Wanla Temple. Both
fall into the category of Drigung Kagyu
art (though Luczanits then still dates
Wanla to the early fourteenth century) .
With that dating in mind, he began to
wonder whether the list of deities tmly
dated to Sherab Jungne's time (the early
thirteenth century), or whether, to the
contrary, it actually possessed deities
and gurus that would necessitate dating
it to the next century.
In his article Luczanits successively
discusses Tier I (p. 283), Tier 2 (p. 289),
Tier 3 (p. 293), Tier 4 (p. 297), Tier 5 (p.
299), and Tier 6 (p. 301). On page 284
he presents the plan of top tier, that of
gums?•7 Buddha Vajradhara sits at the
center of all four sides. The arrangement
of the top tier, south side, was:
6 [2] 5 [3] 2[4] I[5] 3[6] 4[7] 2b*[8]
This numbering showed both Ti lopa
and Atisa (Jowo Chenpo Lha cig shown
as 2b*) as disciples of Vajradhara. This
was a very unusual ordering. First of
all, the presence of Atisa symbolized a
second l.ineage. Secondly Vajradhara
was placed in the center- as he was on
al l four sides. Beginning with him, the
lineage altemated left and right, but then
ended with a pair of gurus on either side.
The north side of the top tier featured two key saints of the early-spread
(snga dar) period of Tibetan Buddhist
history: "Bodhisattva" (Zhi ba 'tsho,
Santarak~ita) and Padma 'byw1g gnas
(Padmasambhava). (In a previous Rubin
Museum catalog, instead of the correct
name, Santarak~ita, I wrongly gave the
name of his disciple as Kamalasila, who
also visited central Tibet, where I should
have said Santarak~ita.)348 According to
Luczanits: "The lineage in the north probably refers to Hevajra, of which VirGpa is
the principal lineage holder (see table Tier
1) . The two outem10st masters on this
side are Padmasambhava!Padma ' byung
gnas and mkhan po Bodhisattva, which
is a common epithet for Sant~ita.
clearl y two figures that are not included
here as lineage holders."349
Luczanits added: 350
First let us consider the lndian
abbot Santaraklfita (mKhan po bodhisattva) . What could his role here have
been? He was invited by the famous
Most telling, however, is the inclusion of Padmasarnbhava/Padma
early Tibetan King Trisong Detsen
(742-ca. 797) in about 779 when he
' byung gnas and Santara~ita as
the outermost masters on the north
side. As they are not lineage holders of Hevajra, their inclusion
among the major masters here
must have some other purpose.
In early Stag lung and Ri bo che
painti ngs, Padmasambhava even-
was founding Samye Monastery, and
he directed the ordination of the first
ever batch of seven Tibetan monks to
tually comes to be included among
the masters of the tradition. Again
one can use the Ouimet and Ford
collection thangkas as examples,
of which the latter can be dated to
the last quarter of the thirteenth
century. In fact, Padmasambhava
does not occur in early Himalayan
monuments at all, his earliest rep-
be ordained (traditionally called the zad
mi bdun), serving as "ordination abbot"
(mkhan po). Presumably he taught the
king and other early Tibetan disciples
to worship the Medicine Buddhas.
(The south face of tier three featured
the seven-deity King of Medicine,
Bhai~ajyaguru , Medicine Buddha mandala.) Most of the Buddhist teachings
died out during a period when Buddhism
was suppressed, but this tradition is
said to have been preserved within the
resentations dating to the mid- or
late 13th century, but be takes a
prominent position in the paintings of Wan] a, where he is shown
several times, once together with
surviving descendants of royalty who
established themselves in central Ngari
(especially Guge), aU with the royal title
mnga' bdag. The first non-royal person
in the lineage was Ngari Drajom (mNga
ris dOra 'jams), disciple of Ngadak
Tsede (mNga' bdag rTse lde) .3; 1
his eight main manifestations
on the left side wall of the main
The second Indian teacher, Padmasambhava, was famed for his having
niche. His inclusion and that of
'
Santarak~ita are evidence of the
integration of the powerful association with the religious heritage
of the imperial period within the
Bka' brgyud pa schools.
transmitted to Tibet such Tantric teachings for the deity Vajrala1a. VajrakJ1a
was a specialty of the Sakya Khon and
it was quite possible that Phagmotrupa
received its initiations and teachings
from Sachen during the many years he
spent in SaJ...-ya. (Go Lotsawa in his Blue
Annals says Phagmotrupa learned Lamdre "and other systems" from Sachen.)
For Padmasambhava. we actually find
To Luczanits's objections, I would
reply that both of the lndian gurus
he mentions (Padmasambhava and
Santarak~ita) could have been venerated
here as lineage holders for other deities
or mandalas, namely of VajrakJ1a and the
Medicine Buddha. They are not anachronistic here in a central Tibetan written
source, however rare they may be in
western Tibetan murals. The fact that
Padmasambhava occurs in Wanla (now
datable to the mid- or late-thirteenth century) makes his presence here much less
problematic.
at least two possible mandalas in the
Tashi Gomang stupa: 23-deity Vajrakiia,
tier 2, south side; and ten-deity Yangdak
Heruka (Yang dag Heruka), on the north
side of the third tier. Both are Nyingma
traditions, and both belong to the Kagye
(bKa' brgyad). Moreover, both were the
only two old-period Tantric transmissions
that two eleventh-century masters of the
Sakya Khtin (Khtin Sherab Tshultrim and
Ktinchok Gyalpo. b. 1034) decided to
preserve as special cases, after they had
discontinued all their other old-period
teachings.m
The stupa karchak records another
statue of Padmasambhava.m That master was also the origin of such esteemed
instructions as the Dzogchen (rDzogs
chen) or Great Perfection, which Phagmotrupa received from at least two
gurus. While in Tsang he studied the
precepts of Aro (of Dzogchen) under
the master Drakkarpowa (Brag dkar po
pa) .3 SI According to Go Lotsawa "he
felt these precepts were merely mental
stabilizing (:.hi gnas) and did not feel
satisfied." He was well known for having painstakingly tracked down and
studied under the most outstanding
experts in all branches of Buddhist practice.m According to Alexander Schiller's
forthcoming dissertation, Gampopa was
teaching Dzogchen when Phagmotrupa
first met him at Garnpo in 1151 ?56 One
of the teachings he gave to Phagmotrupa
and others, once he had recovered
his health after an illness, were the
"Dzogchen teachings from A ro" and
"Tium 'jogs" instructions.
Aro Yeshe Jungne (A ro Ye shes
' byung gnas) was an outstanding teacher
who kept the Dzogchen instructions of
Padmasambhava alive in part of Kharn
(!Dan ma), the homeland of Jigten
Sumgtin in about the first half of the
eleventh century.357 The eminent Tibetologist, R. A. Stein, wrote about him and
his tradition: 3;s
But in the same part of Kham
[Denma], the spiritual lineage of
Padmasan1bhava had also been
kept alive tl1rough the agency of
the translator Vairocana, exiled to
Kinchwan, where the daughter of
a king of that region became his
disciple. This lineage is that of the
Dzogchen-pa order, which belongs
to the "ancient" (Nyingma-pa)
unreformed school, and teaches a
form ofTantrism in which some
material from Chinese Dhyana
PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
53
(Ch' an, Zen) is preserved. A former Bonpo, Yasi Ponton (Ya zi Bon
ston ), and his teacher, Aro, were
also there at that time. This Aro,
likewise established at Longthang
in Den, had received the teachings of seven lineages from India,
together with seven lineages from
Given the high number of deities
and their assemblies described in
China. A point of interest is that
alone among Tibetan writings of
this period, it was his chief work,
the text, it is surprising to see how
little actual ly conforms to those
in paintings of the Bka' brgyud pa
schools in general, but especially
the 'Bri gung pa school, which
are dated with some certainty to
the first half of the thirteenth century or earlier. ln fact, some of
the divergences are so significant
that it appears to be very unlikely
that the text actual ly is what it is
supposed to be, name! y a descri ption of the pantheon on a stupa
made for Phag mo dru pa during
the lifetime of 'Bri gung pa, i.e.
Entering the Yoga of the Mahayana, that Atisa is recorded to have
liked and praised.
Aro is the first Dzogchen master whose
life Go Lotsawa tells in the relevant passage.359 He also gives a second lineage
specifically for Aro's lineage down to
Zhigpo Dutsi, as opposed to the lineage
of the Kha rag skor gsum (of Kharag
Gomchung).360 On Aro, Sanlten Karmay
explains in his book on Dzogchen that
he was a teacher of the Sems sde class
of Dzogchen teachings and in particular represented the "Kham tradition"
(Khams lugs),361 adding that his treatise
was important but (in the 1980s) not
accessible.362 (TBRC dates Aro to the
thirteenth century, a century too late.)
His treatise and personal history have
recently been located and published in
Kham .363 Though Go Lotsawa seems
to belittle the teaching when it occurs
in Phagmotrupa 's life story, in fact he
greatly revered Padmasambhava and his
teachings, saying:364 " People of Tibet
possess a head ornament and two ear
ornaments. The head ornament is Padmasambhava. The first ear ornament is
Kharag Gomchung. The second is the
venerable Milarepa." He went on to
devote the rest of the thirteenth book to
Karag Gomchung's Dzogchen lineage,
which originated in Aro 's tradition.365
Given such connections with Padmasambhava through the teachings that
Phagmotrupa had received from his
teachers, I do not think the presence of
'
his depiction or that of Santara~ita
need
54
entail any anachronism or special problems of art-historical interpretation here.
The same goes for the Nyingma Tantric
deities. Luczanits concludes by registering his final (understandable) doubts: 366
C HAPTER
3
before 1217. Most significantly,
the arrangement and identity of the
siddhas represented on the upper
level do not conform to any of the
early concepts, neither the common
Bka' brgyud lineage nor the group
of eight mahasiddha which must
have played a major role an1ong
the pupils of Phag mo gru pa.
It is true that the text does not
agree with our preconceptions about
early Phagdru Kagyu/Drigung Kagyu
religious art in about the year 1200.
Yet I think we have underestimated the
full breadth of Phagmotrupa's spiritual
learning. If properly interpreted, his
memorial stupa does witness to his vast
learning as a religious student, as do his
biographies. His greatest students could
not compare with him in this respect and
each of them transmitted a fairly small
fraction of his vast spiritual patrimony.
Thus, the work seems to be an
authentic and reliable guide to the Tashi
Gomang stupa that it describes, and we
can employ the (sometimes difficu lt)
details of its contents for art history, as
long as we have understood them correctly. The text records, I was pleased to
note, the presence of some of the earliest
portraits and footprints within this tradi tion. Though I have not yet read the text
in the original Tibetan, Czaja 2010 mentions in passing many rare and important
works of sacred art, objects that were
deposited as relics in the Tashi Gomang
stupa, including a realistic image (sku
'bag) of Gampopa, a painting of Gampapa's footprints, and a painted image of
Phagmotrupa.367
RICHARD ERNST 2013
In a recent article (R. Ernst 2013, "A
Chemist Remains a Chemist"), Richard
Ernst reconsidered tl1e identities of the
last two out of four main Iamas depicted
in one of his previously published paintings, suggesting that one lama depicted
in that thangka was Jigten Sumgon. In
an article of 2001 ("Arts and Sciences,
A Personal Perspective of Tibetan Painting") he had suggested that the four
larger lamas were four disciples of Gampopa (though misidentifying Gan1popa
as the small Indian monk below wearing
red robes and a yellow pundit hat).368 He
proposes now that the last two of those
four main lamas are Dtisum Kl1yenpa
(Dus gsum mkhyen pa) and Drigung Jigten Sumgon: 369
Based on his physiognomy,[24]
one is tempted to identify the
fourth hierarch with Jigten Gonpo
(or Jigten Swngon) ( 1143-1217),
the founder of Drigung (Bri gun g)
in 1179, 150 km east of Lhasa,
rather than witl1 Taglung Thangpa
Chenpo ( 1142- 1210), the famous
founder of Taglung 120 km north
of Lhasa in 1180. The round and
smooth face of hierarch four fits
the known portrait of Ji gten Gonpo
well.[24 D. P.Jackson, Mirror of
the Buddha., Early Portraits from
fiC.J.II
Lama wirh Unknown uneages
13rh cenrury
31 ~ x 21'/s in. (80 x 55 em)
RRE Collection
Liter:uure: A. Heller 1999, no. SS; P. Paled.
2003, fig. 128; R. Ernst 2001, p. 904; and
D. Jackson 2011, fig. 2.3.
Ttbet. Rubin Museum of Art. New
York. 2011.]
It is likely that the thangka has
been painted after the death of Jigten Gonpo, 121 7, around the year
1220. This can be verified by a 14C
[carbon- 14] age determination of
the canvas of the painting by accelerator mass spectroscopy: For harvesting the cotton of this painting.
a time span of 1229 (plus or minus
61 years) bas been determined by
Dr. Georges Bonani, lnstitut ftir
Teilcbenpbysik, ETH ZUrich. The
identification of the figures and
their life data are at least not in
apparent contradiction with this
l4C dating.
Here Ernst slightly modifies the identifications made on the basis of Amy
Heller's suggestions to Patapaditya
Pal who proposed that Jigten Sumgon
and Taldungthangpa were the two final
main lamas.370 For the third main lama
depicted, Ernst suggests he is the First
Karmapa Dusum Khyenpa. But what
speaks strongly against his suggestion
regarding the fourth figure is that lama·s
lack of any of the known facial characteristics of Jigten Sumgon. Ernst mentions his ·'rounded. smooth face:· yet the
decisive feature is his hair line.
On the other hand, precisely on the
basis of the physiognomy of its main
figure. I would suggest we reconsider
Figure 3.11. It is another previously
published thangka from the same collection, the ''lama with the long lineage:'
This thangka has been published several
times.371 In this second thanoka the
"'
main figure's physical appearance fits
Jigten Sumgon quite well. He even holds
a distinctive three-jewel emblem in his
band. So despite the lack of insc riptions
as more conclusive evidence, I suggest it
as a possible example of early Drigung
Kagyu art- purely on the basis of its
stem (Pal 2003). It is. of course, tempting to identify this teacher as Driounopa
o
e
as well. However. none of the other
elements of this painting reall y support
such an identification.''
suspicious physical similarities.
Luczanits in his .. Early Dri<>uno..
0
"'
article of 2006 already notices and discusses this possibility:372 ''Obviously. not
all paintings sharing one of the minor
markers established above can securely
be assigned to the Drigungpa School. A
thanoka in
case in point is another Iaroe
"'
c
the RRE Collection showing a hierarch
holding a flower-like Triple Jewel at its
'
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRICUNC K.ACYU SCHOOL
55
Written Sources
now
becoming more accessible to scholars
through written Tibetan sources. The
existence of its special painting tradi tion was also revealed in interviews by a
painter trained in Drigung in the 1950s.
Yet it and allied traditions of Dakpo
Kagyu art are briefly discussed in only
a few written sources. In this chapter l
present several of the main Tibetan writDRIGUNG KAGYU PAINTING IS
ten sources used in writing this catalog,
which belong to quite different genres.
Two are modern articles on Drigung
Kagyu art history and the Drigung
gomsha hat. My third main source is a
traditional exposition of the gomsha, or
meditation hat, of the Karma Kagyu . My
fourth source is a painting manual, from
which I have summarized key points of
hat iconography. collecting descriptions
and il lustrations of hats. My last two
main sources are the traditional abbatial histories of Drigung, which refer to
early Drigung Kagyu works of art, and
Kathok Situ's classic record of visiting
monasteries in D and Tsang Provinces as
a pilgrim.
RAsE KoNCHOK GYATSHo's
ARTICLE ON DRIGUNG l<AGYU ART
One of the few publications in the Tibetan
language that alerted Tibetan-reading
art historians to the existence of special
Drigung Kagyu traditions of art was an
article that Rase Konchok Gyatsho published in 2001.373 The author, who is also
called HE. Dakpo Chenga Rinpoche,
Detail of Fig. 4.9
is the preeminent living historian of the
Drigung Kagyu. Born in Drigung in 1968
and based in central Tibet, he has published numerous other books and articles,
including a voluminous Religious His-
tory ofDrigung ('Bri gung chos 'byung,
published in Pe cing: Mi rigs dpe skrun
khang, 2004) .
1. Sketch of Rase Konc/wk Gya.tsho's
Life
One of the few published biographical
sources on Rase Konchok Gyatsho's life
in Tibetan is the "Author's brief history"
that appears at the start of his history
of women in Tibet of 2003.374 It was
written by the Drigung Menpa Sonam
Bagdro, who was presumably an admiring friend. A similar sketch appeared in
the cover flap of his Buddhist history of
Drigung (2004) "Introducing the author"
(rtsom pa po mtshams sbyar) , though
it brings the account one year and one
major work further, to the point where
he had published more than 400,000
syllables of writings and established
himself at age thirty-six as one of the
most prolific writers of his generation.
The following sketch of Rase Konchok
Gyatsho's li fe has been summarized
from the published sources and from
biographies posted online on Drigung
Kagyu websites:m
Rase Konchok Gyatsho was born
in the village below the monastery of Drikung The! in Tibet. At
a young age he impressed those
around him with his virtuous
personality and sharp mind . ln
1981 he was advised by Drubwang
Pachung Rinpoche (1901- 1988),
the great yogi and retreat master
(khrid dpon) at Drikung The!, to
become a monk. That lama, who
became his chief guru, imparted
to him important teachings and
recommended that he study and
practice the Four Dharmas of
Gampopa and the Six Yo gas of
Niiropa. Later in life he received
religious instructions from many
other eminent gurus.
As a young man he studied
at Drikung Buddhist College and
at the Tibetan College in Lhasa.
He also attended the Medical and
Astrological College. He studied
the ten traditional fields of knowledge, as well as natural sciences,
social sciences, and history, mastering many fields. [At some point, he
was identified as the current rebirth
of the Dagpo Gampo Chenga Tulku
and given the tulku name Konchog
Tendzin Trinle Lhlindrup. That was
the title of a reincarnate lama not
of Drigung but of Gampo, the old
seat of Gampopa.]
Already as a young student he
began writing papers on many subjects of Tibetan history and Tibetan
Buddhism under his name Rase
Konchok Gyatsho.Among his
books are a History of Yangri Gar
Monastery. History of Densa The/
(Main Seat ofthe Phagdm Kagyu),
The Benefits of Being Vegetarian,
and a seven-volume publication
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
57
FIG. 4· I
Rase Konchok Gyarsho
"Gampo Chenga"
Photograph from drikung.org
entitled A Faithful Speech that
shows how to develop, improve,
and spread the Dharma tradition of
the Drikung Kagyu in the future .
He also authored a book about
noteworthy Tibetan women entitled
Mothers in the Land of Snows.
which filled a big desideratum and
received scholarly praise.
Chief among his historical writings is his voluminous Buddhist
History of Drikung ('Bri gung chos
'byung) published in 2004, which
discussed Buddhism i.n general
and the Drigung Kagyu lineage in
particular. In 2007 he composed
The Ornament ofGongchig, a
detailed refutation of criticisms of
the famous Gongchig teachings
of Jigten Sumgon. He also wrote
several short texts on the lives of
Lord Jigten Sumgon, Achi Chokyi
Dolma,Angon Rinpoche, an introduction to the famous Drigung sk:y
burial grotmd, and a brief guide to
the holy places in the Drigung area.
Rase Konchok Gyatsho also
published several scholastic
and liturgical works, including
58
CHAPTER
4
commentaries on The Fivefold
Path of Mahamudra (Phag chen
lnga /dan) and on the Essence of
the Three Vows (sDom gsum snying
po). He compiled the daily rituals of the Drigung Kagyu in two
volumes and authored a number
FIG. 4·2.
Jigren Sumgon wirh His Two Chief Disciples
Drigungpa Yabse Sum
Lhasa; 2002
Painted by Penpa T.~ering, disciple of
Amdojampa
Aher Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004a,
frontispiece.
of papers concerning special Drigung teachings, including a Phowa
(Consciousness-Transference) text
of the Drigung tradition called The
Color of the Rainbow.376 For almost
ten years he collaborated with H.
E. Drigung Angon Rinpocbe and
some monks from Drigung Thel
Monastery to rescue the most
important works of the Drigung
Kagy u tradition. by collecting,
assembling and editing The Great
Treasury of Drigung Kagyu (' Bri
gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen
mo) in one hundred and fifty volumes.377 Following a request by H.
H . Chungtsang Rinpoche, he also
wrote commentaries on the thirteen
fundamental treatises of Buddhist
doctrine and philosophy (gzhung
chen bcu gsum).
Rase Konchok Gyatsho commissioned a thangka. Figure 4.2. for the
spiritual welfare of his kind old mother.
Depicting Jigten Sumgon accompanied
by his two chief nephew-disciples and
main spiritual successors ('Bri kung pa
yah sras gsum or sKyob pa yah sras
gsum). it was consecrated in the Water
Horse year. 2002. It was painted by
Penpa Tsering. a famous pupil of the
renowned thangka painter Amdo Jampa
(i.e., of Jampa Tsheten. who was known
for his modem realistic painting style).378
Here Rase Konchok Gyatsho has
ordered to be depicted just four animals
in the Buddha's traditional backrest and
to show li ons only in the throne base.
a revival of ancien t Drigung Kagyu
artistic tradition. (The mountains in the
background are presumably those of Drigung; note the almost pyramidal shape
of one glacier peak to the left.) Note also
the vajra placed on the seat before him,
below his crossed feet. symbolizing the
vajra seat (1•ajrt1sana; rdo rje gdan) of
buddhahood at Bodh Gaya.
In 2004 Rase Konchok Gyatsho
sponsored the painting of an exquisite
set of thangkas by the same Penpa
Tsering, depicting the throne holders of the Drigung Kagyu lineage. as
well as thangkas of the Fivefold Path
of Mah!imudr11. The Twenty-five Main
Disciples of Milarepa. and the Eight
Incarnations of Ji gten Sumgon. A ll the
paintings were executed foll owing his
own detailed written iconographic plans.
Another modern Drigung Kagyu
portrait of the school's founder appeared
as frontispiece of his history of Yangri
Gon Monastery. (See Fig. 43 .) Though
the background is greally transformed.
the main figure is exaclly the same as in
Figure 4.2.
2. A Synopsis of His Article Published
in 2001
In his article on Drigung art. Rase Konchok Gyatsho concisely enumerates
just the key names of Drigung lamas of
the seventeenth through early twen ti eth
century who were deeply involved in
painting, also naming a few of the chief
Drigung artists they patronized. His
entire account of the Driri style and later
sculpture and arts at Drigung fits onto
just one printed page.379 He leads us to
conclude that the Drigung style ('Bri
bris) of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries was just one of several in a
long sequence of painting styles patronized at Drigung Monastery over the
centuries. He displays a knowledge of
different styles. detecting in the work of
one later artist a stylistic synthesis and
FIG. 4·3
Jigten Sumgon
Lhasa; ca. 2002
Painted by Penpa Tsering, disciple of
Amdojampa
After Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b,
frontispiece.
asserting the presence of a non-Driri
style (i.e .. the Karma Gardri) during a
certain period. After mentioninglSO the
presence of Khyenri painters previously
at the time of the ''twenty-fifth.. abbot
(Dri 26. Trinle Zan gpo), he asserted
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
59
also known as the "four throne orna-
Zangpo after bringing the Khyenri
Painting Tradition to Drigung
and o ld Gar traditions" (sGar lugs, i.e.,
ments" (khri rgyan bzhi) or just "four
ornaments" (rgyan b:hi)?fn (See Fig.
old and new Karma Gardri) of painting
4.4a for a recent drawing by an art-
commissioned many paintings,
including a set depicting the
could be seen in some thangkas. He may
ist from Kham of a different tradition
Jtitaka Tales. " 385
have gathered some passages relevant
to statues and paintings when working
on his histories, but some comments
depicting not four but six animals visible
that during the period of the fourteenth
calendric cycle (1807- 1866) the "new
embody a direct knowledge of thangkas
and informants at Drigung (or in a monastery in Purang). For his account from
in the backrest, including a pair of lions
and nag a [khri rgyab drug 'gyogs] .)
When I interviewed him in Lhasa
in 2004, Rase Konchok Gyatsho
explained that the fifth ornan1ent (rgyan)
in the "four ornaments" was the lion
3. About the following abbot: "The
' twenty-sixth abbot' Dondrup
Chogyal commissioned [outstanding] art such as a three-dimen sional mandala of Cakrasamvara."
says: "The later continuation of painting
of Drigung [i .e., after Dondrup Cho-
(seng ge), which belongs to the throne
Then Rase Konchok Gyatsho
makes a telling remark: '1'he later
but is not formal ly counted as one of the
continuation of painting of Drigung
gyal 's time, from the early eighteenth
four animals of the backrest (rgyab yol)
[i .e., from Dondrup Chogyal 's time
century onward] is as is commonly
proper in early Drigung art. ln Figure
known (shes gsa{)." With those words ,
he refers not to common art-historical
4.2 he has ordered that earlier tradition
(with the lion appearing only in the
on, from the early eighteenth century onward] is 'as is commonly
known ' (shes gsa[)."386
knowledge among outsiders but rather to
throne base and just four animals in the
backrest) to be depicted , thus reviving a
the early eighteenth century onward he
the common knowledge among the bestinformed artists and lamas of Drigung.
Later in his article, he contributes
importantly to the written sources on
Tibetan art by quoting at length not
o ne but two previously unknown very
early writings. These sources consider
the making of statues and paintings
and were composed by two very early
masters of his tradition: Drigung Jigten
Sumgon and Jennga Sherab Jungne
( 1175-1255), an outstanding early abbot
(fourth abbot of Drigw1g). ln particular, the detailed instructions381 on how
to paint a thangka given by On Sherab
Jungne (d.Bon Shes rab 'byung gnas)
to Geshe Ashon (dGe bshes A gzhon),
a religious scholar of his time, enriches
understanding of early paintings of the
Drigung Kagyu.
One of the interesting points made
by one of the early D1igung Kagyu
sources on art concerns the required
number of mythical animals depicted
in elaborate backrests behind buddha
images. Jigten Stungon taught that one
should include the four "ornaments"
(rgyan mam b;}li), otherwise excel-
lent qualities would not arise. (He also
stressed that the seat and throne should
not be too low.)382 Those animals were
60
CHAPTER 4
very old Drigung tradition.
3. His Account of tlze Driri and
Related Painlin.g Styles
Rase Konchok Gyatsho writes very succinctly about the Driri and contemporary
styles patronized at Drigung between the
late seventeenth through early twentieth
century. I have divided his account into
eight brief sections of just one or two
sentences each, orderi ng them chronologically and numbering them consecutively. His summary of the earliest
period of the Driri begins:
I. About Venerable Chokyi Trakpa:
"The Twenty-fourth abbot, the
Venerable Chodrak (Dri 25) was
learned in all the traditional fields
of knowledge and was wonderfuUy
skilled in the arts of painting and
scuJ pture. As a result he made such
things as a colored-sand mandala
with completed doors (sgo rdzogs)
on the bottom of a teacup which
was as detailed and perfect as if it
had been painted."Jil.l
2. About Trinle Zangpo: '"The
twenty-fifth abbot (Dri 26) Tri nJe
4. About Master-painter Gadik: '1'he
art of Gadik (Ga !dig), the Masterartist (d.Bu chen) who flourished
at the time of the "thirtieth" abbot
(Dri 3 1, Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen, tenure 181 0-1826), combined three sty les in his paintings:
Khyenri Tradition (mKhyen lugs),
Karma Gardri Tradition (sGar
lugs) and Drigung Tradition ('Bri
lugs) . That fact can be clearly seen
from the [surviving] thangkas he
painted."387
5. A Karma Gardri Interval: "How
the Old and New Karma Gardri
styles also spread [at Drigung] can
be understood from thangkas that
were painted or commissioned
there during the fourteenth calendric cycle " ( 1807- 1866) .388
6. A Few Distinctive Developments:
Embroidered thangkas also took
a distinctive turn stylistically at
this time. Regarding statues, an
outstanding sculptor who led the
construction of the largest Tashi
Gomang-type stupa in the time
of (Dri 17?) Gyalwang Kunga
Rinchen (rGyal dbang Kun dga'
'\
could paint a deity on a grain of
barley, and he was able to produce
one than gka per day. His style
had many special characteristics.
His lines painted during outlining were so fine that they were
just barel y visible, and the art
was very captivating to a viewer.
''I
I
I
I
I
••
II
I
'
·,
'•
''
'
Such qualities of his work we
can understand from the thangka
that survives at Purang Gyazhing
[Monastery] .''390
8. Recent carvings were copied by
Khenchen Norbu Gyaltshen.39 1
To summarize, it may help to di vide
Rase Konchok Gyatsho's terse references into four main periods:
1. The Earl y Formative Phase
(roughly late seventeenth and
early eighteenth centuries). The
period of three successive abbots
whom he mentioned:
a. The Venerable Rigdzin Chodrak produces great art of his
own and inspires his disciples
to follow. and thus seems to
have been an enormous initial
6
Foe. 4·4A
Buddha backresr wirb six legendary animals
Afrer Konchok Tendzin 1994, fig. 79.
rin chen) was Drigung Mangrawa
Dorje Gyaltshen ('Bri gung Mang
ra ba rDo rje rgyal mtshan).389
7. Regarding the later Drigung
painter Barwa: ·'Barwa, who was
the secretary of the "thirty-fifth"
abbot" (Dri 36), Shiway Lotro
(1886- 1943), abbot 1906-1943,
was so manuall y skilled that he
inspiration,
b. Trinle Zangpo, an outstanding
painter and patron who devotedly followed in Rigdzin Chodrak's tradition, and
c. Dondrup Chogyal , who immediately continued the Driri
through abbatial patronage.
2 . The Middle Period (circa early
nineteenth century), including the
time of (Dri 3 1) Tendzin Chokyi
Gyaltshen and his official painter
Gadik.
3 . An intervening period (in circa
the mid-nineteenth century) of
wider Karma Gardri patronage at
Drigung.
4 . The Late Driri Period (circa late
nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries), the time of (Dri 36)
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SCHOOL
6I
Shiway Lotro and his painter
Barwa.
REFERENCES TO THE DAI<PO
KAGYU MEDITATION HATS
The meditation hat, or gomsha. is a
key iconographic feature of lama portraits in the Drigung Kagyu and related
Dakpo Kagyu Schools. Their varieties
and symbolism have remained little
known until now.
1. The Drigwzg Meditation Hm
Recent Drigung Kagyu publications
from Tibet present a few im po11ant
portraits of Jigten Sumgon and his legendary hat. In them we find the founder
of Drigung wearing a red gomsha. Typically the hat featured a cluster of flaming
..
..
fiG. 4·48
Derail of Fig. 4.2, Jigren Sumgon with
bejeweled gomsba
Frc. 4.4c
Derail of Fig. 0.8, J•gten Sumgoo with
bejeweled gomsba
jewels in the middle of its front panel.
Ln some older paintings the central symbol is more subtle. as if woven into the
design of the cloth. In these two recent
versions, however, the jewels blaze
forth prominently, like a g li ttering gold
emblem attached to the hat.
seen" (mthong grot gyi sgom :ltwa). was
said by Jigten Sumgon to possess many
excellent qualities. That master also
stressed that it should be preserved and
Figures 4.4b and 4.4c depict what
is now his standard and correct hat. The
flaming jewel (1wr bu me 'bar) emblem
its practice should not be allowed to die
out.393 He bestowed such hats several
times upon his disciples and stressed
their imponance, as was mentioned sev-
was thus an essential pan of the great
founder's meditation hat. (Hi s name as
a bodhisattva was, after all. Rinchen
Pal. "Jewel Luster.") The front emblem
eral times in his writings.
In his Profound Teachings Jigten
Sumgon enumerates three hats that are
typically consisted of six flaming jewels
clustered together and standing upon
an elegant base of lotus petals, either
beneficial to Dharma and three that hann
it. The three helpful ones were: I. the
"long-eared" hat of Jowo Je (Atisa) (ma
ring ma);394 2. the "hat with umbrella
with three distinct petals (Fig. 4.4d) or a
curved line of seven smaller petals (Fig.
4.4e). To the right and left are clouds.
Rase Konchok Gyatsho devoted an
article to the goms!Ja of Jigten Sumgon
and his followers.392 According to it.
spokes'' (gdugs rtsibs ma) of Panchen
'
395
and 3. his own extraorSakya5ribhadra:
dinary meditation hat (sgom :Jnva).
According to the text. this kind of
hat had its own correct shape and proportions. People should not make such
guru's footprints in this conte;>.'t, but
he reminded them that footprints were
venerated in India already in the Lord
the
Buddha's time. In his own lineaoe
e '
previous guru Marpa had worshiped the
footprints of his guru. the Indian adept
Naropa, and Milarepa was also known to
have venerated guru footprints.396
Jigten Sumgon further explained
that his gomslw should be red in color,
one of the three colors allowed to monks
by the Buddhist Discipline (Vtnaya). In
those scriptures the technical words for
that red was ''red ochre color'' (btsag
mdog). Red is also taught by Tantric
scriptures to be the color of power.l97
The f rent of the hat should have
the image of a jewel. he said. while to its
right and left should appear depictions of
clouds. The jewel symbolized the guru
Jigten Sumgon as a mature teacher gave
''hat teachings" (:lnva c/ws) as recorded
in his Profound Teachings (Zab clws).
a hat of cotton or silk brocade: it should
be made exclusively of woven woolen
as the Tantric "lord of the lineage" (rigs
/.:yi bdag po). Sutra scriptures also teach
that a religious teacher is like a jewel.
This extraordinary hat, which was called
by Rase Konchok Gyatsho a ·'medita-
cloth of 0 Province (dbus phrug). It
should contain footprints of the guru.
Some people criticized Jig ten Sumgon ·s
The two c louds symbolize the enlightened gurus being purposely reborn in the
world in order to benefit the Buddhist
employment of and worship of the
teachings and living beings, as a result
tion hat that liberates through being
6l.
CHAPTER
4
meritorious, like building a new temple.
To destroy one was sinful, like destroying a temple. Such hats were wondrous
to behold and planted the seed of buddhahood in all who saw it. Therefore
Jigten Sumgon taught all his close disciples to make such a hat and wear it on
their heads .398
2. Several Dakpo Kagyu Hats
FIG. 4·40
Cluster of Aaming jewels with three-petal
lotus base
After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p.
94, right.
Three varieties of gomsha or related
hats are illustrated and explained by an
artist of the Karma Gardri style, Gega
Lama.l99 In his art manual Gega Lama
called the first gomsha type (Fig. 4.5a)
the "Dakpo Hat" (dwags zlnva), saying
it was the hat worn by the founder of his
school, Gampopa. (That hat was said to
have been made following a prophesy
of Milarepa and to resemble in shape a
rock face at Dal [rDal] in Dakpo, Gampopa 's home district.)
Figure 4.5b shows Gampopa as a
lineal guru wearing his distinctive hat,
here quite colorfully painted by an artist
of the Dri ri School.
Figure 4.5c depicts Lama Zhang
Yudrakpa (Bia ma Zhang g.Yu brag pa,
1123- 1193) wearing Gampopa's hat.
As founder of the Tshalpa Kagyu (Tshal
pa bKa' brgyud), he received the main
teachings from Gampopa's nephew
Gompa Tshultrim Nyingpo and is said to
have inherited Gampopa's hat.
The second type of gomsha illustrated by Gega Lan1a in his art manual
(Fig. 4.6) was much more common. He
fiG. 4·4£
Flaming jewels on a seven-petallorus
After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p.
94, left.
of their previous resolutions made after
attaining buddhahood.
Such a sacred hat was not to be
worn by sinful people or by lay people,
he taught. If one made a new hat, it was
FIG. 4-5A
Gomsha of Gampopa
After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, fig. 2.
FIG. 4·58
Derail of Fig. 7.13, Gampopa as a lineal
guru wearing his hat
says it is essentially the same hat as the
first, but with its side flaps [and back]
folded up. (In the first hat those parts
hang down, warming the wearer's neck.)
Gega Lama erroneously called this second gomsha a "sgam dnva" - though
the correct spelling is sgom ::.hwa. (The
words sgam and sgom are pronounced
similarly in some Kham dialects.) He
also called it a "zltwa khra," which probably is to be understood as "a variegated
hat" (::.!twa mo khra nw), which other
~,
FIG. 4·
sc
Lama Zhang
Photograph from HAR ACIP image Lama
Zhang no. 886_1arge (xylograph suua ed.,
p. 519a, right) acip no 886.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
63
fiG. 4.6
Common later gomsha of Dakpo Kagyu
lamas
Afrer Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, figs. 3.
fiG. 4.8
Bhutanese monks wearing gomsha while
performing a roofrop ritual
Semrhokha Dzong, Bhutan
Afrer T. Tse Banholomew and J. Johnson
eds. 2008, p. 119, fig. 15.
3. Karma Kagyu Written Sources 011
the Gomsha
fiG. 4·7
Gomsha common in Bhutan
After Gega lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 120, fig. 4.
sources use to refer to a special gomsha
designed by the First Kannapa.
Gega Lama illustrates a third type
of gomsha (Fig. 4.7), explaining that it
was a lama hat commonly worn in Bhutan to the south of Tibet. It was the same
as the preceding gomsha, except that it
had a peak projecting up in the middle.
This variant gomsha was worn by some
Druk:pa Kagyu lamas. It has a distinctive
central broad upward-projecting point.
Figure 4.8 shows Bhutanese monks
of Semthokha Dzong wearing gomsha
with central red points. When viewed
from the side the central points of these
mu lticolored hats are easily see n.
64
CHAPTER
4
ln addition to that written discussion
of the gomsl!a of the Dri gung Kagyu
by Rase Konchok Gyatsho. other written sources shed light on the history
of the Dakpo Kagyu gomsha. Tashi
Tsering of the Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, kindly shared two
accounts of the origin and symbolism
of the Dakpo Kagyu gomsha. Like
Gega Lama's book, both come from
the Karma Kagyu. a sister sc hool of the
Dakpo Kagyu of Gampopa.
The first of the two texts explains
the special colorful gomsha that the
first Karmapa devised and his disciplefollowers quickly imitated. (Fig. 4.9
illustrates a Karma Kagyu lineage lama
wearing a gomslw with colorful stripes.)
The gomsha of other Kagyu sub-schools
such as the Drigung. Taklung, and
Drukpa might derive. directly or indirectly, from the gomsha not of the First
Karmapa but of their own lineal guru,
Phagmotrupa. That he possessed a distinctive orange-colored (or orange-red.
dmar ser) hat was mentioned in passing
in one of the two Karma Kagyu gomsha
sources, while the colorful or variegated (k!tra bo) gomsha hat of Dilsum
Khyenpa (as distinct from his black
Karn1apa hat) was mentioned in passing
in his biography..oo• There we are told
that one of the First Karmapa's disciples
wore a distinctive hat that the source
called a ·'hat of the tradition of Lan1a
U-se (Dilsum Khyenpa)" (bla ma dbu
se'i lugs kyi dbu :/nva)- presumably
his colorful gomsha. That hat made an
attacking brigand recognize its wearer
as a follower of ''Lama U-se" (Bia
rna dBu se), as the Karmapa was then
called, and a monk ofTshurphu Monastery. Seeing the distinctive hat, the
brigand broke off his attack and spared
the life of the monk.
A. HISTORY OF TilE VARIEGATED Gomsha
OF TilE KARMA KAGYU
The first brief text that discusses the
Karma Kagyu gomsha lacks both a
forn1al title and author's colophon.lt
begins with a theme that functions as
title: ''The history of this colorful meditation hat" (sgom ;;lnva khra mo 'di yi
/o rgyus 111). and ends with the prayer
that Gampopa 's blessings will grace the
reader or reciter of the text. (For a portrait of Gampopa wearing an ordinary
gomsl!a, see Fig. 4.10.)
The old origi nal text also illustrates
the hat {shown as Fig. 4.13). It states:
Gampopa gave a piece of woven
woolen cloth that was one armspan long to each of his three
prominent disciples from the group
known as the Three Men of Kham
(Khams pa mi gsum), telling each
of them: "Make from this whatever
hat you like!" Phagmotrupa made
his "Orange-colored hat" (dmar ser
ma) , while Seltong Gompa (gSa!
stong sGom pa) made the "Round
eyed hat" (rilmig ma), for which
Gampopa accordingly uttered auspicious prophesies. Then Diisum
Khyenpa took that piece of cloth
and cut it into two halves. When he
was sewing it, inside and out. five
qaki(IT appeared in the sky before
him and uttered words of instruction singing in a single voice:
This hat that you, 0 Ordained
Vajra-practi tioner, have made
is ornamented by two garuda
wings to right and left and by
five "silk ears" (dar rna) to
both right and left. Within the
correctly square-shaped "facedoor" (ngo sgo). to the right and
left are two black spoons. In the
center, a flower is placed amidst
the silk (dar khrod me tog). The
end (tlw ma) you should encircle
with silk. Make it possess three
peaks (or points on top, rtse mo) .
Surely the Buddhist Doctrine
will spread in all directions and
all who see it (read: mtlwng ba)
will surely be li berated!
After singing those lines. they disappeared into the sky. Then after he
had made this colorful hat, Dusum
Khyenpa visited his guru, Gampopa. That master was pleased,
saymg:
0 son, this hat of yours is good,
being an auspicious omen. Now
listen, I'm going to sing [lit.
grant] you a song.
That the hat's basic color is red
is a sign that you will achieve
the Buddha activities of the
Mantrayana, through having
completely petfected the dharmas of empowerment of Buddha
Amitabha. That its "front door"
[i.e., front panel] is square (i.e.,
Ftc. 4·9
Karma Kagyu Guru Jampal Zangpo
39 lh x 23'18 in. (100.3 x 59.5 em)
Courtesy of the Hahn Cultur al Foundation
Literature: K. Tanaka 2005, no. 50.
PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
65
having perfected the mastery of
the Two Vehicles.
The live spoons to the right are a
sign that the Five Tathagatas of
the mandaw constantly dwell on
your crown. The five spoons to
the left are a sign that the secret
ones, the five groups of l)aki!zTs.
will achieve Buddha activities
[for you]lik e mothers. That it is
ornamented by a pair of "conch
threads" (dung rkud) is a sign of
your entering the path to awakening while possessing skillful
means and insight inseparably
integrated. That its edge is
circled by silk cloth is a sign
that the Doctrine will expand in
all directions and that you will
be surrounded by a following of
many disciples.
FIG. 4· 10
Gampopa wearing a goms!Ja
30 \4 x 20 in (77 x 51 em)
After Rig 'dzin rdo rje et al. eds. 1985, Bod
l.:yi rhang ka, plare 56.
66
CHAPTE R
4
four-sided) is a sign that you
possess the four limitless qualities (tslzad med b:hi), whose
nature is kindness and c.o mpassion. The two "hat-spoons.. to
right and left are a sign that
Vajradhara and hi s consort
reside inseparably on your head.
The two gamda wings are a
sign of your coursing through
the sublime heights by looking.
That its inside is empty is a sign
that the nature of all phenomena is empty. the integration of
emptiness and clear appearance
without [conceptual] apprehension. That the upper part
of the silk is ornamented by a
Rower is a sign that you have
elevated to the crown of your
head the guru. the authenti c
precious lord. That the hat possesses three peaks is a sign that
Dharmakaya. Sambhogakaya
and Nirmlil )akilya -the three
bodies of Buddhahood- are
present [as potentials] in the
basis [the k/eia-ridden human
personality].
These four stages of the colorful
hat's meditation I have written to please the fully-ordained
monk [Dlisum Khyenpa]. All
people who see this hat are sure
to enter the path to Iiberation.
All those fortunate o nes who
make this hat [in the future]
will attain the merit of building
a four-pillared temple. To put
this hat on their heads will be
the same as receiving a hundred
FIG. 4· I I
Detail of Fig. 0.3 {HAR 65461)
Phagmotrupa wearing a gomsha
initiations. The four stages of the
yoga of the colorful hat should
be written down and shared with
everyone, so that the Buddhist
Doctrine will spread in all direc-
wearing another type of gomslm. Gotshangpa by name, he belongs to the
Druk"Pa Kagyu , another sister school
descending from Phagmotrupa. His hat
is distinctive thanks to its mystic sun/
tions. May I meet with Lord
Dakpo Rinpoche (Gampopa)!
May excellent merit increase!
moon symbol in the front panel (where
the cluster of three jewels was placed
in the Drigung Kagyu gomsha and a
lotus was found in the Karma Kagyu
variegated hat).As a statue, it can be
seen from the side and rear, unlike all
the painted examples we have seen until
now. (See Fig. 4.16b for a side view.)
That history of Di.isum Khyenpa 's gomsha. shows the high level
of hat lore that existed in other Dakpo
Kagyu Schools. It helpfully reveals, for
instance. that Gam popa gave hat material to eminent students and that Phagmotrupa's go111Sha was a well-known
orange one. Possibly the meditation
hats of the Drigung, Taklung, or Drukpa
Kagyu descended from it, in shape if not
in color. (Was the Taklung Kagyu one
more orangish in color?)
Figure 4.11 is a detail from an
early painted portrait of Phagmotrupa
with episodes of his life depicted at the
bottom. In one episode he stands wearing an orange hat, which I take to be an
early depiction of his orange gomsha.
(The painting dates to the thirteenth
century and came from the Taklung
Kagyu.)
Figure 4 .12 depicts Phagmotrupa
wearing his orange meditation hat. (The
painting dates to about the fourteenth
century and comes from the Taklung
Kagyu.) By now a few generations have
passed since the time of Phagmotrupa
(Fig. 4.11), and the yellow-orange gomsha has become a more integral part of
his identity. He wears it not only in the
central figure but also in all six episodes
of his most recent saintly life depicted
in the bottom register. The hat has a
conical top and lacks a large square
panel in the front.
The description and illustration of
the colorful gomsiUJ of Di.isum Khyenpa
Though from the Drukpa Kagyu , it lacks
a central point.
B.
A DHARMA TEACIUNG BASED ON THE
KARMA KAGYU
Gomsha
present a quite different hat. (See Fig.
4.13)
The go111Sha of tl1e Karma Kagyu is also
discussed in a second written source,
Among Karma Kagyu portraits,
one of the early transmitters of the
Karma Kagyu tradition (Drogon Rechen.
eighth guru in the lineage) is depicted
wearing such a multicolored hat. In the
first and earlier version of the portrait,
shown in Figure 4.14, we see not only
a brief text by the seventh Karmapa
Chodrak Gyatsho (1454-1506)."02
According to its author, the tradition of
possessing gomslm hats was based on a
hat given to the First Karmapa by Gampopa. He asserts that there also existed
a tradition of gomsha hats found in the
Kadan1 tradition where the shape of the
hat was similar.
colorful strips to right and left but also
the lotus flower in the front panel, just
below a cluster of three radiating jewels.
In a later copy of the same composition, the early Kam1a Kagyu gomsha.
still has colorful strips to the right and
left of the front panel and a cluster of
three jewels. (See Fig. 4.15.) But the
lotus in the front panel has been done
in gold, and it has become less distinct
amid the surrounding gold decorative
brocade details (gos chen ri mo). The hat
is still very impressive.
So we must expect to find different g0111SI!a. types or versions when
we examine art of the different Dakpo
Kagyu Schools. Figure 4.16a depicts
a great master of the Dakpo Kagyu
Chodrak Gyatsho stressed that
the g0111SIUJ. was made at the instructions and encouragement of Dtisum
Khyenpa 's guru and also at the repeated
explicit urgi ng of many enlightened
beings, including numerous enlightened Tantric deities, <faki{tl, budd has,
and bodhisattvas, to make such a hat.
Most of the work is a religious instruction (chos khrid clws su bya ba) about
the g0111Sha., turning it into a Dharma
teaching. The teaching had three parts,
which explained the symbolism (11/lshon
byed bsha.d pa) of the preparation, main
practice, and resulting fruit of Buddhist
practice. I have extracted a number of
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
67
FIG.4.I2
Phagmotrupa, His Previous lives and
Episodes of His Saintly life
Ca. 14th century
17~ x 14 in. (45.1 x 35.6 em)
Phorograph by Bruce M. Whire
Rubin Museum of Arr
F1998.17.4 (HAR 666)
lirerarure: D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.9.
68
CHAPTER
4
•
Frc. 4· '3
illustration of Diisum Khyenpa's gomsha
After original text.
Frc. 4.14
Dragon Rechen
Ca. late 16th century
26~ x 17Ys in. (68 x 44 em)
Counesy of the Hahn Cultural Foundation
literature: K. Tanaka 2001, vol. J, no. 41;
and D. Jackson 2009, fig. 9c.
PAINTING TRADIT I ONS OF TilE DRIGUNG KACYU SCHOOL
69
FIC. 4-16A
F1c.4.t5
Drogi:in Rechen as eighth master of the
lineage, from Rumtek Set
R umtek Monastery, Sikkim;
early 20th century
Dimensions unknown
Photograph by David Lewiston
After D. Jackson 2009, fig. 9.8.
Literature: (Palpung set) Yang Jiaming 2007,
p. 185.
70
CHAPTER
4
Lama Gyalwa Gotshangpa
Ca. 15th or 16th cenrury
Brass, copper, silver; H 26 in. (66 em)
Purchase 1969 The Members' Fund
Newark Museum 69.32
Literarure: V. Re)•nolds et al. 1986, S30.
FIC. 4-168
Side view
FIG. 4· 17
FIG. 4.18
FIG. 4·19
Hat of a rigdzin in general
After G. Tucci 1970, p. 124, fig. 7 (b).
Hat of me Throne-holder of Mindroling
After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 127 (6).
Lotus hat worn by tertons
key technical words or phrases from that
second source, but could not translate it
completely.403
masters.406 (See Fig. 4.17.) Rigdzin or
"awareness holder" is a Nyingma term
for a master who has attained one of
the highest stages of realization through
Tantric practice. A better-known example of a "rigdzin hat" would be the hat
"Drigung rigd::.in-ter!On hat" that they
wear has bright colors. In fact. Rinchen
Phtintshok was almost uniquely qua.lified
to wear that hat, an1ong Drigung Kagyu
lineage holders, for he was indeed a
terton. (1 am now convinced by the hat
worn by Situ Panchen's guru Rigdzin
Tshewang Norbu of Kathok in Kham.407
Figure 4 .1 8 illustrates a similar
rigd::.in hat from central Tibet (called in
Tibetan smin gling gong zhwa). It was
that Figure 7.10 depicts a great Nyingma
master from Lowo in eastern Ngari who
was both Rinchen Phiintshok's guru and
a well-known terton..)
The most famous " Lotus hat" is
worn by the throne-holders of Mindroling Monastery south of Lhasa in
centra.! Tibet and by simi.larly eminent
Nyingma masters. It, too, resembles in
some respects the hats of Rigpa Rangshar and Rigdzin Chodrak.
Yet that, too, was not the hat type
the "Lotus hat of Orgy en" (Orgyan pad
zhwa), which is one of the two most
usual hats worn by Padmasarnbhava. I
illustrate it in Figure 4.20 to show its
4. Two Other DistiJIClive Hats
Returning now to the Drigung Kagyu
School, I find that the vast majority of
its lamas are portrayed wearing red (not
multicolored or orange) gomslza, which
in paintings are slightly pointed on the
front if viewed with partial profi.le ..w.~
Still, other hat types are a.lso important
for lamas of that school . My main written source for sorting the non-gomsha
hats is again the published art manua.l of
Gega Lama. Of the two Jess common hat
types that were worn by certain Dri gung
Kagyu lineal gurus from the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, one was distinctly Nyingma:105 Both hats may help
identify specific lamas when inscriptions
have not been adequately photographed.
The first hat type was one that
was sometimes prominently worn by
Rigpa Rangshar and Rigdzin Chodrak
(in Figs. 7 .6 and 7.7). I at first considered their hats to be a type known as a
"rigdzin hat." There does exist a "hat of
a rigd::.ins in genera.!" (rig 'dzin spyi'i
::.hwa mo). which we find illustrated
and explained by Giuseppe Tucci in his
book of 1970 and which could be worn
by many highly qua.lified Nyingma
that the Drigung lamas sometimes wore
in their role as rigdzin. The o ne they
wore is shown by Figure 4.19. Though
not the general rigdzin type, it was a
hat type worn only by the special type
of Nyingma practitioner and visionary
known as terton. Considered a " Lotus
hat" (pad zhwa) by Gega Lama, it is
basically a rigd::.in hat with a golden
vajra on its crest. According him, the
origin of this type of hat is not clear, and
it has many variants.
We sha.ll see in Figures 7.6, 7 .7b,
and 7.10 each centra.! lama wearing
such a hat. In the firs t two cases, this
After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 128 (1).
distinctive shape and crest. I fai l to see
how the hat of a terton is so similar that
it too should be classified as a "Lotus
hat," as Gega Lama did. I think the ferton hat is closer to the genera.! rigdziJ1
hat, which lacks only a vajra crest.
The second non-go1nsha hat that
was worn by some Drigung Kagyu lamas
from the sixteenth or seventeenth century
was a red pundit hat (pa!t :!twa). (See Fig.
4.21.) Such a hat signified wide Jeaming
on the part of its wearer. Technica.lly, a
Tibetan lama-scholar becan1e a paw!ito.
if he mastered not just scriptural learning
but a.lso the other four traditiona.l fields
of knowledge, including sacred visual
art and the language a1ts. Examples of
such a hat were those worn by Nyingma
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
71
Sumgon had numerous disci pies and
wealthy royal patrons in India. Some of
them made images of him using different exquisite gilt or inlaid metals.m
Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his
art-historical article briefly refers to the
early highly realistic portrait statues of
Jigten Sumgon produced by Jennga Gar
(sPyan snga mGar), and based on those,
the statues known as "Mongol ian images
of Jig ten Sumgon with a seat of lotuspetals that continued all the way around"
(sk)•ob pa hor sku pad skor ma)."14
Though of different sizes, the Mongolian
statues were said to have had the same
shapes and workn1anship.
FIG. 4.2.0
fiG. 4.2.1
Lotus hat of Orgyen (Padmasambhava's hat)
After Gega Lama 1983, vol. 2, p. 118 (1).
Pundir or all-around scholar's hat
After G. Tucci 1970, p. 124, fig. 7 (d).
I<ATHOK SrTu's AccoUNT oF
DRIGUNG THEL AND YANGRI GAR
or Kagyu lamas, which were red and had
rings arotmd their pointed crests, shown
in the drawing as lines. Such lines were
not found in the known Drigung Kagyu
pundit hats. which were plain red (with
orange trim?) and were sometimes worn
draped flat over the head, or with part
of the long ear flaps inserted inside the
hat.408
We shall see in paintings of chapters 7 and 8 that two or three Drigung
Kagyu lineal masters wore pundit hats,
including very prominently Rigdzin
ChOdrak. who, incidentally, is also
called "all-knowing" (kun mkhyen). We
should not forget that such lineage transmitters as Sonam Gyatsho (Dri 20) and
Konchok Lhtindrub (dKon mchog Ihun
grub, disciple ofTashi Phtintshok, Dri
23) had the titles "Great Pundit'" (pa!l
chen). Thei.r learned status calls out for
the corresponding hat.
REFERENCES TO WORKS OF ART IN
those histories, Jigten Sumgon during
his lifetime commissioned many sacred
images. Some of the statues that he
ordered made were later famed for their
My last main written source of references to Drigung Kagyu works of art
is the pi I gri mage record of Kathok Situ
(Kal) thog Situ, 1880-1925), which I
miraculous behavior or properties. For
instance, Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his
Religious History of Drigung mentions a
few early images- including some that
were later heard to speak (gsung byon
ma) and one that was capable of repelling harmful spirits ( 'dre 'dul ma)wherever it was taken. 409
Heather Stoddard also collected
references to several statues that Jigten
briefly mentioned above. When visiting
0 Province as a pilgrim in 1918, that
lama recorded his visits to both Drigung
The! and Yangri Gar. At the main monastery he noted seeing in a reliquary
chapel of eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury masters many thangkas with
exquisite golden brocade mountings,
including paintings of the eight manifestations of Padrnasan1bhava, portraits
of the successive main Kagyu lineage
masters (bka ' brgyud gser phreng), the
sixteen arhats, and of the Avadana collection of K~emendra (dPag bsam 'khri
shing), remarking about their style:
" Between the New and Old Menri
styles, these seemed to resemble more
the Old Menri .'"4 15
Sumgon commissioned, as follows:"10
"According to Tibetan sources, ntunerous small portrait images of this great
meditation master (Jigten Sumgon) were
made during his lifetime for his disciples
who lived in caves and hermitages scattered the length and breadth of the
Himalayas." And again:411 "According to
the 'Bri gung gDan rabs gSer 'phreng
("The Golden Rosary of the Abbots of
'Bri gung"), Rin chen dpal himself had
DRIGUNG HISTORIES
many foreign disciples and princely
donors including kings of India, who ...
Another important source that refers to
early works of art at Drigung is the monastery's abbatial histories. According to
had portrait statues made of him using
precious metals.''412 The same Drigung
abbatial history also mentions that Jigten
72
C HAPTER 4
Later Kathok Situ visited Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) Monastery, the
very important Drigtmg Kagyu branch
founded by Ri nchen Phtitshok in 1534
but settled in its present state in the
1650s, which Kathok Situ referred to as
the summer residence of the Drigung
high lamas. There he noted seeing works
that he specified more precise! y to be
from "the Drigung Tradition'' ('bri gung
lugs) or Drigtmg Painting Style ('br i
bris). In the temple for the Kagyu lin-
eage masters (bka ' brgyud gser 'phreng
lha khang), he saw fifteen thangka boxes
(thang sgam) containing paintings by
previous artists of the Drigung art tradi tion "whose color and shading wou ld be
difficult to duplicate."416
Kathok Situ twice saw a set of
thangkas called the "Dus gsum sangs
rgyas rna" at Yangri Gon.417 It turns
out that (according to Rase Konchok
Gyatsho's brief history ofYangri Gon),
the two sets with that name depicted
the previous rebirths of the successive
incarnations ('klmmg rabs) of Rinchen
Phtintshok, the first excellent set comprising thirteen paintings in al l} 18 The
san1e history of Yangri Gar refers to the
previous existence there of a thirty-fivepainting set of thangkas called the Sa
gswn ma that depicted the successive
past incarnations of Rigdzin ChOdrak,
which Trinle Zan gpo painted as daythangkas (nyin thang), painting them
successively. one day at a time.4 19
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
73
Early Drigung Kagyu Painting
IN ADDITION to the early murals
otherwise inscrutable contents of the
described in chapter I, a number of
works of early Drigung Kagyu portable
art have survived. In this chapter I ana-
entire group of thangkas, naming even
the tiniest minor figures through inscriptions. In the top level we find buddhas
and seven lineage gurus. The first three
gurus proceed from proper right to left,
and they all look inward, toward the top
center, (7) Phagmotrupa. The lineage
lyze a few of the most outstanding ones
that are accessible to me. They include
several remarkable footprint thangkas.
Here 1 investigate both painted and
sculptural portraits of Jigten Sumgon
and consider such distinctive features as
rainbow nimbuses, jewels, and special
minor figures.
FooTPRINT THANGKAS
Several early thangka paintings survive
that represent the founder of Drigung
with the same fixed but highly distinctive constellation of minor deities.420 All
go back to a single early plan, namely
the layout of Figure 5.1. Some of the
subsequent portraits that follow that plan
depict painted footprints in their centers,
such as Figures 5.2 and 5.3.
Figure 5.1 depicts at its center a
remarkable sacred relic: a great lama's
footprints. Around those footprints we
also find, painstakingly depicted and
labeled with dye or ink, a very unusual
grouping of minor deities. who are
formally arranged to the right and left
and in registers above and below. The
structure is unique among early portraits
of lamas.421 I sketch its arrangement in
Diagram [A].
This thangka is a veritable Rosetta
stone for a small Drigung Kagyu corpus
of early icons, unlocking as it does the
Detail of Fig. 5.3
then jumps to the right side of the register. and proceeds from proper left to
right, again all gurus facing toward the
top center.
In the center the two sacred footprints (FI and F2) stand atop the sun
disc of the wide lotus seat that also supports the central standing yidam deity
(M , who is exactly the same height as
the footprints).
In the second register we find six
male deities and four female consorts
of the mandala of Guhyasamaja Maiijuvaj ra (dl- d ! O).In the columns to the
right and left the Eight Great Adepts are
depicted (gal- ga8) quite distinctively.422
Here we find the Eight Great Adepts,
or Mahasiddhas, with two siddhas (gal
and ga2) appearing in triads, the second
being Nagarjuna with Sakyamuni in the
center and Atisa to the right. Note also
the presence of three decorative triratna
(triple jewels) in the doth below the
main figure.
Also distinctive is the presence of
two nag a kings (n I and n2) who support the main throne to its right and
left. They are the naga Ma dros pa and
Sog ma med. The first naga king (n l),
Ma dros pa, is the interlocutor of a
sutra in the Tibetan canon, as is Anavatapta Naga Raja (Tib. Klu rgyal rGya
mtsho). Though not grouped an1ong the
eight great niiga,413 he is listed in the
Mahiivyutpatti glossary among naga
kings ,. 2• I cannot explain his presence
here, instead of the usual long-lived
naga kings Nanda and Upananda. One
scholar speculated that perhaps the Drigung Kagyu masters may have desired a
naga who was associated with a famous
lake in the Mount Kailash area.m
The second 1u1ga king depicted
here (n2), is named Apalala (Sog ma
med). He occurs among the many naga
kings listed in the Mahavyutpatti; 16
and he appears prominently in Ji gten
Sumgon's life as a naga who appeared
to him and gave special jewels and precious objects to his disciple Dampa
Gar (Dam pa 'Gar)- in a nomadic land
north of Tibet. This immensely wealthy
naga king was said to dwell mainly in
Magadha in central India but also to
appear in certain places in the nomadic
north ofTibet,.27
The footprints depicted in Figure
5.1 were taken from feet with bunions,
an inflammation and swelli ng of the
bursa at the base of the big toe, with a
thickening of the skin. (A foot doctor
confirmed that diagnosis in this case to
Kathryn Selig Brown, who studied footprint thangkas in some detail.)
The inscription at the base of the
painting is damaged. What I could read
is:•2s
bsgom pa rin chen rdo rje yisl
bla ma clws rje rin chenla? [or:
dpal?]
... 1-y i? {:.h}ab? . ... rjes skabs
[or: sku] dang ... m .. .
PA I NTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
75
I
5-I
Drigung Lama's Footprints
Ca. 1200
Dyes or thin washes of pigment on cloth;
23 -!4 x 23'18 in. (60.3 x 60.5 em)
Photograph by David De Armas
Rubin Museum of Arr
C2003.7.1 (HAR 65205)
Literature: D. Klimburg-Salrer 2004, fig.
1; R. Linrorhe ed. 2006, car. no. 6; C.
Luczanits 2006a, figs 4.1, 4.7 and 4.8; and
D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.22.
FIG.
76
CHAPTER
5
Bl
B2
I
2
3
7
6
5
4
B3
B4
dl
d2
d3
d4
d5
8
d6
d7
d8
d9
d !O
ga l
ga2
ga3
ga4
gaS
Fl
M
F2
ga6
ga7
ga8
nl
d 11
d12 d 13 dl4
n2
(v)
dl5
d 16
dl7
d l8
gsol ba btab nas :hus pa ...
gang cig mthong thos [draJI pas
ky]angl
. . . rdzogs par shag/
clws rje 'i rnam thar [nul:ad pa] ?
rjes 'jug thams cad slob par shag/
grags 'ad mJslw pa [or: mchod pa]
bzang ... ? I
The inscription is too fragmentary to
translate completely, but at least we
know the icon was sponsored by Gompa
Rinchen Dorje (sGom pa Rin chen rdo
rje) who was deeply devoted to the
lama whose prints were made. However, the only Drigung gompa (chief
political administrator) with that name
lived much later: he is number 12 in the
lists and flourished , I estimate, in about
the fifteenth century.429 r doubt that he
would have added the prayer later to an
earlier set of holy footprints. The first
chief administrator appointed by Jigten
Sumgon was nan1ed Dorje Sengge (rOo
rje seng ge), and according to one history of Drigung he was appointed as the
master's doer or executor of his enlightened activities (phrinlas kyi bye po)
after the founding of Drigung.430 He was
his paternal nephew and also brother of
two early abbatial successors (Dri 3 and
Dri 5).
Figure 5.2 depicts another footprint
thangka of the great Drigung founder,
but here the footprints have been painted
as key elements of the icon (Fl and F2).
It represents a subsequent but still very
early stage of development within this
group. See Diagram [B].
Once again (following the plan of
Fig. 5.1) in the second register we find
six male deities and four female consorts
of a Guhyasamaja mandala (dl-dJO) .
In the upper register is the guru lineage,
beginning with Vajradhara in the far
left, and now the gurus are depicted in
pairs that look at each other: gurus 2 and
3, 4 and 5, and 6 and 7, the final pair,
which has been moved to the center. The
latest historical figure shown is the great
founder Jigten Sumgon, number 8. But
here the construction is slightly simplified in that the two niiga are not shown
to the right and left. supporting the main
throne beneath ga7 and ga8.
Each deity is painted in distemper
witllin its own fully painted nimbus, but
the central feet glow with soft subtlety,
thanks to the thin gold washes with
which they were painted. The footprints
float j ust above the central disc and lotus
seat- the disc has been painted as a sun
disc below the central yidam deity but as
a moon disc beneath the two footprints .
Elsewhere the patterns of tile beautiful gold of the silk brocade support
shine through: eight-petal lotus roundels
and tiny vajras in the strips and gaps.
Kathryn Selig Brown suggested:431
The unusual support . .. , a piece
of gorgeous silk brocade with lotus
roundels in squares, suggests that
the fabric had a connection to the
lama depicted above the footprints:
perhaps it was even part of a robe
worn by him.
It is hard to avoid thinking that this is a
very special icon made during the lifetime of the great master from a piece of
his own personally blessed robes.
Figure 53 depicts again a footprint
thangka of the Drigung founder, still following closely the basic plan of Figure
5.1. The central footprints are for the
first time painted solid gold (as in Fig.
5.5) . Each foot is ornamented with two
lotus-petal wheels drawn with purple
(lac-dye) li nes, one larger one at the bottom over his entire heel and a smaller
one with pointed spokes above it, near
the inner edge of each footprint.
Since the painting's overall dimensions are smaller than Figure 5.4, the
footprints have become relatively larger
within the composition. Once again, no
naga are depicted.
The arrangement of figures is
shown by Diagram [C].
The seven gurus of the upper register are shown in pairs, in exactly the same
order and groupings as in Figure 5.2 .
Figure 5.4 is a much simplified
version, showing only seven gurus in the
top register. Note that here Nagarjuna
does not appear in a triad of deities.
'
Also, Sakyan1uni
appears in his own
right in the second register as B I. The
painting's structure is shown by Diagram [D].
This is the simplest construction
among the last four paintings. The essentials that remain are Jig ten Sumgon (8),
his footprints (perhaps real ones applied
in a dye that has since faded away), his
Kagyu lineage, tile eight great adepts,
and five deities (two yidam and tlu·ee
protectors). Thus the painting probably
dates to his lifetime, and presumably the
silk was personally blessed by contact
with his feet.
An atmosphere of simplicity is
felt, partly because the thangka is not
painted in full -color distemper but rather
with washes of dyes over a silk support.
(The small. shiny designs of the underlying silk show through in places.) The
painting also includes the traditional
auspicious symbols, which are just
barely visible within the footprints.
(Those eight auspicious symbols [bkra
shis rtags brgyad] are traditionally represented in most footprints.)
Figure 5.5 is the last footprint
thangka of Jigten Sumgon that I present in this section. Again the footprints
have been placed at the center of the
icon. It represents a further development
within the earlier group (Figs. 5.1- 53),
including two additional lineal lamas (9
and 10) after Jigten Sumgon. The lineal order also makes a tiny adjustment,
switching gurus 6 and 7. It can be dated
to the abbacy of Dri 3 ( 1220-1234). Its
structure is presented in Diagram [E].
Here the painting is larger and
hence the central footprints (which
remain their real size) are relatively
PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
77
5·2.
Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigren
Sumgon
Late 12th or early 13th century
Distemper on silk brocade; 23 'h x 19% in.
(59. 7 x .50.5 em)
Pritzker Collection
(HAR 58301)
Literature: K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 6;
and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.23.
FIG.
78
CHAPTER
5
I
dl
gal
ga3
gaS
ga7
dI I
dl3
d2
2 3
d3 d4
6
dS
7
4
d6
s
d7
sl
d&
d9
8
Fl
M
dl4 diS dl6
(v)
F2
dl7
d l8
dl9
dl
diO
ga2
ga4
ga6
ga8
dl2
d20
5·3
Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten
Sumgon
Early 13rh cenrury
21 x 21 in. (53 x 53 em)
Michael and Beam McCormick Collection
(HAR 81410)
Literature: K. Selig Brown 2002, p. 40,
plate 7; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.24.
f i G.
l
dl
oa)
"'
.,oa3
.,oa5
ga7
dll
dl3
d2
2 3
d3 d4
6
d5
7
8
Fl
M
dl4 diS
dl6
4
d6
5
d7
Bl
d8
F2
dl7
dl8
sl
d9
diO
oa2
"'
oa4
"'oa6
"'
oa8
"'
d12
d19
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
79
FIG. 5·4
Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten
Sumgi:in
Late 12th or early 13th century
Washes of dye on silk; 197/s x 15 7/s in.
(50.5 x 40.5 em)
Private Collection
completely invisible once the painting
was completed, the silk was discovered by the conservator Robert BruceGardner when investigating fractures in
the ground on the front side. The cracks
appeared more or less as a square around
the footprints, caused by the tension of
the silk on the canvas. Thus the inclusion of the holy silk caused some minor
long-term damage to the painting.
1. Footprints of Other Creal Ka.gyu
Lamas
2
3
8
4
Fl
M
F2
5
Bl
oa)
"'
ga3
gaS
ga7
dl
d2
smaller in the painting. Each footprint
is placed on its own white lotus, which
floats above the central Tantric deity's
main lotus seat. (This solves the problem of whether both should be on a sun
or moon disc, as demonstrated by Fig.
5.2.) The lower register of deities has
been painted larger, and hence the deities seem closer to the viewer than the
8o
C H A PTER
5
d3
d4
6
7
ga2
eoa4
eoa6
ga8
d5
other figures. Two niiga are shown (n I
and n2) .
A now invisible piece of silk
(probabl y personally blessed by Jigten
Sumgon) was glued to the center of the
cotton supp01t before the ground was
applied; it has the same dimensions as
Figure 5.4 and was more or less centered
on the two painted footprints. Though
Outside the Drigung Kagyu tradition,
a few other early Kagyu hierarchs are
known to have been worshiped through
footprint thangkas, though in other subschools the practice was rare. One example is Figure 5.6. which comes from the
Karma Kagyu order. It is the simplest
and probably earliest of the known
Karma Kagyu footprint thangkas.434 As
I described it in my Patron and Painter
catalog: 435
A possibly still-earlier painting
[Fig. 43 in that catalog, Fig. 5.6 in
this one] from the Karma Kagyu
tradition is painted on silk, using
a different palette of ink or thin
washes of dyes. (Thus. it is hard to
present as a typical example of the
eastern-indian style, and has therefore been placed here.) It possibly
dates to the late twelfth or thirteenth century. It portrays a single
religious figure wearing a black
ceremonial hat, together with footprints of the main figure and eight
5·5
Footprint thangka of Drigung Jigten
Sumgi:in
1220s- 1230s
30 ~ x 25 '/,6 in. (78 x 64 em)
Private Collection
(HAR 81411)
Literature: D. Klimburg-Salter 1982, pl.
111; and K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8.
f i G.
Bl
dl
oal
0
ga3
gaS
ga7
d II
nl
diS
I
d2
9
2
3
d3 d4 dS
7
8
6
d6
4
5
d7
d8
d9
10
Fl
d16
M
dl7 (v)
F2
dl8
dl9
B2
diO
ga2
ga4
ga6
ga8
d12
n2
d20
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
8I
Frc. 5.6
Early Fomprinrs of a Black-harted Lama
Central Tiber; ca. late 12th ro early 13th
century
Dyes on silk; 21 ~ x 19 in. (54.6 x 48.3 em)
Photog raph by Bruce M. White
Rubin Museu m of Arr
F1997.32.2 (HAR 508)
Literature: K. Selig Brown 2004, pl. 27;
D. Jackson 2009, 6g. 3.2; and D. Jackson
201 t, 6g. 3.8.
0 Province that also stemmed from
Phagmotnrpa. This is the o nly footprint
I know from that school. As described
in my Mirror of the Buddh a catalog
(w here it appears as Figure 4.2), this
painting depicts Taklun gthang pa Tashi
Pal ( 1142- 1210). the found erofTa kluno
"'
Monastery, with his golden footprints.
li neage, and manifestations.438 Its lineage
in the top register follows the old convention from (our) left to right. It depicts
Taklungthang pa 's painted footprints
(FI and F2), as symbo ls of his enduring
spiritual presence. Footprints are rare in
auspicious symb ols.- The footprints and the lama both rest upon
lotuses that grow up from a small
central pond below. The same plant
gives rise to intertwining vines that
circle the auspicious objects and
end. occasionally. as flowers. The
top strip of the composition seems
to be a large. pleated parasol.
The depiction of the main
figure's dark ceremonial hat with
prominent symbo ls of sun and
moon differs in its details from
the depictions of the Second and
Third Karmapa's hat in later periods, though it appare ntly marks its
bearer as the Karmapa. presumably
the First, Diisum Khyenpa (11 101193). 437 Thoug h this may be the
oldest example of Karma Kagyu
painting in the Rubin Museu m.
its limited use of pigments and
82
CHAPT ER
5
decorative devices makes it difficult to analyze o r compare stylisti cally with the typical full-pigment
Eastern-Indian style paintings. One
canno t rule out that it dates to the
lifetime of the First Karmapa or
shortly thereafter. (Other similar
undoubtedly early sil k paintings
are know n, but they have yet to
be studied systematically, and a
more definitive dating may require
Carbo n-14 analys is or other
techniques.)
(For more on early Karma Kagyu
painted portraits, see D. Jackson 20 II,
pp. 79--82 .)
Anoth er example of non-Drigung
Kagyu lama's footprints is Figure 5.7.
which comes from the Taklung Kagyu
tradition, a Dakpo Kagyu sub-school
based not far from Drigung in northern
Taklung Kagyu paintings, and they may
be evidence that this painting dates fairly
early in the corpus of surviving paintings (i.e., to about the early thirteenth
century). Presumably, they were copies
ofTak lungth angpa 's original footprints
made by his disciples. following the tradition of Phagmotrupa.-139
The stnrcture of Fig. 5.7 is indicated by Diagram [F).
The painting was previously dated
to about 1200. T hat accords fairl y well
with its structure as mapped inDia gram [N]. (FI and F2 are footprints.) Its
patron (P) belonged to the generation of
Kuyal Rinchen Goo ( 119 1-1236). second abbot ofTak lung. The painting (or
its original, since it may be a later copy)
was thus commissioned by a direct disciple ofTak lunglh angpa . (If Kuyalwa was
the patron, then the painting must date to
before his death in 1236.)
The iconography and arrangement
of the later standard portraits ofTak lungthangpa arc already anticipated here
5·7
Taklungt:hangpa Chenpo with Foorprints,
Lineage, and Manifestations
Taklung, U Province, Tibet; ca. 1200
20 ~ x 13 in. (52 x 34 em)
Musee des Arts Asiariques-Guimer, Paris,
France
Lionel Fournier donation
MA 5176
Q RMN-Grand Palais I Art Resource, NY
Phorograph by Gerard Blot
ART418890
Lirerarure: J. Casey Singer 1995, pl. 36; G.
Beguin 1990, p. 20, pl. 2; G. Begum 1995,
car. no. 143; K. Selig Brown 2004, fig. 17;
D. Jackson 2011, fig. 4.2; and D. jackson
2012, fig. 1.5.
FIC.
in this footprint thangka. As was confirmed by later copies of this portrait (D.
Jackson 2011. Figs. 4.7. 4.11. etc.). the
main figure is accompanied by a fixed
group of four deities in the side columns:
Sakyamuni (d 1). Avalokitc:Svara (d2),
Cakrasamvara (d3), and VajravllrllhT
(d4). Their presence relates to episodes
in Taklungthangpa Tashi Pal's life in
which his disciples saw their lama in
these forms.-1-10 Here Cakrasamvara (d3)
actuall y appears twice (d3-l and d3-2),
once as a main figure and again as one
of a fixed group of four smaller figures.
Guru number 8. Taklungthangpa,
is represented three limes in identical
ways (8a, 8b, and 8c). even down to his
moustache; there is presumably a historical reason for this threefold depiction,
which may be a miracle in the life of the
master. (Note that he alone of all human
gurus is depicted with full-face view,
which was a virtually unknown mode
of representation for human teachers
until about the time ofTaklungthangpa "s
guru Phagmotrupa.) Moreover. all seven
divine figures or gurus shown in the conventionalized thatched hut (numbers 8a,
8b, 8c, d I, d2, d3, and d4) represent the
same great founder ofTaklung. Some
of the multiple images must reflect his
abi lity, referred to in his hagiography,
to manifest himself in multiple visible
physical forms at the same time. which
I
2
dl
d3-1
8b
p (=9?)
3
5
4
6
7
8a
F2
Fl
d3 -2
d iO d9
d8
d7
d6
1b
d2
d4
8c
d5
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORICUNC RACYU SCHOOL
8J
he did on many occasio ns:..' (For more
on earlyTa klung Kagyu painting . see D .
Jackson 20 II. p. 108ff.)
2. Buddha Footpr ints
Representati ons of Buddha Sakyam uni 's
soles or footprints were some of the
earliest -known Buddhis t art in india ,
though as sculptu res. In Tibet. the genre
of painted footprints of the Buddha was
very rare. tho ugh a few exampl es are
known. They were far outnum bered by
painting s that depicted the footprin ts of
great Tibetan lamas. Depicti ons of the
Buddha 's footprin ts presuma bly derive
from prints made from Indian rock carvings ...u Their existenc e probabl y inspired
the custom of making prints of a revered
human lama. whose lowest limbs
were humbly venerat ed in this way by
disciple s.
The footprin ts of the Buddha are an
importa nt genre of early Indian Buddhi st
art: their most detailed study until now is
the book of Anna Maria Quaglio tti published in 1998.""' She observe s that the
symbol of the footprin t is nearly universal - commo n in both Western and Eastern worlds: '"' The Buddha 's footprin ts
are distingu ished from those of Hindu
gods by the presenc e of a I,000-sp oked
the
wheel, symbol of his first turnino
c
wheel of Dharma and also symbol of
a Cakrava rtin or Universal King. with
whom the Buddha identifies.
When tracing the later diffusio n of
the symbol that she calls the ..w-moti f'
(omega -motif). Quaglio tti discuss es
exampl es from East Asia, i.e., from
C hina , Korea, and Japan.44' She also
briefly discusse s in appendi x 2 Buddha
footprin ts in Southea st Asia.- Though
Tibetan art fell o utside the purview
o f her study. when compar ing lists of
symbol s on a buddha 's hands or feet
extracte d by Peter Skilling . she records
the word g .yung drung 'khyil pa as
Tibetan equival ent for her key motif
84
CHAPTE R
5
naluiyllravta. the forty-first symbol in a
canonic al list of auspici ous symbol s.447
Figure 5.8 is a rare and early
Tibetan exampl e of a painted representatio n of what may be the Buddha
'
uni ·s feet in this case rendered
Sakyam
with dyes on a silk suppor t.- (The highly
idealized unnatural sole shapes. including five very long and thin toes. mark it
as that of a buddha or divine bodhisattva.
i.e., as super-h uman footprints, and not
from a lama.)449 Here the central coofd
footprints have eight-petal wheels of
Dharma in the middle of the print, above
the soles. The footprints are clearly the
focus of the icon and they domina te the
surroun ding minor deiti es with their size.
being more than twice as tall as most of
the lesser deities: '50 They dominate all but
the standing ten-arn1ed Avalo kitesvara,
who with his eleven heads is nearly as
tall as the footprints. That bodhisattva
is superio r to the other bodhisattvas and
goddess es due to both hi s hi gher and
central placeme nt in the paintino
c
... thouoh
he stands below the buddhas. who are his
spiritual superio rs. .osJ (The six buddllas
include Slikyamuni and the five buddha s
(jina) of Yogatan tra manda las. though
not all have their typical skin colors.)
Each footprin t stands on a lotus
seat, one of which seems to arise out of
the ground between the ancient red-turbaned king in the center (Tibetan King
Songtse n Gampo ). who was conside red
to be the emanat ion of Avaloki te5vara •
and a female fi gure to hi s left. That figure is probabl y his Chinese consort (the
princess of Wenche ng). shown kneelin g
to the left. The female fioure koeelino in
"
..
the lower-ri ght corner is more obvious ly
his Nepales e queen. Princes s Tritsiin ,
since her headdre ss include s a few
( lndic) jewels in a simple diadem with
small pointed jewel settings , unlike the
other fema le figure, whose hair hangs to
her shoulde rs unadorn ed. Besides , the
bejewel ed consort is seated just below
Green Tar!!, whose emanati on she was
conside red to be.452
B. EARLY
PAINTED PORTRA JTS OF
jJGTEN SUMGO N
Figure 5.9 portrays as its main figure
Drigung Ji g ten Sumgo n, though here
as a lama and not as his idealized footprints. This copy of a standard portrait
depicts him surroun ded by a guru lineage, the Eight Mahllsiddha (ga 1- ga8)
and other minor deities. I presum e that
its prototy pe was painted by one of
his disciple s after he founded Dri!!llno
Monast ery in I 166, while he still lived .
. ..
( He died in 12 I 7 .) It was also based on
the same compos ition as the sacred footprints thangka (Fig. 5.1 ). though it has
been simplifi ed through the remova l of
the second register (wi th its ten Tantri c
deities) .
The arrange ment of the painting's fig ures is shown by Diagran1 [Gl.
The painting 's main figure was at first
453
surmise d to be Jigten Sumgon . That
could be confirmed through an inscription on the reverse.4>~ In the orioinal
0
footprin t thangka (Fi g . 5. 1) the lineage
often leads to a centrall y placed guru
number 7. placed above guru number 8.
But here (Fig. 5.9) the guru lineage in
the top reg ister continu es down to ouru
..
number 10. i.e., Dri 3. Note the presenc e
of such classic early Driouno
" ., Kaoyu elements as the central vase below (v). two
standin g bodhisa ttvas attendin g the ma in
..
figure to his right and left (b l and b2).
and the two naga (n I and n2).
This and several other early human
portrait s of Ji gten Sumgon follow
the plan of the prototyp ical footprin t
thangka ( Fig. 5.1) by regularl y depicting as periphe ral subjects: (1) in the
top register: a lineage leading up to the
centrall y placed main figure: (2) on the
sides: eight g reat adepts. four deities.
and (often) two naga kings: and (3) in
the bottom register: patron, minor deities
(includi ng protecto rs), a nd central vase
atop a vajra (actuall y a vi.\vQI•ajra). (But
as mention ed above. here the second
register with Tantric deities is missing.)
lo the center, the early human portraya ls
FIG. 5.8
Buddha Footprints and Deities
Ca. 12th century
Colors on si lk; 20 x 21 in. (53.3 x 54 em)
Zimmerman Fami ly Collection
Literature: Pa l 1991, no. 79; and K. Selig
Brown 2004, plate 26.
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
85
5·9
Drigung Jigten Sumgi:in with Lineage
Early 13th century
27'h x 19 ~ in. (70 x 50 em)
Private Collection, Zurich
Literature: P. Pal et al. 2003, no. 132; A.
Heller 2005, plate 1; and D. Jackson 2011,
fig. 5.21.
ftG.
l
gal
ga3
gaS
ga7
2
dl
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
B2
8b
bl
d2
b2
d4
nl
d6
86
CHAPTER
5
Bl
ga2
ga4
ga6
gaS
d3
d5
n2
d7
d8
(v)
d9
dlO
d ll
of Jigten Sumgon often include, quite
strikingly, two standing bodhisattvas (bl
and b2).
ln Figure 5.9, at the c.enter of the
painting we find the Drigung founder
looking to our right, holding his hands
in a teaching gesture. The portrait is
painted in a Sharri (Eastern-Indian or
:?ala-inspired) style, here without the
rocky crags and caves but with a stylized outer frame of colorful jewels or
lotus petals. His body nimbuses consist
of luminous strips of rainbow colors, an
element that one also finds in the upper
edges of the backrests of two other
Kagyu saints' portraits (Phagruotrupa
and Taklungthangpa).455 Below the
throne there is no bottom strip representing a lotus pool. Instead, in the middle of
the bottom row is a golden vase standing
upon a crossed vajra. The vase contains
a liquid elixir, from which long undulating lotus vines sprout.
The most striking iconographic
difference from the two early standard
portraits of the Taklung Kagyu (of Phagmotrupa and Taklungthangpa) was that.
to the right and left of Jigten Sumgon,
two bodhisattva attendants stand, partly
covering the outer body nimbus of the
main figure and coming up to his shoulders.456 Such attendants were unknown
in the portraits of otl1er contemporary lamas, and they strongly evoke a
buddha-like status for the central figure,
just as we saw in the Alchi Small Stupa
mural (Fig. 1.18).
Several other paintings have been
located that portray the founder of Drigung with the same fixed constellation
of minor deities and the same basic construction as the oldest footprint thangka
(Fig. 5.1). These and several other
paintings belonging to a Drigung Kagyu
group were also noticed by C. Luczanits
in connection with his study of the eight
great adepts that they regularly feature
(in the diagrams: gal- ga8) .457
Figure 5.10 probably dates to the
next generation. Unlike Figure 5.9. it
does not depict Jigten Sumgon as the
main subject. As confirmed by its lineage, the main figure must have been a
prominent disciple of Jigten Sumgon.
He also looks different from Jigten
Sumgon, with his own distinctly flatter
hairline. Yet he, too, stands between two
bodhisattva attendants, just like the main
figure of the preceding painting.
The arrangement of figures is
shown in Diagram [H]. Here the final
lineal master at the top (8) is placed at
the center, directly above the central figure, with the two immediately preceding
gurus to right and left. The structure of
this painting is unusual in two respects.
First. the painting is nearly square. Second, the proportions for its minor figures
become successively larger as we go
from top to bottom: small on the top
row, medium in the middle, and large on
the bottom row. This lends to the painting a slight illusion of depth.
The main figure was once tentatively identified as Jigten Sumgon, based
on his supposedly identical iconography.458 But the main figure here is one
generation later in the Drigung Kagyu
lineage, so that can be ruled out.
C. EARLY STATUE PORTRAITS
The physiognomy and standard iconography of Jigten Sumgon's early portraits
are confirn1ed not only by paintings
but also by numerous statues, including
Figure 5. I I .In this carefully rendered
statue we should note his lama vest and
face and hairline. (Note also what seems
to be a vajra depicted in the edge of the
moon disk, before his folded feet.) This
was an early sumptuous commission,
judging by its specially decorated throne
base, which is set with numerous precious stones and features a lotus stem
sprouting from a small indistinct object
at its bottom, in the middle. The throne
backrest includes four of the five legendary animals forming the " five ornaments
of the throne," while the base shows
the fifth, a lion, one on either side. The
pointed wing tips of the gantda at the
top are distinctive.
Figure 5.12 is another classic early
statue portrait of Jigten Sumgon. But
here the main figure is supplemented by
the two bodhisattva attendants standing
to his right and left (indeed the whole
was cast in five parts, partly hollow).4.w
Again the face and hair seem carefully
rendered and realistic. As in the previous
statue he holds his hand in a buddhalike earth-touching gesture. Note also
the vajra lying on the moon disc before
his feet, which would have marked this
statue as a "Dorjedenma" (rDo rje gdan
rna) , if it were from India and a buddha
had been depicted. His right shoulder
has been left bare, and the same sean1s
are painstakingly shown on his exposed
lama vest's shoulder. I cannot see the
back of the statue, but if the lotuses continue all the way around, these might be
candidates as " Mongol-period statues"
(hor sl..7t) of the great Drigung founder
" with a seat of lotus-petals continuing all
the way around" (pad skor ma), which
Rase Konchok Gyatsho mentioned in his
art-historical article.460
The workmanship and details of
the central panel of the throne base are
close to those on the preceding statue,
which means they probably came from
the same workshop of metalworkers, though this one is larger and more
detailed. The bottoms of the lotus seat
and throne pedestal are both sealed with
a sheet of gilt copper decorated with
a crossed vajra.461 We can see more
clearly, for instance, the sprouting of a
lotus stem from a small four-petal lotus
flower at the bottom of the middle panel
of the throne base. (This should be the
crossed vajra with vase standing on it.)
Single lions appear to the right and left
of the base. The other four mythical ani mals of the traditional throne backrest
are depicted above, though the elephant
is hidden behind the feet of the bodhisattvas.As in the previous backrest a jewel
appears at the top between the curved
PAINTING TRA DITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
87
s.ro
Disciple of Jigten Sumgon with Lineage
Early 13th century
Distemper on cotton; 23\4 x 22 Y. in. (59.1
x 57.2 em)
Prinker Collection
Literature: Literature: S. Kossak and]. C.
Singer 1998, p. 89, no. 17; C. Luczanirs
2006a, fig. 4.9; D. Jackson 20 10, fig. 1.23;
and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.25.
FIC.
81
I
gal
ga3
gaS
ga7
dl
dl
CHAPTER
5
3
6
8
7
4
5
82
83
d2
ga2
ga4
ga6
ga8
d2
9
b2
bl
n2
nl
d3
88
2
d4
d5
(v)
d6
d7
d8
FIG. 5-II
Drigung Jigren Sumgon
13th century
Statue with base and backrest; brass,
polychrome; 5 1/2 in. {14cm)
Musee des Arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris,
France
{MA 6032)
(c) Reunion des Musees Nationaux I
Art Resource, NY
Photograph by P. Pleynet
ART4123 75
Literature: H. Stoddard 2003, fig. 4; and
D. Jackson 2011, fig. 5.26.
horns of the garuda. (Note also the
beautiful pointed head nimbus set with
alternating turquoise and pink glass.)
Figures 5.13a and 5.14 are two
more statues that are clearly linked to
early Drigung Kagyu art . Both are in
the Rubin Museum collection. The first,
based on the hairline, hand positions,
and other details, clearly depicts Jig ten
Sumgon. As in many early statues (and
the previous two figures) , he holds his
right hand in the earth-touching gesture.
Note also the vajra lying at the edge
of the moon disc and the typical lotus
seat with petals continuing all the way
around it.462 On the bottom of the statue
(see Fig. 5.l3b), we find a distinctive
crossed vajra combined with four threejewel motifs between the vajra tips.
The next image, Figure 5.14, came
to the Rubin Museum as a composite
image: a Ming court Buddha Sakyamuni
statue mounted on a much earlier throne
base and backdrop. The workmansh ip
of the throne and backdrop is clear! y
early Drigung Kagyu.ln fact, it is a
more complete rendering than we usually find; here we find for the first time
the base is complete with a central vase
and a pair of naga kings supporting it
to both right and left. The backdrop has
a head nimbus that is slightly pointed,
FIG. 5-12.
Jigten Sumgon with Standing Bodhisattva
Attenda ms
13th cemury
Starue with base and backrest; gilt copper
with inlaid turquoise, lapis lazuli, and glass;
H with base 1 Ph in. {27.8 em);
H 4 3A in. (12.2 em)
Literarure: Ulrich von Schroeder 2001,
vol. 2, plate 258B.
and behind each of the main figure's
shoulders appear prominent three-jewel
decorations, a beloved Drigung Kagyu
motif. Originally a j ewel (which is now
missing) was set at the top, between the
horns of the gamda, and between the
garuda and makara we find four small
figures between looping tendrils possibly small buddhas or gurus.
D. SPECIAL RAINBOW BODY NIMBUSES
One distinctive feature of early Drigung
Kagyu icons is the special rainbow body
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
89
FIG. 5-I 3A
Jigren Sumgon
13th cenrury
Gilr copper alloy; 45fs x 3% x 3 in.
Photograph by Bruce M. Whire
Rubin Museum of An
C2005.16.51 (HAR 65474)
fiG. 5·!38
Bonom of Fig. 5.13a
nimbuses that we find portrayed around
the central figures. Such nimbuses are
not exclusively Drigung Kagyu , though
Jigten Sumgon did Jay special emphasis
on depicting the five colors of the rainbow, for the sake of attaining the five
gnoses (ye shes lnga) of buddhahood.
(He also stressed in the same passage
the need to paint pools of lotuses and the
Eight Great Adepts.)-163
As my first illustration of a rainbow body nimbus (Fig. 5.15), I present a
relatively simple early version of one in a
thangka painted in the Sharri style for the
Kadam order. I will subsequently present
two new examples from uncertain provenances but which seem to date to about
the same time as Jigten Sumgon's life or
soon thereafter.
Figure 5.15 illustrates the fairly
modest origins of the rainbow body nimbus. Here it is relatively thin, compared
with the size of the head nimbus, and
it has its own thin , faint white border
strip separating it from the bright-orange
field of the body nimbus that it encloses.
The rainbow nimbus occurs once in
the entire painting. (The main head
nimbus follows another classic Sharri
convention.)
ln Figure 5.16, a detail showing the
top of the early painted portrait, we find
the painter repeatedly depicting a rainbow nimbus. After using a wide, prominent rainbow nimbus behind the main
figure (with a garuda at the top?), he
repeats it in the head nimbus. Finally we
see the artist employing it to emphasize
the sanctity of the three central gurus
in the top register, even using the color
90
CHAPTER 5
F IG. 5·14
Drigung Kagyu statue's base and backrest
13th century
Gilt copper alloy;
base and backrest; 10 'h x 7 1/8 x 5 'Is in.
Photograph by Bruce M. White
Rubin Museum of An
C2005.16.62 (HAR 65485)
PA I NT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
91
FIG. 5.15
Atisa
Early to mid-12th century
Distemper on cotton; 191/z x 13% in.
(49.5 x35.5 em)
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New
York; Gift of rhe Kronos Collections, 1993
(1993.479)
©The Metropolitan Museum of Art I Art
Resource, NY
Photograph by John Bigelow Taylor
Literature: J. Casey Singer 1994, fig. 16;
H. Stoddard 1996, fig. 1; S. Kossak
2010, fig. 14; and D. Jackson 2011, fig. 3.2.
FIG. 5.16
Detail of Fig. 5.9, rop of painting
to fill in the backgrounds of three head
nimbuses, giving Mi larepa a double
treatment.
The thangka depicted as Figure
5.10 is a striking example of the special luminous body and head nimbuses
often found in these paintings. In it the
rainbow nimbuses are tripled for even
greater effect, as we can see in the detai l
of Figure 5.17. The artist has added
double strips of white with outer edges
of light green to strengthen the contrast
with the bright-orange inner strips.
Here such luminous rainbow
nimbuses are used many times in the
thangkas, most prominently in a series
of three body nimbuses around the main
figure (with white pointed-wing garuda
at the top) and also one in his head
nimbus; twice in the body nimbus of
the guru Jigten Sumgon directly above
him; once in the head nimbuses of the
attendant bodhisattvas; and once each in
all the remaining deities and gurus in the
top register.
Figure 5.18a is another extreme
example of repeated rainbow nimbuses
but without the legendary throne-back
animals (though stylized lions and
elephants feature in the throne base).
Around the central buddha the painting repeats the nimbuses no fewer than
five times, if you include the fragments
92
CHAPTER 5
FIG. 5.17
Detail of Fig. 5.10
FtG. s.r8A
Buddha with Five Tath~garas (surrounded
by vibram multiple nimbuses)
Late 12th century
l6 7h x 12'18 in. (42.9 x 32.7 em)
Private ColleC[ion
Literature: S. Kossak and]. Singer 1998
no. 15.
Ftc,s.r8s
Line drawing on reverse of Fig. 5.18a
After R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, fig. 34.
visible behind the base of the central
throne. It also repeats them as head
nimbuses of minor deities, including
the five smaller buddhas at the bottom
and the two standing bodhisattva attendants , and even in radiant strips behind
the two minor deities (devaputra , lha 'i
bu) floating in the sky and holding up
what may be divine flower vines with
jewel-like buds.
Though appearing relatively well
preserved, the painting's surface is actually much damaged. The throne-back
animals behi nd the central buddha and
even the makara surrounding the buddha's head halo that originally were
there have now disappeared. If you look
carefully at the yellow columns of the
back of the throne and at the two yellow
triangles, you can still see faint traces of
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
93
94
C HAPTER
5
are portrayed. (Here diminutive and
unobtrusive whitish garuda with pointed
wings have been placed at the top of
each body nimbus.) The background
color of deep blue adds striking contrast
with the figures and their nimbuses.
E. SPECIAL TREATMENT OF jEWELS
Figure 5.1 9b is a line drawing on the
reverse of Figure 5.10. The main outlines are done in black, to which washes
of colors add volume. Like Figure 5.18b,
FIG. 5·I9A (OPPOSITE PACE)
Four Kagyu Ordained Lamas {with vibrant
head and body nimbuses)
13th century
17 x 13 in. (43.2 x 34.3 em)
Michael and Beara McCormick Collection
Literature: D. Jackson 2011 , fig. 2. 7, "Four
1iberan Teachers Wearing Lama Vests."
FIG. 5-198
Line drawing on reverse of Fig. 5.10
After R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, fig. 35
the expected animals, such as the black
dots of their eyes and the red of their
mouths.464 (The bright yellow proved to
be an unstable base color.)
the drawing restates confidently and
with virtuosity the themes of the painting. 466 Here the center is a prominent
three-jewel symbol. It shows that the
lama portrayed on the front side was
worshiped as the embodiment of the
holy Three Jewels (Dkon mchog gsum).
Though no actual jewels are drawn,
the appearance of their empty double
outline within a triple rainbow nimbus
and repeated three-lobed decorative leaf
shapes demonstrates the crucial role
played by this symbol for guru worship.
The central jewel warrants no fewer than
three lotus seats! Indeed, the symbol
evokes the great founding guru himself,
Rinchen Pal. (The five tiers of jewel-like
Figure 5.18b is a line drawing that
was made on the back of Figure 5.18a.
Rendered in thin red paint, it recaps symbolically the contents of the front side.465
A vajra stands at the center, within a
twenty-one-spoke wheel, whi le five dif-
Figure 5.20, a panel from a ritual
crown commonly called the "Five [Buddha] Fan1ilies" (Rigs lnga), depicts as
ferent symbols (including two types of
vajras and a ten-spoke wheel) represent
the lower tier of buddhas in the painting.
(The symbols represent the Five Buddha
Families [Rigs lnga] of the Tathiigatas
who in the painting are undifferentiated
in terms of mudra or color, which would
its main subject Buddha Vairocana.
Note his beautiful Sharri-style crown
with sharp!y pointed jewel settings. The
panel includes a radiant rainbow body
nimbus. Yet its main decorative motif
is the prominent three-jewel cluster in
the middle of the throne base. (Here the
cloth draped over the central panel of
the base. (Among the four lamas, only
this one has it.) Beneath the two lower
main lamas we also find lotus vines
show them as belonging to the Buddha,
Vajra, Padma, Jewel, and Karma families.) Not a single word of written invoca-
three jewels lack a prominent fringe of
three-lobed leaves.)
In Figure 5.21, a detail from the
thangka depicting four lamas (Fig.
5.19a), we again find the three-jewel
motif as a decorative element in the
sprouting up from a central lotus flower,
which we also saw in the bases of the
very early statues.
Figure 5.22 depicts a teaching
buddha with standing bodhisattva attendants. The buddha is adorned with a
throne base. It is the same as in Figure
5.18a. again depicted at the center of the
luminous orange body nimbus and a
bright-orange head nimbus with a slight
tion or dedication is present.
ln Figure 5.1 9a roughly the same
rainbow nimbuses as seen in Figure
5.18b have been repeated around the
body and head of the four lamas that
orbs at the bottom may symbolize five
tiers of tiny jewel-buddas, as in an elaborate tashigomcmg memorial stupa.)
Ftc. 5.z.o
Vai rocana in a Panel from as Buddhist
Rirual Crown
Mid· or late 12th century
Distemper on wood; 11 5/s x 5 1/s in
(29.5 x 13 em)
Meuopolitan Musewn of An, New York;
Purchase, the Vincent Astor Foundation Gifr
1997 {1997.152)
Published: S. Kossak and J. C. Singer 1998,
no. 9.
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU S CHOOL
95
Frc. 5.2.2
Buddha wirh Anend anr Bodhisarrvas
1 3rh cenrury
Disremper on wood; 5 ~ x 4 ~ in.
(14 x 11.4 em)
Michael and Beara McCo rmick Collecrion
Naglirjuna remains a mino r figure, sitting next to the larger Sakya muni, who
sits in the cente r domin ating the other
two figure s.
Figures 5.23 and 5.24 are than 0okas
that possess such distinctive mino r fio.
"
ures (Eigh t Great Adep ts).""7 Thou gh the
rest of their icono graph y does not indicate it. we know they must have come
from the Drigu ng Kagyu Schoo l.
Figure 5.23 is a previo usly overno
looke d early portrait of the DriQU
"
0
founder. painted in the Beri style. Its
special iconog raphy of the Eight Great
Adep ts is concl usive for identifying this
as an early Jigten Sumg on portrait. It
could not other wise be assigned to the
Drigung Kagy u. Indeed, in a previo us
catalo g l overl ooked its possible Drigung connection when documeotino0 it as
an exam ple of the Early Beri style.468
f.
FIG. 5·21
Derail of Fig. 5.19a
point at the top. This painted wood panel
is a good exam ple of the comp lete lumino us nimbu s because, in addition to the
intens e orang e-yell ow outer strip of the
body nimbus. we find within it a series
of s trips of color s that evoke the color s
of the rainbow. At the top. in the rainbow zone between the head and body
nimbuses, we find a white garuda with
pointed wings. Finall y. in the middle
of the cloth drape d over the cente r of
the throne base. we find a golden threejewel motif. (Such details are not by
themselves decis ive for identifying Drigung Kagyu art of the thirteenth century,
but they are highl y sugge stive.)
96
CHAP TER
5
DISTI NCTIVE MINO R fiG URES
The prese nc.e of distin ctive mino r figures
helps us identify paintings that otherno
wise migh t be overl ooked as Driou
0
"'
Kagyu art. The Drigu ng Kagy u version
of Eight Great Adep ts. four each to the
right and left of the main figure. is a sure
sign of a painti ng's sectar ian affiliation.
As described by C. Luczanits 2006a , it
is a telltal e sign when two of the Eight
Great Adcp ts - the topoo eon both right
and left-a ppea r in triads. At the top
left of the group there normally appea rs
lndrabhOti in a group of three. i.e .. with
hi s conso rt and sis ter (LaksmTnkara).
And at top right there typica lly appea rs
instead of Nagarjuna alone, a triad
formed aroun d Budd ha Sakya muni .
Here, oddly enoug h. the Great Adep t
Similarly Figure 5.24. a depiction
of the Kagyu guru Milare pa. does not
at firs t sight strike one as an exan1ple
of Drigu ng Kagy u art. Part of the problem is that the thangka was extensively
repainted durin g restoration. and the
restorer did not know the details of the
dan1aged icono graph y being restored.469
The original iconography and plan date
the painti ng as it was first painte d to
about the earl y or mid-thirtee nth century.
It possesses not only the Eight
Great Adep ts with triads but even preserves the niiga kings suppo rting the
thron e base and sta nding bodhisattva s as
attendants of the main figure. These are
all distinctively Drigu ng Kagy u for early
paintings of a Tibe tan sage. (An inscription on the back is said to give Milarepa's ordin ation na me as Vajraketuraja.)
PA I NTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
97
F1c. 5.23
Jigren Sumgon with Lineage, Disciple, and
Deities
1200-123 0
19 x 'h x 16 in. (49.8 x 40.9 em)
Collection of Navin Kumar, New York
Photograp h counesy of Navin Kumar
Lirerarure: P. Pal1997, plate 23; and
D . .Jackson 2010, fig. 4.9.
98
CHAPTER
5
FIC. 5.1.4
Milarepa with Lineage and Surroundi ng
Deities
13th century
21-!4 x 18V.in. (55.2x47 .0cm)
Photograp h by Bruce M. White
Rubtn Museum of Art
C2002.24 .5 (HAR 65121)
PAINT I NG TRADIT I ONS OF TilE DRIGUNG KACYU SCHOOL
99
Paintings from the Middle Period
ofDrigung Kagyu Art
RELATIVELY FE\V PAINTINGS
surV IVe
from the Middle Period of Drigung art,
a stylistic interlude that I roughly date
for central Tibet from about the 1460s
to the 1630s.ln Ladakh, we find prominent examples of Drigung Kagyu murals
beginning with the establishment of
Phyang Tashi Chodzong in the 1530s.
From central Tibet the most prominent
example of thangka paintings is the great
set of Drigung Kagyu guru po1traits now
preserved at Phyang, which dates to the
mid-sixteenth century and which we
shall see later in this chapter.
We must clearly distinguish
Ladakh from central Tibet because in
this period the Ladakhi artists lagged
about three or four generations behind
the developments in the central cultural
heartland of 0 Province. We wi ll see in
the Ladakh murals striking examples
of their innate cultural conservatism. In
the 1440s, at the (pre-Drigung Kagyu)
Guru Lhakhang of Phyang, the artists
preserved the classic Eastern-Indian
inspired Sharri style (one of the last
places to do so), which had died out
in central Tibet in about the 1360s. In
Ladakh in the 1530s, we will see the
employment of what is basically a Beri
(originally Nepalese-inspired) style.
roughly comparable to the murals of the
Gyantse Stupa of Tsang, that date about
a hundred years earlier.
But we must not overlook Tibet's
geographic heartland, where Drigung
stood. There the new Menri and Khyenri
painting styles had won out almost universally by the early sixteenth century,
Detail of Fig. 6.3
so that the major commissions at Drigung in the mid -sixteenth century were
(for conservative Ladakh) in a strikingly newfangled style, with Chinese
landscapes fully integrated into the
backgrounds. So Jet us not forget that
the central-Tibetan ·'Middle Period of
Drigung Kagyu Art" overlaps in Ladakh
with an earlier stylistic period.
THREE MURAL SITES OF THE
MIDDLE PERIOD IN LADAKH AND
PURANG
The three main mural sites that I briefly
describe here all survive in the far west
of cultural Tibet, in Ladakh and Purang.
I. Ladakh, Phyang, Guru Lhakhang,
about the 1440s (predating the
nearby Tashi Chodzong)
2. Ladakh, Phyang, Tashi Chodzong,
Tshokkhang (Lhakhang Nyingpa)
and Gonkhang, 1530s
3. Purang, Gun bur (alias Tsegu)
Gonpa, about the 1550s- 1590s
Indian style. In order to highlight the
striking difference of styles, I include
one example of a mural in this preDrigung Kagyu site of Phyang. (See
Fig. 6.2.)
Christian Luczanits discussed
the Guru Lhakhang as one of the latest among the early establishments of
Ladakh. saying: 470 "It appears that most
of these genuinely Ladakhi monuments
were created under some branch of the
Kagyupa schools, most prominently
among them the Drigungpa, which still
have a strong presence in the area. That
the latest of these monuments, the Guru
Lhakhang, may date to the 16th century
has already been suggested some time
ago by Seguin and Fournier ( 1986), and
their attribution has recently been supported by Erberto Lo Bue."•71
Roberto Vitali in his article of
1996 on Kanj i and the Phyang Guru
Lhakhang discusses the dating of the
Guru Lhakhang, which he dates much
earlier, to the post-Drigungpa, i.e., the
Sakya period, providing names from the
inscriptions.4n The names he mentions
do include prominent Sakya teachers
such as Sakya Pandita ( 1182- 1251),
1. Phyang, Guru Uwkhang
Phyang's Tashi Chodzong Monastery
was founded in the 1530s during a
revival of the Drigung Kagyu led by
Choje Denma. Already existing nearby
in Phyang was the Guru Lhakhang,
whose murals fit chronologically into
the Middle Period for central Tibet but
stylistically represent a last gasp (i.e.,
a local archaic holdover) of a classic
who here wears a yellow pundit hat.
(See Fig. 6.2, directly below the central
Green Tara.)473 A second prominent
master is nan1ed "Choje Lama Dampa,"
who could only be Lan1a Dampa Sonan1
Gyaltshen (Bia rna Dan1 pa bSod nan1s
rgyal mtshan, 1312-1375), sitting just
to the right of Sakya Pandita and wearing a similar bat. If he is the latest lama
depicted, the temple could have been
built or painted during the period of his
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
IOI
fiG. 6. I
2. Tashi Cl!Od:ong
Phyang Gonpa in the 1930s
Photograph after Marco Pallis 1949, p. 397
[-2).
Phyan.g lies in central Ladakh, about ten
kilometers (six miles) from Leh. The
true introduction of Drigung Kagyu art
there occurred with the foundation of
greatest eminence. which was not the
Sakya period but the early Phagmotrupa
period that followed . (Though he was
born into the Sakya Khon ruling family
and served as an abbot of Sakya, Lama
Dan1pa late in life became, ironically,
a highly esteemed guru of the rebel
regime that ousted the Sakya/Yuan
government.)474
More recently, the surviving
paintings of the Gmu Lhakhang have
been estimated to predate by about a
century the activities ofTashi Chodzong 's founder, Choje Denma. LoBue
has dated the Guru Lhakhang murals
to about the 1440s. 475 The original
establishment may be a century or
more earlier."76
I02
CHAPTER
6
the main monastery, Gangngon Tashi
Chodzong (sGang sngon bKra shis chos
rdzong).4n Luciano Petech and several
scholars who followed him dated it
to the 1550s."78 Petech thought Choje
Denma, who he says was a (Drigungappointed) Dordzin of Gyangdrak was
the founder of the Drigung Kagyu
school in Ladakh, thanks to his visit in
the 1550s at the invitation of King Tashi
Namgyal (whose reign Petech estimated
to be approximately 1555-1575), adding
that he became personal spiritual teacher
of the king and founded Tashi Chodzong
near Phyang.
Petech's account of Phyang's foundation contradicts a well-established
tradition of the monastery itself, which
links its foundation with King Jan1yang
Namgyal.A dating to the 1530s is also
FIG. 6.2
Guru Lhakhang, Phyang
Ca. first half 15th century
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
After E. Lo Bue 2007a, fig. 2.
supported by the Kai/ash Guide (Tise
Karchak), which says the monastery's
founder, [Choje Denma], went from
Drigung to Tise as Dordzin dming the
abbacy of the eighteenth abbot (Rinchen
Phtintshok), which was in the 1520s.•79
One of the monastery 's own histories (in
agreement with the brief Ladakhi history
of monasteries and castles [Thupstan
Paldan 1982]) dates its founding to
the time of Jan1yang Namgyal and the
l530s.480 In Phyang's building of the
Old Temple or Lhakhang Nyingpa,-'8 1 we
find in the Tshokkhang ([Old] Assembly
Hall) and Gonkhang murals dating to the
time of the temple's foundation in the
1530s. Yet some mural paintings high
above, in the lanterns (clerestories) of
the building, are much later additions,
Frc. 6. 3
Jigren Sumgon wirh Life Scenes of rhe Ten
Directions and Three Times
Old Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong,
Ph yang, Ladakh; 1530s
© 2014 Arrisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), N ew
York I VG Bild-Kwm, Bonn
Lirerarure: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
mural 2; and A. Binczik and R. Fischer
2002, p. 93.
probably from the nineteenth century.482
(I will describe these in chapter 9.)
A. A CLASSIC PAINTED PORTRAIT OF
]IGTEN SUMGON AND Hls LIFE
When Driouno
('Bri ouno
o
e Linopa
o
o
o Glino
o
pa dBon Sherab Jungne, 1187-1 255)
vis ited western Tibet in 1219, he stayed
for a while at the famous Khochar
(Kho char) Temple of Purang, home of
the Kyirong Jowo statue. While there,
he sketched a mural representation of
the life of his esteemed master, Jig ten
Sumgon, who had passed away two
years earlier. The painting corresponded
to the vers ified life-story he had composed, the Hagiography of the Ten
Directions and Three Times ( Phyogs bcu
dus gsum ma). which later formed part
of the Drigw1g Kagyu liturgy. This brief
hagiography in thirteen episodes, including the past and future, is found in Jigten
Sumgon 's collected writings from the
Yangri Gar wooden printing blocks ..as3
It and a detailed commentary are also
found in the works of Sherab Jungne.484
The tradition of painting Jig ten
Sumgon 's hagiography as a series of
thirteen small vignettes arranged to the
right, left, and above the central figure
later spread eastward to the Drigung
Kagyu mother monastery in D Province
of central Tibet and westward to Ladakh.
Figure 63 reproduces the san1e six-
in Diagram [A]. The only possible
teenth-century mural in Phyang, whose
composition ultimately derived from the
explanation for this odd sequence is that
the lowest episode on both right and left
thirteenth-century pai.nting in Purang.
was omitted when the painting was cop-
The original must have once portrayed
ied. The complete original painting in
thirteen episodes in all: five episodes in
the right colwnn, five in the left one, and
three in the register at the top. Yet in the
murals that survive in Ladakh, at least
two out of thirteen episodes are missing.
The ordering of the episodes in the
surviving mural in Phyang is as shown
11
10
9
8
7
13
12
5
4
3
2
In Ladakh it was preserved as a classic
composition of sorts: 185 An illustrated
modem commentary of this biography
has been published by H.H. Drigung
Chetsang Rinpoche .486 As illustrations,
he used details from the mural at Phyang
Monastery.
II (past)
13 (present)
tO ( many pure lands)
9 (northeast)
8 (northwest)
7 (north)
6 (southwest) [missing in Phyang]
12 (future time)
5 (southeast)
4 (west)
3 (center)
2 (south)
I (east) [missing in Phyang]
PAI NT ING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGU NG KAGY U SC HOOL
I03
Purang thus probably included:
9. Northeast, at Drigung (' bri gung
gi ling tshe)
IO.At his nirvana, passing away to
many pure lands (mya nganlas
'das pa'i ling tshe)
11. Present Buddha activities [stod
tshanma. da.lta ba.'i ling tshe?]
12. Past activities (stod tsha.n. 'das dus
I. East, in Denyul ('dan yul du
b:hugs pa'i ling tshe)
2. South, in Tolungmoche (lho stod
klung mo che'i ling tshe)
3. Center, at Phagmotru (phag mo
g ru pa 'i ling !she)
4 . West, at Yechung Cave (dbye
chung phug gi ling tshe)
5. Southeast, at Dakla Gampo
(dwags 1/w sgam po'i ling tshe)
6 . Southwest, in Urgyen (11 rgyan gyi
ling tshe)
7 . North, in Thanglha (thang lha.'i
ling tshe)
8 . Northwest, at Namtsho (gnam
tsho'iling tshe)
FIG. 6.38
FIG. 6.JF
I04
CHAPTER 6
J..·yi ling tshe)
13. Future activities [stod tshan. ma
'ongs pa'i ling tshe?].a1
Hence the only scenes that are missing
in Phyang are episodes I (East, his birth
and youth in Denyul) and 6 (Southwest,
in Urgyen).
FIG. 6.3C
FIG. 6.30
FIG. 6. 3A
Ftc. 6.3£
6.3A
Cenrer of the mural, with Jigteo Sumgon
and [\VO standing arrendanr monks
FIG.
fiG. 6.38
Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two lowerright episodes {Episodes 2 and 3: South, in
Tolungmoche, and Center, ar Phagmotru}
6.3C
Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two upperright episodes (episodes 4 and 5: West, at
Yechung Cave, and Southeast, at Dakla
Gampo)
FIG.
Ftc. 6.30
Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing [\VO lowerleft episodes (episodes 7 and 8: North, in
Thanglha, and Northwest, at Nanusho}
6.3E
Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing two upper-left
episodes {episodes 9 and 10: Northeast,
at Drigung, and ar his nirvana, passing to
many pure lands)
FIG.
6.3F
Detail of Fig. 6.3, showing three uppermost
episodes (episodes 11, 12 and 13: Present
Buddha activities, past activities, and Future
activities)
FIG.
B. THE DRIGUNG ABBOTI RINCHEN
NAMGYAL WlTH LINEAGE
Another important Tashi Chodzong
mural, Figure 6.4, depicts the Drigung
abbot Rinchen Namgyal Chodrak Gyaltshen (Dri 19), who was abbot at the time
ofTashi Chodzong's fow1dation.488 He
is depicted surrotmded by the main Drigung Kagyu l.ineage, whose arrangement
is shown by Diagram [B].
Here guru number 6 is depicted in
agreement with Jigten Sumgon 's special
iconography, and not with Gampopa's.
In any case, if the ordering is the normal one, and guru number 8 is Jigten
Sumgon, then the central figure (guru
number 24) would be the seventeenth
or eighteenth abbot of Drigtmg. So the
numbering of gurus in my chart is just
one off from what the lamas of Phyang
maintain when identifying him (probably
correctly) as Rinchen Namgyal .
In the sky to the left of the main
figure's head nimbus and just beneath
guru number 2 we find (23c) a black-hatted Karmapa.489 He must be the Eighth
Karmapa Mikyo Dotje, who visited
DrigWlg for one year in 1536 and taught
Rinchen Namgyal, the main figure of the
mural, after Rinchen Phlintshok (Dri 18)
Frc. 6.4
Rinchen Namgya l with His Drigung Kagyu
Lineage
O ld Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong,
Phyang, Ladakh; 1530s
Phorograph by Roland Fischer
© 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn
After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 94.
resi gned the abbacy.490
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
2
3
23c
23b
5
7
7b?
9
22?
23a?
24?
II
13
15
17
19
21
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
I05
Erberto Lo Bue has studied the
inscriptions of these murals of this
building of Ph yang Tashi Chtidzong,
recording the names of several painters
responsible for the murals."91 The French
Buddhist and long-time student of the
Drigung Kagyu tradition in Ladakh,
Marcel Fran9ois. dates the foundation of
the Phyang Gangngtin Tashi Chtidzong
to 1535."92 He also provides the birth
date and reign of Jam yang Namgyal (b.
1511; r. 1532- 1569) and dates for Chtije
Denma ( 1503- 1567) . If those dates are
correct (I ca1mot verify them), he was
an impressively young thirty-two years
of age when founding Phyang Tashi
Chtidzong.
It is also traditionally said that
!Gng Jam yang Namgyal confirmed to
the Drigung School its possession of
the old monastery of Lamayuru and its
own branch monasteries. In this way the
trio of Shawam Gtinpa, Phyang Tashi
Chtidzong, and Lamayuru (Shang sgang
yur gsum) became the mother monasteries for the Drigung Kagyu in Ladakh. In
the following years Chtije Denma built
five monasteries in all: Phyang, Shawam
Gtinpa (Sha warn dgon pa), Shara Chumik Gtinpa (Sha ra Chu mig dgon pa),
Zangzang Palri Gonpa (Zang zang dPal
ri dgon pa), and Kagyu Namgyal Gonpa
(bKa' brgyud rNam rgyal dgon pa). He
great! y enlarged Lamayuru, with its
some four htmdred monks. 493 Lamayuru
belonged theoretically to the royal monastery of Ph yang, (but Lamayuru and
its lamas later gained a special sentiindependence for themselves) .
remaining decades of his life. The "History of the Three Districts of Ngari"
mentions in its Purang section (based on
the Gang ti se /o rgyus) the series of four
Drigung-appointed lamas called Dorje
Dzinpas (or dordzin) who were sent
out by the sixteenth-century Drigung
abbot Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rOyal
dbang Kun dga' rin chen, Dri 17) to
Guge and Purang: Dordzin lampe Yeshe,
Dordzin Gonpo Yeshe, Dordzin Kunga
Tashi, and Dordzin Kunga Zangpo."95
Then the account adds that "Gyalwang
Ratna" (Gyalwang Rinchen Phtintshok
of Drigung, Dri 18) sent one such lama:
"Dordzin Kunga Drakpa." He turns out
to be the highly significant Choje Denma
who went to Ladakh and founded Phyang and other monasteries.496
This painting is significant historically for the guru lineage that it depicts.
I show its lineal ordering in Diagram
[C]. This is the lineage of Amitayus
in the Queen of Realization Tradition
(Grub pa'i rgyal mo ' i lugs) transmitted
by Rechungpa. Rechungpa is guru number 4 in that diagram, while Mi larepa is
number 5. Jigten Sumgtin is number 8.
(The lineage took about twenty lineage
gurus to reach Choje Denma 's time, the
1530s.) A mural in the Tashi Chtidzong
depicting Milarepa with Gampopa and
Rechungpa was also published by Binczik and Fischer 2002:197 Another lineage
received by that school through Ganlpopa (that of the Kadampa) is depicted
around a mural panel with Atisa: 98
3. Gungbur Gonpa , Purang
C. CHOJE DENMA WITH AMITJIYUS
LINEAGE
Figure 6.5 illustrates a mural depicting Phyang Tashi Chodzong's founder,
Chi:ije Denma, as its central figure. 494
That master, after coming to Ladakh
from Kailash, not only built this new
monastery but also actively propagated the Drigung Kagyu there for the
I06
CHAPTER 6
A third place where Drigung Kagyu wall
paintings of the Middle Period survive
is Purang, at Gungbur Gtinpa (alias
Tsegu Gtinpa) . Like Ladakh, Purang also
experienced a Drigung Kagyu revival
in the 1520s or 1530s: 99 The monastery
is located on a cliff above Purang town.
Behind it loom the ancient fort ofTagla
Kar and Simbiling Monastery- both
of which were destroyed in the 1960s,
though the monastery was partially
rebuilt. Beneath them is Gtmgbur Gtinpa
(called Tsegu Gompa or " Nine-Storied
Monastery" in some sources) . Covering
many levels reachable by ladders, the
monastery contains its original murals,
now darkly glazed from centuries of soot.
Victor Chan describes the approach
to the site near central Purang, which he
called the monastery of Tsegu: 500
Cross the suspension bridge (from
Purang center), and immediately
ahead is a village made up of caves
and small houses. Further along the
path are old whitewashed houses
built into a cliff. More cave dwellings are higher up and within a
complex is Tsegu, a cave temple
marked by prayer flags, and a
wooden balcony nine stories above
the base of the cliff.
In current Drigung Kagyu sources,
Gungbur is called Gongphur Gtinpa
(dGung ' bur dGon pa). According to the
drikung.org website, its images were
reinstalled in 1985, mainly thanks to
the hard work of the people of Geshing and Dosa, two vi llages of devout
Drigung Kagyu adherents in Purang.501
Lionel Fournier, on the photographs
he kindly provided, gave the spelling
Gungbur Gtinpa and Yitrok (Yid ' phrog)
for two monasteries at or near this cave
complex.
Though good photographs of
Gongbur murals are now impossible to
find , Figures 6.6 and 6.7 can be combined to document one crucial mural
panel: Buddha Amitayus as main figure
surrounded by lineage gurus. Though
other details are hard to make out, I have
reconstructed the presumed positions of
lineal gurus in Diagram [D).
Since the central figure is
Amitayus, the panel around him probably portrays a guru lineage for that
buddha. (I can just baret y make out
Rechungpa with his pointed hat as guru
number 4.) The lineage behind Choje
Denma in Phyang (Fig. 6.3) continues
down to guru number 20, so this Purang
mural (whose gurus continue to number
25) appears to date approxi mate Iy five
generations of lineal teachers later than
the same lineage in the Ph yang Tashi
Chodzong mural, assuming that the
same lineage masters have been shown.
The lineage thus seems to continue to
approximately the last decades of the
sixteenth century (or first decades of
the next), but this must be confirmed by
mural i nscri pti ons or other evidence.
By way of comparison, three Drigung Kagyu lineages for this tradition
have been traced by Olaf Czaja and
recently communicated to me. Of them,
the most recent is from the collected
writings of Peme Gyaltshen (Dri 30).502
I.
2.
3.
4.
Tshe dpag med
Ma gci g Grub pa' i rgyal mo
Ti bu coSanos
snoaos
sdono po
0
0
0
Ras chung rDo rje grags pa
5. rJe btsun Mi Ia ras chen
6. sGam po pa
7 . Phao0 0oru
8. 'Jig rten gsum mgon
9. rJe sPyan snga ba
10. Yan.g dgon pa
11. sPyan snga Ri n chen Idan
12. Zur phug pa
13 . 'Ba' ra ba
14 . Zad pa Rin rgyal
15. Brag thog pa
16. rDo rje gDan pa Kun dga' rnam
rgyal (1432- 1496)
6. 5
Choje Denma wi!:h His Amirayus Lineage
O ld Assembly Hall, Tashi Chodzong,
Phyang, Ladakh; 1530s
Photography hy Roland Fischer
© 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kuosr, Bonn
After A. Binczik and Roland Fischer 2002,
p. 95.
FIG.
3
5
7
9
II
l3
15
17
I
21?
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
19
20?
2
~
17. sMug pa Ngag gi dbang po
18 . Chos grub sengge
19. Zhwa dmar ba bZhi pa (Chos
grags ye shes, 1453- 1524)
20. mKhan chen Shes rab dpalldan
21 . mKhas grub Kw1 dga' rgyal
mtshan
22. mTshungs med Chos rgyal phun
tshogs
23 . rGyal dbang Chos kyi grags pa
(Dri 25)
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I07
fiG.
6.6
Padmasambhava and Amitiiyus as main
figures
Gungbur Giinpa (Tsegu), Purang;
ca. late 16th cenrury
Photograph by Uonel Fournier (125a
Purang dGung ' bur)
FJG. 6.7
Amitayus, Amitabha, and ~ll.kyamuni as
main figures
Gungbur Giinpa (Tsegu), Purang;
ca. late 16th cenrury
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
24. dKon mchog lhun grub Rin po
che
25. Karma bhadra
26. Don grub chos kyi rgyal po (Dri
27)
27. rJe 'Gro 'dul zhabs (Dri 28)
28. rJe Dharma surya (Chos kyi nyi
rna, Dri 29)
29. Padma dhva dza ( =Padma rgyal
mtshan Dri 30)
In this lineage guru number 20 does
bring us to about the 1530s, the time of
the Phyang murals. Yet the twenty-fifth
guru (the final one pictured in Purang)
was roughly contemporaneous with Dri
26, whose abbacy was from 1661-1718.
Again, we need further confirmation
through inscriptions.
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
12
14
16
18
20
22
OF THE MIDDLE PERIOD
II
10
13
I?
15
17
19
21
23
24
25
Patron(?) 26?
I08
CHAPTER 6
A DRIGUNG KAGYU THANGKA SET
Among the thangkas of Phyang Monastery in Ladakh there survives a classic
set of Drigung Kagyu guru portraits.
This stunning series dates to the midsixteenth century. Originally from Drigung, it was for a while preserved first
in Limi in the northwestern borderlands
of Nepal (near Purang) and later brought
to Ladakh. It is the earliest surviving set
of Drigung Kagyu guru portraits, and
I believe it was painted by outstanding
protagonists of the Khyenri style in central Tibet and later sent to western Tibet.
throne holder of the lineage" LDri 19,
Rinchen Namgyal?]. Hence it was com-
ln my History ofTtbetan Painting
of 1996, I published four thangkas from
this set as black and white figures:503
Ngawang Tsering showed me photographs of seventeen paintings from the
set in 1995, including about sixty-two
siddhas, which worked out to an aver-
missioned at the time of the nineteenth
abbot, i.e., about the 1550s or 1560s.508
This would work if it was commissioned
age of 3.6 siddhas per painting. The
set as photographed was not complete:
presumably at least six paintings were
missing (6 x 3.5 = 2 1), making a total of
at least twenty-three paintings in the set,
I then estimated.
The set has been variously dated.
Ngawang Tsering, for example. believed
the lineage came down to the seventeenth century, to the time of Ri gdzi n
Chodrak (1595-1659). In 1996 I dated it
to the seventeenth century, while in my
article of 2002 I subsequently discussed
the set, describing it as "An Old Series
of Drigung Kagyu Masters Preserved
at Limi" and saying it may date to the
fifteenth or sixteenth century.504 Yes he
Jan1yang mentioned the set in his interview of 1994:
[Concerning earlier painting,] in
Limi ... thangkas survive from the
time of the lama Nyernyi Chokyi
Gyalpo ( ... tenth Drigung abbot,
1335-1407, a senior contemporary
and guru ofTsongkhapa).l have
not seen these, except for photos.
Witllout having seen the set, Yeshe
Jan1yang dated it very early, to about
the early fifteenth century, the time
of the tentl1 Drigung abbot, about the
1310s- 1340s.Angelika Binczik and
Roland Fischer also documented the set,
dating it to tile sixteenth century. 505 Yet
the latest lineal lama they (erroneously)
identified 506 was the twenty-second
abbot, Tshungme Chogyal Phlintshok,
who died in 1602.507 Bargyaltsang Konchok Norbu more recently has said that
the set portrays up to the " nineteenth
in memory of Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok (Dri 18), who died in 1557.
Until now, I have seen photographs
of nineteen paintings: the center painting ( ! ), twelve paintings hanging to
the proper right and six to tile proper
left. (Rosita Faber had seen and photographed a few of the previously unavailable paintings in Ladakh in 2009 for
her Hamburg University MA. tllesis of
2010. which she kindly shared witll me.)
Since as many as six paintings may be
missing from the "left side," the entire
set must have had at least twenty-five
paintings.lndeed, I think it had twentyseven. (Eighty-four siddhas distributed
over twenty-seven paintings yields an
average of 3. 1 siddhas per painting.) If
the series ends with the twenty-seventh
painting, as I now believe, the last lineal
gurus during its commissioning were
guru number 26 (Dri 18), Gyalwang
Rinchen Phlintshok, who died in 1557,
and guru number 27 (Dri 19), Phagmo
Rinchen Namgyal ( 1576), tenure 15341565 ( 13th to the right). (This needs to
be confirmed from the actual paintings.)
1. Origin and Location of the Set
The set may have been commissioned by
the abbots of Drigung in the mid- to late
1550s. According to the Lamayuru notes
of Marc Franr,:ois, the set was commissioned in memory of Gyalwang Rinchen
Phlintshok (Dri 18), who died in 1557.
The throne holder at that time was Dri
19, Rinchen Namgyal.509
The set must have originated in D
Province of central Tibet and been sent
to western Tibet. The Lamayuru paintermonk Yeshe Jan1yang in 1994 described
the set as "from Limi,'' but at that time
had never actually seen it.510 By tile
late 1990s it was moved to Phyang
Monastery, where it is now preserved. It
was photographed there in 2001/2002 by
Fischer and examined by Rosita Farber
in 2009.
2. Actual Order of Drigung Kagyu
Gums in the Set
In appendix A, I have listed all fortyseven gurus of the main Drigtmg Kagyu
lineage (and the forty abbots of Drigung). following their ideal order. Yet
the actual order as they appear in the
" Limi/Phyang set" is different. Since
it includes Atisa as a lineal guru, the
numbers of gurus after Marpa all are one
higher.
Here I list the theoretical sequence
of the set in twenty-seven paintings, as I
could so far determine, ending with guru
number 27 (Dri 19) Phagmo Rinchen
Namgyal (1519-1 576), tenure 15341565 (13th to the proper left). I follow
the traditional designation of " to right"
and " left" from the point of view of tile
main figure.
I . Vaj radhara (center)
2.
3.
4.
5.
Tilopa (first to the proper right)
Naropa (first to the proper left)
Atisa (second to the proper right)
Marpa and Milarepa ( 1012- 1096),
(second to the proper left)
6. Milarepa ( 1040-1123), (third to
the proper right)
7 . Gampopa or Dakpo Lhaje Sonam
Rinchen ( 1079- 1153), (third to the
proper left)
8. Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo
( 1110-1170), (4th to the proper
right)
9. (Dri I) Jigten Sumgon ( 11431217), tenure 1179-12 17 (fourth
to the proper left)
10. (Dri 2) Khenchen Tshultrim Dorje
( 1154-1221 ), tenure 1217- 1221
(fifth to the proper right)
11. (Dri 3) On Sonam Drakpa ( 11871235), tenure 1221- 1235 (fifth to
the proper left)
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I0,9
12. (Dri 4) Jennga Drakpa Jungne
(1175-1255), tenure 1235-1255
(sixth to the proper right)
13. (Dri 5) Jung Dorje Drakpa ( 12101278), tenure 1255-1278 (sixth to
the proper left)
14. (Dri 6) Thogkhawa Rinchen Sengge ( 1226-1284), tenure 12781284 (seventh to the proper right)
15. (Dri 7) Tshamje Drakpa Sonam
( 1238-1286), tenure 1284-1286
(younger brother of Dri 6), (7th to
the proper left)
16. (Dri 8) Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe
( 1223-1293), tenure 1286- 1293
(eighth to the proper right)
17. (Dri 9) Chunyi Dorje Rinchen
(1278-1314), tenure 1293- 1314
(eighth to the proper left)
18. (Dri 10) Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo
( 1284- 1350), tenure 1314-1350
(younger bro. of Dri 9), (9th to the
proper right)
19. (Dri 11) 1ennga Chokyi Gyal po
( 1335-1407), tenure 1351-1395
(ninth to the proper left)
20. (Dri 12) Gosbri Dondrup Gyalpo
( 1369-1 427), tenure 1395- 1427
(tenth to the proper right)
21. (Dri 13) Dakpo Wang Rinchen
Wanggyal ( 1395- ?), tenure 14271428 (son of Dri I 2), (tenth to the
proper left)
22. (Dri 14) Chogyal Rinchen Palzang
( 1421-1469), tenure 1435- 1469
(son of Dri 13), (eleventh to the
proper right)
23. (Dri 15) Choje Rinchen Chokyi
Gyaltshen ( 1449-1484) 14691484 (son of Dri 14), ( 11th to the
proper left)
24. (Dri 16) Wang Rinchen Chokyi
Gyalpo (1448-1505), tenure
1484-1504? (son of Dri 14)
(twelfth to the proper right)
25. (Dri 17) Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (1475-1527), tenu re 1514?1527 (son of Dri 16), (twelfth to
the proper left)
26. (Dri 18) Gyalwang Rinchen
IIO
CHAPTER
6
Phiintshok ( 1509- 1557), tenure 1527- 1534 (son ofDri 16's
brother), (thineenth to the proper
right)
27. (Dri 19) Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal ( 1519- 1576), tenure 15341565 (thirteenth to the proper left)
3. Individual Paintings
Here I would like to present seven individual paintings that are now accessible
through reasonably good photographs. I
will diagram the structure and show the
name and position of each mahasiddha
pictured, if known.
Figure 6.8 depicts Vajradhara as
the first (i.e., central-hanging) painting of the Limi/Phyang set. Vajradhara
is seated upon a lunar disc and lotus
throne with arms crossed at his heart.
The throne back elegantly presents the
mythical Indian animals above but adds
Chinese dragons curling around the supporting columns.
This and the remaining paintings
incorporate Chinese inspired cloud-clad
landscapes (sprin ris yul snang) in their
backgrotmds, as had become almost
universal in Tibet by the mid-sixteenth
century. The upper sky is blue, though
not as deep as Vajradhara 's skin. T he
sky fades into an unpainted horizon. The
clouds in the sky are stylized cumulus
clouds with trails and various base colors. (One at the top left is multicolored.)
Lower in the landscape behind the two
siddhas, we find clusters of clouds with
pale brownish-orange base colors. One
prominent blue-green rock stands forth
in the bottom right.
The arrangement of its divine
figures is shown in Diagram [E]. Most
thangkas in the set position at least three
minor figures in the corners. Here all
four corners are occupied by mahasiddhas. (They mainly follow in this set
the ordering of AbhayadattaSrf and
Viraprakasa, Grub thob brgyad bcu
rtsa bzhi'i mam thar, as listed by Rob
Linrothe 2006, Appendix 1; any number preceded by A in the diagram, for
instance A3, refers to the adept's place in
that list.)
Figure 6.9 depicts the great Indian
adept Tilopa as second guru portrait
(hung first to the proper right) in the
Limi/Phyang set. The accomplished yogi
leans on one arm, and one knee is held
by a meditation band. He sits upon a
tiger skin that drapes over a blue-topped
circular dais or platform. Behind him
a modestly dressed female attendant
stands holding an elaborate tasseled
parasol over him, shading him and paying respect. His disciple Naropa appears
below right, as a reddish-brown skinned
siddha, who gazes up.
The landscape is fairly open, with
just one prominent blue-green crag,
directly behind Ti lopa's attendant. The
only clouds form two or three clusters in
the upper right. The bottom cloud cluster
is made up of standard stylized cumulus
forms. The ordering of the painting's figures is shown in Diagram [F).
Figure 6.10 depicts the adept and
guru Naropa as the third guru portrait
(hung first to the proper left) in the
Limi/Phyang set. The great adept stares
intently ahead whi le holding a nectarfilled skull cup in his left hand. He sits
upon a corpse for his mat, and the jackals before him complete the charnel
ground scene. The painting incorporates several blue-green crags into its
landscape. The clouds are worked into
the landscape in subtle ways. Behind
the central tree, a cluster of soft white
clouds fills much of the background. A
pale gray strip of cloud stretches most of
the way across the top.
Naropa's Tibetan disciple Marpa
appears to the bottom left, facing inward
toward his guru . He is seated in a position that would otherwise be occupied
by one of the siddhas. The ordering of
the painting's other minor figures is
shown by Diagram [G].
Figure 6 .I I portrays the Tibetan
FIG. 6.8
ms I (A I) Luipa
ms2 (A77) Darika
1. Vajradhara
ms3 (A31 <;lenkipa) dhing ki pa
ms4 (name illegible)
Vajradhara as firsr guru of rhe main Drigung
Kagyu lineage
1550s
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Arrisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 157.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
III
FIG. 6.9
msS (A3) Yirupa
ms6 (A4) dombhi
2. Ti lopa
ms8 (A5) Savaripa
II2
CHAPTER
6
ms9 (A20) na ro pa
TJ!opa as second guru of rhe main Drigung
Kagyu lineage
1550s
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Anisrs Righrs Sociecy (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 160.
mslO(A7)
ms II (possibly A9 or A I0?)
3. Niiropa
msl2 (A8) mi na
Marpa
ms13 (All) vi napa da
Ftc. 6. ro
N!iropa as third main guru of the Drigung
Kagyu
1550s
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn
Literarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 165.
PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
II3
FIG. 6.II
Milarepa as sixth main guru of the Drigung
Kagyu
1550s
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Anists Rights Society (ARS) , N ew
York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn
Literature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 168.
meditator Milarepa ( 1040-1123), the
sixth guru (hung third to the proper
right) in the Limi!Phyang set. He wears
a white cotton robe, holds one hand
behind his ear, and sits on an an.imal
skin and a pile of leaves before a cave.
Though a reverently standing Tibetan
monk (Gampopa) approaches, the yogi
stairs straight ahead, as if still absorbed
in meditative practice.
The previous three paintings'
landscapes were relatively open with
areas left unpainted, such as behind the
shoulders of the main figures. That may
have evoked a more foreign, i.e., Indian,
landscape. Here we are in Tibet, and the
ms22 (Al7) Kanha
ms21 (A21 Syalipa) sa li
ms23 (A23) Catra
6. Milarepa
ms24 (A24) Bhadra
ms25 (A?) name?
Gampopa
landscape is painted with thicker colors,
including a dark-blue sky above. The
most prominent blue-green crags are
behind and around Milarepa, with one
green tip accentuated by a small patch
of pink clouds. The upper landscape is
dominated by a large central somewhat
blunted glacier peak.511 On the upperleft horizon, three tall rocks or peaks
emerge. Small clusters of bluish-white
clouds form the upper- right horizon.
The ordering of the painting's figures is shown by Diagran1 [H].
Figure 6.12 depicts Gampopa
( 1079- 1153) as seventh guru portrait
(placed third to tl1e proper left) in tile
Limi!Phyang set. Gampopa, an awakened Tibetan yogi-monk, stares ahead
raptly with hands folded on his lap in
meditative equipoise. He is oblivious to
the two pink lotuses behind him and the
white butterfly flitting above them.512 His
seat is a monk's mat, though upon it has
been placed an antelope skin. He wears
II4
CHAPTER 6
FIC. 6.12.
Gampopa as seventh main guru of the
Drigung Kagyu
1550s
Dimensions unknown
\!:> 2014 Artists Righrs Society (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 173.
a gomsha of red silk. and behind him is a
bound volume of sacred scriptures, resting on a pink. basket or bundle.
The painter has worked many blue
and green areas into this basically hilly
Tibetan landscape. The most prominent
blue-green crag is ahead of Gampopa.
wreathed in a creeping cluster of pink
clouds, which continues to the other
side of his head nimbus. Another strip
of whitish-blue clouds creeps across the
landscape behind his shoulders. Hi gher
in the landscape. a patch of pale orangewhite clouds extends around the back
of the hill on the right side. Horizon tal
srrips of gray-white clouds break up the
medium-blue sky.
The ordering of the painting's
minor figures is shown by Diagram rr1.
Figure 6.13 depicts Thogkhawa
Rinchen Sengge (1226-12S-l). sixth
abbot of Drigung. as fourteenth guru
portrait in the Limi/Phyang set. (He was
placed seventh to the proper right.) As
sixth abbot of Drigung, his tenure was
from 1278 to 1284. He wears a red gomslta and holds his hands in the gesture of
teaching. He sits on a formal Chinesestyle chair with feet extending forward.
Before him. near the table of offerings,
stands his disciple Jennga Tshamjepa
(sPyan snga ruTshams bead pa). seventh
abbot. here pictured as a young monk
reverently holding a golden implement.
The most prominent feature of the
landscape is the sturdy old tree with
a bluish-gray gnarled trunk and large
medium-green leaves standing behind
him. The top of the landscape includes
blue-green crags to both right and left.
ms26 (A26) Ayogi
ms27 (A27 kalapa?)
7. Gampopa
Phagmotrupa
ms28 dhobi (A28)
ms29 (*A45 kampari)
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
II)
f iG. 6.13
Thogkhawa Rinchen Sengge as fourteenth
main guru of the Drigung Kagyu
1550s
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS) , New
York I VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn
l iterature: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 176.
The entire sky above the horizon is
a belt of gray clouds with some gaps
between the clouds highlighted with
brighter colors. The foreground and middle-ground of the landscape incorporate
a large plane of rich malachite green,
broken up below the seat by faint strips
in the ground.
For the painting's structure see
Diagram [1].
4. The Set's Stylistic Origin
The set discussed above exemplifies a
high central-Tibetan painting style of the
mid-sixteenth century, namely the
Khyenri style. It evidently was commissioned by the abbots of Drigung in the
mid- to late 1550s, who must have tried
ms (A35) Kucipa
(Dri 6) 14. Thokkhawa Rinchen Sengge
ms luipa? (A31 =Mahipa)
ms (A?)
ms Acinta (A38)
to find the best available painters, if they
commissioned the set in the memory of
their deceased guru Rinchen Phtintshok.
The Khyenri style was founded
in central Tibet about a century earlier,
in the mid-fifteenth century, by the
artist Khyentse Chenmo of Gongkar.
Nowadays it is the rarest among the
three main styles.513 Khyentse C henmo
was an almost supernaturally gifted artist, equally skilled as both painter and
scul ptor. 514 The painting style he establ.ished was hi ghly appreciated in later
generations by the greatest connoisseurpatrons, such as Jonang Taranatha and
the Fifth Dalai L·una. For instance, in
the early seventeenth century, certain
ou tstanding painters of the Khyenri from
0 Province fOlmd appreciative patronage
in Tsang (then seat of the ruler of Tibet)
and at Jonang Takten Phtintshokling.515
II6
CHAPTER 6
Some Jonangpa masterpieces from thi s
period were thus painted in the Khyenri style.516 A generation or two later.
the Fifth Dalai Lama was also a hi ghl y
appreciati ve patron of Khyenri artists,
and thanks to the patro nage that he and
Desi Sanggye Gyatsho (sDe srid Sangs
rgyas rgya mtsho) gave. painters of the
Khyenri School executed many paintings for them. (See below. Figs. 7 .I and
8.5b.) Still later, in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, the style survived
mainly in southern 0 Province. especially in Lhokha near its ori gina l home,
Gongkar Dorjeden (Gong dkar rOo rje
gdan) Monastery.
Accordi ng to the Drigung abbatial
history by Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
( 1770-1826), himself a painter and
authority on religious art. one of the
abbots of Drigung of the seventeenth
and early eighteenth centuries held the
Khyenri style in high regard. That abbot
was Konchok Trinle Zangpo (16561719), an exceptionally skilled painter.
Through him a branch of the Khyenri
also was established at Drigung.517
Two INTRIGUING SETs
Konchok Trinle Zangpo was almost certainly not the first prominent patron of
the Khyenri at Dri gung. Indeed it seems
that a few 0oenerations earlier, in the
mid-sixteenth century. highl y discerning
lama -patrons of Dri gu ng also com m issioned Khyenri artists to paint maj or
works for them in this style. as is demonstrated by the existence of the above
" Limi!Phyang"' set. I conclude this
chapter by briefly mentioning two other
stylistically noteworthy sets that warrant
future investigation.
One presumabl y about mid- or latesixteenth-century example of the Khyenri 's presence at Drigung Monastery may
be a group of thangkas photographed at
that monastery in the 1950s. As mentio ned above (see Fig. 2.6}, the paintings
illustrated by Liu in 1957. which were
erroneously dated to the late fourteenth
or early fifteenth century by Rhie, may
actual ly represent a hi gh Khyenri style
of a subsequent century.5 18
Figure 6.14 exemplifies a painting from that corpus. The set seems to
portray the eighty-four siddhas in single
paintings. a truly monumental undertakino0 if done as full-size thangka. I suggest
that its central figure depicts the adept
Nalipa, here shown seated before a pond
of lotuses from whi ch he has picked one.
He is depicted as a peaceful Indian layman and for my taste is dressed a bit too
regally. with elaborate bodhisattva-like
FIG. 6.14
Nalipa, the Grear Adept
Ca. 16th or early 17th cenrury
Dtigung Monastery
Dimensions unknown
Afrer Liu 1-se 1957, fig. 20.
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
II]
FiG. 6.I5
Nalipa, the Great Adept, detail
After Tshewang Rinchen 2005, no. 40.
FiG. 6.16
The Arhat Angaja
Ca. 16th century
Preserved at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh
Dimensions unknown
After Acllrya Ngawa ng Sa1men 1986,
thangka no. 10.
That is correct, though we should recall
that in this case the subject matter (the
Sixteen Arhats) was originally a Chinese
subject and hence intrinsically possesses
links with Chinese art.
In the present painting the sky,
clouds, and large swaths of grassy meadows are colored with faint washes that
let the white ground show through, as in
the Karma Gardri. Note the minuscule
Tibetan monk with a transparent body
nimbus who is painted at the foot of the
arhat's attendant's feet, whose entire
body is smaller than that attendant's
face. As I stated on another occasion,
1 cannot exclude that these paintings
exemplify a little-known type of Gardrilike Drigung Kagyu art.522 (The set may
have been brought to Ladakh from 0
Province in central Tibet.) I hope to
study these paintings more in the future.
jewelry and robes - and not in a siddha 's
semi wrathful charnel-ground attire.
In a recent book edited by Tshewang Rinchen we also find Nalipa (see
Fig. 6.15). There he is depicted with
much simpler robes and ornamentation,
though still in what I believe to be a
Khyenri-style set of the eighty-four siddhas from roughly the same period.519
Iconographically and stylistically, the
most important future comparison with
Figure 6.14 will be with that surviving
II8
CHAPTER
6
set of arhats that was painted three
adepts per thangka and is now preserved
at Sera Monastery.520
Figure 6.16 exemplifies a second
set in a similar intriguingly Gardri-like
style, in this case depicting the Sixteen
Arhats in individual paintings. Three
paintings from the set were published
in the 1986 Ladakhi thangka catalog
by Acarya Ngawang Samten, who
described this set as having been painted
in a variety of the Karma Gardri style.521
•
YU SC HOO L
PAIN TING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE DRIG UNG KAG
II9
Paintings ofPeaceful Deities
of the Drigung Kagyu
we enter a more
recent period of Drigung Kagyu art.
Here I present Drigung Kagyu paintings
of peaceful main deities dating from
roughly the 1640s to the 1950s. Paintings that depict semi wrathful or wrathful main deities will be introduced in
chapter 8.
In my Place of Provenance catalog, 1 introduced the existence of the
Drigun g painting style as a minor style
in northern 0 Province.523 ln two still
earlier publications. 524 I noted that the
Drigung abbatial history confirms that
a branch of the Khyenri School contin ued to exist at Drigung Monastery until
at least the early nineteenth century,
the period ofTen dzin Perna Gyaltshen
(1770 -1826 ).525 Thus the Khyenri was
one of the starting points for the distinctive recent Drigun g style.526
Figure 7.1 gives us an idea of what
a high court Khyenri thangka painting of
central Tibet of the seventeenth century
looked like, but not at Drigung. It shows
Lokastotrapuja ('Jig rten mchod bstod)
as one of an eight-thangka set depicting
Nyingma Tantric deities. Commissioned
by the Fifth Dalai Lama, it is now preserved in the Potala Palace. The painting
illustrates the clouds, landscapes. and distinctive lotus seats of the Khyenri, though
contrary to the main topic of this chapter,
its main deity is wrathful. (The Potala
catalog specifies it to be a Khyenri tradition lmKhy en/ugs ] painting of the seventeenth century. 527 which the Fifth Dalai
Lama preferred for wrathful deities and
mandalas and not for peaceful deitie s.F
IN THIS CHAP TER
Detail of Fig. 7.8
Figure 7.2 illustr ates a detail from
the mural paintings of Gongk ar Monas tery in about the same period . Its details
of flames. flat monoc hrome clouds .
and vertically striate d rocks (brag ris)
resemb le some detail s that we will soon
see in Driri style paintings presen ted in
this and the follow ing chapte r. ln any
case, if the Khyenri was by the mid- or
late sevent eenth century. in genera l,
the rarest among the three main painting styles of Tibet, its later (partia l)
offsho ot, the moder n Driri style. was
certain ly one of Tibet' s rarest Buddh ist
sect-based styles.
In Jackson 2002, appendix, l present a preliminary List of more than thirty
thangkas and murals of all periods that
I knew and could confidently ascribe
to Drigun g Kagyu reli gious patron age,
though the pre-seventeenth-century ones
did not. of course, exemplify the (later)
Drigung painting style. (Only one, no.
28, portrayed a non-Drigung-Kagyu
subject matter.) A few paintings had
been attributed to the "Drigu ng style" or
Driri in previous publications, some in
error (as discussed in this publication in
chapters 2 and 3). Certainly we should
never mechanically identify all paintings
produced by a certain religious tradition
as belonging to a single style. Nevertheless. among the more than twenty
Drigun g Kagyu thangkas that I could
locate in 2002 (dating from about the
eighteenth century onward), many could
be divided into groups belonging to or
related to the Driri style. In this chapter
I reexam ine several of those that depict
peaceful deities as main figures, trying
to ascertain for the first time their main
stylistic features.
MAIN HISTO RICAL PHASES
A word of warning: the brief art-historical synopsis of Rase Konch ok Gyatsh o
summarized in chapter 4 alerts us not
to expect much stylistic unity among
Drigung Kagyu paintings. especially in
the nineteenth century. No single dominant Driri style monopolized painting
at Drigung during that period; quite the
contrary. Drigung painting even in central Tibet coexisted with or intermingled
with other styles, such as the Karma
Gardri. Still. from that very concise
account I extracted four of five main
phases of later Drigung painting, dividing and rearranging them (and adding a
final fifth one of my own):
I . The Early Phase (circa late sev-
enteenth and early eighteenth
centuries). Presumably this was a
formative period of Lhe three successive abbots mentioned by Rase
Konch ok Gyatsho: (a) Rigdzin
Chokyi TraJ..-pa, (b) Trinle Zan gpo,
and (c) Dondrup Chogy al.
2. The Middl e Phase (circa early
nineteenth century), a period
associated with (Dri 31) Tendzi n
Chokyi Gyaltshen and his official
painter Gadik (Ga !dig).
3. An intervening period (circa
the mid-nineteenth ce ntury) of
wider Karma Gardri patronage at
Drigung.
PAINTI NG TRADI TIONS OF THE ORICU NG KAGYU SCHOO L
T21
were also mentioned by Rase Konchok
Gyatsho regarding the Early a nd Middle
Periods. The three are: 529
1. In the time of Drigung Rigdzin
Chodrak (1595-1659. twenty-fifth
abbot of Drigung) many oneday thangkas (nyin thang) were
made - almost miraculously- [at
Drigung].
2 . In particular, during the time of
Konchok Trinle Zan gpo ( 165617 18) the painting traditions of
Drigung flourished greatly.
3. In the time ofTendzin Peme
Gyaltshen ( 1770-1826) there was
a great increase in the practice of
painting and ritual music.
During the period of these tllree
lamas, painting flourished at Drigung. After that, the tradition did
not flourish to the same extent.
Yeshe Jam yang added:
4. The Late Phase (circa late nineFtc. 7.r
Lokasmrrapuja Qigten Chiito) as one of
Eight Pronouncements
Tha ngka, now in Potala Palace, Lhasa;
second half of 17th cenrury
After The Potala Holy Palace in the Snow
Land, 1996, p. 161.
teenth and early twentieth century), the time of (Dri 36) Shiway
Lotro and his secretary/painter
Barwa.
5. Most Recent Developments (circa
mid- to late twentieth century) .
Yeshe Jamyang, a Ladakhi monk
who was trained in paintinoo at Driouno
e
"'
in the 1950s, similarly mentioned in an
interview three great lan1as as representing high points of the Driri. They
were three of the four great lamas who
I22
CHAPTER
7
Konchok Trinle Zan gpo ([Dri 26])
painted a set of thangkas depicting
his own life story. It was displayed
[at Drigung] for only two years of
the twelve-year animal cycle: the
snake (sbrul) and pig (plzag).530
There were about twelve or thirteen
thangkas in the whole set. These
wonderful paintings amazed me,
and I exan1ined them in great detail.
They bore many inscriptions.531
There was also a set depicting the
life of Rigdzin Chodrak, though not
by his hand. These thangkas, too,
bear many inscriptions written by
the san1e lan1a.
One also finds many inscriptions on thangkas from Chetsang Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
(1770-1826). Many good paintings
existed from his time, known as
the time of the " two lamas named
Gyaltshen" (rgyal mtshan mam
gnyis), since his contemporary
referred mainly to thangkas from the
Middle and Late Periods of the Driri.
Professor Driesch was kind enough
to share with me in 1997 his preliminary
list of six of the most important stylistic
features of the "Drigung Style.",.,3 In
July 200 I he sent a more detailed chart
in which he listed nineteen stylistic
characteristics- including five tiny ink
drawings - in which he compared twelve
thangkas, mostly from prior Schoettle
Tibetica catalogs. Eight of the characteristics that he listed could be found quite
regularly in the majority of paintings
of that corpus of paintings. I list four of
them here in my own slightly expanded
English translation. enumerating only
those that refer to full -palette paintings
of peaceful main deities (and not semiwrathful or wrathful deities, which wi ll
be considered in chapter 8):
I . Clouds (sprin ris) are depicted
as flat ovals, often painted in
two (or three) almost concentric
crenelated rings , without much
three-dimensional modeling or
depth. (See Fig. 7 .3.) The outer
edge (with its series of scallops
or rounded projections) repeats
itself also around the inner zone
of tl1e cloud.
2 . Mountains are shown as clusters
of pointed, almost conical peaks,
never as rounded hilltops or
FIG. 7·2.
Buddha with flame.s
Murals, Gongkar Monastery; ca. 17th
century
Photograph by Roberto Vitali
After D. Jackson 1996, plate 21.
lama in the Chungtsang lama pal-
knolls. (See Fig. 7 .4.) The slop-
ace was Chokyi Gyaltshen, son of
Jigme Lingpa ('Jigs med gling pa,
J729/30- J798).
ing sides can be slightly concave.
The mountains are painted darker
toward the peaks, and borders are
outlined with lines of dark blue
[indigo?] and gold.
KEY STYLISTIC fEATURES IN
PEACEFUL LANDSCAPES
In the late 1990s, my two main sources
on characteristic features of the Driri
style were Yeshe Jamyang (through
his interview) and a German art connoisseur, the late Mathias Driesch
from Cologne (through his letter and
charts).532 I now realize that they both
3. Rocky outcrops (brag ris) or cliffs
are drawn with lines that are broken in many places. (See Fig. 7 .5.)
The rocky cliffs are depicted as
thin rectangular shapes, accentuated by their vertical lines and
contrasting coloration. They
have peculiar "bark-like" lines:
his drawing showed two or three
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I23
3. The "shapes" (tshugs, i.e. tshugs
ka)
4. Tree leaves (shing lo) - as patt of
the landscape
5. Skies that were light or faint
blue
6. Colors were special and distinct
He added tbat tbey never employed pure
or undiluted colors; tbey used Tibetan
stone colors and in old times colors from
Gyalmorong.5J.I
Ftc. 7·3
Detail of Fig. 7.13, Aar concentric Driri
clouds
Such features were relevant for
thangkas depicting peaceful main deities.
I would add that many paintings depict
Drigung Kagyu lineal lamas in distinctive
ways. with heads in three-quarter profile
without full back-rests , though with head
nimbuses. Their pointed gomsha hats can
also be distinctive for each lan1a, with
points touching the edges of the head
nimbuses. For other distinctive features,
the thrones should always be checked for
possible special treatment of animals or
offering tables.
Ftc. 7·5
Detail of Fig. 7.11, distinctive rocky
outcropping of me Driri
Fun-CoLoR PAINTINGS oF
PEACEFUL MAIN DEITIES
Here I present exan1ples from each
phase of the Driri, starting with Period
1, the early phase (circa late sevenFIG. 7·4
Derail of Fig. 8.5, conical Driri mownaitls
flat-topped bumps projecting out
slightly from the main vertical
lines, as we find on some outside
edges of the examples.
4 . Faces of minor deities: tbeir eyes,
mouth, and ears are finely drawn
witb very thin lines.
The key special features listed by
Yeshe Jam yang relevant for peaceful
deities are:
I . Clouds (sprin ris)
2. Landscape (yulljongs) [including
mountains and rocky crags]
I24
CHAPTER 7
teenth and early eighteenth centuries). I
understand this to have been a formative
period in which the three successive
abbots mentioned by Rase Konchok
Gyatsho played prominent roles as artists or patrons or both: Rigdzin Chokyi
Trakpa, Trinle Zan gpo. and Dondrup
Chogyal. Several key example paintings
lack readable inscriptions and adequate
photographs.
Figure 7.6a depicts an eminent
Drigung Kagyu lama of the seventeenth
century with his sacred handprints and
footprints. The main figure is a fully
ordained monk who also wears a rigdzin
hat symbolizing his high Tantric realization. He is depicted as being a learned
master. holding a text in his left hand
and extendi ng his right hand in the gesture of giving.
The painting also portrays two
lamas to the right and left of the main
figure, perhaps his personal gurus or, if
not, then his immediate lineal gurus or
previous rebirths. Above them , but still
smaller, we find, floating in a cluster of
pale, monochrome clouds, the gurus of
his Drigung Kagyu lineage. I show the
structure of the painting in Diagram [A].
Gurus I through 7 are the Drigung Kagyu lineage masters beginni ng
with Vajradhara, down to Gampopa
and Phagmotrupa. and it depicts Jigten
Sumgon as number 8 (as a very small
guru in the cloud behind the main figure). Guru number 9 is dressed as a
long-haired lay Tantric practitioner (or
tantrika) (sngags pa) with lay robes and
colorful Nyingma rigd::.in hat, while
number I 0 wears the robes of a fu lly
ordained monk and a red pundit's hat.
FIG. 7.6A
Rigdzin Chodrak as First Chungtsang Tulku
0 Province (or a Drigung Monastery outside
ofO Province), Tibet; ca. early or mid-18th
century
Dime11sions unknown
Now kept at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
Based on his iconography, the master to
the left (guru nun1ber 8) is a great lay
rigd:in lineage transmitter. The master
to the left (guru number 9) is a monk
and wears a pundit hat, with its ear flaps
turned up or turned under at their ends.
The main figure of the painting is
an eminent learned monk who is at the
same time a rigd:in, or high ly realized
FIG. 7.68
Chi:igyal Trinle Dondrup, Second
Chungtsang Tull<U
0 Pro vi nee (or a Drigung monastery outside
of 0 Province), Tiber; ca. early or mid-18th
cenrury
Dimensions unknown
Now kept at Phyang Monastery, Ladakh
Photograph by Bargyaltshang Ki:inchok
Norbu
Photograph courtesy of Michael Essex
Tantric master. He is, in fact, Rigdzin
H2
HI
Very recently I learned that this
3
2
4
5
6
7
8
10
9
11
Fl
d
Chodrak. Yet this figure does not agree
with his usual portrayals.
F2
vermilion disc atop an ornate stylized
lotus vine that grows from its own pool
of water. Indeed, the golden prints are
painting belongs to a set that apparently
depicts the successive incarnations (sku
each depicted as deities standing on a
moon disc above its lotus flower, with
phreng) of the Chungtsang tulku (i.e.,
the preceding and later rebirths of Rigdzin Chodrak). A much better-preserved
second painting tl1at depicts the second
Chungtsang (Dri 27) also exists. (See
Fig. 7.6b.)
In Figure 7 .6b each handprint and
footprint is beautifully presented in a
each petal carefully executed.
As mentioned above, the history of
Yangri Gar by Rase Konchok Gyatsho
records the existence of a thirty-five
thangka set of Rigdzin Chodrak's successive lives called the Sa. gsum ma..
Trinle Zangpo painted them as one-daythangkas (nyin thang), executing them in
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
I25
FIG. 7-7A
Rigpa Rangshar, an Eminem Lay Rigdzin
Lineal Guru of Drigung
0 Province (or a Drigung monastery outside
of 0 Province), Tibet; ca. late 17th century
or early 18th cenrury
Dimensions unknown
Kept in a Drigw1g Kagyu monastery, Ladakh
Photograph by Nyurla Ngawang Tsering,
ca. 1995
successive days.535 These two paintings
probably belonged to that or a similar set.
The clouds behind the main throne
in both paintings are a series of relatively flat , monochrome clouds, as in the
Driri style. Three faint grayish flowers
appear between those clouds and the
main figure's head. If we do not look
carefully, we might miss the little guru
seated partly hidden within the central
flower, directly above the main figure's
head nimbus.
Both paintings treat their main
figure's offering table in the same very
I26
CHAPTER 7
unconventional way. Instead of placing
it directly in front of the main master,
it is positioned to the left of his throne,
where three servants are standing,
one holding a tea pot ready to pour it.
One was surely copied from the other.
Indeed, the entire backgrounds are the
same in both.
The paintings seem likely to date
a few generations after Rigdzin Chodrak.536 Though I have not been able to
read all the inscriptions, I believe tl1e
set exemplifies the art of the early Driri
period of about the time of Konchok
Trinle Zangpo (Dri 26) or the next generation. I hope to be able to document
the set more thoroughly in the future.
Figure 7.7a also exemplifies a
prominent Drigung Kagyu lama of the
late sixteenth and early seventeenth
centuries. Though I was originally told
the main figure might be Rigdzin Chodrak.537 I could exclude that because this
lama wears earrings and does not have
fiG. 7.78
Detail of Fig. 7.7a
the distinctive dark loop of hair at his
nape or just below his earlobe that Rigdzin Chodrak normally has. 538 (Compare
Fig. 7 .8.) The main figure must be a
long-haired lay tmurika of the Drigung
Kagyu wearing white outer layman's
robes and a muJticolor rigd:in hat. Holding a vajra in his right hand and a bell in
his left, he extends his feet from beneath
his lower robes, one of them almost
reaching the end of his sitting mat. A ritual stake (kTla) is tucked under his belt.
Based on his iconography, at first
I guessed that the main figure was the
eminent Rigdzin Rinchen PhUntshok.
Each detail of the painting is carefully
done. Four very small figures - Indian
mendicant yogis (saddhu or siddha)cavort in the foreground in front of the
main throne. The other minor figures I
cannot yet identify, though most seem
to be very realistically depicted Kagyu
lamas, most monks wearing gomsha.
late seventeenth or early eighteenth century, when Khyenri influence was still
third flows a bit lower on tl1e left, jetting
from the wall in the cave of a hermit,
The lama at bottom left wears a Chinese
hat of official rank (las ::.hwa). (Perhaps
strong. Though I was not able to examine it personally or read its inscriptions,
I present it here in the hope of being able
to document it better in the future. (Ngawang Tsering recommended it to me as
a good early example many years ago,
regretting the inadequate photograph.)
Figure 7.8 depicts Drigung Jigten
Sumgtin with two much later abbots of
Drigung. The central figure's full name
is given as: "'Jig rten gsum mgon Ratna
shrr," while the two lesser lamas to his
who sits raptly pouring water oblations
as part of his ritual practice.
The painting may look at first
glance to be in a later Menri style. but
it certainly is not close in its details to
either the Eri or Tsangri .542 It possesses
distinctive clouds and skies that may
have descended (in part) from tl1e Kbyenri. The clouds in the sky are of a type
not typically seen in Menri paintings. A
series of yet another cloud type forms an
elegant border for the throne-back of the
main figure. The composition places its
divine figures in a balanced way, though
some asymmetry can be seen within the
details of the landscape, such as near the
two figures closest to the sk.-y. It depicts
all three human figures (gurus) other
than the central one in three-quarter profile.s.o The upper sky has a grayish base
he was a Drigung layman master with
the Chinese title wang, such as Dri
16.) Meanwhile the lama in the distant
landscape to the right of his head nimbus is clearly the Karmapa. If the main
figure were the outstanding rigdzin or
Nyingma tantrika Rinchen PhUntshok,
then it could be the Eighth Karmapa
Mikyti Dorje, who visited Drigung and
taught the succeeding abbot there for a
year in 1536, after Rinchen PhUntshok
resigned the abbacy and left to stmt life
in an encampment (mgar), leading to the
first founding ofYangri Gar.539
However, I could exclude that the
main figure was Rinchen Phontshok. In
the detail (Fig. 7.7b) I could read bits of
the inscription under the main figure:
" . .. khyab bdag 'khorlo 'i dbang phyug
rig sngags .. .." Based on that incomplete name, Olaf Czaja was able to
identify him as Rigpa Rangshar, a lama
who died about 1713 or 1714 and whose
biography (written in 1715) is preserved
among Drigung Kagyu lineal lamas.>IO
The main figure sits atop a very
ornately rendered throne, whose twisting
catfish-whiskered dragons are a small
tour de force. The ritual table that would
normally be placed before him has been
moved out of the way and to the right
of the throne base, standi ng before a
brownish piece of earth, which has been
left there somewhat inelegantly.
A cluster of three sharp! y pointed
mountains looms on the distant horizon
above right, and tl1e lm1dscape between
is broken up with mostly monochrome
clouds a11d dramatic clusters of bluegreen rocks. One rocky crag stands
prominently in front of the main figure's
head nimbus, while another has been
incorporated into the lm1dscape to the
left of his throne base.
I believe that this painting exemplifies a11 early phase of the Dri ri , the very
proper right and left are Drigung Rigdzin
Chtikyi Drakpa ( 1595-1659, Dri 25) and
Ktinchok Trinle Zangpo (Dri 26) . These
two lamas have been mentioned numerous times as patrons of art or highly
skilled artists. The artistic activities of
Konchok Trinle Zangpo in particular are
described by Rase Ktinchok Gyatsho in
his Drigung abbatial history, where he
stressed that the emergence of the Dri ri
style from the Khyenri was the result of
this lama's having painted many thangkas himself and trained disciples in the
art of painting. It is thus wonderful to
find him personally represented here in
this thangka. as its final (and historically
most recent) lan1a.5'11
Figure 7.8 incorporates many
interesting stylistic features and leads
me to believe that it exemplifies the art
current at Drigung in the late seventeenth a nd early eighteenth centuries. Jn
other words, it may represent the early
Drigung style associated with Konchok
Trinle Zangpo a11d his circle. When
examined closely, the painting evinces
overall a high level of artistry and a
wealth of interesting details, beginning
with tl1e main figures ' exactly rendered
hats a11d including the lions supporting
the main throne, whose knees are the
only things visible through the small
square holes to the right and left. White
mountain waterfalls (brag ri 'i rbab chu)
descend prominently on either side of
the landscape near the horizon, and a
color and is fi lled with special flat-lying
dentate clouds with borders and gaps
painted with indigo.
This painting seems to exemplify
the period when Konchok Trinle Zan gpo
(Dri 26) commissioned many paintings
in this and similar styles. We find vari abi lity in the decorative elements such as
landscapes. The coloring of cloud clusters is variable, and colors sometimes
alternate from cluster to cluster. The
cloud clusters that fringe the main figures number as many as eleven or thirteen. Each cluster can possess as many
as three horizontal layers, though they
lack the large dark "cloud-eye., holes of
the Eri style.
Another painting possibly of the
early Driri phase is Figure 7.9, which
portrays Rigdzin Chodrak surrounded by
what seems to be a Drigung Kagyu lineage. This large painting was published
in a Schoettle Tibetica sales catalog.544
The lamas were originally wrongly identified as of the Nyingma School. The
main figure can be identified through the
inscription: "b/a ma dbang bsgyur c/zos
/;;yi grags pa." The catalog also mentions
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I27
FIG. 7·8
12.8
CHAPTER
7
Drigung Jigten Sumgon with Two Lamas of
Drigung
0 Province (or a Drigung monastery ourside
of 0 Province), 1ibct; ca. early 18th century
6~ x 4 -!4 in. ( 17.1 x 12.1 em)
Photograph by Bruce .\11. White
Rubin Museum of Art
C2006.66.555 (HAR 1034)
literature: D. jackson 2012, fig. 3.27.
F1C. 7·9
Rigdzin ChOdrak
Drigung; 18rh cenrury
32 '/• x 21 '~ in. (83 x 55.5 em}
Privare Collection
Lirerarure: Schoenle libetica, no. 22
(February 7, 1973}, lot 7074; and D.
Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 21.
three minor lamas with inscriptions:
''Nam-mkha'i snying-po from gNubs.
'Jigs-med seng-ge and Guru Me-long
. "
rdo-rJC.
Olaf Czaja suggested to me that
this painting probably shows Rigdzin
Chodrak surrounded by some of his
former existences.54s Melong Dorje
( Me long rdo rje), for instance, was a
pre-existence very important for him ,
and Jigme Senngge ("Jigs med seng ge)
appears in his list of fom1er incarnations. (Czaja could not confirm Namkhe
Nyingpo )Nam mkha' snying po] as a
rebirth.) The line of kings depicted in the
lower register presumably is also somehow connected with his previous lives.
Several stylistic features link
the portrait with the Driri style. For
example. behind the main figure we
find a series of fifteen clouds of similar
shapes. all lacking dark holes. Their
base colors alternate dark and light.
Though no pointed mountains occur, a
cluster of blue-green rocky crags stands
prominently before the main figure.
also fringed by clouds of the same Driri
shape. but a ll white. The rocky crags
have distinctive edges with repeated
pairs of bumps, and they qualify as the
distinctive Driri crags mentioned above.
caves within the rocks.) The clouds
around the gurus higher in the sky are of
similar Driri types. while the upper sky
is filled with strips of horizontal high
clouds with some sharp points. and with
a few dark gaps painted with indigo.
I
2
(Note also the tiny meditation huts or
6
3
5
4
7
8
13
17?
II
9
15?
14?
16?
10
18?
12
The structure of the lineage is as in
Diagram [B I.
PAINTINC TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I29
The seat of his throne is very
unusual in its decorative ornate golden
brocade motifs, which conti nue around
the edge to the left. The right edge of the
seat, however, breaks off sharply, and on
that side we have almost a drawing in
one-point perspective.
Figure 7.10 is a thangka that possibly belongs to the early phase of the
Driri. I photographed this much of it
in the Leh Palace, Ladakh, in 1979. It
portrays as its main figure a great master
w ho bore the typical ly Nyingma title
Great Rigdzin (Rig 'dzi n Chen po). For
many years I believed he was Kathok
Rigdzin Chenpo Tshewang Norbu (Kal)
thoo Rio 'dzin Tshe dbang nor bu,
e
"'
1698- 1755), a master from the Nyingma
monastery of Kathok in central Kham
who visited Ladakh in the eighteenth
century.546 But now I tend to think he is
a Dri<>w1o Kaoyu lineal lama who flourc
"'
"
ished in about the sixteenth century.
When I first saw the painting in
1979, I did not know the Driri, and I took
it to exemplify an unorthodox Karn1a
Gardri painting style of Khan1. Closer
examination of the clouds and mountains
in the landscape. however, later led me
to classify it in the Driri style.547 The
main figure is backed by a mountain with
three-pointed peaks. Its blue-green crags
to the rioht
and left are shown at a slant,
c
but otherwise seem to be of a Driri type.
The three mountain peaks are fringed
with a series of nine monochrome whitish clouds of the Driri shape. The base of
the central main seat seems larger than
usual, and its lions, instead of supporting
it, sneak around. one showing its back
instead of head or paws.
At first glance we might expect
this portrait to depict one of the great
rigdzin (highly realized tantrika of
Nyingma practices) associated with
Drigung, such as Rigdzin Rinchen
Phiintshok. Yet it does not agree with
his iconography as lineal master. So
who else might he be? Another "Great
Riodzin" of Drioun!! circles of the
"'
c
IJO
CHAPTER
-
7
sixteenth century was Dordrak Rigdzin
Chenpo Lekden Dudjom Dorje (15121625). That prominent Nyingma teacher
of the Changter ("Northern Treasure,"
Byang gter) tradition hailed from Mustang and was an eminent guru of none
other than Rinchen Phiintshok. For lack
of a better candidate, I thus suggest the
main fioure was that eminent Nyingma
"'
rigd:in, who bad links to Drigung.
(That lama is depicted quite differently
as a minor figure in Fig. 8 .21, with a
red pundi 1 hat and no beard.)
7.ro
An Eminent Nyingma Rigdzin with Lineal
Lamas
Leh Palace, Ladakh; ca. 18th century
Dimensions unknown
Phorograph by D. Jackson, Leh, 1979
Literature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 14
(wrongly labeled as fig. 13); and D. Jackson
2012, fig. 7.17.
F JG.
I. The Middle Period (circa early
nineteemh cemury). a period associated with Tend::.in Chiikyi Gyaltshen
and his official painter. Gadik
Figure 7.11 exemplifies a more mature
phase of the Driri s tyle than we have
seen in the previous paintings in this
chapter. It may represent the Middle
Period (circa early nineteenth century). a
period that Rase K()nchok G yatsho associated with Tendzin Ch()kyi Gyaltshen
(Dri 3 1) and his official painter. Gadi k.
The s ty! e here seems more fixed and its
features well defined. The art conveys a
clear, classical feeling.
Th is was also the period of the
"Two Gya ltshen s" (Dri 30 and 31). who
were famed for pau·onizing many paintings and who actually appear in this
thangka. During this period the number
of clusters of clouds behind the maio figures is usually seven or nine. The cloud
clusters are usually painted the same
colorwithintheg~pofsevenm~ne
clouds. Each cloud normally has two
horizontal layers with regular scallops or
crenellation.
Figure 7.11 is a sacred image with
a remarkable past. According to Binczik
and Fischer the painting miraculously
spoke to a high lama on at least one
occasion.s-18 The three lamas in its sky
are Jig ten Sumg()n. Peme Gyaltshen (to
his proper right). and Chokyi Gyaltshen
(to his proper left). Hence the painting
must date to no earlier than the early
nineteenth century. The fu ll names,
titles, and dates of the Two Gyaltshens
are: Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, Fourth
Chetsang ( 1770- 1826). and Tendzin
Chokyi Gyaltshen. Fourth Chungtsang
(1793- 1826 or 1840).
The painting features wonderful
Driri clouds (with some variation of
colors from deity to deity. but not within
the same cloud cluster. and all lack
deep indentations). flan1es (incl uding a
flame head nimbus). pointed mountains
both above and below. and four vertically standing rectangular striations of
blue-green rock-y crags. Note that the
peaks of the higher cluster of mountains
have sharper points, whi le those lower
down in the landscape have a more typically Driri conical shape. The painting is
very fine, and we find animals not only
as vehicles ridden by the minor deities
but also four different ones carefully
rendered in the landscape as little decorative details.
FIG. 7.11
Achi Chokyi Drolma
Ph yang Monasmry, Ladakh; early 19th
century
Dimensions unknown
0 2014 Artists Rights Society (ARS),
New York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 155, Achi Chokyi Drolma.
Figure 7.12 depicts Padmasambhava in the form of Nangsi Silnon (Nang
srid zil gnoo. which seems to mean
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC KACY U SCHOO L
IJI
132.
CHAPTER 7
and left of the great refuge tree have the
typical Driri conical points. The clouds
3a
3c
I
2
3b
behind the central figure and the protectress Achi. bottom right. are typical
18
3d
flat. monochrome Driri clouds. The lotus
seat of the central figure has large pet-
4
6?
5
als and at the edges the last petal turns
upward in a style distinctive to the Driri.
The treatment of the elephants and lions
9
17
10
13
12
16
has chosen it as something to play
14
II
in the base of the main throne is highly
distinctive as well and subtle- the painter
15
around with and to bewilder the viewer.
He seems to combine both lion and
elephant in each square.
I have extracted the historical lin-
Fie. 7· u
Padmas:unbhava with Episodes &om
His Life
Ca. 18th century
1H4 x 3Hi in. (40 x 79.5 em)
Joachim Baader Gallery, Munich
Published: Tibetan Art Calendar 2011,
Wisdom, June.
Amitabha was born, while episode 3a-3d
depicts his benefitting living beings in
eage of lamas (about thirty-two gurus)
and numbered them in Diagram [D].
countless worlds (as Guru Padmasamb-
None are labeled. Judging by the num-
hava). Episode 6 is supposed to show
ber of gurus. I estimate that the lineage
comes down to the seventeenth century,
the subjugation of Rudra by Hayagrrva
with his consort (rTa phag). In any case.
the Ganges River) and 18 (lndrabhOti
supplicating the wish-granting jewel) are
must be Rinchen Phiintshok).
goddess-like attendants to his right and
left and not his two usual consorts. He
The painting exemplifies a high
Driri style of about the late eighteenth
is surrounded by eighteen or nineteen
century. The lotus seats beneath the main
episodes from his miracle-working prior
figures are distinctive in shape with large
three-lobed petals that are much larger
than in Menri paintings. Its clouds vary
(bKa' thang Shel brag ma) collection
in base colors somewhat. but are rather
that Orgyen Lingpa (0 rgyan Gling
pa, b. 1323-ca. 1360) rediscovered at
flat and always lack the typical Eri style
dark "cloud-eye" holes. Many moun-
Shedrak (She! brag).s-~9 This painting
tains occur with pointed peaks, several
is probably from a set of thangkas that
combines the hundred eight chapters of
on the horizon that more or less conform
to the typical Driri conical shape. Two
that rediscovered Testament of Pema
mountains lower in the landscape (to the
left of the central lake) ha,•e sti ll sharper
with the Eight Manifestations of Guru
Rinpochc (Gu ru mtshan brgyad) as
main central figures.sso
The stories seem to follow this
peaks. The blue-green rocky crags
appear four or five times in the landscape, in different variations, but seem
order (as in Diagram (C)). Episode l.
top right. clearly shows the pure land
to be based on the Driri crag shapes.
Figure 7.13 depicts Drigung J igten
of Amit:ibha (a buddha who also sym-
Sumgon within an assembly field of the
bolizes here the Dharmakaya). a gold-
Drigung Kagyu. It dates to about the
eighteenth century. The three prominent
roofed divine palace floating in the sl')'.
Episode 2 shows how the emanation of
laymen (one of whom
haired
festations of Existence"). with Indian
existences, as told in the first eighteen
chapters from the Testament of Pema
rigd~i11
episodes 14 {his narrating the origin of
very clearly depicted. so the others must
fit between them:m
''Overwhelming All Possible Mani-
at least. Gurus 22 and 24 are both long-
mountains in the landscape to the right
2. Karma Gardri Patronage ofthe
Mid-Nineteenth Century at Drigwzg
During the third period of Drigung
painting. the Karma Gardri style was
commonly patronized at Drigung. This
later period may have coincided partly
with the time of a minority regent
(1826-1832). when an eminenttulku
from Kham named Lhotriil became head
of Drigung while the next lama from the
Chungtsang was just a child. After this
brief regency, Lhotrlil returned to Kham,
yet during and after it, two other trulku
from Kham played crucial roles. Nyidzong Trichen Rigdzin Lotro Gyaltshen
( Nyin rdzong Khri chen Rig 'dzin blo
gros rgyal mtshan) was nan1ed official
tutor and Garchen Changchup Wangpo
(mGar chen Byang chub dbang po) was
appointed to receive the wealth of the
late Chungtsang Rinpoche. though they
are not to be counted as actual throneholders. as was erroneously stated in one
history of the Drigung Kagyu.551
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
133
6 4 2
23 21 19 17 15 13 11 9
31 29 27 25
IJ4
CHAPTER 7
I
8?
3 5 7
10 12 14 16 18 20 22 24
26 28 30 32
f iG. 7.13
Drigung Jigren Sumgon in a Driguog
Assembly Field
Tibet, possibly Ladakh; ca. 18th century
30 Vs x 43 '!4 in. {76.5 x 111 em)
Joachim Baader Gallery, Munich
Published: 1ibetan Art Calendar 2010,
Wisdom, February.
Fi!rufe 7 .16, wh ich also depicts
"
the Padmapl!Qi Assembly Field of the
Dri ouno Kagyu. is another possible
" " of "the Kar
exa mp le
ma Kagyu phase.
Thi s refuge tree . too. has the sam e
unu s ual three-part arrange me nt as Figure
7 .15. Tho ugh the available photograph
is very poor. I present it here to sho w
ano the r possible way of colori ng the sky
and landscape, with Kar ma Gardri-like
soft oolden brown tones in the sky abo ve
the pointed-mountain-defined horizon.
Its clouds see m to be of the usual Driri
sha pes but are hard to ma ke out exactly.
The pai ntin g is only kno wn from
its publication in a Schoettle Asiatica
catalog.556 Sin ce the sky looks eastern
Tibetan. it was described as from "east
Tibet, eighteenth cen tury :· It is probably from the nineteenth century and it
is impossible for me to say whether it is
in a hybrid Driri-Gadri sty le or is trUe
Kha m art. painted for a Dri gung Kagyu
patron by an arti st from Kha m.
Figure 7.1 7 depicts Achi Cht>kyi
Dr6l ma as its ma in figure. wit h a Dri aun o hioh lam a at the top left .Ac hi's
"
"
presence ma rks this painting as Drigun g
Kagyu. Th e painting is a stun nin g wo rk
of art, but styl isticall y it is worlds apart
from the Driri. (Th e head nimbuses are
mu ch larger than normal.) Indeed. it
may have been painted in Kham by a
Kh amp a painter. Note the clear bac karo und of mu ch of the landscape and the
" t. tran slucent sky with
ligh
faint indigo
back-painting behind clo uds .
The painting see ms to date to about
the nineteenth century. No te also the
Kham Me nsa r bod y nim bus of Padmasambhava. at top in the middle. Un der
no rmal circumstances , I wo uld classify
it as a Gar dri/ Kham Mensar hybrid style
of northwestern Kha m. Bu t it is also a
possible cas e of patrOnage of Kar ma
Gardri painting of the ninetee nth century
as was prominently mentioned by Rase
Kt>nchok Gyatsho.
I at first considered Figure 7.1 8,
wh ich is from the Rubin Museum, to
..
Ftc. 7.14
Tha ngt ong Gya lpo
Mu ral, Pclme Gon , Nangchen; ca. I 8th
cenrury
Pho tog rap h by Andreas Gruschke
After Andreas Grusch ke 200 4b, picture
no.1 88.
Figure 7.1 4 sho ws the strikingly different style used in murals of a Drigung
Kagyu monastery in Nangchen, Pal me
Gt>n.ill Such distinctive local Kan na
Gardri styles of northern Kham have no t
been found among available Dri gung
Kag yu thangka paintings. The flamboyant treatment of mountain s and clouds is
worlds awa y from the Driri . So what kind
of Kham styles made their presence felt?
I thought at first that Figure s 7.1 5
and 7.1 6 cou ld be examples of that
Karma G ardri phase. both being slightly
different treatments of the sam e iconogra phic subject. Both depict a Drigung
Kagyu ass em bly field (Ishogs :l1i11g)
with the bodhisattva Padmapat)i as cen tral figure, with the two Tantric deities
in the sky above: Jampal Sangden and
Rigdu Jam pal. A worshiping practitioner
(slidhaka) in the low er right sits holding
a oolden mandala (sym bolic offering),
"
while thirteen goddesses stand at the
base of the tree or dance in groups: eight
OfTer ino ooddesses and five god des ses
wh o ma ke offerings to the five senses,
eac h symbolized by a special object. The
deities Bra hm a and lndra flank the stem.
Th e painting was published by
Essen a nd Thi ngo ,55< wh o dated it to the
eighte enth cen tury. say ing it was from
Tib et, but not specifying its Dri gun g
Kagyu orig in. It was previously published in the Schneelt>we Tha ngk a-Kalend er for July 1980 (Hamburg: Papyrus
Verlag) . text by G.- W. Essen.s.ss
Thi s rcfuoe tree is unusual fo r the
"
three-part arrangement of its branches.
Its clo uds and mo untains have sha pes
reminiscent of Driri one s and certainly
are not those of the other better kno wn
painting sch ools. Note the clu ster of flat
monoc hrome clouds behind the ma in
tree. The sam e tree lea f is found as in
most Driri assembly fields. Th e decorative patterns painted wit h faint indi go
in the sky (highlighted with gol d) are
otherwise rare. The three circular see thro ugh golden rai nbow bands aro und
eac h of the major groups of figures in
the tree are also special , creating a sense
of lucidity and openness reminiscent of
Karma Gardri painting. So I consider
this an excellent hybrid Driri paintin a with som e Ka nna Gardri elem ents.
"
thouoh not a true commission in the
"
Kan na Gardri.
..
""
PAI NTI NG TRA DIT I ONS OF THE DRI
GUN G KAG Y U SCH OOL
135
FIG.].I6
Padmapllni Refuge Tree
19rh cenrury
20% x 15 in. (53 x 38 em)
Privare Collecllon
Lirerarure: Schoenle Osrasiatica, Joachim
Baader, no. 1-82, Stuttgan, Germany,
paiming no. 3, "Ba um des kostbaren
Jewels;" and D. Jackson 2002, appendix,
thangka no. 20.
Frc. 7· 17
Achi Chokyi Drolma
Ca. 18th or 19rh century
15\4 x 11 ~in. (38.8 x 28.3 em)
John and Berrhe Ford Collection, promised
gift ro the Walters Art Museum
(HAR 73896)
7-IS
Padmaplll}i Refuge Tree
19d1 century
22 x 15% in. (56 x 40.5 em)
Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren,
Basel
0 Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland
Literarure: Schneelowe Thangka-Kalender,
July, 1980 (Hamburg, Papyrus Verlag), text
G.-W. Essen; G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo
1989, p. 243f., 1-151; and D. Jackson 2002,
Appendix, thangka no. 19.
FIG.
I J6
CHAPTER 7
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNC KACYU SCHOOL
137
be a possible instance of Kham art of
the Drigung Kagyu from the nineteenth
century. It depicts Padmasambhava
with deities that include Drigung Kagyu
protectors below him and a guru lineage
painted in an unusual style. Though it
must be Drigu ng Kagyu art, it is definitely not in either the Driri or Karma
Gardri style. It turns out to be in a New
Menri style of Kham.
Which lineage or lineages are
shown? The three clusters of gurus represent three different teaching lineages.
The gurus above the central figure are
distinctive: two are white-cotton robewearing repa (ras pa) yogis , and the
monk among this trio wears a gomsha
of a special type. AII hats are portrayed
viewed directly from the front- unlike
the usual Driri three-quarter-view gomslw. The three are probably Rechungpa.
Milarepa, and Gampopa, the same trio
as in Tibetan Painted Scrolls. figures
40-41 ,mas discussed above in chapt er
2 (Fig. 2.1 ). The guru triad to the right
consists of three Nyingma originators
of the tradition. The three at the top left
wear Drigung Kagyu gomsha, and I
assume they are three Drigung masters
who played a big role in establishing
Nyingma traditions at Drlgung in the
sixteenth century, such as (Drl 18) Gyalwano Rinchen Pbtintshok and two of his
"
most eminent successors.
The main indication of the painting's Kham provenance is the seethrough rainbow-edged body nimbus
around the main figure. which leaves
the backoround flowe rs visible in the
"
gap and thus incorporates this Karma
Gardri feature into a basically Kham
New Menri treatrnent.558 The main figure's head nimbus is dull blue. The sky
is blue-gray. The cloud s are somewhat
flatter than usual in the Menri. and no
prominent dark cloud holes are seen.
Driri-style crags and separate conical
mountain peaks are absent. Several
small birds and animals appear in the
landscape. including a tiger that plays
138
CHAP TER
7
partly hidden under a golden tree in the
grove to the right.
Four-handed Mahakala (Phyag
bzhi pa) and Achi (A phyi) both appear
prominently at the sides of Padmasambhava·s throne as Drigung Kagyu protectors. The bottom half of the landscape
is filled with a red sea of blood. Several
dogs of various colors and appearances
prowl around below, near minor protec tive deities. The painting also possesses
a sinole bio red hand-print on its back.
., "
3. The LAte Driri Period (circa
late Nineteenth to et1rly Twentieth
Centu ry)
Figure 7.19 depicts Padmasambhava
with a refuge tree as transmitted in
the Drigung Kagyu.~ It embodies a
late phase of the Driri that flourished
at Drigung in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. the time of
the thirty-sixth abbot , Shiway Lotro and
his renowned secretary/painter. Barwa.
The present painting may have preceded
them by one generation. In it I sense that
the painter still adhered to the formulas
and forms but as a relatively uninspired
repetition of old formulas. At least some
painters in the style had reached such a
stage by about the abbacy of Dri 35. as
witnessed by this painting. Was this a
Ladakhi provincial style? No doubt the
later Driri style as carefully practiced by
Barwa and other artists working for the
high lama' s entourage was much finer.
The depiction of clouds in Figure
7.19 seems much more stylized than in
the period of the Two Gyaltshens (cf.
Fig. 7 .II). We still find monochrome flat
clusters. The crene llation in the outer,
upper edge of the clouds is achieved by
a series of dark indigo dots placed at the
bottom of the gap between each small
lobe. An element shaped like a thumbtack repeats itself. with a prominent dark
circle like a thumbtack's head accompanied by a thin projection. (The •·points"
of each tack point downward.)
Ftc. 7.1 8
Padma53mbhava with Deities and Lineage
Kham; I 9th century
25 x 17 in. (63.5 x 43.2 em)
Rubin Museum of Art
C2006 .66.40 4 (HAR 849)
The painting's landscape details at
the bottom feature five golden orbs containin g deities (somewhat like two Lhathok ones).560 Also note the eyebrows of
small lineal lamas that project out into
the head nimbu ses. Although admittedly not in a typical 0 Province Menri
style, it is also not ·'Eastern Tibet an;· as
Rhie and Thurman supposed.561 Note the
shaded outer edges of the clouds and the
regular bumps on the vertical striations
of the rocks.
Though Marylin Rhie called the
painting ·'non-sectarian:· according to
the Drigung Kagyu master Garchen
Rinpoche. it shows a refuge tree for
Yangzab (dGon gs pa yang zab) practice
from a Rinchen Phtintshok Ierma tradition of HayagriVa practiced an1ong the
Drigung Kagyu. The buildings shown
at the bottom are, to the right, Drigung
The! and. to the left. a place associated
with Rinchen Phtintshok ( 1509- 1557),
the discoverer of that Ierma. At bottom
right is an inscription in gold: tslmb plw
[sicj kar IIUJ pa. Bottom left: tshub plw
[mtslwr plw] rgyal tshab. (The Karma
Kagyu content of these inscriptions
make s me think they are later erroneous add itions.) Rase Konc hok Gyatsho
said that the lower half shows Drigung
Monastery and on the left edge of the
painting Terdrom (gTer sgrom) with
the cave in which the tertiin revealed
the hidden text of the lineage depicted
in this thangka.562 The presence of the
protector-goddess Achi also further
identifies this undisputedly as a Drigung
Kagyu lineage.
The thangka was commissioned in
the late nineteenth or early twentieth century by a student of Chokyi Lotro (Chos
kyi blo gros. 1868-1906). thirty-fifth
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC KACY U SC HOOL
IJ9
fiG. 7.19
Padmasambhava wirb Refuge Tree
Drigung or Ladakh; ]are 19rh or early 20th
cenrury
20~ x 14 in. (52 x 35.5 em)
Rubin Musewn of An
C2006.66.266 (HAR 413)
l irerarure: M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999,
p. 476f; and D. Jackson 2002, appendix,
thaogka no. 14.
abbot, who is the final lineage guru
depicted. (The lama shown to the extreme
left of the last line is labeled Chos kyi blo
gros phrin las.) The order of lineage gurus
is charted in Diagram [E).
1. unclear [=Kun bzang rOo rje
'chang chen]
2 . Padma thod 'phreng
3. [=Lha sras Mu tig btsan po]
4 . sNa tshogs rang grol [= Rin chen
phun tshogs?]
5. ? [bKra shis phun tshogs or Chos
rgyal phun tshogs)
6. Padma' i mtshan can [= the one
named "Padma"]
7 . dKon mchog ratna [rGyal dbang
dKon mchog rin chen, 1590-1654,
the First Chetsang, 1591- 1654]
(Dri 24)
8. Chos grags (Rig 'dzin Chos kyi
grags pa. 1595-1659) (Dri 25)
9. ' Phrin las mam rgyal
10. ' Phrin las bzang po (=dKon
mchog ·phrin las bzang po, 165617 18?) (Dri 26)
14
dl
12
18
16
4
10
8
2
6
I
3
7
5
9
II . Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754)
(Dri 27)
12 . bsTan 'dzin 'gro 'dul (1724-1766)
d2
II
13
15
17
19
(Dri 28)
13. Dharma [Chos kyi .. .?]
14. Chos kyi (nyi rna?) (=dKon
mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi nyi
ma. 1755-1792?) (Dri 29)
15. Pad ... [ma'i rgyal mtshan] (Dri
30)
16 . Chos kyi rgyal mchog (=Jan1yang
Chos kyi rgyal mtshan? Dri 31)
17 . Khri chen (= The Regent) (Dri 32)
140
CHAPTER 7
in this thangka show that the LaksmT
School was transmitted by monks of
the Jonang pa school who survived in
the border regions of the northeast [i .e.,
Amdo]." But on the basis of the typical
Drigung gomsha worn by the last seven
lan1as, and a few key stylistic features. I
would identify it as Drigung Kagyu art.
One of the few stylistically distinct
features is the fringe of clumpy Dri.ri
clouds behind the main figure, though
the clouds have much more shading
than usual. (See Fig. 7 .2 1.) Another clue
is the two conical mountains-one on
either side of the landscape behind the
standing bodhisattvas to the right and
left of the main figure.
The order of lineal gurus is shown
in Diagram [F] . Guru number 29 in the
diagram is Kathok Rigdzin Tshewang
Norbu ( 1698-1755), wearing a rigd:in
hat. He is ten lineal generations before
guru munber 39, so on that basis alone
we might estimate the lineage continues
until quite late, down to the twentieth
century. This is not a typical transmission of the Drigung Kagyu. Who were
the latest few gurus? (Only the final
seven lamas wear typical Drigung gomsha.) The last eleven names I could
read with help from Tanaka, who kindly
shared his unpublished notes:
F IG. 7.20
Eleven-faced TI10usand-armed
Avalokiresvara in Bhiksui)T Laksml"s
tradition
1906- 1943
24 % 18 ~in. (63.3x 47.0 em)
Counesy of the Hahn Cultural Foundation
Literature: K. Tanaka 2003, fig. 67.
18. Chos kyi blo gros phrin las
( 1868- 1906) (Dri 3 5?)
19. Chos nyid nor bu ( 1827- 1865)
[out of order] (Dri 33)
The beginning of the lineage was clari fied by Olaf Czaja, who also located the
relevant supplication prayer to the guru
lineage.563
Though Figure 7.20 clearly
depicts Eleven-faced Thousand-armed
traAvalokitesvara in BhiksunT
. . LaksmT's
.
dition, the thangka's origin is not obvious. Kimiaki Tanaka in his fourth Hahn
Foundation catalog understandably had
trouble identifying its lineage and provenance, saying:56-1 'The lamas depicted
29. Tshe dbang nor bu
30. Phrin las sbi ng rta
31 . Cbos kyi 'byung gnas (Si tu Pa1.1
chen)
32. Tshe dbang klm khyab ('Be Lo
tsa ba)
33 . Chos dpal bzang po
34. Padma'i rgyal mtshan
35. Chos dbyings lhun grub
36. Chos nyid nor bu
37. mKhan bsTan pa' i rgyal mtshan
38. rJe Chos kyi blo gros (Dri 35)
39. rJe Zhi ba 'i blo gros (Dri 36),
tenure 1906-1943
The practice of Eleven-faced
Thousand-armed Avalokitdvara in
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
141
F IG. 7.2.1
Detail of Fig. 7.20
Bhi4Ul)I Lak~ml's tradition was fairly
widespread in Tibet, and hence I could
trace the beginning of the lineage in
several of the standard records of teachings received (thob yig). I found, for
instance, the first ten or twelve lamas
listed in the Fifth Dalai Lama's record
of teachings received . There we find the
lineage for the initiation of Eleven-faced
Avalokite§vara in that tradition and the
reading transmission for its liturgies
composed by the sixteenth century of
Ngor Monastery, Ngorchen Konchok
Lhtindrup (Ngor chen dKon mchog I hun
grub, 1497- 1557): 565
I . ' Phags pa Thugs rje chen po
2 . dGe slong ma dPal mo (Bhik~u!JI
~mT)
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Pandi ta Tsandra kuma ra
PaQc:li ta Shrf dznya na bha dra
Bal po PaQc:li taPe nya ba
Byang sems Zla ba rgyal mtshan
Grub thob Nyi phug pa Chos
grags
8 . sPru pa rOo rje rgyal po (The
142
CHAPTER 7
10
22
30
36
8
20
28
34
6
18
26
32
4
16
24
2
14
~
I
12
38
source note here that in the linea oe
0
records of Ngorchen and Gongkar
Dorje Denpa the san1e master is
called Sm pa.)
9. Zhang ston dGra 'jigs
10. mKhan chen rTsa 'Dul ba Thugs
rje byang chub
II. mKhan chen bDe ba can pa
12. Byang sems Chu bzang pa Byang
chub ' bar
13. Rin po che Shes rab 'bum
14. rGyal sras Thogs med bzang po
dpal
15. Gm b chen Buddha shrl
16. rOo rJ·e 'chano
Kun doa'
bzano0 po
"'
0
(The lineage continues from Ngorchen
and Mtichen to the Fifth Dalai Lama or
"Zahor Bande.")-166
.}
13
15
5
17
25
7
19
27
33
9
21
29
35
39
II
23
31
37
The painting certainly warrants
future comparisons with the murals of
the Chenrezik Lhakhang of Lan1ayuru
(dating to the 1860s and 1870s), whose
main deity after all is Avalokite5vara
of this type. (Cf. Figs. 9.6 and 9.7.)
Those murals are a few generations earlier and display a completely different
painting style.
It is difficult to say where this
thangka came from; based on its style I
would say it does not fall into any of the
usual groups known to me. But thanks to
its lineage it certai nly can be counted as
Drigung Kagyu art.
A DouBTFUL CAsE
Figure 7.22 portrays Vajradhara within
his pure land. surrounded by deities
and a lineage. Though according to its
HAR entry it depicts a "Refuge Field ..
of the Drigung Kagyu, neither its iconography nor style point conclusively
to its religious school of origin. The
entry for HAR 781 adds: ..At the top
center arranged on billowing clouds
are Yajradhara with the mahasiddhas
Tilopa and Naropa at the right and
left. followed by the Tibetan translator
Marpa. the yogi Milarepa, the doctor
and monk Gampopa, Phagmotrupa (former student of Sachen Kunga Nyingpo)
and two additional figures in the line
of Phagmotrupa.'' [HAR entry dated
November 2000]. The entry concludes
with this numbered lineage, the last four
gurus being: (6) Garnpopa. (7) Phagmotrupa. (8) Tsangpa Gyare. and (9)
(unidentified).
If guru number 8 really is Tsangpa
Gyare. then this must be a Drukpa lineage. However, I fail to find here the
typical Drukpa iconography of Tsangpa
Gyare or his guru Ling Repa. The lama
who should be Jigten Sumgon in the
lineage scents to have a third eye on his
forehead and has very white skin.
The painter has used jewels very
prominendy as decorative elements in the
architecture. Note the special style of gilt
roof with open woodwork (prominently
featuring decorative j ewels.) The painting's lan1a-sponsor (sadhaka) is seated
with a retinue of followers. All in all. it
cannot be confim1ed to be a work of Drigung Kagyu art: indeed, it may actually
be Drulq>a Kagyu art from Kham.
Frc. 7.22.
Vajradhara wi[h Dei[ies and Lineage
19m cenrury
26 x 1 8~ in. (66.0 x 47.0 em)
Rubin Museum of Art
C2006.66.J52 (HAR 781)
T HREE GOLDEN THANGKAS
l could locate three golden thangkas that
are lin ked to the Drigu ng Kagyu. One of
them. Figure 7.23, depicts Padmasambhava wid1 an assembly field, painted
with washes of color over a soft golden
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SC HOOL
143
FIG. 7·23
Golden Thangka of Padmasambhava wirh
Assembly Field
18rh or 19rb century
16\1,6 x 1H'8 in. (41 x 29 em)
Courresy of rhe Hahn Cultural Foundarion
Lirerarure: K. Tanaka 1997, no. 14.
background. The painting is preserved
in the Hahn Museum, Korea, and Kimiaki Tanaka in his first Hahn Foundation
catalog described it as a tshokshing
(assembly field) of the Nyingma School,
though noticing its difference from
the assembly field of the better-known
Longchen Nyingthik (Klang chen nying
thig) tradition of the Nyingma.;o;7
Approximately twenty-one gurus
are shown. Their arrangement is shown
in Diagram [G].
Surely the painting is Drigung
Kagyu art. Note the Kagyu gomsha
worn by practically all the lineal lamas,
beginning with guru 5. All but one (guru
9) are shown in relief (some of the front
tips of their hats reach the border of the
head nimbus). The clouds are not distinctively Driri- indeed they resemble
the usual clouds of the Menri (though
without the deeply shaded cloud-eyes of
the Eri.)
1
14
16
18
20
144
CHAPTER
7
7
12
2
5
10
3
4
9
6
II
8
13
15
17
19
21
One type of tree leaf predominates
here. We also find it in many other
assembly-field thangkas of the Drigung
Kagyu. But here we also find large clusters of triple jewels placed here and there
among the leaves. Two Drigung-type
mountains are present, and a single cluster of jewels pops up in the landscape in
the bottom right. Two lions seem to have
forgotten their job of supporting the
central seat and lunge forward, looking
at each other, their paws already clearing
the edge of the throne base.
The next two examples of golden
thangkas, Figures 7.24 and 7 .25, are
both preserved at Phyang Monastery
in central Ladakh. The first portrays
Maiijusrf with four lineage lamas of the
Drigung Kagyu all wearing gomsha.
0
f iG. 7.24
Golden Tha ngka of Maiijusrr
Ca. 1 hh or 18th cenrury
Dimensions unknown
Now in Ph yang Monastery, Ladakh
After Acl!rya Ngawang Sanuen 1986
© 2014 Arrisrs Rights Society (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kwm, Bonn
Literature: Aclirya Ngawang Samren 1986,
p. 16; A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 223; a nd D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 8.
PAINT I NG TRAD I TIONS OF THE OR I GUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
145
FIG. 7-~5
Golden Thangka of Vajrasarrva
Ca. 17th or 18th cenrury
Now in Phyang M onasrery, Ladakh
Dimensions unknown
© 2014 Artists Righrs Sociery (ARS), New
York I VG Bi ld-Kunst, Bonn
After A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002
Uterature: Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986,
p. 18; A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 223; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
thangka no. 9.
146
CHAPTER
7
Ftc. 7.26
Kanaka\'arsa the Arhat &om a Drigung
Kagyu Set
Late 19th or early 20th century
153;.\ x lllA in. (40 x 30 em)
Pri\'ate Collection
The dimensions of both thangkas are
unknown.
Both paintings were explicitly
identified as in the Drigung style ('Bri
bris) by Ngawang Samten in his exhibition catalog of 1986.568 But the fact that
their background is solid gold makes this
stylistic judgment difficult to confirm,
since the usual comparisons with landscapes in ful l-color palettes are impossible here.
One hint of the presence of an
lmusual style in the painting is the special
treatment gi,.en to the pair of lions at the
base of the main throne - which is the
same in both paintings. The lions seem to
no longer support the throne base; they
lurk in the foreground to the right and
left of the central cluster of auspicious
objects or offerings that partly conceal
them.A little child appears as if popping
up through a miraculous birth within a
lotus.569 The lion on the ri ght turns to look
up at the main deity above, whi le the one
on the left seems to stare straight ahead at
the viewer.
Figure 7.25 depicts a golden
thangka with Vajrasattva as its main figure and four accompanying Kagyu lamas
as minor figures. Though in the thangka
depicting Maiijusrr all four lamas look
like they are from the Drigung Kagyu,
here the upper-left lama wears the black
hat of the Karmapa and the one to his
right wears a red hat resembling that
of the Shamar Trulku. The long-haired
lama to bottom left wears a rigd:in hat
and holds a long-life vase in his hand,
while the lama to his right wears a
Drigung (or Drukpa) gomsha. Though
heavil y bearded (like Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal) the fourth has no other
similarities with the great southern
Drukpa founder. Instead, I suppose he
is a recent learned lama of the Dri gung
Ftc.7.27
Ajita the Arhat from a Drigung Kagyu Set
Late 19th or early 20th century
153;.\ x 113;.\ in. (40 x 30 em)
Pri\'ate Collection
(holding a book on his lap) who had a
long full beard. He may be the disciple
of the third lama, who possibly was an
eminent Drigung lan1a of the rigd:in (Jay
tantrika) type.
As in the previous painting, a
young child appears within the lotus
flower that grows before the central
throne 's base. The child presses its
palms together as if paying respect to
the main figure.
A LATE SET OF SIXTEEN ARHATS
To conclude this chapter, I present a
stylistically distinct set of the S ixteen
Arhats that probably dates to the late
phase of the Driri, i.e., to the late nineteenth or early twentieth century. Its
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
147
F1c. 7.2.8
Va nav~si n the Arb at from a Drigu ng Kagyu
Set
late 19th or early 20rh cenrur y
15.)4 x 11.)4 in. (40 x 30 em)
Privat e Collec tion
style is naive , with simplified and stylized versions of the Dri ri landscape
elements. Could it be recem Ladakhi
art? Here we seem to have arrived at a
stage of late naive provincialism. Still,
the series is useful as a source of simpl e
later restatements of the classic Driri elements that by then had become compulsory parts of this artist's repertoire. With
artistic naivete there sometimes come s
simplicity, leading to clarity.
One of the charm s of the set is
the presence of vignettes in each Iandscape depicting famous monasteries or
pilgrimage sites of central Tibet, though
their labels are terrib ly misspelled.
Amon g the ten paintings accessible to
me through photographs. I have selected
the six with the most telling clouds.
mountains, and crags.
Figure 7.26 portrays as its main
148
CHAP TER
7
figure Arhat Kanakavarsa (gSer be'u) .SlO
Also depicted arc three buddhas above
and Samy e Monastery (bSam yas.
wrongly spelled bSam yos) in the landscape below. In this set all the paintings
of
accent the crenellation of the ed<>es
e
their Driri-style clouds through dark
blue "thum btack " dots spaced at even
intervals along the outer edges (wi th
points pointing into the clouds). ln this
painting we find them in every cloud of
its seven-cloud fringe behind the main
figure, as well as in the three small er
ones in the sky. The painting otherwise
lacks pointed mountains and has only
one simplified patch of rocky crags to
the right of its main figure.
Figure 7.27 depicts the Arhat Ajita
(Ma pham pa) in the same late Drigung
Kagyu set.571 The painting also depicts
three buddhas in the sky and in the
landscape at the bottom. Gyantse (rGyal
rtse) monastic complex (wrongly spelled
water-damaoed ' the
rGyang tsi). Tbou!!.h
~
painting is worth presenting as an exam ple of a large field of simplified Driri
blue-green crags behind the main figure.
..
F1c. 7.2.9
Rllhulo the Arhat from a DrigLtng Kagyu Set
Lare 19th or early 20th cenrur y
15 .)4 x 11 .)4 in. (40 x 30 em)
Privat e CoUecrion
Figure 7.28 depicts Vanavasi n
(Nags na gnas) as another of the Sixteen Arbats in the same set.572 It depicts
two buddbas in the sky above him and
"Tsechoklir" (Tse mchog gling) and
"Dzongtshen" (rDzong btsan). two monasteries of Drib (Grib) district. in the
water
landscape below him .573 Thou oh
e
damaged in places. it exemplifies Driri
clouds in a nine-cloud fringe behind the
main figure. Behind that stands a cluste r
of conically pointed snow-capped mountain peaks and green mountains (five
peaks in al l). Behind the central peak is
a five-cloud fringe of clouds. in this case
with alternating base colors. here barely
visibl e because of water damage.
To the right and left of the main
figure are two streams or small lakes.
Above one lake stands a blue-green
rocky crag shaped like a dragon head,
FIG. 7.30
Panr:haka rhc Arhat from a Drigung Kagyu
Set
Late 19r:h or earl)• 20r:h cenrury
15 ~ x 11 ~ in. (40 x 30 em)
Private Collection
with a stream flowing down from its
mouth. This is an example of forms of
real objec ts that occur in nature (rang
byung khams J..yi dngos brnycm). which
are hidden by the painter in the landscape. Such forms of animals or auspicious objects are typically hidden by
a painter within the landscape in the
depictions of rocks or clouds.574 Below
een
of blue-!!T
the main figure is a frinoe
0
..
crags above a rectangular s trip of vertically striated bare brown stony cliffs.
Figure 7.29 portrays Rahula as yet
another arhat from the same set.575 The
painting also depicts three buddhas above
and Lhasa's Jokhang (Tsuklakkhang)
Temple (wrongly spelled ··gTsob lags
gang') in the landscape. Behind the main
figure floats a seven-cloud fringe. if you
count the central cloud, which extends
upward to surrow1d the central buddha in
the sky. The landscape contains three outcrops of blue-green craggy rocks, upon
which grow small trees or bushes with
oval shapes.
Figure 7 30 depicts Panthaka as
Kaoyu
an arhat from the same Driouno
b
0
b
set.>'6 It also shows three buddhas above
and possibly Tashilhunpo Monastery
(bKra shis Ihun po) (wrongly spelled
bKra shig no bu) in the landscape. The
landscape includes clouds that have two
different base colors. the only instance
of that in this set. The nine-cloud frinoe
0
behind the central figure is colored faint
greenish blue (i ts central lobe reachino0
up to enclose the buddha above), while
the clouds in the sl.:y are the usual faint
bluish white. In the lake to the left floats
a makara (sea monste r) head, while the
blue-gre en rocky crag above it is also
painted to resemb le a monstrous animal's head, another naturally occurring
form hidden within a landscape.
Figure 7 31 portrays VirO~a as
one of the Four Great Guardian Kinos
set of
Kaoyu
from the same late Driouno
0
0
..
Sixteen Arhats.m (The guardian k:ing 's
..
Ftc. 7·31
Virop1llqa as One of rhe Four Grear
Guardia n Kings in a Drigung Arhat Sec
Lace 19rh or early 20r:h century
15~ x 11 ~ in. (40 x30cm)
Private Collection
name is phonetically misspelled -cing
me sang·· in the label.) It also depicts
three lamas above (two wearino0 Driouno
....
gomsha) and two minor deities to the
right and left: Four-armed Gane~ and
Four-armed Avalokitesvara? Below in
the landscape we find portrayed a monastery called "Zangdi Khama·• (which is
phonetically spelled Zang 'di kha ma).
The base colors of the most prominent clouds (including a seven-lobed
cloud cluster behind the main figure) arc
the usual faint bluish white. (The middle
cloud also encloses the central eouru in the
sky.) But the clouds clusters behind the
bodhisattvas to the main figure ·s right and
left are a faint purplish-mauve pastel.
PAINTIN G TRADIT IONS OF THE DRICUN G KAGY U SC HOOL
149
Paintings ofSemiwrathful and
Wrathful Main Deities
IN THIS CHAPTER
we remain in the
same period of Drigung Kagyu painting
as the previous chapter, approJtimately
the 1640s to the 1950s. But I investigate
painti.ngs with different types of main
deities: semi wrathful and wrathful. Each
of those main deity types - Tantric yidam
and wrathful protectors- had its own distinctive fringe of body nimbus or flames.
KEY CHARACTERISTICS OF
FLAMES AND NIMBUSES
Jigten Sumgon stressed the importance
of depicting carefully and properly the
details of paintings with Tantric charnel ground imagery. He specified, for
instance. that clouds should have rain
showers and thunder, while depictions of
fires (me ri, which I correct to read: me
ris) should all be painted (with flames?)
"arranged to the right."578 (I do not
know what that meant in his time, if not
that the entire mass of flames blows or
leans to one side, the right.) So we must
keep our eyes open for special conventions, even in art of later periods that are
treated in this chapter. Indeed, we should
eJtpect to find differences when we compare Dri ri body nimbuses and flames
with those depicted behind similar semiwrathful or wrathful deities painted in
other painting traditions.
Professor Mathias Driesch noted
flames and complicated nimbuses as
typical features of the Driri. Such features mainly occur in paintings that portray non-peaceful figures as main deities.
Detail of Fig. 8.19
One relevant characteristic he mentioned
was double body aureoles around minor
figures of semi wrathful deities.
Other traditions painted standing
Tantric tutelary deities such as Cakrasamvara surrounded by a ring of flame .
Figure 8 .1 shows a ri.ng of fire around
standing Cakrasanwara as depicted by
the Karma Gardri painter Gega Lama.
(Similar flames are also seen around
minor semi wrathful tutelary deities in
Fig. 7.22 [HAR 781], which is Drukpa
Kagyu art of Kham.)
The Driri painters, by contrast,
had their own way of ringing semiwrathful deities - compound body aureoles that included a prominent outer
golden strip of vegetal scrollwork. One
of the eight possible scrollwork types
found in the art manual of Konchok
Tendzin is flame scrollwork (me ris pa
tra) .579 (See Fig. 8.2.) Various other line
patterns were also available to artists
(see Fig. 8.3) .
By contrast, around standing yidam
deities the Driri artists employed nimbuses filled with vegetal scroUwork. Figure 8.4 illustrates simple vegetal volutes
called "mansion scrollwork" (ba gam
Another prominent feature of
semi wrathful (and wrathful) deities
in the Driri style noticed by Professor Driesch were downward-pointing
lotus petals appearing in single series
of petals beneath main deities that were
larger and broader than normal. When
the points of the petals face downward.
each petal has an unusually broad, flattened heart shape (though without any
indentation in the middle as a normal
heart shape would have).
What this refers to is the practice of
depicting lotus seats with petals approJtimately one-fifth the width of the solar
disc upon which the Tantric deities stood.
(The more usual practice for peaceful
deities was to paint each petal about oneseventh the width of that disc, as we see
in Figure 8.1.) The last petals to the far
right and left were also sometimes laid
flat or twisted around in distinctive ways.
The use of oversize lotus petals and the
tradition of twisting the final ones may
have come to the Driri through Khyenri
artists. Figure 8.6 illustrates a seventeenth-century thangka with such lotus
petals. (See also Fig. 7.1.)
pa tra). A number of more complicated
vegetal scrollwork patterns could also be
employed by Driri artists. (See Fig. 8.5.)
As we saw in Figure 7 .8, the scrollwork used in the Driri in a body nimbus
around standing Cakrasamvara was a
more distinctively vegetal type. We have
no problem finding in the following two
or three thangka special ornate golden
rings of volutes prominently framing the
main standing semi wrathful deities.
SEMIWRATHFUL DEITIES PAINTED
WITH A FuLL-COLOR PALETTE
Let us consider, in general, paintings
that portray semiwrathful (::.hi ma khro)
deities as their central figure. 580 With
them, we reach a more neutral iconographic zone, which changed the mood
and appearance of surrounding landscapes. As an iconometric class, tutelary
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I5I
Frc. 8.1
Cakrasamvara with surrounding fire nimbus
(Karma Gardri school)
Afrer Gega Lama 1983, vol. 1, p. 163.
8.2.
Flame scrollwork
After Konchok Tendzin 1994, Fig. 96.
FTC.
called wrathful buddhas (sangs rgyas
khro bo) or deities that were "Angered
like a Seer" (drang srong ltar khros pa);
they were considered Sambhogakaya
buddhas.581 Another term for such minor
anger or irritation was "angered in mind
only" (vid tsam khros pa), which implies
Frc. 8.;
Va rious flame parterns suitable for body
nimbuses
After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al. 2008, p. 16.
a fairly placid exterior.
Paintings depicting this semiwrathful class as its main deity may help us
find a useful common ground (with
FIG. 8.4
Simple veger:al scrollwork
Afrer Konchok Tendzin 1994, fig. 97.
shared stylistic traits) between the truly
peaceful (zlli ba) and truly wrathful
(khro bo), or even the extremely wrathful (shin hi khro bo). Tibetan painting
F1c.8. 5
Various vegetal scrollwork patterns suirable
for body nimbuses
After Khreng Hra'o-khrun et al . 2008, p. 16.
FIG. 8. I
deities such as Cakrasamvara were
manuals divided the main iconographic
class of wrathful deities (khro bo) into
the three increasingly angry types:
"Angered like a yak$a divinity" (gnod
sbyin [tar khros pa); "Angered like a
[wrathful] yiima deity" (gshin rje [tar
khros pa) ; and "Angered like a [fierce]
riik~·asa [demon]" (srin po ltar khros
pa). It is interesting that yak~·as are
included as the first and least wrathful
type. (Peaceful yaksas do not belong
among wrathful deities at all,581 while
FIG. 8.2.
angry ones form a slightly wrathful type
that can be classified as "semi wrathful,"
the best-known examples of which are
FIG. 8.3
-.
FIG. 8.4
152.
FIG. 8. 5
CHAPTER
8
Vajrapii.!Ji):;s5 The third class (" like an
angered riik$asa demon") was slightly
shorter and still fiercer looking (like its
example, Guru Dorje Dro!O [rDo rje
gro lod] of the Eight Manifestations of
Padmasambhava) .586 Two even shorter
dwarf-like propo11ional classes existed
for deities like Mahakala Bernagjen
(' Ber nag can) and Bh0ta<;lamara.587
In paintings, the same clouds might
be found in the backgrounds behind both
peaceful and semiwrathful main figures.
Semi wrathful Tantric deities (yi dam)
may also tum up as minor figures with
any class of main deities, and in that
case their distinctive golden scrollwork
nimbuses could become a marker of Drigung Kagyu aJt of this period.
Figure 8.7a depicts Sanwara in
two-armed upright-standing form (Sahaja
Samvara, Lhan skyes bde mchog) with
a retinue of four other deities ('Kiwr
lo sdom pa 1/mlnga) . Those deities are
accompanied by a lineage of Drigung
Kagyu masters. The painting may have
been commissioned by a disciple of the
abbot Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (Dri
30, 1770-1826). Preserved in a private
collection, Cologne, it was previously
described as "Central Tibet ('Bri gung?),
circa late 18th or early 19th century."51!8
Here we find the distinctive complex body aureoles behind the semiwrathful main figure (Samvara) and his
main retinue of four deities. Instead of
flame nimbuses we find aureoles that are
FIG. 8.6
Standing ranrric deity (Chemcbok Heruka)
with distinctive lotus petals
Second half of 17th century
Thangka, now in Potala Palace, Lhasa
After The Potala Holy Palace in the Snow
Land (1996), p. 171.
two of the Four Great Kings. those that
manifest some anger.)583
Judging by the Tsangri example
drawings of Phuntshog Sangpo, the first
type was only slightly wrathful (like the
example, Vemacitra [Thag bzang ris] the
yak$a, a prince of the Asura demigods)
and slightly taller than the next class.580
The second type ("like an angered ylima
divinity") was a full -fledged wrathful
deity (like its example, a fierce standing
made up of three or four main parts with
contrasting colors: an outer fringe of
golden vegetal volutes on a base color of
orange, an inner field of radiating lines
over a solid background color (here red),
and an intervening thin strip between
them. For the main deity that middle
strip has actually been rendered as two
thin parallel strips of dark blue and
green , while for the minor figures it is
painted as a strip of a single base color,
green, though with dots of gold lining
the inner edge. The aureoles are filled
with a type of decorative vegetal
PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGU NG KAGY U SC HOOL
I53
FIC. 8.7A
Sahaja Samvara wil:h Drigung Kagyu
Lineage
Ca. )are 18th/early 19rh century
(1790s- 1820s)
22~8 x 15-l4 in. (58 x 40 em)
Privare Collecrion
Lirerarure: D. Jackson 1996, p. 343, pl. 64;
and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka
no. 4.
154
CHAPTER
8
10
2l
3l
8
19
29
4
17 15
27 25
33
6
2
13
23
I
12
3
14
24
5
16
26
7
18
28
34
9
20
30
II
22
32
As we can see in Figure 8.7b,
FIG. 8.78
Derail of Fig. 8.7a, Four-handed Mah!ikaJa
scroll-work and not the stylized ring of
flames or "flame volutes" (me ris pa tra)
usual in other painting schools. The
seven lotus petals of the seat beneath
the main figure are depicted as usual in
the front, though an eighth and ninth
petal can also be seen, placed too high
to be realistic.
A broad bank of clouds defines
the horizon in the landscape. Behind the
main deity the clouds form a nine-lobed
series, and those around the minor deities
have two lobes fewer. But they do not
form well-defined fringes , and their base
colors alternate from one cloud to the
next, creating more visual interest. The
overall feeling is dark and somber, but it
is lightened here and there by the lighter
clouds. Beneath the upper two registers
of lineal gurus, the edges of the cloud
bank have been decorated with numerous
curved cloud ends shaped something like
a seal 's head or porpoise snout.
Four-armed Mahakiila stands
before an eight-cloud fringe, with a faint
mauve pastel base color (Fig. 8.7b) .
Goddess Achi to the right has a ninecloud cluster as background, but each
individual c.loud alternates darker and
lighter base colors. No pointed mountains loom, but the artist has incorporated dramatic areas of blue-green crags
as a rocky support for the flat area where
the central deity's lotus seat appears.
around the little Four-armed Mahakala,
the special Driri flan1es are depicted.
Unlike the special golden scrollwork
nimbuses found around several standing semi wrathful deities in the painting,
this full-fledged wrathful protector is
surrounded by a mass of real flan1es.
They are depicted with a red central field
and gold-outlined orange flame-tips. In
Figure 8 .7b, we can count in the mass of
flame surrounding Four-armed Mahakiila
about seventeen flame tongue-tips.
In some prominent places the trough
between the adjoining tongues form a
sort of open mouth.
The repeated flame element in Figure 8.7a has a distinctive shape, somewhat resembling (to me at least) not the
mouth of a pair of tongs but the mouth
of some kind of monster with pointed
snout and jaws. Unl ike in the drawings
of flames at the beginning of the chapter (Figs. 8.1 , 8.2 and 8.3), here, within
each pair of flame-tongues that form the
most prominently repeated elements, the
upper tongue of flame is much larger and
longer than the lower one, almost like a
pointed snout.
The lineage structure is as shown
in Diagran1 [A]. The lineage is:
L rDo rje 'chang (Vajradhara)
2. Kl u sgrub (Nagarjuna)
3. Dril bu pa
4. Dzalendhara (appearing as a
monk)
5. Nag po spyod pa
6. Tilopa
7. Naropa
8. KarQari pa
9. Bla rna rDo rje gdan pa
I 0. Plll) chen Abhaya
11. [rTsa mi ?] Sangs rgyas grags
12. sKyob pa ' Jig rten mgon po [He
appears here out of order because
of his importance for the lineage;
his place in the normal chronological succession should be after
no. 14]
13 . dPal chen rGa Lo tsa ba
14 . Phag mo gru pa [1110- 1170]
15. sPyan snga Grags pa ' bytmg gnas
( 1175-1255)
16. Rin chen rdo rje
17. dBang phyug bsod nams
18. Grags pa shes rab
19. Kun mkhyen Tshu l rgya1 grags
[ Tshul khrims rgyal ?]
20. Grags pa rdo rje
21 . gTsang pa [Bio gros] bzang po
22. mKhan chen Rin chen bzang po
23 . rJe btsun bSod nams mtshan can
24. rJe btsun sNa tshogs rang grol
[=Rin chen phun tshogs] (Dri 18)
25. Chos rgyal phun tshogs ( 15471602) (Dri 22)
26. bKra shis phun tshogs ( 15741628) (Dri 23)
27. dKon mchog ratna [dKon mchog
rin chen, 1590-1654, First Chetsan g) (Dri 24)
28. Rig ' dzin Chos kyi grags pa
( 1595-1659) (Dri 25)
29. dKon mchog ' phrin las bzang po
[1656-17 18] (Dri 26)
30. Dhar rna ra dza [Dharmaraja,
perhaps Don grub chos rgyal ,
1704-1754]
31. Ngag dbang 'phrin las
32. dPalldan 'Gar chen pa (full
name mGar spml dKon mchog
bstan ' dzin chos kyi nyi rna , b.
Nangchen);s<)
33 . dKon mchog ting [=bstan] 'dzin
chos kyi nyi ma [Dri 29, 17551792), i.e., Chos kyi nyi rna , for
short].
34. dKon mchog ting ' dzin [=bstan
' dzin] 'phrin las rnam rgyal
Guru 32, Pa1den Garchenpa (dPa1
Idan 'Gar chen pa), is probably the GartrW Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Nyima
(mGar sprul dKon mchog bstan 'dzin
chos kyi nyi rna) of Nangchen, whose
career was briefly mentioned in the Drigung abbatia1 history of Peme Gyaltshen
as a very prominent disciple of Dri 27
and as a teacher of Dri 29.500 The last
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I55
seven lamas wear Drigung gomsha.
Natshok Rangdrol (Rinchen Phlintshok)
wears a Nyingma yogi's apparel, and
just before him, one lama has a bare
head. After him, three wear red paoqita
hats (numbers 25, 26, and 28: Dri 22. 23,
and 25). The final lama is probably from
the generation of Dri 30, and hence I
date the painting to about 1800.
Figure 8 .8 again depicts Samvara
('Khor lo sdom pa) in standing twoarmed form with a four-deity retinue
(known together as bDe mchog lha
lnga). It also shows a series of eight
Drigung Kagyu lineage masters in the
sky. It was previous ly published in a
Christie's Amsterdam catalog.591 Some
labels were found under the figures , but
they are too blurred to be read in the
original catalog.
Though not as fine as the previous
painting, it clearly belongs to the same
Drigung Kagyu painting tradition. The
main figure has the compound body
nimbus seen in Figure 8.7a (including
the golden vegetal volutes). In it (Fig.
8 .8), a thin strip of light green petals
separates the orange outer highly stylized flames from the vermilion inner
field of the body nimbus, which shimmers with golden light rays.
The main deity stands on a lotus
seat of just seven petals in all-each petal
is fatter than nom1al and the final ones
on both sides bend up higher than usual.
A seven-cloud fringe of Driri clouds
lines the upper part of the main body
nimbus, each c loud with regular "indentations." No backrests are employed
behind any of the gurus in the sky
FIG. 8.8
Sahaja Samvara with Eight Drigung Kagyu
Masters
19th century
18 7h x 125/& in. (48 x 32 em)
Private Collection
Literature: Christie's Amsterdam catalog
Indian, Himalayan and Southeast Asian Art
(Apri113, 1999), p. 27, no. 71; and
D. Jackson 2002, appendix, thangka no. 5.
4
8
2
6
I
3
5
7
9
(which are also Jacking in the preceding
painting).
The lineage lamas are arranged as
in Diagram [B].
Figure 8.9 is a more recent painting of Sal1aja Samvara with a four-deity
retinue. It may be preserved in a Drigung Kagyu monastery or household
shrine in Ladakh. I published it previous ly as dating to the nineteenth or early
156
CHAPTER
8
fiG.
8.9
Sahaja Samvara
Late 19th or early 20th century
Dimensions unknown
Private Collection, ladakh
Literature: D. Jackson 1996, p. 340,
fig. 188; and D. Jackson 2002, appendix,
thangka no 6.
twentieth century.592 Though it is not as
obvious a work of Drigung Kagyu art
as Figures 8.7 and 8 .8, it is sti ll full of
Driri characteristics. Like the previous
two paintings, it depicts a complex body
nimbus (with a strip of golden vegetal
scrollwork) around the main deity and
his retinue of four. The downward facing lotus petals are ful l and the last ones
turn up, but not in an exaggerated way.
A cluster of five Driri mountains dominates the horizon, and a group of snowy
sharp-peaked mountains provides a
proper remote setting for the protective
deities that stand at bottom right. Al l the
clouds have a classic Driri shape and
shading, with regular crenellation. (The
cloud clusters under the pairs of gurus in
the sky alternate base colors, but they do
so subtly.) The last two lamas in the sky
have backrests- unlike in the previous
two pall1tll1gs.
The order of the gurus is indicated
by Diagram [C] . The Indian mahasiddha
above the main figure is Klu sgrub
(Nagarjuna).
Thangkas depicting the same
Sahaja cycle are attested from other
Kagyu Schools , such as the Karma
Kagyu. One such example from Kham
4
7
2
3
6
(ms)
5
8
was painted in a typical later Gardri (Gar
bris) style, though it has some iconographic similarities with these indisputably Drigung Kagyu paintings.593
WRATHFUL D EITIES IN FULLCOLOR PAINTINGS
Among the surviving paintings of the
Drigung Kagyu of the eighteenth and
PAINTING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
I57
nineteenth centuries, those depicting
wrathful figures are stylistically distinct.
In the followi.ng pages I present a dozen
examples, divided into two groups
according to predominating palette. The
first type, "Wrathful Deities in FullColor Paintings," has a full-color palette
(rd::.ogs tslwn), though the background
landscapes are much more somber than
with peaceful deities. The second group
wi ll be presented below as "wrathful
deities in black thangkas," i.e., paintings
whose background is solid ink-black.
When asked about the special characteristics of the Drigung painting tradition. Yeshe Jam yang in his interview
remarked: "Generally. all painting styles
are similar. but the expression (nyams)
and style (dbyings) of wrathful deities are special in the Drigung painting
tradition."Thus he alluded to distinctive features of wrathful main deities.
Frc. 8.ro
Traditional pair of Tibemn mngs with other
blacksmith implements
After Khreng Hra 'o-Khrun et al. 2008, p.
125, borrom.
0
In particular, he said that flames in this
tradition were " like a smith's tongs."
Hence we should expect to find disti nct
differences among Driri flames when
compared with flames behind similar
wrathful deities painted by artists from
other painting traditions. Yeshe Jamyang followed a Driri artist's tradition
that referred to mouthlike openings in
the flames as '1i ke an [opened] pai.r of
blacksmith tongs." But what did he have
in mind?
Figure 8.10 is a drawing of a
Tibetan pair of tongs together with bellows and other traditional blacksmith
implements.51>4 Though these tongs do
not resemble any flame types known to
me, Tibetan painters usually depicted
flame of gnosis though repeated pairs
of flame-tongues separated by rounded
troughs. Could such flame-tongue openings have been the "tongs" referred to?
(Presmnably the gripping mouth of the
tong was the key part, not the handles.)
Figure 8.11 reproduces a recent
Karma Gardri artist's drawing of
a wrathful deity (a form of standing Vajrapal)i ) surrounded by flames.
158
CHAPTER
8
Frc. 8.r2
Cluster of four flame patterns
Afrer Yon tan tshe ring 2000, p. 85, detail.
0
0
I
0
Frc. S.n
Wrathful Bodhisa rtva Vajrapl!J)i with
surrounding flames
After Yon tan tshe ring 2000, p. 85, Phyag
na rdo rje stobs po che.
Around the outer edges of the flame,
many adjoining flame-tongues fom1
mouthlike gaps. Figure 8.12 depicts the
repeated cluster of four flame patterns.
Four types of Western blacksmith
tongs are illustrated by Figure 8.13. I
illustrate them to suggest that Tibet, too,
had more than one type of tongs.
The actual shape of flames appearing in Driri style paintings was quite
distinct. I illustrate one example in Figure 8.14. It is the flame shape we saw
b
c
d
Frc. 8.r3
Four Western blacksmith's tongs
Afrer Funk and Wagnall's Standard
Dictio11ary of the E11glish Language
bttemational Edition (New York: Funk and
Wagnall's Company, 1965), p. 1322.
size larger or smaller to fit the size and
prominence of the deity. The tongues
of flames can also be packed together
tightly, allowing no air gaps, as in a
"me ris pa tra" design, as mentioned
above. The elements can also be spread
out allowing gaps of sky or background
color to show through , letting the series
of flames become a vine-like cable of
in Figure 7 .8, around the minor figure
Four-armed Mallakiila, and we shall see
flame. A still more striking effect could
be created by adding at tl1e bottom of
one or both sides a looping series of bare
"fire rope" without any flame-tongues
it many times again in this chapter.
A skilled artist wi ll adjust the flame
shown. One of the characteristics noted
by Professor Driesch for wrathful deities
FlC. 8. T4
Demit of Fig. 7.8, flames around Fourhanded Mahakala
FIG. 8.16
Demil of Fig_ 8.23, repeated looping flame
shape
a head.) In any case_ this Aamc shape is
F1c. 8.17
Detail of Fig. 8.27, repeated distinctive
flame tips from a black rhaogka
very commonly repeated in Driri paintings. (See also Fig. 8.17.)
Figure 8.18 shows us a standard
flame type that is close in its basic shape
to the Driri flames. Taken from a modern
Eri painting manual by Tenpa Rabtcn , it
Fig. 8.15
Detail of Fig. 7.13, Driri style flames
gives an idea of a possible origin of the
Driri Aame-tips within a wider Tibetan
anistic context.
was flames that flickered in a broad
'
meandering shape, "sloping or s lanted
almost horizontally."" I think he was
referring to the type of meandering seethrough ·•name chain'" or "flame rope'"
seen in Figure 8.16.
The Driri fire design for wrathful deities I believe usually consisted
of a repeated classic Aame design of
a panicular type. For us the shape of
the finial-like tips of the Hames is the
most obvious element_ such as in Fioure
Figures 8. 19 through 8.23 depict
wrathful main deities of the Dri 0ouno0
Kagyu with full -color palettes. Though
the main figures and their attendant deities are wrathful , the overall mood of the
paintings is not quite as somber as we
shall see in the darker black thangkas.
Figure 8.19 depicts Red- and
Black-faced Yan1ari (Gshin gshed Khro
chu dug sdong nag po) of the Gya
Shangtrom tradition with a Dri 0ouno
0
8.15. (Perhaps the smiths at Drigung
Kagyu lineage down to Rigdzin Chokyi
Drakpa (Dri 25_ abbot 1626-1659). The
were familiar with tongs that had such
main deity features in its head ornament
"
F1c. 8.18
Rela ted standard fire depiction
After Tenpa Rabten 1996, fig. 74, Phur pa
rdo rje gzhon nu'i snang brnyan
the iconographically almost unique
depiction of three small buddhas (fhe
Buddhas of the Three Times) placed
above three stupas.Animal heads on
retinue deities are also very rare iconographically outside of Bon. Note the
cenLral minor deity below who also has
three animal heads. On the back side of
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF Tf-IE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
159
fiG. 8.19
Red- and Black-faced YamMi of the Gya
Shangcrom Tradition with a Drigw1g Kagyu
Lineage
Ca. late 17th cenrury
23¥s x 145/s in. (59.4 x 37 em)
Photograph by Bruce M. White
Rubin Museum of An
C2008.4 (HAR 65815)
the painting are two sets of hand-prints,
one large and the other small, protected
by a cover flap.
The fringe of fire around the main
deity is not of typical flan1es. It is seethrough, letting clouds be seen through
the gaps. The flan1es around the minor
figures have unusual meandering shapes.
The central deity's lotus seat has fatter
than normal downward pointing petals.
The petals are flattened distinctively,
with just five facing forward and two
twisted upward, one at either end. The
monochrome row of clouds behind the
main deity also jumps out as typical
Driri. The clouds in the sky beneath the
gurus is also a type of stylized cumulus
with tail s that Driri painters often used,
and here we find them in a few places
with curved pointed "seal-head'" tips.
None of the gurus are depicted
with backrests, and the painter has
seemingly exaggerated their gomsha's
pointed tips by poking them out past the
borders of their head nimbuses (or by
minimizing the size of those nimbuses).
About fourteen of the lineal lamas
depicted (gurus 8-21) belong to the
Drigung Kagyu. The last four in particular, all of whom wear a gomsha, can be
identified as masters from that sect. The
lineage gurus' sequential order is shown
in Diagram [D].
Accordi ng to Olaf Czaja, the lineage for this painting may be:
I. Maiijusrr
'
2. Sakyamwli
3. Nyan thos sde
4. MaiijusrTmitra
5. Padmasambhava595
160
CHAPTER 8
6
4
2
14
18
12
16
10
20
l
8
9
3
5
7
II
13
17
15
19
21
6.
7.
8.
9.
Khrag 'thung nag po
Nepali king Vasudhara
gNubs chen Sangs rgyas ye shes
gTer ston Rgya zhang khrom
I0. Sras Don yod rdo rje
I I. Rigs 'dzin Rot pa"i rdo rje
12. sNgags 'chang Karma siddhi
13. Slob dpon Ka bzhi pa chen po
14. Nyi ma bcu drug pa
15. Bla rna Kun dga· rgyal mtshan
16. Byang chub dpal mo
17. Gung rang pa Tshul khrims rgya
mtsho
18. ' Bri gung zur pa Gnam lcags me
' bar (Dri 18)
19. Bla maRin chen dpa l ba
20. mKhas grub Sangs rgyas rin chen
21. [Rin chen gnyis pa? I Chos
kyi grags pa (Dri 25). abbot
1626-1659
(Czaja could recognize that several
gurus had been moved out of their normal order.) For the last four generations,
we can follow a lineage of the Fifth
Dalai Lama, where Rinchen PhUntshok
is called "The Drigung Ex-abbot" ('Bri
gung Zur pa) and called by his tertiin
name: Nan1jak Mebar (gNam lcags me
'bar), "Raming Meteorite.""
Olaf Czaja touches on this painting, which previously was identified as
··Guru DragpurNajrala1a·· or ··Padmasambhava Guru Drakpur with Drikung
lineage," in a paper presented in Kobe,
Japan, in September 2012, in which he
discusses Nyingma influence in the Drigung Kagyu. 596 Giving a detai led iconographic description of this painting. he
tentatively identifies the individual gurus
of this transmission line and stresses the
central role of Terton Gya Shangtrom
(Gter ston Rgya Zhang khrom) for many
Yamantaka teachings that were handed
down in the Drigung Kagyu School. He
a.lso emphasizes the role the Fifth Dalai
Lama in the later transmission, showing
that these teachings actually came to him
from the Drigung Kagyu.597
Figure 8.20 is my second example
of a wrathful painting in a full-color palette. It depicts HayagrTva with Consort
(rTa mgrin yab yum) with some of the
Eight Aspects of Padmasambhava. It
was the first thangka of the Driri corpus
to be published. appearing as it did in
Tucci's Tibetan Painted ScroUr.;<;gTucci
noticed the importance of Padmasambhava in the cycle portrayed, describing
the small scenes around the main image
in which Padmasambhava appears with
different types of deities, though as I
Ftc. S.:to
Hayagrrva with Consort and Orher Aspects
of Padmasambhava
18rh century
24~ x 16~ in. (63 x 42 em)
Museo Nazionale d'Arte Oriemale
"G. Tucci," Rome, no. 920
Literarure: G. Tucci 1949, p. 548, thangka
no. 115, plates (black and white) 149 and
150; and D. jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 18.
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
I6I
mention in chapter 2, he did not notice
any Drigung Kagyu connection.
These deities and episodes derive
from the seventh chapter of the SevenChapter Prayer (Gsol 'debs le' u bdun
ma).599 In the Drigung Kagyu there
existed a Yangzab tradition of Hayagrrva
practice (see Fig. 7 .19).
ln their book, Padmasam.blw.va,
Essen and Thingo illustrate the story
through a detail of their thangka 2
(I), "Tshokye Doije- how Tara and
Avalokitesvara in the form of Hayagrrva
and VajravarahT overcame the evil
Rudra."600 Padmasan1bhava in the form
of Vajrakumara Ki Ia gave the final
blows leading to his defeat. There also
existed a related Nyingma teaching
c ycle called Tan1drin Sangdrup (rTa
mgrin gsan.g sgrub).601
This painting was an1ong the thangkas in a Drigung style that were noticed
and compared in the 1990s by Professor
Driesch. The seven-petal lotus beneath
the main figures has final petals on each
side that tum not away but up and toward
the viewer. The main figure is edged by
a fringe of eleven clouds. The landscape
features no fewer than four dusters of
pointed clouds, mostly groups of three.
One also finds prominent areas of distinctive rocky crags in the center of the foreground. The deities and mowltains are
fran1ed by cl usters of typical Driri-shaped
clouds, with monochrome base colors
w ithin each cluster.
My third wrathfu l painting rendered in a full-color palette is Figure
8 .21 . It also depicts HayagrTva with
Consort, though here accompanied by
a Drigung Kagyu lineage. First published in a Schoettle Asiatica catalog,602
it was dated there "circa eighteenth or
nineteenth century," and wrongly linked
to the Drukpa Kagyu sect. It portrays
instead six D1igung Kagyu lamas at the
end of the Padmasambhava lineage. (All
wear Drigung Kagyu gomslw., though
none have labels that are readable in the
162
CHAPTER 8
F1c. 8.2.r
Hayagrrva with Consorr and Drigung Kagyu
Lineage
Early 19th century
22 'h x 15.Ys in. (57 x 39 em)
Private CoUection
Litera rure: Schoettle Ostasiarica, Joachim
Baader, no. 25 (October 10, 1973),
Srurtgan, Germany, painting no. 8145; and
D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, thangka no. 22.
8
12
6
10
4
2
I
3
5
7
11
9
13
plates.) I guess that its lineage ends in
about the early nineteenth century.
The painting lacks Driri-style
mountains. Still, its main figure stands
o n a lotus seat made of seven fat petals
(lying on a pad of rock supported by
cliffs of blue-green rock-y crags). Behind
many of the minor deities and in lhe sky
around the lineal gurus one finds distinctive Driri clouds. The ordering of its
figures is shown in Diagram IE].
Figure 8.22 portrays Padmasambhava in wrathful form (Guru Drakpo:
Gum drag po) in the tradition of Perna
Lingpa.603 Based on the transmission
lineage that he found, Olaf Czaja deciphered the names of figures in the upper
register. The buddha at the top center is
DharmakayaAmit abha (01os sku 'Od
dpag med). To the left of Amitl!bha is
NirmiiQakaya Padmasambhava (sPrul
sku Padma 'byung gnas) and to his right
is Sambhogakaya (Longs sku Thugs rje
chen po). At the top left are the original
buddha, Samantabhadra (Kun tu bzang
po), Yeshe Tshogyal (Ye [shies mtsho
rgyal ). and presumably the lay lama
Rinchen Phtintshok, who was often
depicted with such robes and hair-he
is also suitable here since he introduced
the Guru Drakpo teachings in the tradition of Padma Lingpa into the Drigung
Kagyu.601 At the top right are shown
the Buddha Vajradhara (rOo rje 'chang)
with two lamas: Terton Perna Lingpa
(gTer ston Padma gl ing pa, 1450-1521 )
and "the master named Konchok Trinle''
(dKon mchog 'phrin las mtshan can, i.e.,
probably dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang
po, Dri 26. 16.56-1718).605
This carefully and skillfully executed thangka is not in a typical Driri
style. The clouds are not the usual Driri
ones. nor are they lhe usual non-Driri
ones (from the Menri or Karma Gardri).
Still. we should note lhe flat oversize
lotus petals beneath the main deity as
a possible Driri feature. A tiny monk
ritualist is seated in lhe landscape before
his ritual altar. holding aloft a drum and
evoking the deity before and above him.
(Does the labe l say .m gags pa. i.e .. tantrika? ) 1 take him to be an avidly practicing disciple of the las t lama depicted at
the top right (the eminent abbot-artist
Konchok Trinle Zan gpo. Dri 26). My
hunch is that this painting dates to his
tenure or that of the following abbot (Dri
27), tenure 1718-1747.
Figure 8.23 is a fairly late painting
ofYamari of the Gya Shangtrom
tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage.
Though it is a full-colo r painting, we
shall see several more depictions of the
same deity among the black thangkas
that follow. The flames behind the
Ftc. 8.2.2
Padmasambhnvn in Wrathful Form (Guru
Drakpo)
Early 18th ccnrury (1720s-1740s)
29 3!11 x 2 1 516 in. (74.5 x 55 em)
Priv:ue Collection
Lirerarure: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 25.
main figure are lined with a series of
Driri clouds.
Professor Driesch mentioned a second typical Driri feature: "Aames flicker
in a broad. meandering form, sloped or
slanted almost horizontally.'' r suspect
that he was talking about depictions of
meandering flames lhat we find both here,
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
163
f1C. 8.~3
Yamllri of the Gya Shangtrom Tradition
wirh a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
Lare 19th or early 20rh century (ca.
1870s- 1906)
21 \4 x 17 in. (54 x 43 em)
Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren,
Basel
© Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland
Lirerarure: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989,
no. 1-109 (ll-330); and D. Jackson 2002,
appendix, thangka no. 11.
164
CHAPTER
8
14
24
32
36
38
12 10 8 6 4 2 I
22 20 18 16
30 28 26
34
~
.)
5 7 9 II 13 15
17 19 21 23 25
27 29 31 33
35 37
39
in Figure 8.23, and in Figure 8.20. The
leeward side of the mass of flames (i.e.,
on the right) has the more usual pointed
Driri flame-tips. But if we look at the
windward (i .e., the viewer's left) side we
see unusual loops of flames that I think
Professor Driesch was referring to. The
loops of flame leave gaps through which
one can see the backgrow1d.
The lotus beneath the central deity
has petals that are depicted in a series
of eight upward pointing ones above
and eight more that lie flat, below.
(Note the pair of buffalos crouching
beneath the lotus seat of the main figure, supporting it.)
The painting was previously
published by Essen and Thingo, who
identified the main deity as MaiijusrfYamantaka ('Jan1 dpal gShin rje gshed)
and said the deity played roughly the
san1e role in the Nyingma as Vajrabhairava does in the Sam1apa Schools.606
They dated it to the early eighteenth
century, though the lineage indicates the
late nineteenth century. They classified
the painting as "Nyingma," though here
the later transmission was through the
Drigung Kagyu , a "New Translation"
(Sarmapa) sect.
Essen and Thingo give the names
of the lineal masters somewhat arbitrarily. The actual lineage order is shown
in Diagram [F] . The most prominent
treasure-revealer of the lineage appears
as guru number 13, though he is simply
called by that title (terton), with no other
names or titles supplied in his label.
(He is no doubt Terton Gya Shangtrom.
rGya Zhang khrom rOo rje 'od 'bar.)
Note also the presence of gurus number 23 and 24- Je Ratna and Chogyal
PhUntshok- where the lineage joins the
Drigung Kagyu.
The thi rty-nine lineal masters'
names as provided by Essen and Thingo
are:
I . mGon po Kun gzigs
2 . sDud mdzad rnon po
3. ' Byams ['Jam] dpal shes gnyen
4. sDud mdzad phyag rdor
5. Ye shes snying po
6. dGa' rab rdo rje
7. Khrag thung nag po
8. Shanti garbha
9. Padma ' byWlg gnas
10. Nam mkha'i snying po
II . Sangs rgyas ye shes
12. gTsug lag dpal dge
13. gTer ston [rGya Zhang khrom]
14. Ba su rda ra (Vasudhara)
15. Lha rje gNub chlmg
16. sKu zhang dpal
17. Byang chub mgon po
18. Rig 'dzin gSang ba
19. Tshul khrims mtshan can
20. Tshul khrims rin chen
2 1. Nam mkha ' mtshan can
22. Dza chos Rin chen rdo rje
23. rJe Ratna (Dri 18 Gyalwang Rinchen Phtintshok)
24. Chos rgyal phun tshogs (Chogyal
Rinchen PhUntshok, 1547- 1602)
(Dri 22)
25. [PaQ chen] dKon mchog lbun grub
26. Chos kyi grag[s] pa (1595-1659)
(Dri 25)
27. Na ro pa [Na ro pa gnyis pa bKra
shis phun tshogs] (1574-1628)
(Dri 23)
28. ' Phrin las bzang po ( 1656-1718)
(Dri 26)
29. Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754)
(Dri 27)
30. bsTan 'dzin 'gro ' dul ( 1724-1766)
(Dri 28)
31. dPalldan Gar chen pa (mGar
sprul dKon mchog bstan ' dzin
chos kyi nyi ma)
32. Padma rgyal mtshan (1770-1826)
(Dri 30)
33. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan ( 17931826) (Dri 3 1)
34. Chos kyi nyi ma (1755-1792)
(Dri 29?)
35. Chos nyid nor bu ( 1827- 1865)
(Dri 33)
36. 'Gar chen Byang chub dbang po
(Fifth 'Gar sPrul)
37. [name missing]
38. Thugs rje' i nyi ma (1828-1881)
(Dri 34)
39. dKon mchog ting ' dzin [=bstan
' dzin?] chos kyi blo gros (Dri 35.
abbacy 1871- 1906).
Twelve among the later lamas wear
Drigung Kagyu gomsha. Je Ratna (Dri
18 Rinchen PhUntshok) and the four following him, however, do not. The first is
dressed as a Nyingma lay yogi, whi le the
other four wear red pWldit hats.
WRATHFUL D EITIES IN BLACK
THANGKAS
Black thangkas were the second main
painting type or palette used for painting wrathful deities in thangkas. Called
nag !hang in Tibetan, they were painted
on solid ink-black backgrounds and
form a distinctive genre in tenllS of predom inant base color (and considering
other aspects of their production). They
forn1ed a special genre also in te rms of
their main iconographic subject matter.
since they depicted almost exclusively
protective (snmg ma) or wrathful (khro
bo) deities. In monasteries they typical ly
hang in the Gonkhang temples dedicated
to protective deities.
For many years scholars held
black thangkas to have been a fairly
recent development. Tucci, for instance,
believed he had never seen one that
dated earlier than the eighteenth century.607 After Tucci's time, one of the
earliest "datable" black thangkas was
thought to be a painting of Pal den
Lhan10 that was dated to the 1630s.608
But surely another black thangka from
the same collection was much earlierdatable to the fifteenth century at least.
Pal in his Tibetan Paintings depicted
that older black thangka (which he then
dated to the seventeenth century).609
Much later Pal would date the same
painting of Six-armed Mallakala from
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
I65
Ftc. 8.~4
Lokasmrrapuja Uigren Chota, Seventh of
the Eight Pronouncements)
Ca. 17th century
30 x 21 in. (76.2 x 53.3 em)
Rubin Museum of Arr
Fl996.16.4 (HAR 461)
t66
CHAPTER
8
3
2
4
the Ford collection to the late fourteenth
or early fifteenth century.610
4. Vajramrta
the painting would date to just before the
5. Vajraki lay a
Driri style became established in Dri-
Aldo Mignucci in his article of
2000 showed that the tradition began
6. Matarah
7. Lokastotrapuja Natha
gung. (Two Drigtmg Kagyu lineage gurus
of about that period also wear pundit's
much earlier, docwnenting in his article
8. Vajramantrabhi ru
hats in Fig. 826.) I could not, however,
a Taklung Kagyu example depicting
two Mahlikiilas that was painted in the
"Pal a" (Eastern-Indian inspired Sharri)
style and that could be dated to the early
fourteenth century.611 (Probably it came
from Riwoche in Khan1.) For more on
black thangkas and three main classes
of wrathful deities, see Rob Linrothe's
find labels in support of that.
The ordering of the four gurus,
who are depicted in the sky above the
One distinctive feature of the lama
on the left is the golden emblem or sym-
main figure, is as shown in Diagram [G).
bolic device (phyag mtshan) possibly
of Maiijusrr, whose stem he holds in his
Olaf Czaja in his presentation in Kobe
noticed the identity of the treasure
revealer (gter sto11), identifying the four
lineal masters as: 613
introductory chapter to his Demonic
Divine catalog.612
Figure 8.24 is one of the earliest black thangkas from the Drigung
Kagyu that I will present here. It depicts
as its central deity Lokastotrapuja or
Jigten Choto ('Jig rten mchod bstod)
in Tibetan, who is seventh an1ong the
Eight-Pronouncement (bKa' brgyad)
deities of the Nyingma. This wrathful
deity is associated with the eighthcentury Indian adept Ran1bu or Rombu
Guhyacandra (Rigs 'd:in Rom bu Gu he
tsa1ula).
The Eight Pronouncements are for
hands. This may be a special honor paid
to All-knowing (Kun mkhyen) Rigdzin
C hodrak, as the definitive scholiast of
his tradition. In that case, the lama to his
I. Rig 'dzin Rom bu Gu he Tsandra
right would be one of his most eminent
(Guhyacandra, b. 8th century)
and learned disciples. The thangka could
still date to the last few decades of the
2. sLob dpon Dpal gyi seng ge (b.
8th century)
3. Rigs 'dzin Bdud 'joms rdo rje
( 1512- 1625?)
4. Rig 'dzin Gnam lcags me 'bar
alias Rin chen phun tshogs
( 1509- 1557).
Figure 8.25 seems to be another
fairly early black thangka among those
presented here. A wonderful work of art,
with striking, colorful landscape detai ls
seventeenth century, before the Driri
conventions were more firmly fixed.
Figure 8.26 depicts in a black
thangka Yan1ari of the Gya Shangtrom
tradition with a Drigung Kagyu lineage.
This painting from the Rubin Museum
of Art was previously described as
" MaiijusrrYamari" ('Jam dpal gshin
rje) by HAR, which gives an exhaustive description of the iconography.614
The textual source cited in the HAR
tral deity Four-armed Mahakiila. Though
661 entry was the 'Dod 'jo bum bzang
"Excellent WISh-granting Vase," a col-
I . Enlightened body ('Jam dpal sku)
2. Speech (Pad rna gsung)
the painting was assumed to be a work
of Kagyu patronage, the precise school
lection of Nyingma treasure-teaching
sadhanas compiled by Terdak Lin.gpa
3. Mind (Yang dag thugs)
affiliation of this painting has previously
been unclear. However, now it seems
(gTer bdag Gling pa, 1646-1714) and
achieving:
4 . Noble qualities (bDud rtsi yon
tan)
in the background, it depicts as its cen-
likely that it originated in the Drigung
his younger brother Lochen Dharmashrr
(Lo chen Dharma shrr, 1654-1718),
5. Enlightened activities (Phur pa
Kagyu tradition.
which was a forerunner of Kongtrtil 's
phrin las)
6 . Liberating sorcery (Ma mo rbod
The treatment of the standing
Cakrasanwara at the top center with its
Rinchen Terdzo (Rill che gter md:od)
collection.615 The siidhana of the 'Dod
'jo bum bzang collection were cataloged
gtong)
7. Worship and eulogies (for worldly
deities) ('Jig rten mchod bstod)
8 . Wrathful mantras (d.Mod pa drag
sngags)
special body nimbus is reminiscent of
the Drigung Kagyu painting. My working hypothesis is that the painting dates
to about the time between the twenty-
by Loden Sherap Dagyab in his book of
1991.616
This form of Yan1ari depicted in
fifth and twenty-sixth abbots, Rigdzin
Figure 8.26 should be called in Tibetan:
The corresponding main deities, the
Chtidrak and Konchok Trinle Zangpo,
i.e., the mid- to late sixteenth century. If
Tshe bdag nag po Yang zlog me ' i spu
gri. For that lineage, the 'Dod 'jo bum
Eight Herukas, are:
the two lamas depicted at the top right
bzang, a compilation of Nyingma
and left with pundit hats draped fiat over
teachings in the seventeenth century
their heads depict Rigdzin Chodrak (who
wears a pw1dit hat in Fig. 7.8) to the right
by Nyingma hierarchs, does not give
the tradition that was actually trans-
and another learned guru to the left, then
mitted under the influence of Rinchen
I . Yamantaka
2 . Hayagrrva
3. Vishuddha
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I67
Frc. 8.25
Four-armed Mah!lk:ila
Last quarte r or the 17th century
30 !A x 2H4 in. (44.5 x 30.8 ern)
Phorograph by David De Armas
Rubin Museu m or An
F1998.1.10 (HAR 634)
Literature: R. Linrothe and J. Wan 2004,
fig. 2.31.
I68
CHAPT ER
8
Phlintshok within the Drigung School.
In the present tradition the deities of
the entourage of Yamari have different names, which are not fully given in
the 'Dod 'jo bum bzang, in which the
relevant siidhana (entitled 'Jam dpa/
gshin rje gshed yang ::.log me'i spu gri'i
sgrub tlwbs) includes just three deities:
Yamari, his consort, and his son.617
Note that gurus number 16
through 18 are slightly out of order
( 16 and 18 should change places). The
lineage seems to include about eight
Drigung Kagyu lamas at the end. Several relevant lineages are given in the
Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings
received.621 He gives the more generally
shared ones as well as those that are
An inscription is found on the back
of the painting, but it does not reveal the
name of the patron.6 18 The expected lineage order does not agree in places with
the dates of the masters. The ordering of
its gurus is shown in Diagram [H). The
specifically Drigung Kagyu (marked
with a 'bri in his text) .622
lineal masters can be Iisted: 6 19
abbacy. The yogilsiidhaka seated below
at the bottom to the left of center is
dressed as a cotton-clad yogi (ras pa)
with a snake hair style. He seemed at
first glance to be the last lama's disciple.
Rase Konchok Gyatsho in his Dri-
I. bsDud mdzad phyag rdor
2. 'Jam dpal ye shes
3 . 'Jam dpal bshes gnyen
4 . bsDud mdzad rOo rje rnon po
5. Ye shes snying po
6 . dGa ' rab rdo rje
thuno0 nao0 po
7 . Khrao
0
8 . Shanti garbha
9 . gTer ston Lha snubs brgyud
10. Nam mkha'i snyi.ng po
I I . Vasudhara
12. gTer ston rGya Shang grom [rGya
Zhang khrom rOo rje 'od 'bar]
Since the last guru depicted was
Konchok Tendzin Drodlil ( 1724-1766),
the painting could be dated to roughly
the 1740s- 1760s, the decades of his
gung History ('Bri gung chos 'byung)
records that Konchok Tendzin Drodlil 's
teacher for sacred art was the painter
with a rare but impressive name: Painter
Konchok Lhawang (Lha bris dKon
mchog lha dbang). 623 (Lha dbang means
"Master of Deities" or ·'Lord of Gods.")
With Figure 8.26 we have surely arrived
in their period and maybe even have
13. gTsug lag dpal dge
14. Padma ' byung gnas
(Padmasambhava)
confronted the personal style of that
painter. Note the striking depiction of
two buffalos under the lotus seat of the
15. sNub Sangs rgyas ye shes
16. Rig 'dzin Chos kyi grags pa (Dri
25, 1595-1659)
central figure.
Figure 8.27 is yet another black
thangka depicting Yamari in Terton Gya
Shangtrom's tradition with a Drigung
Kagyu lineage. Now preserved in Basel,
it was first published by Essen and
Thin go, who described it as "MaiijusrTYamantaka," dating it to the eighteen til
century.624 They did not identify it as
Drigung Kagyu , though they noted tile
Nyingma origin of its lineage.
The painting may have been commissioned by a disciple of Chokyi
Nyima, i.e., two or tllree generations earlier than the dating proposed by Essen
and Thin go. The correct arrangement of
the lineal lamas is as shown in Diagran1
17. rJe bKra shis phun tshogs
( 1574-1628)
18. Rin chen phun tshogs
(1509-1557)
19. Pat~ chen dKon mchog !hun grub
20. dKon mchog ' phrin las don grub
chos kyi rgyal po ( 1704-1754)
21. Chos rgyal phun tshogs
(? 1547- 1602)
22. dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang po
[Dri 26, 1656-17l8]
23. elKon mchog bstan 'dzin ' gro ' dul
(Dri 28, 1724-1766)620
[I]. According to the inscriptions, the
nan1es of the gurus are:
1. 'Jam dbyangs
2 . rOo rje rnon po
3. Phyag rdor
4. dGa' rab rdo rje
5. ' Jam dpal shes gnyen
6. Shanti garbha
7. Ye shes snying po
8. Nam mkha' i snying po
9. Khrag thung nag po
10 . rGya Shang sgrom
II . Lha rje sNub chung
12. gTsug lag dpal dge
l3. sLob dpon chen po
[Padmasambhava]
14. Ba su dha ra
15. sNub Sangs rgyas ye shes
16. rOyal dbang Ratna [Gyalwang
Rinchen Phlintshok] (Dri 18)
17. Chos rgyal phun tshogs ( 1547J602) (Dri 22)
18 . bKra shis phuo tshogs ( 15741628) (Dri 23)
19. [Rig ' dzin] Chos kyi grag[s] pa
( 1595-1659) [first Chungtsang]
(Dri 25)
20. Don grub chos rgyal ( 1704-1754)
(Dri 27)
21 . 'Phrin las bzang po (1656-1718)
[out of order] (Dri 26)
22. dPal gyi rgya mtsho
23 . bsTan 'dzin 'gro 'dul ( 1724-1766)
(Dri 28)
24. dPal Idan mGar chen pa (mGar
sprul)
25. Chos kyi nyi rna ( 1755-1792)
(Dri 29)
Since tile last generation of guru
depicted was 25, Chokyi Nyima (Dri
29), the painting probably dates roughly
to his abbacy: 1766-1788. In the lineage, Terton Gya Shangtrom is guru 10.
The lineage jumps from (gum 15) Nub
Sanggye Yeshe to the Drigung tradition
in the time of gurus 16 and 17: Gyalwang Ratna (rOyal dbang Ratna alias
Gyalwang Rinchen Phlintshok, Dri 18)
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
I69
f tG. 8.2.6
Yamliri of the Gya Sbangrrom Tradition
wi th a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
Ti bet; Mid· to late 18th cemury
(1740s- 1760s)
20 -14 x 13 'A in. (52. 7 x 33.7 em)
Photograph by David De Armas
Rubin Museum of Art
F1998.16.3 (HAR 661)
Literature: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 15.
170
CHAPTER 8
10
16
8
6
14
12
20
18
22
4
2
I
3
5
7
J3
9
15
19
II
17
21
23
8.2.7
Yamilri of the Gya Shangrrom's Tradition
with a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
Mid- or lare 18th century (1760s-1780s)
19 '/s x 15 % in. (48.5 x40cm)
Essen Collection, Musewn der Kulruren,
Basel
© Museum der Kulturen Basel, Switzerland
Literature: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989,
no. Il-331; and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 3.
F IG.
10
18
22
24
8
16
20
6 4
14 12
2
I
~
.)
5
13
7
15
9
II
17
21
19
23
25
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I7I
f1C. 8.1.8
Yamllri of the Gya Sbanguom Trad1rion
with a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
Ca. 1920s- 1940s
20 'h x 13 in. (52 x 33 em)
Rubin Museum of An
F1997 ..l.7 (HAR 79)
Literature: D. Jackson 2002, Appendix,
rhangka no. 16.
1]1.
CHAPTER
8
12
37
10
23
35
39
8 6
21 19
31 29
33
4
17
27
2
I
IS
14
25
~
.)
16
26
5
18
28
7
20
30
9
22
32
34
II
13
24
36
40
38
and Chogyal Phtintshok (Chos rgyal
phun tshogs, Dri 22).
The yogilsiidhaka depicted again
(as in Fig. 8.26) wearing white robes
at the bottom margin to the left of the
central offerings could, I first thought.
be a disciple of Dri 29. But the same
figure is repeated in the preceding and
in all successive renderings of this
subject and hence belongs to its basic
iconography- presumably he depicts an
important early adept/yogi of the tradition. Another repeated feature of the iconography is that the central figure's seat
rests on two buffaloes, whose grotesque
human-corpse-devouring heads are
depicted here in great detail. (The head
on the right looks up at the central deity.)
Figure 8.28 depicts Yamari of
the Gya Shangtrom tradition with a
Drigung Kagyu lineage in yet another
black thangka. Previously described as
"MaiijusrTYamari" ('Jam dpal gShin
rje ), this painting depicts a full later
Drigung Kagyu lineage, though I could
not find any naming inscriptions.625 If
we count all the gurus, we reach a total
number of f01ty, which when compared
with the earlier lineages portrayed leads
to a rough dating to the mid- or late
twentieth century.
The arrangement of the lineal
lamas is shown in Diagram [J]. If guru
number 22 of the diagram is Je Ratna
(Dri 18) and the Drigung lineage begins
with him, then gum number 40 would
be roughly 18 gurus later, i.e., we arrive
at the abbacy of Dri 40, the present generation (late twentieth century). Yet the
lineage count from Je Ratna (Rinchen
Phtintshok) to the final generation in the
full-palette late painting Figure 8.23 is
just two fewer, though there the final
guru indicated by inscriptions is Dri
35.626 So my guess is that the painting
dates to about Dri 37. i.e., to roughly
the 1920s- 1940s, which will remain my
working estimate until a comparable
painting with inscriptions becomes
available. The final gum (number 40) is
realistically depicted as a lay yogi with
long hair tied up in a top-knot.
The painting depicts about seventeen lamas with Drigung gomsha (gurus
number 23- 39) . As in other paintings
of this deity, the iconography calls for
grotesque buffalo heads that jut out from
under the seat of the main deity and in
the lower landscape a yogi is shown
very realistically, performing
his rituals.
Figure 8.29 depicts a different
wrathful deity specialized in by Drigung
Kagyu lamas: the Lion-headed l;)akii)I
(Seng gdong can rna) with a retinue of
four. The painting was first publ.ished by
Essen and Thingo, who dated it to the
seventeenth century.627 The three masters
at the top are arranged as in Diagram [K].
The labels identify the lamas as:
( 1) Padmasambhava, (2) Bari Lotsawa
(Ba ri Lo tsa ba, Rin chen grags (10401111), and (3 ). [Rigdzin] ChOdrak (Dri
25, 1595-1659).1 suspect that it was
commissioned by a disciple of Rigdzin
Chodrak and hence date it provisionally
to the mid- or late seventeenth century.
Figure 8.30 depicts again (as in
Fig. 8.29) the Lion-headed QakiQT (Seng
gdong can rna) as its main figure, but here
with only one accompanying deity. The
painting is surely one of the most striking
and col01ful black thangkas that I have
ever seen. Pratapaditya Pal, who assigned
it to "eastern Tibet, late 17th century"
was also much impressed by it:628 "The
artist has created a more surrealistic and
expressive design where multi-coloured
rocks outlined in gold float like icebergs
in a sea of blood whose waves dance with
the san1e rhythm as the leaping tongues
of fire." Pal added, "We do not know the
order for which the thangka ... was done,
but among the seven monks portrayed at
the top is Sakya Blo gros (third from the
top on the right) who was a member of
with Sakya or its Khon family. Seven
lamas are pictured in the top part of the
painting, most of whose names are legible enough to be read from the golden
labels in the published illustration. I
show their arrangement in Diagram [L].
Their names are:
1. rJe Ratna pa (=Gyalwang Rinchen
Phtintshok) (Dri 18)
2 . ' Phrin las bzang po ( 1656-1718)
(Dri 26?)
3 . [hatless lama, no label seen]
4 . Don grub chos rgyal (1704-1754)
(i.e., Tri nle Dondrup? Dri 27)
5. Padma rgyal mtshan? ( 17701826) (Dri 30)
6. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (Dri 31)
7. dKon mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi
blo gros (Lho sprul, 1801 - 1859,
Dri 32)
The final figure (guru 7), Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, was a very
eminent Drigung Kagyu lama from
Nangchen district of northwestern Kham
whose title as reincarnate lama was Lho
Trulku (Lhotrtil). (His monastic seats
in Nangchen were Parma [sPar rna] and
Miyel Kagyu Phodrang [Mi g.yel bKa'
brgyud Pho brang] .) Indeed, he is even
counted as thirty-second abbot of Drigung, since he served as minority regent
during the time in question, from 1827
to 1832.1 suspect this painting reflects
that particular period, when high lamas
of Drigung who were disciples of that
regent from Kham could patronize such
strikingly lmusual works of art. For me.
it falls chronologically into the " Nineteenth-century Karma Gardri Kagyu
Interval," but I cannot say whether it
came from eastern Tibet or was created
by a thangka painter from Kham.
the Khon fan1ily and a disciple of Atisa."
The monk Pal mentions seems
actually to be named Konchok Tendzin
Chokyi Lou·o, who had no known links
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I 73
f tG. 8.2.9
Lion-headed Oaku)f
Mid- or late 1 hh century
12 ~ x 9 1A in. (31 x 23.5 em)
Essen Collection, Museum der Kulruren,
Basel
© Museum der Kulruren Basel, Switzerland
Lirerarure: G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989,
vol. 2, p. 161, no. ll-343; and D. Jackson
2002, Appendix, rhangka no. 13.
I74
CHAPTER
8
2
3
Ftc. 8.30
lion-headed l)akinr
Early 19th century (I 820s- I 840s)
19 x 12~ in. (48.1 x 32.9 em)
Private Collection
literature: P. Pal1984, p. 152 and pl. 76;
and D. Jackson 2002, Appendix, rhangka
no. 12.
2
4
6
3
5
7
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
I75
Recent Mural Sites in Lamayuru and
Phyang Monasteries
IN
LADAKH in the last two centu-
ries, the Tsangri style ofTashilhunpo
dominated in many circles. Still, in the
nineteenth century the Driri style was
also regularly practiced at such major
Drigung branch monasteries as Phyang
and Lamayuru. The Driri's continued yet
tenuous existence as a minor painting
tradition is also suggested by the presence of a resident Drigung Kagyu artist
at Phyang Monastery in the 1930s and
in recent decades by the career of the
monk-painter Yeshe Jamyang of Lamayuru.629 (The careers of three Ladakhi
artists who painted in Drigtmg Kagyu
monasteries are described in chapter 10.)
ln this chapter I briefly introduce
five sites of relatively late- i.e., midnineteenth to mid-twentieth centurymural painting in Ladakh, concentrating
on sites within the two prominent
monasteries of Lamayuru and Phyang.
I have selected five that can be dated to
within a decade or two of their creation.
I present three from lanterns because
they confirm the dating by their depictions of lineages. They include two maio
murals from the Lamayuru Cheorezik
Lhakhang, one from the Lamayuru
Gonkhang, and two from Ph yang. To list
them roughly chronologically:
1. Lamayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang.
Dukhang and Inner Sanctum,
ground floor (mid- or late 1860s).
2 . Lamayuru, Chenrezig Lhakhang,
Dukhang, Lantern, ( 1870s)
3 . Lamayuru, Gookhang (late 1920s
or early 1930s)
Detail of Fig. 9.3
4. Phyang, Tshokkhang, Lantern
( 1871- 1906)
5. Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, Lantern,
central wal 1 ( 1927- 1940)
NINETEENTH- CENTURY MURALS
OF UMAYURU
David Snellgrove visited Lamayuru a
second time in 1979, describing it in his
memoirs as "a veritable museum" with
wonderful murals:630
I was happy to revisit this monastery, which occupies such a fantastic position, built on rocks half
way along the route down from the
Photo La ( 13,432 ft.) to Khalatse.
Lamayuru was largely rebuilt in
the mid-19th century since the last
devastation by the invading Dogras
from Jammu and Kashmir.
Snellgrove remarked on the excellent
quality of both the recent murals (of the
New Dukhang) depicting the Kings of
the Four Quarters in the antechamber,
and the sacrificial cakes (forma) in the
Gonkhang, "which would surely win a
prize." Both murals and tom1a were the
handiwork of a monk-artist from Lamayuru, Yeshe Jamyang. He continued: 63 1
On this second more leisurely visit,
we resided in the monastery for
two days; I had time to appreci ate the high quality of the painting
work recently carried out in the
other parts of the monastery. The
•·assembly hall'' is very impressive
indeed with its beautifully painted
antechamber illustrating the Wheel
of Life, the Kings of the Four
Quarters, and miniature paintings
illustrating the keeping of vows
in an idealized monastic setting.
As for the images, set against the
main facing wall. there is a row
of high lamas of the 'Bri-gung-pa
Order most elegantly arranged. In
the temple of protecting divinities
(srung klwng) a high cupboard
contains an array of sacrificial
cakes (gtor ma.), which might
surely win a prize were such prizes
offered for these displays. It also
contains in glass-fronted cases
images of the founder .. . and A-ci .
There is also another small temple
for Guardian Deities {the mGon
khan g) just to the right of the
Assembly Hall, with painted walls
illustrating a whole variety of such
" guardians,'' namely Vishnu and
Brahma, converted to the Buddhist
faith , the ubiquitous Thang-lha
(God of the Plain), Tshe-ring-ma
(Goddess of Long Life), yet again
A-ci and so on. Also there are
paintings of Sakyamuni and the
16 Arhats, and a series of images
including Mi-la Ras-pa, Mar-pa
and 'Jig-rten mGoo-po.
The main monastic structure of
Lamayuru, which was thoroughly renovated after 1842, is situated on the peak
which overhangs the village. According
to the research notes of Marc Fran~ois,
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U S CHOOL
I 77
FIC. 9.1
General view of Lamayuru monastic
complex in the 1970s
Photograph afrer Romi Khosla 197 9, fig.
103 .
it was enlarged to its actual proportions
at the beginning of the twentieth century
by the thirty-first Ladakh Ch()je, Togdan
ChoktrUI Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshan
(rTogs ldan mchog sprul Ngag dba ng
Blo gros rGyal mtshan. 186 9-1 934). Its
walls. five stories tall. enclose on the
first floor the Gokhang (sgo khan g), i.e.,
the vestibule of the oldest ass em bly ball,
and the Dukhang, which is con tinu ed by
the Achikhang.6:n On the second story
is found the Gonkhang: on the third, the
recent Byarns pa khang: and on the fifth
floor one finds the residence roo ms of
the monastery 's main lam a, wh ich are
named: Shel kha ng, Sha r khan g. and
dPus kyi gzims chung.633 Sin ce 1996
o n the facade of the fifth story, altars of
the three principal protectors (wh o were
commonly called: A mgon cho s gsum).
were visible from the outside because of
their colors (white. blu e. and red ).
Th e entire Lamayuru Monastery
was much damaged by the invasion
by the Dogras of Jammu in 1834 and
the looting by their army led by Wazir
Zorawar Singh. which had been dispatched to Ladakh by Maharaja Gu lab
Singh of Kashmir. In 1841 Zorawar
Singh returned to Ladakh with an arm y of
six thousand troops .634 Th e Dogra invaders were defeated in the Purang district of
western Tibet by a central Tibetan army
late r in 184 1. but Ladakh remained under
Jammu and Kashmir. which in 1846 cam e
under the rule of British lndia.635
Th e dam age at Lamayuru was to
a large ext ent repaired afte r 1842 by
its "fa mo us renovator ," Lam a Rangdrol Nyima.636 Th at lama, it sho uld
be explained. was the first Bakula
Tru1ku Rangdrol Ny ima ( 180 1-1 858 ),
wh o served as Ladakh Ch oje from
1843- 185 8 (functioning as abbot of
178
C HAP T ER
9
both Phy ang and Lamayuru). Rangdrol Nyima studied as a you ng man
in 0 Province of central Tibet at the
important Drigung branch monastery
Yan<>ri Gar (and under Dri 31, ChOkyi
0
G yaltshen ?) .637
TH E CH EN RE ZIG LH AK JlA NG
(AVALOKlTESVARA TE MP LE )
Th e last temple of Lamayuru that Snellorove visited in 1979 was the Chcnrezig
"Lhakhang:
6J8
On our previous vis it we see m to
have missed see ing one very interest ing tem ple . wh ich ma y be as
late as the 19th century or eve n the
20t h century. wh ich is dedicated
to Avalokite5vara and contains
murals , cov erin g all fou r walls.
illustrating the life of Sakyamuni,
a very usual theme, but also "pr evious life'" IJataka] stories, as
con tain ed in an old collection of
suc h stories, known as "Th e Wi se
Ma n and the Fool .. lmD :an gs bltm ]
wh ich has been popular reading in
the Tib eta n Buddhist lands.
Th e Chenrezig Lhakhang is
in a separate building of its ow n. In
her forthcoming paper. ·'Lamayuru
(Ladakh}- Chenrezik Lhakhang: Th e
Ba r do thos gro f Illustrated as a Mural
Painting," Kristin Blancke describes the
temple and its murals as "the Chenrezik
Lhakhang. rising by the side of a thicket
of willows in the northern section of
the monastic com pou nd, between the
monastery kitchen and the small monks"
schooJ.''639 She continu es:
According to local sources. the
location of this hall corresponds
to the original site of the northern mo st of the five temples. Th e
reconstruction and decoration of
this temple see ms to have been a
project particularly dea r to Rangdrol Nyima. Th e temple dedicated
to Ch enr ezi k (Avaloki te5vara) is
used mainly wh en people con gre oate there to recite one hundred
"million Ch
enr ezi k mantras. especially in the first fifteen day s of the
Tib eta n year and for one we ek during summer.
Th e main feature in the hall is a
Iaroe ele ven -he ade d and thousand"ed Chenrezi k statue . A Iocal
arm
informant told me that Ba kul a
Rangdrol Ny ima commissioned
the paintings in the hall so as to
instruct his people about what it
takes to become a Bu ddh a (the
south-east wall at the sides and
above the main entrance is covered
with detailed mural paintings of
the Jataka tales and the life of the
Buddha) and the way to get there
through the devotional practice of
Avalokite5vara.
On the north-west wall. on
the left near the door to the inner
sanctum, there is a beautiful
although very damaged painting of
Avalokite5vara. with rays of light
emanating from his heart to each
of the six realms of samsara in
order to eliminate the s ufferino0 of
all beings. The mural paintings on
the right band side (north -eastern
direction). representing the visions
one has during the intermediate
state (bar do) between death and
rebirth ....
Blancke explains Rangdrol Nyima 's
motives:600
From an interview with Lama
Ko nchok Gyatso in Lamayuru
(June 2009) !learned tha t Ra noo
drol Nyima. while dev oti no0 all his
efforts to rebuild the entire monastery, was particularly interested
in the Cbenrezik Temple because
he had a very strong personal connection with Avalokite§vara. From
Lama Konchok Rigzin I heard that ,
while staying at Tritapuri during
his pilgrimage to Mo unt Kailash ,
Rangdrol Nyima had apparently
received an object with the Chenrezik mantra from a ntlga. and this
has been put inside the main statue
in the temple .
An earlier source. the 1999
Lamayuru guide book of Jina and Namgyal, erroneously said the temple was
erected in Rangdrol Nyima's mem ory,
after his passing away.''" The building, which that source also called the
"Rangdrol Nyima Building." includes
an mner sanctum. a cen tral assembly
ball ('du khang, with the Bardo-deity
murals), and verandah (sgo kha11g). The
entire temple. if built in the memory of
Rangdrol Nyima. would have been built
after the death of the Second Bakula
'
Rangdrol Nyima (tenure Ladakh Chos
rje 1843- 1858). who was still living in
1862.641 Yet Jina and Namgyal also said
the temple was about one hundred fiftyseven years o ld. which in 1999 would
have made its foundatio n year 1842.643
The main Tibetan-language source
on Lamayuru's history cited by Jina
and Namgyal and others is Ranodrol
c
Nyima ·s History of Lamayum.,.. In
their bibliography. they list that work as
''Rongdol Nima, History of Lamayuru
Monastery (i n Sodhi Language), unpublished script preserved in Lamayuru
Monastery."645 They ci te or quote it
frequentl y in their chapte r I, "Historical
Background.'' The hero of the revival
of Lama yuru in the 1840s-1860s was
Lama Rangdrol Nyima.t>-16
Frc. 9.2.
Peaceful nnd wrathfu l deities of the Bardo
Ground floor, centra l Dukhang, Chenrezik
Lhakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s
Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0 . Dyhrenfurth
uterature: M. PalllS 1939, facing p. 249
[1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213):
~Painting at Yuru. Dtvinities with their
consort energies under both peaceful
and terrible aspects," and D.jackson
2002, appendix, murals, (3) Derails from
Lamayuru Murals.
Kris tin Blancke also described
the author of the Lamayuru history,
correctly dating hi s period. thou2h
not knowing his exact year of birth:c.n
' 'Bakula Rangdrol Nyima was the abbot
of Lamayuru monastery. The dates of
his birth and death are unknown, but he
was a contemporary ofTsUitrim Nyima
( 1796-1872) of Rizong monastery, and
the two wo rked close Iy together."
I estimate Rangdrol Nyi ma 's dates
as from 1800/180 I to about 1879. 1
have seen two birth dates for Ranodrol
c
~
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
I79
Nyima: 1800 and 180J.M~~ Fran~ois gave
a death date of 1858, which was too
early. since his history dates to 1862.
I suspect he died in the late 1870s. A
strong hint to that effect is the fact that
his rebirth as Bakula Rangdrol Nyima
Tulku was said to have been in 1880.649
Normally the rebirths occur about a year
after the death of a tnlkn, so I provisionally suggest that he may have died in
about 1879.
One small area from the Chenrezik
Lhakhang's murals was photographed
by GUnter Dyhrenfurth in the 1930s and
published by Marco Pall is. (See Fig.
9 .2) Though some scholars thought this
was from the Gonkhang, it turned out to
portray the Bardo murals of this chapel.
We can now easily identify the deities
depicted as belonging to the peaceful
and wrathful deities from that cycle of
teachings. (See Fig. 93.)
DATING THE MAIN MuRALs
Concerning the date of construction
and decoration of the temple. Kri sti n
Blancke says, "From one inscription in
the temple we learn that the Chenrezik
Lhakhang was built and decorated in the
'year of the horse' a favorable year to
go on pilgrimage to Mount Kailash."6 ji)
Blancke continues: ''Most probably this
must have been either 1846/1847 or
1858/1859." Though she does not mention it, it could have been the iron-horse
year ( 1870171).
One of the lay helpers who were
assisting the painters to meet their daily
needs for food. etc., during the five
summers of work selflessly decided
to stay behind in the summer of that
horse year and continued to support
those painters. Rangdrol Nyima (who I
assume wrote the fairly long inscription
summarized by Blancke) mentioned him
by name, commending his sacri lice and
had a picture of Mount Kailash painted
for him; seeing its painted form was
also highly beneficial, Rangdrol Nyima
180
CHAPTER
9
-
. .... .
•
•
•••
•
reminded that pious layman. That is
the unusual origin of the depiction of
Mount Kailash as a little detail on one
wall. (See Fig. 9.5.)
The inscription states that during
the five consecutive summers when the
painting work was being done. the workers can1e to a horse year. So the period
in which the painting was executed was
not a single horse year. but a horse year
within a sequence of five consecutive
years: for example. summer 1866 to
1870, I867 to 1871 , 1868to 1872, 1869
to 1873, or 1870 to 1874. (Here we are
counting only summers and do not have
Frc. 9· 3
Two Peaceful Bnrdo Deities, de[3il
Ground floor, central Dukhang, Chenrezik
lhakhang, lamayuru; mid- or lace 1860s
Phorograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010,
courtesy of Kriscin Blancke
FIG. 9·4
Mounr Kailash
Ground floor, central Dukhang, Chenrezik
Lhakhang, Lamayuru
Photograph by Andreas Gruschke
After Karl Heinz Everding 1993, p. 294,
" Kailash, rhc Holy Mountain of the
Tibetans.''
Frc. 9· 5
Derail of Moum Kailash
Ground floor, cemral Dukhang, Chenrezik
Lbakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s
After P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, plate
25, "Gangs Rinpoche in Rangdrol Nyima
Lhakhang."
Ftc. 9.6
Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara with lineal
Gurus
Ground floor, Dukhaog, Chenrezik
Lhakhang, Lamayuru; mid- or late 1860s
Photograph after P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal
1999, fig. 21, "Avalokitesva ra (Karsa rpani)
mandala on the wall of Chandrazi."
Nyang Ralpajen (mNga' bdag Nyang
RaJ pa can). It begins the same as that
for the Gyalpo Kambum (rGyal po bka'
'bum) as found in the Fifth Dalai Lama's
Record of Teachings Received.652 Later
the same source gives an identical lineage for the Kachem Kakholma, but adding brief iconographic descriptions of
some of the gurus.653 The second lineage
according to the Fifth Dalai Lama is:
I . Chos sku sNang ba mtha' yas
2. Lonas sku sPy an ras 0ozi 0os
1:)
3 . sPrul sku Srong btsan sgan1 po
4 . Urgyan Padma ' byung gnas
(Padmasambhava)
5. gTer ston Grub thob dngos grub
(Ia stod pa sngags par Ia pa can)
to specify the years as 1870n I, to take
into account that each Tibetan lunar year
begins on a new moon day roughly in
example. It depicts a mural in the central
Dukhang, left wal l, and has paintings that
depict eightAvalokitdvara with Kagyu
spring of a year and extends two or three
gurus.651 The individual names of gurus
lunar months into the next year of our
Western calendar.)
are not provided by labels on this mural.
Figure 9.7 depicts a four-armed ,
one-faced white Avalokitesvara with
lineage on the ground-floor walls of the
I. Murals from the Chenrezig
Uzakha.ng. Duk/zang, and Inner
Sanctum, ground floor (mid- or
late 1860s)
The main murals on the ground floor
of the Chenrezig Lhakhang date to the
1860s. I believe Figure 9.6 is one such
inner sanctum. The lineage originates
with the Nyingma School (with the
Terton Nyang Ral) and was transmitted to the Drigung Kagyu by (Ngari
Rigdzin?) Legden Dudjom (Legs Idan
bdud 'joms), if my reading is correct.
The beginning of the lineage seems to
be a Nyingma tenna teaching of Ngadak
6. mNga' bdag Nyang raJ pa can
(sngags dkar Ieang Ia can)
7. La stod pa Mi bskyod rdo rje
8. rJe btsun Shakya bzang po (rten
doe slono)
"'
0
9. Bla rna Lha rje dGe 'bum (sngags
dkar Ieang Ia can skyid slumg
ljangs pa)
10. Drin can Sangs rgyas ICam mo
Ye shes mchog (La stod pa dge ma
snyen sgom thag can)
11. Byang sems Chu sgom z.hig po
12. mTha' bzhi Bya bra! chen po
(dbus pa rab byung c/zas)
13. 'Jam dbyangs bsod nams seng ge
(stod pa rab byung chas)
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
I8I
Frc. 9-7
Four-arm ed Avalokiresvara with Lineage
Ground floor, Inner Sancrum , cenrral
Dukhan g, Chenrezik Lhakhang, Lamayu ru ;
mid- or late 1860s
Photogr aph by Dorjey Angdus, 200912010,
counesy of Kristin Blancke
Sanctum , which were decorat ed after the
murals were comb uildino and ori!rinal
0
"
pleted during a five year period in the
mid- to late 1860s or early 1870s (one of
those years being a horse. namely 1870).
Here. too. when the individual gurus are
labeled, it is easy to confirm the Dri gung
abbacy in which the mural was painted
by identifying the latest abbot.
[5]
(II]
8
6
4
16
14
12
21
25
19
23
17
21
18
22
30
29
27
26
2
10
14. Bla rna bKra shis rgyal mtshan
15. Bla chen Blo gros rgyal mtshan
(dbu.v pa rab byung elias)
16. ' Phags mchog Nor bu bzang po
17. mKhas grub bZang po rgyal
mtshan
18. mOo sngags Chos kyi rgyal
mtshan
19. Bla rna Rio chen rdo rje
20. sNang gsa! ba bk:ra shis rgya
mtsho
21. Ri gs ' dzin du? ma rang grot
22. rJe Ngag dbang ye shes grub pa
23. Zur Khyab bdag Chos dbyings
3
7
13
(9]
(15]
120]
124)
[28]
in Diagram [A]. (Numbe rs in square
brackets are not actually visible on that
photograph .)
In the mural and my diagram.
number 17 is Legden Dudjom .
ouru
e
As we near the end, guru number 25
is Dri 31 , Ch6 kyi Gyalts hen (Chos kyi
rgyal mtshan): g uru number 27 is Dri
30, Peme Gyaltsh en {Padma 'i rgyal
mtshan); and guru number 29 is Dri 34,
Thukje Nyima (Thugs rje'i nyi ma).
Since the last master' s tenure was 18661871. I suggest dating thi s painting to
that period. the mid- or late 1860s.
rang grot
24. The Fifth Dalai Lama. "Zahor
Bande"
The Lamayuru mural follows that
1ineage at least up to number 15, Lachen
Lotro Gyahsh en (Bia chen Blo gros
rgyal mtshan) . who appears as number
18 in diagram [A]. From the available
photograph I have ordered the gurus
L82
C HA PTER
9
2. Mural from the Chenre::.ik
Uwkhang. Dukhang. umtem (1870s)
There are reasons to date the murals
in the lantern of the central Dukhan g
of the Chenrez ig Ulakha ng one guru
oeneration later than those in the lower
"'
(i.e., ground-Aoor) murals of the san1e
temple' s central Dukhang and Inner
The same building ·s central
Dukhan g has a lantern with murals
that include some gurus of the Dri gung
Kagyu order. As we see in Figure 9 .8,
this is not just the usual main Drigung
lineage (whose gums arc painted in
small figures at the top center). To the
contrary. it shows through the larger
the two main lineages of Indian
fi!!Ufes
0
Mallaya na Buddhi st practice that they
inherited from Gampo pa 's Kadam training. In other words, we have depicted
here the two main traditio ns of Atisa:
the one transmitted via the Bodhisattva
Maiijus rr and Nagarjuna (the Madhya maka tradition ) and the one transmitted via the Bodhisattva Maitrey a and
Asanga (the Yogacara tradition).
Stylistic ally, this and the other two
panels of this lantern are interesting for
not employ ing the Drigung style at all.
Rather, the pai nter was obviously someone trained in the Tsangri sty le. and he
was not afraid to show it. Note the solid
deep-bl ue skies and promine nt cluster of
non-Driri snow mounta ins on the far left
edge of the panel, on the far horizon of
the landsca pe. (Typically. Tsangri glacier
peaks have somewh at rounded peaks
and an appeara nce that is easily distinguishab le from the conically pointed
Driri mountains.)
this lantern was painted in the 1870s, the
final decade of Rangdrtil Nyima's life.
I could confirm from the photographs that the two lamas shown most
prominently to the right and left of the
central throne are labeled as (Dri 34)
Thukje Nyima, left, and (Dri 33) Chonyi
Norbu, right. Dri 35, Chokyi Lotrd,
seems to be the first lan1a to the left in
the bottom row. In the Drigung lineage
most lamas wear gomsha. and all wear
monk's robes except three: Dakpo Wang
(Dri 13), Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (Dri
17), and Je Ratna (Rinchen Phlintshok,
Dri 18), who also wear distinctive rigdzin hats. (Their hats lack the vajra crest
of a "Terton Lotus hat.")
3. More Recent Murals of Lamayuru:
the Gonkhang (late 1920s or early
1930s)
At Lamayuru, many surviving murals
date to between the 1860s and 1940s,
with only tl1e Sengge Gang Temple dating much older and several temples still
newer. Those dating to the 1920s or
1930s are a few generations more recent
than those in the Lamayuru Chenrezik
Lhakhang. With them, too, if the individual gurus are labeled with nan1es,
it is fairly easy to confirm the Drigung
abbacy in which a given mural section
Figure 9.9 shows the murals of
fiG.
9.8
Drigung Kagyu Gurus of Kadam Mahayana
Lineages
Lantern, central Dukhang, Chenrezik
Lhakhang, Lamayuru; 1870s
Photograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010,
courtesy of Krisrin Blancke
f i G.
9·9
Drigwtg Kagyu Gurus with Jigten Sumgon
in the center
Lantern, Inner Sanctum, Cbenrezik
Lhakhang, Lamayuru; 1870s
Photograph by Dorjey Angdus, 2009/2010,
courtesy of Krisrin Blancke
yet another lantern ceiling in the Chenrezig Lhakhang, evidently in the Inner
Sanctum of the temple. (It was said to
be in the Dukhang by Jina and Namgyal 1999 .)654 In this skyli ght or lantern
(called in Ladakh namling) are pictured
the Drigung Kagyu lineal gurus, with
Jigten Sumgon prominently in the
middle. The latest gurus listed are Jina
and Namgyal's munbers 28- 30, which
COITespond with Dri nun1bers 33- 35.655
Hence the latest guru (number 29) is
Chtikyi Lotrd, Dri 35, whose tenure was
1871- 1906. Therefore, I suggest that
was painted by identifying the latest
abbot among them.
One chapel of Lamayuru with
murals depicting fairly recent Drigung
Kagyu gurus is the Gonkhang in the
main building. This chapel is reached
by the small stairs that lead to the upper
floors. Its wall paintings were thought to
date to about the 1930s. Jina and Namgyal 1999 mention that the Gonkhang
murals depict up to the thirty-sixth
lama of tile Drigung Kagyu order above
the central figure.656 I believe they
were referring to the abbacy of Dri 37,
1927-1940.
Figure 9.10 presents a mural in
the Lan1ayuru Gonkhang that depicts
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
I83
FIG. 9· IO
Murals of protective deities
Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early
1930s
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
Frc. 9· n
Stupa with murals behind that depict lineage
masters
Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late1920s or early
1930s
Murals painted by Tshewang Rigdzin
Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfurth
Literature: M. Pall is 1939, facing p. 274
[1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]:
"Ladakh Temple Decoration."
Frc. 9.r2
Achi and other Protective Deiries
Murals painted by Tshewang Rigdzin
Gonkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early
1930s
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
Literarure: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 249
[1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]:
"Celestial beings. From a temple at Yuru in
Ladakh."
protective deities. Prominent in this mural
detail is the goddess Tsheringma riding a
snow lion before a three-peaked glacier
mountain. To the far left, flames engulf
more wrathful deities, though the tips of
the flame tongues are not the typical Driri
ones. The clouds and mountains are also
not distinctively Driri. The painting thus
seems to embody a local Menri style,
though this will need to be teased out in
more detail from several examples.
According to one tradition, this
chapel was bui It by the Eighth Togdan
Tulku (1869- 1934) in 1904, and its new
painting was ordered by his rebirth, the
next Togdan Tulku, after the collapse
of the last levels of the facade .657 (The
Ninth Togdan Tulku [b. 1938] began his
tenure as Ladakh Choje in 1947.) Yet
actually these murals are a bit older, dating to the time of the original foundation
by the Eighth Togdan.
Figure 9.11 is a photograph of
a stupa with a mural behind it that
depicts lineal gurus. They were photographed presumably i.n 1934 by GUnther
r84
CHAPTER
9
Dyhrenfurth ( 1886-1975), a Germanborn, German-Swiss mountaineer.
geologist. and Himalayan explorer. who
led international Himalaya expeditions
in 1930 to Mount Kangchenjunga and in
1934 to the Baltoro region of the Karakoram Mountains.
Figure 9.12 depicts another detail
of the murals to the right of the ones in
Figure 9.1 0. It allows us to see clearly a
number of protectors with their various
animal mounts and s urrounding clusters of white, pink. and gray clouds . To
the rig ht Aames surro und the still more
wrathful deities of the adjoining section,
wi th Aame-tips as in Figure 9.JO.These
mural s are not in the Driri style.
Lamayuru is a livin g monastery.
and occasio nall y its monks decide that
the extremely dilapidated or unstable
condi tion of a chapel calls for its complete rebuilding. At Larnayuru this was
the case in the 1970s. as we see in Figure 9.13. The chapel was not one with
ancient murals. Here the lay people have
been enlisted to help with the work. As
Romi Khosla observed in his caption.
''The building and demolition of temples
is a perpetual process that has been continuing for centuries:·
I beli eve the photograph shows
demolition work that was carried o ut in
preparation for rebui lding the sixteenpillar Dukhang Sarpa on the wes t end
of the o ld bui lding, located on the upper
Aoor o n Khosla·s plan as "Sar pa Du
khang.''<~38 Khosla visited Ladakh in
1968, 1970. and 1977. This photograph
was probably taken in 1970. (Khosla
was part of the 1977 Nehru-Universitysponsored project that was meant to
record all the wal l paintings of Alchi.)
According to one unpublished
source, the first large hall of Larnayuru
(the Dukhang) was built around the cave
rgyal 1547- 1602). That initial structure
has been restored many times after great
invasions or earthquakes; its last restoration dates to 1972. 6 ;9
As a Iivi ng monastery, and not a
museum, a Buddhist monastery is also
sometimes expanded through the build-
that was found there by the third Ladakh
Choje. Kunga Legzang (Kun dga · Legs
bzang 1552-1607). who was a ppointed
in 1570 by the twentieth Drigung abbot.
ing of a new temple. At Lamayuru such
an event occurred in the mid-1990s
when a pious lama-donor sponsored the
making of an excellent new Maitreya
Temple (Byarns pa IHa khang). From
Chogle Namgyal (Phyogs las rNan1
Figure 9.14 we can see no slackening
FIG. 9.r3
Demolishing a temple just before
rebui lding it
Lamayuru; 1970s
After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 174.
F1c. 9.14
The Maitreya Lhakhaog
Chamchen Lhakhang, Lamayuru, 1995
After P. S. jina and K. Namgyal 1999, cover.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR I CUNC K ACYU SC HOOL
r8 5
FIG. 9-IS
Drigung Kagyu Lineage Lamas
Lantern, Old Tshokkhang, Ph yang;
1870s- 1890s
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
in the quality of workmanship in either
sculpture or painting. The artist Konchog Tabdol from Tar not only fashioned the main Maitreya statue but also
painted the chapel's murals .~>ro
According to one source, the new
chapel dedicated to Maitreya at Lamayuru was installed and consecrated in
1995 on the roof of the main building's
Achi Temple or "Achikhang" (A phyi
khan g) . It was sponsored by the great
meditator Drupwang Rinpoche (Grub
dbang Rin po che), a master named
Konchok Norbu (dKon mchog Nor bu,
1921- 2007).661
4. Phyang. Tshokklumg (Old Assembly
Hall)
Let us leave Lamayuru and consider
now two murals of its sister- or
mother - monastery, Phyang. The
first (Fig. 9.15) is located in the main
Old Assembly Hall (Tshokkhang) of
Phyang, of which we have already
r86
CHAPTER
9
seen three sections of its sixteenthcentury murals in chapter 6. Those we
saw were in the main O ld Assembly
Hall that Jina and Namgyal called
"Old Temple" (Lhakhang Nyingpa)
and "Chokhang.'>662 I recently discovered that the same Old Tshokkhang
("Chokhang") contains in its skylights
or lanterns (called mthongs klumg or
rgya mthongs in literary Tibetan) more
recent murals.
Figure 9.15 iII ustrates one such
mural . The lineage it depicts continues up
to Dri 35, 1871 -1906. Jina and Namgyal
provided names of thiny-nine lamas who
are depicted, including Choje Deruna.
The latest abbatial names include "Thukje
Neema" and ·'Choskyi Lotos," Dri 34
and 35.663 (Note that two other prominent lamas with the title "great abbot,"
or klzenchen (mkhan chen), are depicted,
who were evidentl y neither Drigung
abbots nor Ladakh Choje: Khenchen
Namjom (mKhan chen rNam 'joms) and
Khenchen Tshultrim Dorje (mKhan chen
Tshul khrims rdo rje).
The lantern panel in this case is
also notewonhy for the fact that it is
not painted with a full-color palette, but
with water-color-like " light colors" (ha.r
tshon). That was a quicker and cheaper
option for painting lanterns and some
other parts of murals, though I have seen
FJG. 9-I6
Staircase leading ro the Dukhang Sarpa
Phyang Monastery; 1970s
After Romi Khosla 1979, fig. 83.
it only here among the Ladakhi murals.
Still, the painter has retained some Driri
features, such as pointed mountains and
certain cloud types.
5. Phyang. Dukhan.g Sarpa
The Dukhang Sarpa or New Assembly
Hall of Phyang stands above the adjoin ing central courtyard. It is reached by
climbing an open wooden staircase. (See
Fig.9.16)
When Prem Singh Jina visited one
of the main assembly halls of the monastery in 1997, he called it "Dorjechang"
and noted that it possessed beautiful wall
paintings.66-l He cannot have meant the
main old Tshokkhang ("Chokhang"),
the twenty-five-pillar "Tsog Khang"
shown to the east of the grOlmd floor on
Khosla's plan, p. 91 . He thus must have
meant the Dukhang Sarpa.
Jina and Namgyal in their Phyang
book of 1995, also list the presence
of lamas in a lantern of [The New]
Dukhang (Dukhang Sarpa), but do not
Figure 9.17 confirms that the lineage continues at least to Thugje Nyima
at the bottom left.
Figure 9.18 illustrates the central
wall of Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, lantern,
showing the lineage up to Dri 37, 19271940. At Ph yang in the New Dukhang
the murals are evidently the same style
as those in the Lamayuru Gonkhang,
which we could date to the late 1920s
or early 1930s. Thus they belong to the
period of the Menri artist Tshewang
Rigdzin, possibly assisted by his disciple
Konchok Gyaltsheo of Phyang (whose
lives are discussed in chapter I 0) .
list their names.665 But Jina's separate
f iG. 9.17
Drigung Lamas
Phyang, Dukhang Sarpa, central wa ll,
lantern; ca. !are 1920s
Photograph by Lionel Fournier
FIG.
9.18
Lantern, New Dukhang, Phyang; late 1920s
or early 1930s
Photograph by Luciano Monticelli
Photograph courtesy of Erberto Lo Bue
After Lo Bue 2007b, fig. 31.
publication of 1999 does: There he
describes in some detail the main subjects of paintings of the upper story of
his so-called "Dorjechang" Dukhang,
central wal l.666 Among the twenty-one
figures he lists, most are Drigung Kagyu
lineal gurus. The most recent ones he
mentions are: 15. "Choskyi Lotus," 20.
"Zeeve Lotus," and 8. "Choskyi Zugnas."These nan1es correspond with Dri
35, 36, and 37. Hence the murals cannot have been painted earlier than the
abbacy of Dri 37, Chokyi Jungne, whose
tenure was 1927- 1940.
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
187
Three Artists in Drigung Kagyu Monasteries of
Ladakh in the Twentieth Century
1 smnmarize the
careers of three artists of Ladakh who
flourished in the twentieth century:
Tshewang Rigdzin of Khalatse (Tshe
dbang rig ' dzin, circa 1877/1890-circa
196811970), Konchok Gyal tshen of
Phyang (d. late 1960s), and Yeshe Jamyang of Nyurla (b. 1932). Two of them
practiced their arts in the early and midtwentieth century, while the third, Yeshe
IN THIS CHAPTER
Jan1yang, is still alive, in his eighties.
Of these three, the latter two were
monks of Drigung Kagyu monasteries
(Phyang and Lamayuru). However, the
first, Tshewang Rigdzin , was neither a
Drigung Kagyu monk nor did he pai nt in
the Driri. Nevertheless, as the most outstanding artist of his generation, he was
invited to lead the painting of murals at
both Phyang and Lamayuru.
TSHEWANG R IGDZIN OF
KHALATSE
Though Tshewang Rigdzin was most
famed as a sculptor, he was also a highl y
ski lied painter, training one monk of
Phyang in that art. If he did not paint in
the Driri , what was his style? He executed murals in a central-Tibetan Menri
style (Uri).
Clare Harris discusses Tshewang
Rigdzin 's career in connection with
his main pupil as a sculptor, Ngawang
f i G. IO. I
Wayside chorren and barley field near a
Ladakhi village
Photograph by R. C. Nicholson, 1936
After Marco Pallis 1949, p. 397.
Tsering ofTia. Harris also managed to
locate a rare photograph ofTshewang
Rigdzin , which I present as Figure 10.2.
According to her, Tshewang Rigdzin
originally came from the village of Lingshed, which before 1947 was known for
clay sculpture. Lingshed was located
on an inaccessible spot on the banks of
the Zangskar River. and its residents
traditionally sculptured clay or practiced
medicine.667 Harris added that when
Tshewang Rigdzin became a renowned
artist, he was granted land and asked to
stay at Khalatse.
Erberto LoBue in a publication of
2007 sketches the career of Tshewang
Rigdzin in more detail.668 ln the 2011 edition of the 2007 article, LoBue corrects
a few errors folUld in the earlier version.
For example. he explains that the wall
paintings published by Marco Pall is in
Peaks and Lamas should be identified as
folUld in the Lamayuru Gonkhang, not
its Dukhang. Their style and that of the
woodwork in the temple is identical to
that in the paintings in the Dukhang of
Phyang, confinning their attribution to
Tshewang Rigdzin, LoBue adds.669
In the following pages I paraphrase LoBue's biographical sketch of
Tshewang Rigdzin, retaining his footnotes but regularizing the transliteration
and quotations. (Since LoBue 2007b
cited the 1942 edition of Marco Pallis's
book- which has a different pagination - ! have added the page numbers of
the 1948 definitive edition.)
fiG. 1 0.2
Tshewang Rigdzin in the 1940s
Photograph courtesy of Ngawang Tsering
Aher Clare Harris 2005, fig. 3.
His Life Story
The sculptor and painter Tshewang
Rigdzin from Khalatse670 was early in
life a monk, but later reverted to layman status.671 He inherited a handwritten
copy of a collection of texts on drawing,
painting, modeling images, and related
crafts, which was entitled: Cha tshad
rtogs byed (A Means to Understand
Sacred ProportiollS) from an uncle who
taught drawing at Tashi lhunpo Monastery before returning to Ladakh.672 He
was active in Lamayuru Monastery,
where he fashioned and painted two
122-centimeter-tall clay statues found
in the sanctum. The first, depicting
Rematf, he evidently made in the late
PAI NT ING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
189
FIG. 10.3
Stupa with murals behind of Drigung
Kagyu lineage masters
Murals possibly painted by Tshewang
Rigdzin
Giinkhang, Lamayuru, Ladakh; late 1920s
or early1930s
Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfurth,
1934
Literature: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 274
[1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]:
"Lama Temple Decoration."
FIG. 10.41\
Achi and other Protective Deities
Murals possibly painted by Tshewang
Rigdzin
Giinkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early
1930s
Photograph by Prof. Dr. G. 0. Dyhrenfunh,
1934
Literature: M. Pallis 1939, facing p. 249
[1949 edition, facing p. 234, re: p. 213]:
"Celestial beings. From a temple at Yuru in
Ladakh."
FIG. 10.48
Achi and other Protective Deities, detail
Possibly painted by Tshewang Rigdzin
Giinkhang, Lamayuru; late 1920s or early
1930s
Photo by Chiara Bellini
1920s, while the second, of another
dharmaptila, he made perhaps in the
late 1930s. With the help of assistants,
he probably decorated the walls of the
Lamayuru Gonkhang in the late 1920s
or early 1930s. Pall is, who visited the
monastery in 1936, tentatively attributed
those murals to him.673 (Figures 103,
10.4a, and 10.4b illustrate the murals of
that temple.)
The rest ofTshewang Rigdzin 's
biography I quote from LoBue 2007b:
Later, around 1941, the artist also
fashioned an 81 -centimeter-tall
'
statue of Sakyamuni
for the head
lama's apartment in Lamayuru.
That image was protected by a
glass cabinet by the time of my
visit in 1978.
190
CHAPTER !0
By 1931 Tshewang Rigdzin.
with the assistance of his pupil
Konchok Gyaltshen, had com pleted the decoration of the ' new '
asse mbl y hall in the monastery of
Phy ang . [See Fig. I0.5.) It took
them several years to com plet e
it. Pall is admired those paintings
for thei r boldness in composition
and precision in drawing. perhaps
appreciating the figures of tantric
deities painted in the lant em along
with the images of Vajradhara and
various masters of the Kagyu tradition.67• The portraits of Tilo pa.
Naropa, Marpa. Milarepa and
Jigten Sum gon - the founder of
the Drigung Kagyu orde r- on the
rear wall of the lantern seem to
correspond to those mentioned by
Snellgrove and Skorupski as "ver y
good paintings:~75
Between the 1920s and the
1960s Tshewan g Ri gdzi n was
probably the most celebrated artist in Lad akh . K<5nchok Gyaltshen
reoarded him as the best painter.
"'
Peo ple were eage r to get thangkas
painted by him:676 his wor k was
in oreat demand all ove r wes tem
" t6n where the artist was
Tibe
called
to fashion and paint the statues at
Tashigang after that mon aste ry had
been destroyed by fire.678 In fact,
Tshewang Rigd zin may well be the
Ladakhi artist mentioned by Tuc ci
in connection with the construc tion
of an asse mbl y hall in that very
monastery in the early 1930s.679
In the late 1930s Tsh ewa ng Rigdzin was summon ed by Trak thok
Monastery at Sakti to fashion the
triad of a circa 107-centimeter-tall
ima ge of $ai.-yamuni flanked by the
circa 94-centimeter images of his
'two best" disciples. Sariputra and
Maudgalyayana. In the early 1940s
he fashioned a triad mad e up of a
56-c enti met er Amitabha flanked
by a <IS-centimeter Avalokitesvara
and a 51-centimeter Vajrapa!P for
the Dun gka r Yekhyil (Du ng dka r
g.yas 'khy il) Temple in the same
monastery.
To the late 1930s or early 1940s
belonos another triad. found in the
"'
Perna Olin g (Padma 'od gling).
the [private residence] apartment
of the head lam a of Hem is Monastery: it pon rays a 35-c enti met er
Manjusri. a sixty-centimeter-high
Eleven-Headed and Tho usan dArmed Avalokitc5vara, and a
forty -centimeter-tall Vajrapi!Qi.
The artist also fashioned a life-size
statue of Padmasan1bhava for the
temple devoted to that master at
the hermitage of Got shan gpa (rGo d
tshang pa), two kilometers abo ve
Hemis. In the 1940s or 1950s he
modeled a 122-centimeter portrait
of the Tibe tan lam a Sherab Gyaltshen (Shes rab rgyal mtshan) for
the sanctum of the old assembly
hall in Spit uk Monastery, for whi ch
he also fashioned a large statue of
Vajrabhairava with the help of his
pupil Ngawang Tshering (Ngag
dba ng tshe ring) [whose life Lo
Bue presented later in his article] in
the 1960s.680
More works by Tshewang
Riodzin remain to be identified in
"' akh. Som e also are
Lad
preserved in
Europe: a collection of twenty-nine
sheets with icon ometric drawings
of various deities according to
Frc. 10.5
Decoration of lame rn by Tshewang R1gdzin
New Assembly Hall , Ph yang; ca. 1930
Phot ogra ph by Luciano Mon ticelli
Ahe r E. LoB ue 2007b, fig. 31.
.
the Kagyu icon ographic tradition
was commissioned from the artist by the mis sio nary Friedrich A.
Peter in 193 4-19 35.6111 As a sculptor, he transmitted his skills to
Noawano Tsherim! [of Tia F and
"'
.,
Sonam Kalzang (bSo d nam s skal
bzan g).w As a painter, he taught
Koncho k Gyaltshan (dKon mchog
rgyal mtshan) [of Ph yang. the next
painter to be considered in this
chapter!.
-
LoB ue ·s biographical sket ch
leaves unanswered such questions as: In
which monastery was Tshewang Rigdzin
originally a monk, and to whi ch reliaiou s tradition did he belong? Also , from
"'who m did he
learn painting? Tho ugh
he painted murals in two prominent
Driouno Kag yu monasteries of Ladakh ,
" "' .,
what style were they in? Clearly they are
in neither the Driri nor the Tsangri.
The sty\istic affiliation of Tsh ewan g Rigdzin's paintings was clarified
by Clar e Harris in her article on the
sculptor Ngawang Tsering ofT ia, one of
his mai n disciples.684 Tba t pupil specified that his teacher followed, in general,
central-T ibet an artistic traditions from
PAIN TING TRA DITI ONS OF THE ORIG
UNC KAG Y U SC HOO L
I91
Lhasa and that as a painter he followed
the Ori painting style. a branch of the
Menri. But Tshewang Rigdzin was not
actually trained in central Tibet. Though
we are told by another source that one
of his uncles had learned and practiced
the Tsangri at Tashilhunpo in Tsang.
Tshewang Rigdzin must have learned
his Ori painting style in Ladakh. without
visiting 0 Province. His style seems to
be a Ladakhi variant of the Ori. though
it does not closely follow the Eri in its
treatment of clouds.
K ONCH O K GYALTS HAN OF
PHYANC
Tshewang Rigdzin's main disciple for
the art of painting was Konchok Gyaltshan of Phyang. Lo Bue began his brief
biographical sketch of this painter's life
with the words:W
Konchok Gyaltsban. a Kagyu lama,
was born to a family of farmers at
Phyang. where he taught drawing
at the local monastery.686 He died
in the late 1960s and by the end
of the century had been forgotten
in his own monastery. where be
had contributed to the decoration
of the New Assembly Hall CDu
khang gSar pa) and where thangkas painted by him must be [still]
ex tant.687
In the 1930s l Marco] Pall is
suggested that Ko nchok Gyaltshan was one of the two or three
most ta lented painters in Ladakh
besides Tshewang Rigdzin and fancied himself in Beato Angelico's
workshop while watching him at
work.688 At the same time. be found
his art to be "a typical example of
pleasing but not highly inspired
school-work.. and added that ''his
work on walls. where a broader
treatment was called for. was
slightly ahead of his tlumkas: for
in a smaller picture. meant to be
192
CHAPTER 10
viewed from close up, questions of
finesse count for more.'LoBue went on to discuss a few
more points about Konchok Gyaltshan.
but we should stress at once that he was
not mainly trained in the Driri style.
Though a monk of the Drigung Kagyu.
be learned a variety of the Ori from
Tsewang Rigdzin. Nevertheless, he was
also one of the first living exponents of
Tibetan pai nting to be investigated on
the spot by a Westerner. In 1936 when
Marco Pall is traveled to Ladakh and
stayed at the Drigung Kagyu monastery
of Phyang, he took painting and religious lessons from none other than our
subject, Ko nchok Gyaltshan.
In his perceptive later chronicle of
that j ourney, Peaks and Lamtu, Pall is
described meeting and studying under
this painter, who he said came from
the Ph yang valley and had in the late
1920s worked with the Ladakhi painter
(Lingsbed Tshewang) Rigdzin in painting some murals at Phyang.- Konchok
Gyaltsban is pictured at work opposite
page 334 in Pallis's book (See Fig.
10.6). His proportions of the Buddha are
presented on the page facing page 338.
Pallis and his two traveling companions each commissioned thangkas
from Konchok Gyaltshan. One day the
painter suddenly asked Pallis: 691
"D o you wish me to put in ordinary
clouds or Kargyudpa clouds?"
"What are they?" we asked. "Why
should there be two sorts of
clouds?"
"But there are," said the lama:
"from ancient times the artists of
the Kargyudpa have their own
special convention for portraying
clouds, and also certain plants. No
other order draws them as we do:
we are of course penni ned to use
the ordinary methods. too. but we
prefer our own tradition:·
We of course ordered Kagyupa
clouds for our thangkas; they can
be seen on the photograph opposite
page 404. where one of Gyaltshan ·s works bas been reproduced.
Konchok Gyaltshan was thus proficient in both Drigung Kagyu (Driri) and
non-Drigung (0-Province Meori or Ori)
clouds. (We should understand "Drigung
Kagyu·· whenever Pall is speaks of "Kargyudpa'' clouds.) lndeed. the Drigungstyle clouds can just be made out in the
tiny black and white reproduction of
the thangka being painted by Konchok
Gyaltshan in Pallis's book. (See Fig.
I0.6.) But I cannot find them in the
thangka he pai nted for Pallis (Figs. 10.7
and I0.7a).
Figure I 0.6 illustrates the traditional Drigung Kagyu painting that Konchok Gyaltshan was working on in 1936.
There we see the typical Driri composition. clouds. and of course the Drigung
Kagyu lineal lamas with gomslw above.
The skies and palette are probably a bit
lighter than in the Tsangri.
Konchok Gyaltshan. too. had a traditional preference for whitish (sl.;ya bo)
colors. something that Pallis considered
his main aesthetic defect: "His chief
fault lay in a tendency to mix in too
much white with his paintings, which
made his colours. especially blues, rather
mi lky:· (Pall is did not know that whitish colors were one of the highly prized
special features of Driri style pai nting;
the Ori also uses much li ghter and paler
blues than the Tsangri .)
For Pallis's commission. however,
Konchok Gyaltshan changed styles. ln
Figure 10.7a we can see a much darker
sky. He also did not use "Kagyudpa" i.e .. Driri - clouds. Despite the poor
quality of the available photos. he evidently did not follow the Driri style in
this thangka. T hough he was a Drigung
monk painting for a patron who was
willing to accept Driri-style clouds. for
some reason (habit?) be reverted back to
the main style of his training. the Meori.
•
ftG. 10.6
Ki:inchok Gyalrshan whi le painting
Phyang,Ladakh;1936
Photograph by R. C. Nicholson
After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 397-3.
Thus I conclude that Ktinchok Gyaltshan as a painter was flexible enough to
sometimes adopt elements from the Driri
in his paintings and even to make thangkas resembling the Driri style. But his
main and usual style remained the local
Ori style he had learned from Tshewang
Rigdzin.
YESHE }AMYANG OF NYURLA
I would like to conclude this chapter by
sketching the career ofYeshe Jamyang
of Nyurla (b. 1932). Unlike the first two
Ladakhi artists discussed in this chapter,
he was primarily trained in the Driri
style. He and his paintings were briefly
documented thirty years ago by Erberto
LoBue in his survey of twentieth-cen-
tury Ladakhi traditional Buddhist painting that he published in 1983. When
PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
193
FIG. IO. 7
"Domestic articles of everyday use. Thangka
by Gyal£Shan of Phyang."
Photograph by R. C. Nicholson
After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 330, full
illustration.
researching current painters in the early
1980s. LoBue was not able to interview
Yeshe Jamyang. but he mentioned his
Drigung Kagyu religious affiliation and
some painting activities, including those
carried out in a settlement monastery
in south India, where five of hi s large
thangka hung in 1981. LoBue also published a mural detail from hi s painting in
the Lamayuru New Dukhang's veranda
(Fig. 10.8).
LoBue also mentioned Yeshe
Jamyang 's painting (in 1976) of the Fo ur
Great Guardian Kings at Lamayuru in
collaboration with Ngawang CMphel (b.
1938), a Ladakhi monk and painter who
had studied at Drepung Monastery near
Lhasa for four years.691 In a subsequent
publication, LoBue sketched Yeshe
Jam yang's life in more detaii.69J There
194
CHAPTER 10
he explained: '·One of the foremost representatives of the Drigung Kagyu pain tina tradition in the twentieth century is
"'
Yeshe Jamyang (b. 1932), a monk from
Nyurla, whose work has been studied by
David Jackson 2002. Here I will confine
myself to supplementing the information afforded by Jackson with data
aathered during hi s own interviews with
"'
the painter in 200 I and 2002 ... Yeshe
Jam yang also earned prominent mention in other publications, such as in the
Ladakh book by Bedi and Bedi where
he is mentioned under the name "Lan1a
Jan1yang" as the most ski lied among the
Ladakhi monks who were expert painters of murals.694
Yeshe Jamyang kindly revealed for
the first time details about his life when
interviewed in 1995 by Ngawang Tsering of Nyurla. In the following pages I
would like to summarize his life story,
beainnina with the facts of his early life
"'
"'
that he shared in that interview.
FIG. I0.7A
Detail of Fig. 10.7, thangka painted by
Konchok Gyaltshan of Pbyang
1. Yeshe Jamyang j · Summary of Styles
One of the chief reasons that the Driuuna pain tina style became more widely
"
"' "
noticed by scholars working in the 1990s
on Tibetan art was that Yeshe Jam yang
prominentl y menti oned it when recountina a crucial traditional list of Tibetan
"
painting styles.695 Yeshe Jamyang was
then believed to be one of the last livi ng
artists trained in Drigung's special painting lineage. 696 He still resided mainly
in his homeland. Ladakh. In September
1995, my friend and colleague Nyurla
Naawana
., Tserina was kind enough to
"'
search him out and interview him at Leh.
..
When approached by his countryman
and fellow Drigung Kagyu adherent, the
painter agreed - at age sixty-three- to
aive his first s uch interview. speaki ng in
"'
Ladakhi dialect.697 (See Fig. 10.9.)
I have published that whole interview elsewhere (0. Jackson 2002).
FIG. I0.8
Landscape derail from between rwo Grear
Kings
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
After E. L{) Bue 1983, plate 50.
[5] Eri (E ris), the painting school
of E District [in southeast D
Province]
[6] Tsangri (gTsang ris), the painting
school of Tsang Province [particu-
FrG. 10.9
Ngawang Tsering and Yeshe Jamyang
Leh; 1995
Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering
larly at Tashilhunpo Monastery]
supplementing it with further information. There I explained: 698
Yeshe Jamyang's account is important not only as a rare description
of a practically unknown painting
tradition, but also for what it tells
about other schools of Tibetan
art. The Drigung painting tradi tion , Yeshe Jamyang insisted, was
unique: it was a style peculiar to
Drigung and not related to the
other well -known traditions such
as the Menri or Karma Gardri. To
clarify its independent status, he
repeated a traditional list of six
main regional or local styles: 699
[l] Gyari (rGya ris), the painting
school of China
[2] Khamri (Khams ris) , the painting
school of Kham
[3] Driri ("Bri ris), the painting school
of Driouno
"' "'
[4] Tshurri (mTshur ris), the painting
school of Tshu rphu [the Karma
Kagyu monastery in northeast U]
Yeshe Jamyang repeats here an
important traditional stylistic
classification, which he no doubt
learned in D Province as a monk
of the Drigung Kagyu tradition.
D, Tsang and Kham provinces
were each home to more than one
school of painting, but Tibetan art
termi nology commonly spoke of
the style of a given province- Uri,
Tsangri, or Khanui - referring
to the most widespread style in
each province. Accordingly, the
list mentions a style of Tsang and
one of Kham . But when it can1e
to their own provinces, artists
normally drew even finer stylistic
distinctions. This was tme ofYeshe
Jam yang. who as a painter trained
in 0 distinguished three different
schools in D Province: those of
Drigu ng, Tshurphu and E.
One difficult question faced by
modern stylistic studies has been:
How can we identify examples of
each style? Yeshe Jam yang, again
repeating Drigung oral tradition,
gives us useful hints for differentiating regional styles on the basis of
the relative darkness or lightness
of their overall palette or color
schemes. He seems to be a unique
oral source for this, representing his
training in Drigung, when he enumerates four traditional descriptions
of painting schools:700
1. "Chinese style was like a rainbow
in the sky" (rgya bris nam mklw'i
')a' tshon 'dra).
2 . "The painting school from Kham
was like the dusk of evening"
(khams ris mun pa rub pa 'dra).
3. "The style of E District is like the
dawn" (e bris nam mkha' tangs pa
'dra) .701
4 . "The painting school from Drigung
is like after sunrise" ( 'bri bris nyi
ma shar ba 'dra).
This traditional saying asserts that the
colors of one non-D school, that of
Kham, were comparatively dark and
muted, (like the sky and landscape) after
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
I95
dusk has fallen.";02 (The colors in the
Tsang style were similarly dark, though
that style is omitted here.) The styles of
two D-Province traditions were lighter.
That of E- the Eri or Yeri (g.Ye ris) was, however. relatively faint, like the
colors at dawn, while those of his own
Drigung painting tradition were lighter
(sl. ya ba. " more whitish"), !.ike after sun-
-T
•
-r
rise, i.e., in daylight.
Thus Yeshe Jamyang's stylistic
aphorism illuminates not just his own
rare Drigung tradition, but also recent
stylistic studies, in general. As a repository of certain crucial traditional sayings, he is a living treasure and has been
cited in several publications on Tibetan
painting and its history.703 He is also living testan1ent to the fact that, in addition
to the famous main painting styles of
Menri and Karma Gardri, there also survived at Drigung until the 1950s a rare
and independent painting tradition.
2. His Life Story
Yeshe Jam yang was born in 1932 in a
modest fami ly of Nyurla Village in lower
Ladakh as the youngest of three brothers.704 His older brother took charge of the
fami ly land and lived in the family house.
His middle brother, who was eight years
older than he, was ordained a monk of
Likir Monastery (a Geluk monastery in
western Ladakh)1°5 and went to study at
Drepung Monastery in central Tibet.
When Yeshe Jam yang was a child,
his parents used to keep him very clean.
They never mixed his cup with others
or stepped over him. In his third year
he was taught the Tibetan alphabet by
his parents, though he had difficulty
learning it because they did not teach
him properly. One day in spring he was
left alone in bed while his parents went
to work in the fields. He suddenly saw
on the wal l before him characters that
someone had written, and he found he
could read them by himself, though
he had not really learned them from
196
CHAPTER !0
F1c. ro.ro
Peasant House in Ladakh
Photograph by R. C. Nicholson, 1936
After Marco Pallis, 1949, p. 234.
others. Feeling very happy and proud,
he got out of bed and searched for a
text to read. Finding a small sutra text
called the Bumcfmn.g ('Bum c/umg), he
learned to read from this. He could read
individual characters though not certain
combinations. He was overjoyed.
That same year a government
public school opened for the first time,
starting in the monastery of Jujikzhal
(the old temple of Eleven-headed
Avalokitesvara at Wanla) . At that time,
about 1935, Tashi Wanggyal from Tia
Village was appointed teacher. At this
time Yeshe Jan1yang was given a small
book with the Urdu alphabet to read.
Several children were present about
his age or a little older. and some had
already begun learning in Timigang Vil lage. They included Sonan1 Dorje (who
later becan1e a teacher, being Ngawang
Tsering's first writing teacher), Tobtan,
and Tsering Namgyal.
When given the Urdu alphabet
book, the little boy was overjoyed and
did not like to be separated from it, even
taking it to bed with him. By learning the
Urdu alphabet a single time, he was able
to read it. After one month, every child
in school was given a little black wooden
board to practice writing on. He was supposed to copy out the alphabet on his,
but he had some difficulty because in his
book each character was shown in isolation, not in combination. An older student
named Di:indrup who sat next to him
could write, so by watching him Yeshe
Jamyang was able to pick it up very
quickly and his teacher was amazed. The
teacher praised him as a very active boy,
which made him feel proud.
Yeshe Jam yang did not go beyond
the first class of public school. But for
whatever reason. he could learn all the
Urdu characters after being shown a
page just once or twice. In the middle of
the year a school inspector came from
Leh to inspect their school. He was
not such an important person; he was
a Ladakhi Muslim. He gave them all a
lecture, asking the children: "What is the
reason for your coming to school? Whoever can give the best answer will get
this pencil as a prize."
Nobody could answer, and again
the man repeated the same question.
Finally Yeshe Jam yang spoke up.
Though a shabbily dressed boy from a
poor family, he stood up and said with
great composure, "The purpose of going
to school is to understand with our
minds important matters."
The inspector remarked, "What an
active, intelligent boy!" (But he never
did give Yeshe Jamyang the promised
pencil.)
This brave public answer had to
do with Yeshe Jamyang 's later going to
Drigung Monastery. When the inspector
was asking his question, Si:inam Tashi
of Nyurla, a respected village elder, was
also present and he witnessed the little
boy's response, as did a number of others from the same locale. Sonan1 Tashi
apparently took notice of him then as an
intelligent, active child. Si:inam Tashi 's
elder brother was the Drigung Lama
Tashi from Pharkhethang (Phar kha'i
thang). At that time. Lama Tashi had
no monasti c disci pie, so SClnam Tashi
seems to have approached Yeshe Jamyparents at this time , askin 0o them
an!!'s
.....
~
''Couldn 't your son become a Driouno
"' .,
monk and a student of my bro ther?''
Actuall y Yeshe Jam yang 's family belonged to the Geluk religious
tradition. but he was pulled as a little
boy into the Drigung Kagyu tradition
because hi s parents were very poor.
Lama Tashi was a lan1a and very rich ,
with lots of barley. His parents borrowed
grain from him and were financially
depend ent upon him. So they happily
agreed. thinkin g it would benefit them
(believing that they would continu e
getting loans in the future). Then Lama
Tashi took him to make a little monk out
of him. In thi s way, he left off his secular
schooling.
Yeshc Jam yang later thought that
if he had been able to study further in
school, he would have been a ble to finish more forrnal education. When he left
to be made a monk- at about age five there had not was been much schoolin o
"
Tibetan
learn
not
could
He
for him.
script as quickly as he had learned Urdu
in school: he could also learn only about
two or four words per day.
Soon thereafter, at about age five
or six. he took initial monastic ordination from the Fourth Choku Rinpoche
Konchok Tendzin (Chos sku Rin po che
dKon mchog bstan 'dzin, 1909-1960,
thirty-second Ladakh Choje) and became
a monk of Lamayuru. At that time he
received the name "Yeshe Jamyang.''106
Yeshc Jamyan g stayed a long time
with Lama Tashi. He learned rituals
when he accompanied his teacher to villagers' houses to perform ceremonies.
Lama Tashi may not have known how to
make a full powder mandala . but he did
know the proportion lines of mandalas,
and Yeshe Jamyang learned those from
him. From him he also learned to make
colored butter o rnaments around torma
sacrificial cakes. In this way he learned
how to make offerings and mainly how
to perform rituals in vi ll ages. He gradually progressed in his manual skills, but
he did not learn the main scriptures or
scholastic texts.
After nine or ten years spent like
that, in abou t 1948, Yeshe Jamyan g
set off for central Tibet. Before coming to Lhasa. he had a swellin g in his
legs in hi s sixteenth or sevente enth
year ( 1947/ 1948). He stayed in Lhasa
for one year to treat his legs. His elder
brother had been there (at Drepun g) for
eight years.
Yeshc Jamyang received a reading transmi ssion for the sacred Kangyu r
(bKa' 'gyur) canon. but at the time he
wanted to learn painting and did not
study scriptures much while in Lhasa.
Then, around 1949, he went to Drigung
Monastery. At that time, for the first
year or two. his manual skills improved.
though he did not learn much else. He
had previously learned rituals in Ladakh ,
fiG. IO. JI
Drigung Dzong
Pborograph from rhe Tiber Album:
Drigung dzongsar monasre ry {TA
2001.59.15.17.1 -0)
Copyrig ht Pitt Rivers Mus~um, Universiry
of Oxford
and Drigung Thel Monastery was excellent for many aspects of ritual practice.
However, a well-known lama at
Drigung called Lama Tsheten of the
Kyabsa Chukpo (Kyab sa Phyug po)
family of Sharchukhul (Shar chu khul )
Monastery in Lalog (eastern Ladakh)was famous for his tonua sac rificial
cakes, butter offerings, and so forthsometimes serving as personal attendant
and bodyguard of the Drigung abbot,
or "K yabgeln." At that time, many of
the other Drigung monks had difficulty
and few had mastered the perfom1ancc
of ritual offerings. As Yeshe Jamyan g's
manual skill s improved, the monks of
Drigung began to say he was skilled
PAINTIN G TRADIT ION S O F THE DR I CUNG KA GYU SC H O OL
197
at such things. Once he mustered his
courage and took part in the making
of colored butter offerings and decorations, he managed quite well. He held
the second position in such rituals, but
gradually he took over the first position.
At one time the monks had to fashion
(at Drigung Tse) a huge tonna sacrificial cake with butter decorations three
stories tall for the goddess Achi. He
made this and received a reward for his
good work. After that he began to help
with the personal shrine of the Chetsang
Rinpoche.707 This shrine was very important, and only certain lamas could prepare offerings for it. Balog Rinpochc (Ba
log Rin po che, or Balog sPrul sku. the
leading Tulku of Yangri Gar. possibly Ba
log Thub bstan Chos grags. seventy-fifth
abbot ofYangri Gar) was then in charge
of it. and together with him. Yeshe
Jamyang helped make all the lonna sacrificial cakes and other offerings. which
he managed to do fairly well.
When Yeshe Jam yang was making forma sacrificial cakes at Yangri Gar
Mo nastery, people had begun planning
to renovate the Chungtsang Ri npoche 's
residence quarters of Drigung Dzong.701
(That was during the regency of the
young Chungtsang Rinpoche. Dri 39.
who was born in 1942.) Four or five
painters from Drigung Thel were there
who, when they saw his forma said he
was manually skilled. So he was sent to
assist those painters.
At that time the painter Norgye
(Nor rgyas) was famous at Drigung. He
was a layman from a fami ly that originally came from Ladakh. He was chief
of painters. and Yeshe Jam yang stayed
with him one month.
From that time on Yeshe Jamyang
learned roughly how to mix and apply
colors. He requested the master artist,
" Please teach me for one or two winters,
so that I can become a qualified arti st
was extremely skilled in Drigung style;
he was very intelligent. also leading a
group that performed the Ache Utamo
folk opera. He also understood sacred
texts very well.
Yesbe Jamyang could not at first
stay with Norgye longer than a winter
due to the responsibilities he had as a
monk to his own monastic college (grwa
tshang). He was obliged. for exanlple,
to attend its daily monastic assembly.
Every month he needed to take special
pennission to stay away. and this created
some problems. But by asking for special
leave. he finally managed to study two
full winters under his teacher. Whenever
the master was called to perform rituals
for lay families, he wou ld take Yeshe
Janlyang along. Through studying with
the master. Yeshe Jamyang learned how
to mix and apply colors.
One of the special characteristics
of Norgye was his mastery of the techniques for preparing Tibetan stone and
earth colors (bod tshon). especially azurite blue and malachite green. This tradition had been maintained at Drigung,
(dpon)." His teacher agreed. accepting
though it seems not to have survived
in complete form in either Lhasa or in
him as student and teaching him painting for a whole winter. Master Norgye
Tsang (Tashi lhunpo).
198
CHAPTER 10
During most of his remaining stay
fiG. 10.12.
Uru Katshal in 1949
Photograph b)' Hugh Richardson
After Stephen Batchelor 1987, p. 211.
Photograph from the 1iber AI hum (TA
2001.59.15.17.1-0)
Copyright Pitt Rivers Museum, Universiry
of Oxford
2001.59.15.83. 1
at Drigung. Yes he Jamyang practiced
painting. After learning to some extent
under his teacher. he continued to practice by himself. for ten or eleven years.
There were not so many statues commissioned in Drigung-mostly people
wanted thangka paintings.709
While in Drigung, Yeshe Jamyang
painted many thangkas, not so many for
the monastery, but mainly for lay patrons
in surrounding areas. He painted, for
instance. numerous thangkas showing
the thirty-five buddhas of confession
and depictions of the pure realm of
Amitiibha. many in large format. Though
later in Ladakh he often painted many
smaller thangkas, while still in central
Tibet he commonly was requested to
paint larger thangkas, some twenty or
thirty in all , not just of the popular pure
realm of Amiliibha but also of different
"assembly fields.'"' 0
In addition to numerous thangkas.711 Yeshe Jamyang decorated sacrificial cakes. masks. window fittings, doors
and other wooden architectural elements. including the shelves supporting
the statues in the shrine of the abbot's
apartment.712
In 1956. basing his work upon a
drawing by his teacher, Yeshe Jamyang
painted the Four Great Guardian Kings
on the walls in the temple of Uru Katsel.m a dependency of Drigung. He
was to specia.lize in the depiction of that
particular iconographic cycle after his
return to Ladakh in 1959.714
Then Yes he Jamyang studied and
also mastered ritual dance as a compulsory monastic duty (khral}. He stayed
eight or nine years and learned all the
prayers and rituals of Drigung Monastery.ln all he lived eleven years in
central Tibet ( 1948-1959) and did well.
In 1959 when the Chinese Communist
presence in Lhasa made conditions
untenable. Yeshe Jamyang returned to
Ladakh.
Back in Ladakh. at his home monastery of Lamayuru. he took responsibility as a monk for certain duties.
Activities such as making torma. the
perfom1ance of mandala proportions.
ritual dance, ritual chanting, and ritual
music were no t so highly developed
there. As a newly arrived well-trained
monk from central Tibet, he could revive
and improve those lacking aspects of
ritual practice.
He continued to pain t thangkas
when he found time. (In Ladakh he
painted not only large thangkas for monasteries. but also numerous smaller ones
for lay patrons.) Some of the main works
he painted over the years included a
large project. painting five big thangkas
of the Dharma-protectors (chos snmg)
of the Drigung monastery in Mysore.
South Indi a (Bylakuppe Kagyudpa
Monastery).715 During that time he also
continued to paint one or two small
thangkas on the side. For Ontriil (d Bon
sprul) Rinpoche's monastery at Rewalsar (mTsho padma, i.e .. Ogmin Thubten
Shedrup Ling, Rewalsar. Mandi. Himachal Pradesh). he painted a complete
set of Dharma-protectors. These were
detailed thangkas with additional deities of the four Tantric classes. For
the Zangpopa (bZang po pa) family
ofTimisgang he painted less detailed
thangkas of the same deities. But these
thangkas included the lama lineage of
Lam zab (i.e .. probably the Yang zab tradition of Hayagrfva as in Fig. 7.19) and
Cakrasamvara (as in Fig. 8.1 ).716
After a certain point. Yeshe Jamyang became primarily engrossed in
painting. He painted murals in Ladakh,
including at Spithuk, Lamayuru,717 Sharchukhu l, and Phyang.m About 1966
he collaborated with Tshering Wangdu
{the prominent Tsangri painter from
Nyemo Village, who was about twelve
years younger) to illustrate the twelve
main events of Sakyamuni ·s hagiography in nine panels. to decorate the
lantern of the Jokhang Temple at Leh.719
Yeshe Jamyang painted the figures to be
placed on the side walls. while Tshering
Wangdu (then in his twenties) painted
the episodes for the rear wall. One year
later (1967), Yeshe Jan1yang painted
the cycle of the Four Great Kings at
FIC. IO. T 3
Yeshe Jamyang preparing offerings
Photograph from hrrp://www.drikungkagyu.
org/index.php/phoro-gallery/caregory/6rorma-making 002
the Drigung Kagyu monastery of Sharchukhul. in the Changthang (the nonhern nomadic plains). for which he also
fashioned and painted thiny-four masks
for the 'cham dance.720
Though he mainly painted and did
not make statues, Yeshe Jam yang did
make masks for the Nyingma danc.es
at Sharchukhul Monastery. Since the
time of the previous (Eighth) Togdan
Rinpoche (rTogs !dan Rin po che, thirtyfirst Ladakh Choje, tenu re 1881-1934),
this monastery had planned to establish
a masked dance, though wi thout success.
They managed to do so on this occasion. A diligent local monk named Tepa
Rabten (sTod pa Rab brtan), the monastery's business manager, had already
brought some drums but could not establish the ceremony mainly because they
lacked masks. Afterward a monk named
Tsheten came from Tibet and planned
to establish masked dance, but he died
in an accident. After that some energetic monks of the monastery decided
to establish it. and they invited Yeshe
PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
199
Jamyang for that. He accordingly went
and made some th1rty-six masks in all
for Nyingma ritual dances. They already
had New Translation trad1tion (gSar ma
.
K agyu ) dances.7,,
pa, 1.e..
In 1974 Yeshe Jamyang made the
beautiful sacrificial cakes housed in the
sanctum of the Mrun Assembly Hall at
Lamayuru. Figure IO.l3 shows him at
work , carefuUy preparing similar offer.
.
mgs m more recent years.
In 1975 Yeshe Jan1yang attended
to the decoration of the New Assembly
Hall (spyi khang ) of Spi tuk Monastery
with the help of Ngawang Chophel (Ngag
dbang chos 'phel, b. 1938).722 There he
helped prunt some of the most splendid Tantric deities in Ladakh. (See Fig.
10.14.) He also helped prunt the architectural elements inside that temple .723
ln 1976 Yeshe Jan1yang painted
the veranda of the New Assembly Hall
in Lamayuru Monastery, with the assistance of Ngawang Chophel and five
other painters. (See Figs. I0.15-1 0.16d.)
He depicted the Four Great Guardian Klngs.724 He also helped Ngawang
Chophel to paint the Wheel of Existence,
as witnessed by a picture taken by Zara
Aeming in 1976. It took the artists four
months to complete their job, for which
they received twenty Indian rupees a day
besides board and lodging, as an alternative to eighty Indian rupees a day. The
porch was entirely finished by the time
Lo Bue visited in August 1978.725
Figure I 0.15 depicts the main
entrance door to the New Assembly Hall
(Dukhang Sarpa) of I...amayuru. Here we
can make out the veranda mural panel to
the door's left showing the Great King
Dh(tarawa (Yul 'khor srung, with wrute
skin, strumming an instrument).
Figure 10.16a shows another
mural section from that veranda, the one
depicting the Great King Viriiqhaka. He
is one of the more wrathful ones, holding a sword and surrounded by a billowing black cloud of flame-like smoke (du
sprin). (He is positioned in some Sixteen
200
CHAPTER IO
Ftc. 10.14
Kruacakra
New Assembly Hall, Spituk Monastery;
1975
Painted by Ngawang Chophel a nd Yeshe
Jamyang
Photograph aher a Ladakh postcard,
courtesy of E. Lo Bue
After E. Lo Bue 2007b, p. 358, fig. 32.
Arhat thangka sets far to the left.)
Figure 10.16b shows a nc7.ga king
reverently crouching, offering jewels to
the Great Klng Viriiqhaka. A nc7.ga often
accompan1es this deity. His small perch
of land surrounds a pool of water that
may represent his dwelling place.
Figure 10.16c shows a detail of
the nilga's head. Its headrest seems to
be made of the head or snout of a seamonster (makara).
Figure 10.16d depicts Yeshe Jamyang at work in summer 1976, finisrung
details of the panel just to the left of the
entrance door. Then aged forty-four, he
looks relatively youthful. (Trus slide
was kindly sent to me by Nyurla Ngawang Tseri ng of Nyurla in the 1990s and
presumably originated from the artist
himself.)
In August 1978 Yeshe Jam yang
was working in the Drigung Kagyu
FlG. IO. I)
Entrance door with one panel of veranda
murals (one Great King)
Veranda, New Dukha ng, Lamayuru; 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Deepak Trivedi
https:l/www.flichcom/phoros/41996897@
N00/409219596
Photo from Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.
orglwiki!File:Lamayurugate.jpg
monastery at Bylakuppe, Karnataka,
from where he retumed to Ladakh the
following year. At the time of Lo Sue's
visit to Bylakuppe in December 1981,
five of his thangkas hun.g above the
entrance to the Sanctum in the Assembly
Hall of the monastery: they depicted
Four-armed Mallakala, Padmasambhava, Jigten Sumgon, Guru Drakpo,
and another wrathful deity. A fran1ed
mandala of Amitabha painted by Yeshe
.Jamyang and measuri.ng about thirty-one
centimeters on each side was kept in the
Assembly Hall.726
In 1989 or 1991 at Jangchubling
(Byang chub gling), tile new Drigung
Kagyu seat near Dehra Dun, Yeshe
Jamyang painted in the entrance the
Four Great Klngs.717 (Figure 10.16e
shows much of the mural section depicting Great Klng Vaisrava!Ja [rNam tbos
sras].) He employs here tips of "flame
FIG. 10.16A
Vuril4haka as one of Four Great Guardian
Kings, Detail
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976
Painring by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
FIG. 10.168
Naga king as minor figure making offerings
to a Great King
Four Great Kings murals, Detail
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
FIG. 10.16C
Naga king; Guardian Kings mural, Detail
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru; 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jantyang
Photograph by Rob Linrothe
F IG. 10.160
Yeshe Jamyang at work on Guardian Kings
mural
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru;
summer 1976
Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering
PAINT I NG TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
201
FIG. IO.I6E
FIG. IO.t6H
Frc. to.t6E
Va isravaJ)a as one of Four Grear Kings
Jangchubling Monastery, Debra Dun
Painred by Yeshe Jamyang, 1989 or 1991
Afrer Rosira Farber 2010, fig. 29.1.
FIG. IO.I6F
Frc. ro.r6F
Viriidhaka as one of rhe Four Grear Kings
Painred by Yeshe Jamyang; 1989 or 1991
Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Dehra
Dun, India
Photograph by Paljor Tsarong, February
2014
FIG. ro.r6c
Virilghaka as one of Four Grea r Kings
Veranda, Old Dukhang, Phyang; 1989 or
1991
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
FIG. IO.I6H
Two of rhe Four Grear Kings
Veranda, New Dukhang, Lamayuru
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Afrer C. Harris 1997, plate 304.
FIG. IO.I6G
202
CHAPTER IO
tongues" (which actually represent the
edge of a dark cloud of smoke here) that
are closer to those of the Driri.
In Figure 10.16f we see again a
Great King fri nged by a dark cloud of
flame-like smoke. The stylized shapes
again resemble to some extent the
Dri ri fl ame shapes seen in chapter 8,
certainly more than those found behind
the same kings in the murals of Lamayuru and Phyang.
In about 1989 Yeshe Jam yang
fashioned and painted for Phyang Monastery twenty masks. He also painted
still another set of the Four Great Guardian Kings in the porch of the main Old
Assembly Hall in Phyang. (See Fig.
10. 16g.) Those murals were stylistically
similar to those that he painted in the
Lamayuru veranda in 1976.
In 1993 Yeshe Jamyang painted
four thangkas portraying the Four
Great Guardian Kings for the monastery of Kyurbuchen. Around 2000 he
also designed and painted the wooden
decoration in the temple devoted to
Avalokitesvara at the Drigung Kagyu
monastery ofTingmogang. In October
200 I and August 2002, LoBue saw him
working on the Four Great Kings in the
porch of the temple devoted to Maitreya
below the residence built for the Dalai
Lama at Bodkarbu: the porch decoration,
including an image of Padmasambhava
and the Wheel of Existence. was to be
completed by 2004. To draw the images
on the wall and retouch the drawings
after he had already started painting,
Yeshe Jamyang used a sharpened stick
of charcoal - still used by traditional
painters. who find it easier to erase than
pencil lead. The artist also designed and
painted the decoration of the internal
architectural woodwork as well as some
large pieces of furniture for the Dalai
Lama's apartment above the temple.m
(He considered the Bodkarbu Great
Kings to be his best work, although, in
general. be rated hi s artistic skill and
local influence higher within the genre
of decorative woodwork.)
Yesbe Jamyang·s main activities
after 2002 included designing the shrine
in the Jokhang in Leh. After that he
designed the carved woodwork for the
s hrine of Chemde/Chemrcy Monastery. a
Drugpa Kagyu establishment nea r Hemis,
and afterward painted it. From 2005
to 2007 be fashioned a full set of ritual
dance masks, forty-six in all, at Drigung
Rincben Pa.lri Monastery in Kathmandu.
the sole complete set outside oflibet.
(The masks were painted by a painter
named Nono and his assistants.)
In 20 I I Yesbe Jam yang designed
a three-dimensional mandala
and beoan
0
of Cakrasamvara at Rinchen Ling in
Nepal. basing it on an original that he
knew as a young man in Yangri Gar. He
completed it in 2012 (Fig. 10.17). (As of
early 2014. be was living part.ly at Riochen Ling and partly at Rinchen Palri.
the two Drigung monasteries nearest
Kathmandu.)
3. His Later Style
style that Yeshe
Reoardino
0 the painting
0
Jan1yang developed in the years after
returnino to Ladakh, Clare Harris con-
"
sidered his so-called Driri, or Drigung.
style to actually be a regional version
of the Menri perpetuated in Ladakh.'729
Though this judgment surprised some
(for instance. LoBue in his review article),730 it was not far from the truth. Harris cited visuall y a detail from his 1976
murals at Lamayuru (Fig. I0. 16h). Here
we see the two Great Kings to the ri ght
side of the entrance door- red-skinned
Virii~a and
yellow-skinned VaisraV3J}.a - painted in what seems to be a
Menri style of some sort.
Since returning to Ladakh in
1959, Yeshe Jamyang found himself in
the 1960s to be the onl y Driri painter
in a reo ion dominated by the Tsangri.
"
Evidently he adapted his s tyle to tl1at
aesthetic enviro nment in some crucial
respects. such as applying a darker base
color to his skies.
Yeshe Jam yang addressed this
somewhat delicate question in his interview. When asked: "Is the Drigung
painting traditi on related to the Menri
or Karma Gardri painting styles?" He
replied: " It is not related to either; it is
its own completel y independent tradition. There is no his tory of linkage with
other schools.'' He went on to discuss his
own personal case: " I. for example, am
trained in the Drigung painting tradition.
Now I have been working together wiili
painters from other traditions such as
the Tsangri, and there is a chance to be
influenced by other traditions. It is also
possible to take the good points of other
traditions and use them in my own painting. One cannot say the Drigung tradition is best and there is no need for the
oilier traditions.''
Ftc. 10. 17
Three-dimens•onal mandala
Made by Yeshe Jamyang
Rinchen Ling Monastery, Nayapati, Nepal;
2011-2012
Phorograph by Michael Pahlke
Thus he frankly alluded to the
fact of his own painting style becoming
influenced by the Tsangri. though he
quickly added in clarification: "In Driauno0 itself the tradition was so strongly
established that there was no possibility of mixing it with other traditions. In
"
Drigung they only patronized their local
tradition and had no tradition of leavino to learn o ther traditions such as the
"
Tshurphu Style (Mtshur ris) [i.e. Karma
Gardri]. A painter learned only there and
did not go elsewhere:· He then returned
to his own case: " I came back [to
Ladakh] from Drigung and after a long
time away. came in contact wiili oilier
[paintersl-"
Figure I0.18 depicts Yesbe Jamythangka in
ano0 standi no" before a lar!!e
~
progress in Lch in 1995. The painting
depicts Vir04haka (here most visible)
and Dhrtarll~!ra as two Great Guardian Kings. and it exemplifies his hybrid
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
203
fiG. 1 0. 1 8
Yeshe Jamyang with a painting of rwo Grear
Kings in progress
Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering, l.eh, 1995
Literature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 5.
FIG. J O. I 9A
Yamiiri of the Gya Sbaogtrom Tradjtioo
Ladakh; 20th century
Thangka by Yeshe Jam yang
Dimensions unknown
Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering.
l iterature: D. Jackson 2005, fig. 11.
Dririrrsangri style. These large thangkas
employ the same flame-like cloud of
smoke and white nimbus cloud shapes
as he had used six years earlier in the
veranda murals of Phyang. (See Fig.
10.16g.) By then he had achieved a very
high level of competence when treating
this theme.
These paintings exemplify his
mature style, a manner that he painted
already by the mid-l970s. They also
repay close examination; for instance,
how in the clouds behind Virut;lhaka he
inserted an inconspicuous dark nimbus
cloud on just one side. before the first
tongue of flame-like smoke. (See Figs.
10.16a, 10.16g, 10.18, and 10.22.) lt is
an elegant touch, possibly inspired by a
Ladakhi Tsangri artist's depicting clouds
of dark fi re-I ike smoke behind a Great
King with the smoke sections regularly
alternati ng with dark nimbus clouds.
(See Fig. 10.26.)
As quoted above, Yeshe Jamyang
maintained that the Drigung style at
Drigung was an independent tradition
unconnected with either the Eri style of
0, the Gardri (literally, Tshurphu style,
mtshur ris), or Tsangri style. He added
that it would be impossible to change
the Driri style at its home monastery. Yet
he also specifically asserted that other
schools (such as the Tsangri) had excellent stylistic features that a painter might
choose to adopt.
2.04
CH A PTER !0
FtG.
IO.I9B
Derail of Fig. 10.19a
After returning to Ladakh. Yeshe
Jamyang probably began to paint his
skies darker. r believe it resulted from
his long and close association with
Tsangri-style painters there since the
1960s, such as after his collaboration
with Tshering Wangdu in 1966. It would
be very interesting to compare the Four
Great Kings that he painted the following year in Sharchok Khul.
Figure 10.19a depicts Yaml!ri of
the Gya Shangtrom tradition as main
deity, with perhaps Je Ratna and Rigdzin
Choorak as lineal lamas in the sky above
him. Note the dark sky at the top and the
prominent yellowish-orange Tsangristyle clouds to both ri ght and left, in
both this and the preceding painting.
(The painting has some more Tsangri
colors, but the composition remai ns
balanced. as in the Driri .) It is in a
Driri-Tsangri hybrid style.
Yeshe Jam yang's clouds have
more depth and are shaded darker than
in the usuall y fairly Rat Driri treatment
of clouds. But the fire around all five
wrathful deities features many prominent flame tongue-ends with shapes in
places evocative of - but not identical
to - the classic Driri flame shapes. (See
Fig. 10.19b.) For me the most striking
Driri elements are the evenly spaced
placement of five fairly flat clouds
behind the central figure , the si milar
balanced grouping of clouds around
three smaller figures above him. and
overall the almost perfect sy mmetry that
prevails throughout the composition.
Ftc. 1o..z.o
Sahaja Cak.rasamvara
19th or early 20rh cenrury
Dimensions unknown
Photograph cou rresy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering
Lirerarure: D. Jackson 1996, fig. 189; D.
Jackson 2005, fig. I 0.
Though easily overlooked. such details
were also a hallmark of his (still partly)
Driri style.
Let us compare the sky and
clouds of another fairly recent Drigung
Kagyu painting. Figure 10.20. Depicting Cakrasamvara with four attendant
deities (' Khor lo sdom pa lha lnga), the
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
20)
fiG. 1 0.21
Yeshe Jamyang with a rnangka in progress
Photograph courtesy of Nyurla Ngawang
Tsering, leh, !995
FlG. 10.22
Vuracjhaka, one of Four Guardian Kings,
complete mural seccion
Veranda, New Dukhang, lamayuru;
ca. 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
F lG. J0.2.3A
VirOpAksa as one of Four Guardian Kings,
complete mural senion
Veranda, New Dukhang, lamayuru;
ca. 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
painting is now in Ladakh. In it we find
(compared with Figs. 10.18 and JO.l9a)
a lighter sky and more orthodox Driristyle clouds. It was probably painted by
an artist who preceded Yeshe Jamyang
by a few generations. It faithfully reproduces the golden scrollwork around the
semi wrathful main deity, Samvara, and
his immediate attendant deities. The
wrathful deity bottom right stands upon
a seat of pink lotus petals (which is not
usually sanctioned in the central-Tibetan
Driri), and his smooth body nimbus
of golden flame patterns is perfectly
acceptable, though stylistically it lacks a
distinctive Dri ri flair.
4. His Paintings of Four Great Kings
Reconsidered
One of the best-known places where
Yeshe Jamyang painted the Four Great
Kings - his signature as an artist - was
the veranda of the New Assembly Hall
of Lamayuru, which he painted with the
help of five or six other painters in 1976.
Let us reconsider that site in more detail
and try to estimate the extent of Tsangri
influence in his murals.
David Snellgrove admired the new
2.06
CHAPTER !0
hall's veranda in 1979. when it was still
almost freshly painted:731
I had time to appreciate the high
quality of the painting work
recently carried out in the other
parts of the monastery. The
"assemb ly hall" is very impressive
indeed with its beautifully painted
antechamber illustrating the Wheel
of Life, the Kings of the Four
Quarters, and miniatu re paintings
illustrating the keeping of vows in
an idealized monastic setting.
One vis itor described this veranda
and its murals: 732 "One gains access to
the Assembly Hall (dukhang) by a flight
of steps that give access to a ' vestibule'
(sgo khang). which is a veritable inner
courtyard, of which the paintings made
in 1977. are the works of Dorje Lobpen
Yeshe Jam yang (rOo rje slob dpon Ye
shes 'Jam dbyangs). [Dorje Lobptin was
his official title by then as a senior monk
of Larnayuru.J Unfortunately. because of
frequent earthquakes as well as the pressure of the base of the wall. those murals
are already (by 2002) delineated with
fiG. IO.:!.J B
Viropak~a as one of Four Guardia n Kings,
detail
Veranda , New Dukhan g, Lamayuru;
ca. 1976
Painting by Yeshe Jamyang
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
F!C. 10.:1.4
Vicopaksa as one of Four Great Kings
Veranda , Old Dukhang, Phy:mg; 1989
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
cracks. "
Let us take another look at Yeshe
Jan1yang's Four Great Kings murals
in the New Dukhang. Figures 10.221023b show some details. In general ,
all four Great Kings should be depicted
very imposingly. as awe-inspiring generals or divine warrior-kings. Yet two
are more threatening and physically
intimidating than the others. as in Figure
10.22. Those two could be classified
as a ngry yaksas, i.e., as slightly wrathful. They are iconographically distinct
thanks to their military outfits. including
is interesting is that he and VaisravaJ)a
are depicted in the Tsangri style as considerabl y more wrathful than the other
two kings. thanks in large part to the
threatening masses of dark flame-like
smoke that billow around them. By contrast, paintings in the Driri style (such
as thangkas) can also portray all four
Great Kings in simpler ways. such as all
surrounded by a back-fringe of clouds
(usually with a typical dark scalloped
tricolor cloud lining) or even with nei-
helmets, body armor, and boots, befitting
a military comma nder of Central Asia
many centuries ago.
That mural section (Fig. I0.22)
depicts Vi n1(1haka , guardian king of the
south. He holds a sword and glares to
ther smoke nor clouds behind them. (Cf.
the Four Great Kings as minor figures in
Fig. 7.13.)
Yeshe Jam yang followed the Tsangri conventio n in providing dark flamelike clouds of smoke behind the two
os
more wrathful of the Four Great Kin o•
his left somewh at aggressively. What
but not behind all four. A slightly more
pacific though still very intimidatinglooking king is the red-skinned king of
the west, Virup~a (sPyan mi bzang).
(See Fig. 10.23.) He prominently holds
a stupa in one hand and a snake-la sso
in the other. Behind him are a series
of seven three-lobed stylized cumulus clouds. Four have deeply shaded
recesses and two are prominent enough
to look like "cloud-eye" holes of the Eri
style. (Note the prominent cluster of glacier peaks in the upper-left corner. contrasting against the deep-blue sky, which
togetller can become a hallmark of the
Tsangri style: note also the slightly
PAINTIN G TRADIT I O N S OF THE DRICUN G KAGY U S CHOOL
:1.07
FIG. 10.25
Virupl!k~a,
one of Four Guardian Kings,
whole mural section
Veranda, New Assembly Hall, Spituk;
ca. 1975
Painring by Yeshe Jamya ng and Ngawa ng
Chop he!
Photograph by Chiara Bellini
fiG. 10. 26 (TOP RIGHT)
Vaisravana and Virupl!k~a, Two Grear
Kings in the Tsangri Style
Drukpa Hermitage at Sabu, Ladakh;,
ca. 1981
Paimed by Tsering Wangdu of Nyemo,
Ladakh
After E. LoBue 2005, fig. 7.
FIG. 10.27 (BOTIOM RIGHT)
VirOQhaka and Dhrtar~~ra, rwo Grear
Kings painted in a Tsangri Style
India; 1980s or 1990s
Painted by Phunrshog Sangpo
After Phumshog Sangpo 2000, p. 171,
"The 7th Nechu. ~
rounded points of the glacier peaks and
tiny snow lions cavorting in the snow.)
Figure 10.23b depicts a detail that
includes Viriip~a 's face. Here the individual clouds behind the deity have dark
scalloped outer edges (as described in my
2012 publication).733 The outer strip is
made of three progressively darker colors
as we approach the bumpy outer darkindigo edge. (I called that outer edge,
2.08
CHAPTER !0
which is used in many painting styles,
the "dark scalloped cloud lining of three
colors," and an informant for the Eri style
different monastery. Spituk, dating
to 1975, just one year earlier than the
Lamayuru veranda, we find interesting
from 0 Province, Legdrup Gyatsho of
Nalendra, called it phing bris.)
Figure 10.24 depicts again
Virup~a as a Great King, but here in
the veranda of the Old Dukhang of Phyang Monastery. Here Yeshe Jamyang has
added another pair of clouds behind the
main figure, painting nine in all. Though
in every respect a highly competent
work of art. the backgrounds here (as in
comparisons. Yeshe Jamyang also contributed significantly to the painting of
some of these murals, working together
with Ngawang Chophel of Linshed. Its
murals of the Four Great Kings were
a tour de force, but they are in an even
more distinctively Tsangri style than the
murals just seen from Lamayuru and
Phyang. In Figure 10.25. which depicts
a mural section from them, we find a
Lamayuru) lack the typical Driri skies,
clouds, and landscapes.
If we turn now to murals of a
fringe of clouds around one king that
was much more colorful. The cloudbacking is more elaborate and colorful,
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F1C. 10.2.8
Drawing of the Gre:u King Vaisraval)a
following the Tsangri
Drawn by Kachcn Losa ng Phiinrshok of
Tashilhunpo
After Kachen Losang Phiimshok 1993,
p. 103, detail showing borrom third of
thangka.
consisting of twelve three-lobed clouds
with dark scall oped lining of three colors. There are only one or two prominent
dark holes in the centers of the clouds.
The three-lobed clouds have been
divided into individual lobes, each of
which received a different base color.
This (like the presence of pastel pink
and sometimes whitish orange as base
colors for clouds) was one of the distinctive treatments of cl usters of clouds that I
have found in Tsangri-style thangkas. ln
one previously discussed thangkas, each
lobe of a three-lobed cloud had its own
base colors. which were pink, blue, green,
and white (not pale yellow or orange). 734
Though Yeshe Jam yang adopted
much from the Tsangri. it seems that in
Lamayum (and Phyang) in his clouds he
refused to go further, using just a simpler
and more conservative coloration. To
some extent he still painted in harmony
with Driri aesthetics. A true Tsangri
painter would have painted the Four
Great King's clouds with much more
varied and exuberant colors. For example.
in Figure 10.26. a mural that was painted
at a Dmk:pa Hennitage at Sabu in Ladakh
in about 1981 by the top Tsangri painter
in Ladakh, Tsering Wangdu. we find a
veritable explosion of colors. including
pastel pinks and even some shockingly
intense orpiment yellows.
These murals byTsering Wangdu
of Nyemo depict VaisravaQa and
Viru~a.
two Great Kings in the Tsangri style. That artist was following the
tradition of showing two of the Four
Great Kings with dark "Hames" (elaborate fire-like clouds of smoke). but he
bas given Virupak~ a more wrathfullooki ng mass of background smoke and
put douds behind Vaisraval)a.
That Tsering Wangd u's multicolored clo uds behind the Great Kings did
not depart from standard Tsangri practice is s hown by Figu re I0.27. T here,
in a thangka painting by the Tsangri
artist Pbuntshog Sangpo. we see two of
the Four Great Ki ngs. one with clouds
behind and the other with pale brown
billowino
e smoke. The series of clouds
are markedly more subdued than would
be seen in the Driri. though with numerous subtle base colors spread over the
cluster of backrest clouds.
Fioure
., 10.28 illustrates the Hamelike smoke behind VaisravaiJa as o ne of
F IC. 10.7.9
Ycshe Jamyang sm nding before Lwnbini
murals in a more real istic style
Photograph by Ashes Rajbansh,
March 2014
Photograph courresy of Michael Pahlke
FIC. IO.JO
Yeshe Jamyang standing before a remple
entrance in Lumbini
Photograph by Ashes Rajbansh,
March 2014
Photograph counesy of Michael Pahlke
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
2.09
FIG. IO.JI
Virop~~a
and Vaisrl!val)a, rwo of the Four
Great Kings
Painted by Yeshe Jamyang
Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Dehra
Dun, India; 1989 or 1991
Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy,
2013
fiG. 10.32.
Derail of Vaisrl!vaQa as one of the Four
Great Kings
Painted by Yeshe jamyang
Veranda, Jangchubling Monastery, Debra
Dun, India; 1989 or 1991
Photograph by Rosita Faber
the Four Great Kings in a Tsangri style,
here drawn by the outstanding Tashilhunpo artist Kachen Losang Phlintshok.
Again that king is shown backed with
smoke, with much broader tongues
or lobes of smoke than in any of the
Ladakh murals.
5. Some Reflections
For Tibetan painters it was rare to learn
even as many as two styles and remain
flexible enough to paint in either one
equally well. One of the main preceding Drigung Kagyu painters in Ladakh,
Konchok Gyaltshan of Ph yang, was
sufficiently fluent in two styles to easily produce the clouds of each. But
the available photographs (Figs. 10.6
and lO .9) are too poor for us to judge
whether he was real ly painting in the
Dri ri , or j ust imi tati ng some of its key
elements whi le painting in the Uri.
In the case ofYeshe Jamyang, he
formally only learned one style, the
Driri. It was his own mature aesthetic
judgments as a working artist many
years Iater that drove him to adopt some
excellent features from fellow Ladakhi
painters of the Tsangri or to keep what
he thought best from his original school.
It reminds me of another puzzling case of style change, that of the
210
CHAPTER IO
outstanding painter Ngawang Dorje of
Spiti (later of Manali). Born in Phenpo
in central Tibet, he had learned the Eri as
a young man, but you would never guess
that from his later, heavily Karma Gardri
style. Clare Harris mentioned him in
connection with his student Sonam Stanzin and the so-called "Spiti Style school
of Tibetan thangka painting." 735 (One
example of his murals from Manali published by Harris looks in that detai l more
like the Tsangri, with its deep dark-blue
sky.)736 In any case, none of Ngawang
Dorje's accessible paintings are like the
Eri that he learned as a child in Lhasa
from one of the outstanding Uchenmo
(dbu chen mo) art masters.737 (Perhaps
one of his surviving disciples will be
able to explain it.)
Yeshe Jamyang's stylistic change.
too, is very hard for me to judge at a
distance. (I regret that I, an admirer of
his art, never had the chance to ask him
about it, and I wish I had more examples
of his thangkas to compare.) I think we
can conclude at the very least that he did
not, as an artist, adhere bli ndly or rigidly
to every aspect of the artistic tradition he
originally learned. Through collaborating with other (mai nly Tsangri) painters
during the 1960s and 1970s on nUinerous occasions, he could see at close hand
the virtues of their tradition. He was
himself a practiced and discerning artist,
FtC. IO. J3
Yeshe jam yan g in recenr days
Phorogra ph by Ashes Rajbansh, Ma rch
201 4
Phorogra ph courresy of ~1ichael Pahlke
sen ior in years to many of them. (Later
in life Yes he Jam yang said that he much
respected the Tsangri master Tshcring
Wangdu as a painter, yet he admired
eve n mo re the pictorial art of one of
Tsering Wangdu's pro min ent senior
disciples (Ng awa ng Gyaltshan?) from
Cha pa house in Martselan g, wh o was
then in about his mid- or late six.ties.)738
Yeshe Jam yan g was in the 1960s
and 1970s the sole representative of his
minority school in Ladakh, living in
artistic isolation. Tho ugh he never kep t a
lono-ti
me assistant as disciple-successor.
0
in the 1990s he may have given som e
training to a younger Drigung Kagyu
painter nam ed Ka Gy atsh o.m
Yeshe Jamyang demonstrated in the
late 1980s a renewed loyalty to the Driri
style when painting in the new mother
temple of Jangchubling. The re, though
he does not use for example the classic
Driri clouds and mountains of the nineteenth century, he pays homage to the
Driri through other aesthetic choices. It is
wonderful to compare now Figure 103 1.
his Jangchubling version of Yirfip~.
the red-skinned Great King of whom
we saw three other versions in Ladakhi
monasteries (Lamayuru. Phyiwang, and
Spituk). In Dehra Dun he refrains from
using the mo re intense orange and pink
pastels that we saw in isolated clouds in
Lamayuru and Phyang. (Cf . Fig s. 10.22.
10.23 a and I 0.24.) His color sch em e of
the background with many relative! y flat
and somewhat monochrome clouds in
soft-gray or soft-brown hues is akin to
the Driri.
He achieved a sim ilar aesthetic
effect in the Jan gch ubl ing mural detail
of the panel depicting white-skinned
Dhr.tarastra
. . . the vina-strumming Great
Kin g (not pictured her e).l n the sky
and clouds we again find a subtle col or
sch em e consistent with the Driri. The
bright pink or beige-orange clouds (one
or two of which typically tum up in eac h
of his Ladakh mural panels) are absent.
while the clouds are relatively flat and
monochrome.
Thu s, Yeshe Jam yang onl y took
his stylistic conversion so far. He
always retained in thangka paintings a
preference for certain important Driri
elements. such as hea vily symmetrical
compositions. Even in murals he adopted
only a few of the many clo ud colors
available in the Tsangri, while he kept
Ftc. ro.3 4
Dhrrar~!ra and Vaisrl\vana, Two Gre ar
Kings ro eirher side of the main emr anc e
doo r
Rinchen Ling, Nepal; tare 200 7-2 008
Painred by Tshering of Phenpo
Phorograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy,
200 7
in his repertoire and sometimes painted
flame-tips reminiscent of the Driri. (See
Figure 103 2. a detail of smo ke behind
YaisravaQa at Jangchubling.)
Tho ugh he did practice as a mature
artist in Ladakh a Driri-Tsangri hybrid
styl e, it was not close to a pure Tsa ngri. Even his Ladakhi murals feature
relatively subdued cloud colors com pared with those of true Tsangri artists.
Moreover, he retained other important
loyalties to the Driri, as witnessed by his
Jangchubli ng murals. Thus, Yes he Jam yano0 remains a fascinating and complex.
painter. worthy of any tradition.
It is not fair to jud ge Yeshe Janl yano0 as "th e last Driri painter." Instead
we should remember him as one of the
best Ladakhi murals painters of his gen eration. an artist with uncompromisingly
high aesthetic standards whose paintings
and oth er works of sac red art continue to
PAI NTI NG TRA DIT I ONS OF THE DRI
GUN G KAG Y U SCH OOL
2.11
fiG. 10.3 5
Viruc;lhaka and Dhrra~~p-a, Two Great
Kings
Rinchen Ling Monastery, Nepal; late
2007- 2008
Painted by Tsering of Phenpo
Photogtaph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy,
2007
FIG. 10. )6
Padmasambbava with Other Eminent Gurus
and Lamas
Rinchen Ling, Nepal; late 2007- 2008
Painted by Sanggye from Bhuran
Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy,
2007
FrG. 10.37
Kl!lacakra and Maksorma
Rinchen Ling, Nepal; late 2007- 2008
Painted by Sanggye from Bhutan
Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy,
2007
impress those who have the good fortune
to see them.
6. A Postcript
When completing this catalog, I learned
that Yeshe Jamyang had in recent years
(2012) completed a three-dimensional
mandala of Samvara at Rinchen Ling, a
new Drigung Kagyu monastery in Nayapati, Nepal. (See Fig. 10.16h.) He did
not paint any of the murals of that monastery. Instead, an artist named Tshering
from Phenpo in northern D Province
painted the Four Great Kings.'-10 (See
Fig. I 034.)
In the skies above the Great Kings,
the painter depicted several glacier
peaks in a striking Tsangri style. a clear
show of his stylistic identity. But in the
skies he avoids pink or orange clouds
(which we often saw in Yeshe Jamyang's
Ladakh murals). Moreover, the two
more peaceful of the Great Kings are
ringed with fairly monochrome clouds
whose colors are in tune with the Driri.
212
CHAPTER IO
The tongues of fire-like rich reddishbrown smoke are particularly elegant;
with flame tips highlighted by various
soft colors, they make this panel a tour
de force. (See Fig. 1035.)
Meanwhi le, elsewhere in the main
temple murals of Rinchen Ling, the
Tsangri style is left behind and an amazing transfiguration has taken place. In
scene after scene, behind practically
every figure we find clouds and mountains in a mode very close to the Driri.
These murals were painted by a painter
named Sanggye from Bhutan, following the instructions of a knowledgeable
monk from Drigung Thel.741
In Figure 1036, for example. the
artist rendered three conical mountain
peaks that loom on the horizon while
(Driri-like) clouds float in regu lar clusters behind Atisa and Marpa, the two
gurus nearest the horizon to the right and
left. The Bhutanese painter was directed
by a fifty-year old monk from Drigung
The! named Jo Lama (Jo Bla ma), who
planned the compositions, told the artist
which old thangka he should follow as
models, and supervised the work.
Figure 1037 shows the carefully
differentiated types of flame nimbuses
and other details. Around the standing
semi wrathful yidam , or tutelary deity,
Kalacakra, a body nimbus of volutes
has been carefully executed. Behind the
female wrathful protectress Maksorma,
the flames exactly reproduce the shape
of the classic Driri-style wrathful flames!
Figure 1038 shows a standing white goddess who also has been
painted with great care. She is a standing version of Achi Chokyi Drolma,
who holds in her hands a mirror and a
scull cup with jewels inside. Her deli cately rendered body nimbus includes
both volute patterns and depictions of
colorful jewels. In the landscape behind
her, the pastel pink and blues clouds
create an exquisite setting.
It is too soon to judge from the
murals of just one new temple in Nepal,
but the Rinchen Ling murals are a hopeful sign. Somehow, through the intense
interest of the lama-patrons and the
painstaking work of the artists and the
monk closely supervising them, a painting style close in spirit and appearance
to the Driri has been called to life. Let's
Ftc.
1 0.38
Standing Goddess Achi Chokyi Drolma
Rincben Ling, Nepal; 2008- 2009
Painted by Sanggye from Bhutan
Photograph by Ani Chime/Angela Harkavy
hope it can be continued.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
2.13
l
r·-[t;- .1
u
''Beneficial to See "
Early Drigung Painting
BY CHRISTI AN L uczANITS,
R uBIN MuSEUM O F A R T ' 42
early Tibetan
paintings becoming accessible through
publications and online, their attribution
to particular schools of Tibetan Buddhism
is being continuously refined by scholars
in the field. The extant scroll paintings
(thangkas), indicate that there must have
WITH MORE AND MORE
been a surge in production about 1200
with the rise of the Sakya and diverse
Kagyu Schools as religious and political forces. These schools distinguished
themselves from the older ones, Nyingma
and Kadampa, through their emphasis on
Highest Yoga (niruttarayoga) teachings743
and their direct transmission from India,
both also prominently communicated
through art. A driving force in this surge
was certainly the eight Kagyu Schools
founded by pupils of Phagmotrupa (Phag
mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, 111 0-1170),
who asserted the awakening of Phagmotrupa and their own.
The first securely identifiable
Kagyu paintings were those of the Karma
Kagyu, which could easily be identified
through the distinctive black hats of the
Karmapa incarnation.744 While scholars long thought that the black hat was
depicted beginning with the Third Karmapa Rangjung Dorje (Rang byung rdo
rje, 1284-1339), this has turned out not
fi G. II. I
Drigungpa's footprints and rypical Drigung
composition drawn on silk
Central Tibet; early 13rh cenmry
Photograph by David De Armas
Rubin Museum of Art
C2003.7.1 (HAR 65205)
to be the case as depictions of the First
Karmapa, Dlisum Khyenpa (Dus gstml
mkhyen pa, 1110-1193), wearing a black
hat have been identified.745 Further, a few
early Drukpa Kagyu paintings could be
recognized through the distinctive dress
of some of the school's protagonists.'46
The early paintings of other schools,
however, do not offer such a clear marker
and have to be identified on the basis
of other criteria. Works of the Taklw1g
Kagyu School could be attributed to that
school on the basis of the inscriptions
usually found on the back of the paintings.747 The largest corpus of surviving
paintings, early Taklung works, comprises a considerable number of types
and styles and covers a period of several
centuries. A few paintings can be attributed to the Yazang School through the
distinctive representation of its founder,
Yazang Choje Cho Monlam (g.Ya' bzang
chos rje 010s sn10n lam, 1169- 1233),
and thus largely on the basis of an art historical assessment.748 The identification
of early Drigung Kagyu paintings, by
contrast, is possible only on the basis of a
combination of the criteria and methods
used for the other groups, and a nun1ber
of distinctive motifs and iconographic
groups have been established as typical
for that school ."09 David Jackson 's publication Mirror of the Buddha reflects the
state of research in 2012.750
This contribution introduces the
main characteristics of the earliest
pai ntings of the Drigung School on the
basis of key examples, surveys related
paintings and the development of their
iconography/ 51 introduces distinctive
mallasiddha and Buddha depictions
characteristic for this school, relates
all these to monuments in Ladakll, and
summarizes the evidence available so
far. ln terms of chronology, this contribution focuses on the first two centuries
of Drigung art, that is the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries, and only occasionally refers to fifteenth-century examples.
CRUCIAL EVIDENCE
A painting in the collection of the
Rubin Museum of Art opened the door
to securely identifying a group of early
Tibetan paintings as products of Drigung patronage. This Cakrasaqwara and
footprint drawing on si lk is also one of
the earliest Drigung paintings extant
(Figure II .I). As such, it is not only of
great re ligious and historical importance
due to the footprints of Drigungpa,
or Jigten Gonpo ('Jig rten mgon po,
1143-1217), as has been described by
Deborall Klimburg-Salter752 following
Kathryn H. Selig Brown's work, but it
contains the key for defining a number
of characteristics in early paintings that
now can safely be attributed to the
Drigung School. These markers allow
for identifying Drigung paintings
despite their occasional extreme differences of style. Some of these markers
are also independent of the main topic
of a given painting.
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
2.15
-...
t""":"-- .......................
~
•
The uppermost row of figures in
the Rubin Museum drawing represents
the standard Kagyu (bKa' brgyud)
School lineage up to Phagmotrupa in
the top center. Immediately below him
follows Drigungpa, his personal name
being Jigten Gonpo ('Jig rten mgon po,
1143-1 21 7), who was a prominent pupi l
of Phagmotrupa (Fig. 11.2) . He and his
school are named after Drigung, the
place where he founded a monastery
in 1179. Drigungpa essentially follows
Phagmotrupa in appearance - both are
shown frontally and pe1forming the
teaching gesture- and both are identified by captions. 753 But the representation of Drigungpa is larger, as is the
entire row of deities at his level/ 54 and
he has a distinctive hairline, which is
2.16
CH A PTER I 1
also occasionally found with other representations of him (see below).
From a spiritual point of view, the
most important elements of this drawing
are the footprints , which are embellished
with the Eight Auspicious Symbols. The
fact that many of the known Tibetan
footprints are based on the actual footprints of a revered teacher755 is in this
case also supported by their distinctive
shape756 and the spot at the bottom of the
canvas - which may well be the result
of a drop of the saffron color dripping
from the foot during the application.
Such points make it plausible that these
are the footprints of Drigungpa himself,
allowing for the dating of this thangka to
prior to his death in 1217. The footprints
are set on the same level and lotus base
FlG. I 1.2
Derail of Fig. 11.1, the central lineage
reachers with Drigungpa identified by
caption in the bottom center
as the central deity, Cakrasru1wara, indicating a convergence- if not a shared
identity- of the teacher and the deity
whose practice he bestowed.757
The central part of the thangka is
flanked by a group of eight siddhas that
is distinctive for the Drigung School,
as will be explained in greater detail .
Below them are two snake deities holding the throne base on both sides, and
the bottom row features protective
deities. All of these are inscribed into
a lotus scroll emerging from a vase
fiG. II.}
The southern part of the monastic complex
at Alchi with the three-story Sunl[sek, the
prominent building, the Grear Chorten in
the background on the top left, and the
Small Stupa in front of the Sumrsek
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2000
FJG. I I.4
Enrry wal l of rhe Alchi Sumtsek's third floor
lantern with the early Drigung lineage to the
left of the entrance
Photograph by J. PoncaJ; 1990
(c/ws 'klwr) of Alchi Monastery can be
associated with the Drigung School. The
earliest of these is the three-story Sumtsek, a building with niches on three sides,
southwest of the Assembly Hall of the
complex (Fig. 11.3).
There a Drigung lineage is found
on the entry wall of the bui lding's lantern
to the left of the window (Fig. I 1.4).7 59 I
have discussed this lineage in great detail
elsewhere76 1 and thus here only mention
those elements relevant for the subject
of early Drigung art. The lineage commences with a small figure of the blue
Vajradhara/Vajrasattva762 placed between
the two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa. The
two teachers who follow are represented
standing on a crossed vajra (vifvavajra)
in the bottom center. The complementary nature of these figures is emphasized through the stem supporting the
main lotus holding the deity and the
footprints and the scrolls branching from
this stem and holding all figures in the
bottom row and at the sides.
The teacher is referred to as Jewel (Rin
Along the bottom of the painting a very fragmentary inscription, the
remains of which are still to be interpreted properly, contains some points
important for the present discussion.
of crucial art-historical evidence is preserved in the distant western Himala-
chen), and the painting as footprint relic.
More remarkably, the benefit gained
through seeing it, hearing from it, and
even recollecting it are extolled, as is the
exemplary life of the teacher.758
Though Drigung Monastery was
founded in central Tibet, a second set
yas, in the monastic complex of Alchi,
Ladakh, Northwest India. At least five
monuments within the monastic complex
in a unique manner: Marpa (Mar pa,
I0 12- l 096) is dressed in white robes
with a red cape and holds a vajra and bell
and Milarepa (Mi Ia ras pa, 1040-1113)
is shown as a naked siddha holdinoe a
scarf. In contrast to the dark siddhas
both have a white complexion. as do
the teachers following them, who are
not individualized otherwise.762 The last
three teachers in the lineage are Dagpo
Onchung (Dwag po dBon chung, 11301173), Phagmotrupa Dorje Gye lpo (Phag
mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, 111 0- 1170),
and Drigungpa (' Bri gung pa, 11431217; Fig. 5). That this counts among
the earliest lineage representations of the
Drigtmg School. and probably the Kagyu
Schools in general, can be concluded
from a number of facts.
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
2.IJ
Although the lineage is an e lement
Since these facts are consistent
added to the iconographic program of
the temple at the latest stage of construc-
with other information gained from the
monastic complex, there is no need -
tion , it is built into the program in a
and no justification- for assuming
meaningfu l way.
that the lineage and its accompanying
contemporaneous central-Tibetan thangka
teachers are part of an inscription
in which the founder of the Sumtsek, the monk Tsiildrim 0 (fshul
constructed the Great Chorten at the
southwestern entrance of the monastic
painting, most of its e lements could
be identified on the basis of the Rubin
complex and refers to Sumtsek in the
Museum drawing.767 In the Small Chorten
khrims 'od), takes refuge in the
inscription there. 765 While this stupa
teachers of the lineage. 763
The representation of the teachers
does contain the depiction of Drigungpa
(Fig. II .43), his representation in the
painting the central teacher is shown in
three-quarter profile and flanked by two
is not yet canonized, and the lin-
Small Chorten is much more informa-
standing bodhisattvas. Further, Sa~a~ara
Loke§vara and Green Tara flank the
eage introduces new iconographic
tive. This stupa stands directly in front
head of the teacher, who most likely is
elements to the teacher representation not found in earlier western-
of tl1e Sumtsek and on the way from the
entrance into the core of the monastic
Drigungpa. The lineage at the top of the
Himalayan art.
complex (Fig. 113).
ate predecessor of tl1e central teacher is
a siddha.768 This is surprising, since the
• The lineage features two teachers
2.18
The last three teachers in the Alchj Sumtseg
teaching lineage includjng Phagmorrupa and
Drigw1gpa
Photograph by J. Poncar, 1990.
inscription are considerably later addi tions to the monument. TsUJdrim 0 also
• The captions identifying the
•
f i G. 11.5
painting is unusual in that the immedi-
following Gampopa, two of his
The teacher depiction in the Small
Chorten can be considered practically
nephews succeeding him as abbots
contemporary with the Rubin Museum
is the common Drigung lineage, but it is
of Dakla Gampo Monastery, who
drawi ng (Fig. 11.6)766 Although stylisti-
do not occur in any other Kagyu
lineage.764
cally it adheres to the local art of Alchi
and is much freer in its composition than
consistent with the iconographic program
of the stupa in which the transmission
CHAPTER I 1
inscribed lineage of the AI chi Sumtsek
through a siddha is emphasized.
Frc. 1 r.6
Drigungpa in [he Small Chort en in Alchi,
Ladak h
Phorograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
sides are again occupied by siddh as.
In this case they numb er nine; five are
repres ented on the right side. and some
have unusual icono graph y. These and
the protec tor deitie s in the bottom row
count amon g the major defini ng chara cteristics of early Drigu ng painti ng and
are discu ssed in greate r detail below .
Like the Rubin Muse um drawi ooO' the
Ale hi paintings of the Sumt sek and the
Small Chort en can be consi dered repreno
sentat ive of the earlie st phase of Driou
0
c
Schoo l art. They also provi de evide nce
of the early sprea d of the Drigu ng
Schoo l in the weste rn-Hi malay an region .
The main figure of the two early
AI chi stupa s with Drigu ngpa is a naked
siddh a. his back suppo rted by a yogic
band (yogapat!a) aroun d his knees : he
holds a twi g to the side and an elong ated
objec t uprig ht under neath his mouth .
possib ly a flute. '69 As the only figure
depic ted frontally, he must be consi dered
the teach er of the other s. Drigu ngpa sits
oppos ite the siddh a , and the two local
teach ers on the side walls both face Drigungp a. I have resist ed the idenli fication
of this siddh a as Phada m pa Sangy e (d.
it is fitting that the local teach ers face
Drigu ngpa and not Phada mpa. indica ting that it is a vision of Drigu ngpa that
transm itted the teach ings.
In this conne ction. it is impor tant
to recog nize that the comp ositio n with
a centra l focus , a lineage in the top,
and protec tors at the botto m reflects a
Tibet an comp ositio nal conve ntion that
likely was not fully devel oped until the
secon d half of the twelft h centu ry and
later remai ned a princi ple of Tibet an
painti ng. This comp ositio n reflects the
1117). as sugge sted most forcef ully in
Linro the, ··stren gthen ing the Roots :·no
since neithe r the icono graph y of the siddha as he is show n in Alchi nor the connectio n to Drigu ogpa can be expla ined
concl usive ly?" This may be besid e the
point. howe ver. as the messa 0oe of the
hierar chy of teach er (guru/bla ma),
aspira tion deity (i.rfadevatillyi dam). and
protec tor of Budd hism (dlum uapti la/
two stupa s is the new teach ing deriv ation throu gh an Indian s iddha . In addi tion. there is no doubt that Drigu ngpa
saw himse lf in the tradit ion of the Indian
maha siddh a,m that Phad ampa playe d a
proce ss of forma tion.775 As I have tried
to demo nstrat e elsew here.m thi s hierarchy as well as the icono graph y of the
teach er repres entati on that devel oped
major role in the transm ission of the siddha tradit ion to Tibet ,m and that event ually every naked black s iddha has been
identified with Phada mpa.714 Given the
time gap from Phada mpa to Drigu ngpa,
chos skyong). In general. by the early
thirteenth centu ry the depic tion of a
teach er's lineag e at the top of a painting was sti ll a new subje ct and in the
with it refl ects the public eleva tion of
the teach er from a pious practi tioner to
an awak ened being . Cons equen tly the
teach er repres entati on orien ts itself on
the buddh a image .
In the Small Chort en panel the
EIGHT GREA T ADEP TS
Amon g the chara cteris tics of early Drigung painti ngs that could be identified
on the basis of the Rubin Muse um drawing (Fig. 11.1 ), the depic tion of the Eight
Great Adep ts at the sides of the painti ngs
turns out to be extrem ely usefu l. These
eight maha siddh as are repres ented in
painti ngs of other Kagy u Schoo ls as
well.m but their depic tion in Drigu ng
painti ngs is hi ghly distin ctive and consisten t enoug h to allow for their identi fication. They are thus the mark er that
allow s us to attrib ute a group of early
Tibet an painti ngs to the Drigu og Schoo l.
In additi on, the Rubio Muse um drawi no0
clari lies the identi ty of the maha siddh as.
as all of them are identified in captio ns.
Amon g the eight adepts. the two
groups in the upper come rs on both
sides are essential for identifying early
Drigu ng paintings and can easily be recogniz ed. The upper-left siddh a is alway s
lndrabhiiti. the king. who is represented
with a conso rt and his sister ~mikara
(Fig. 11.7). Surprisingly, lndrabhiiti is
also accompanied by Viriipa. who raises
PAINT ING TRAD ITION S OF THE DRICU NC KACY U SC HOOL
119
his hand to interrupt the sun in its course.
the sun often indicated by a red circle or
disk. The connection of these two siddhas
to each other and the teaching this composition may signify remain unclear to date.
The upper-right corner siddha depiction consistently features
'
flanked by
Buddha Sakyamuni
Nagarjuna to his proper right and Atisa
(DTpaqtkaraSnjiiana. 982- 1054). the
famous Indian scholar who went to Tibet
in the middle of the eleventh century
and had wide-ranging influence on Buddhism there, to his proper left (Figure
11.8). Although Nagarjuna is here shown
among the mahasiddhas, the triad most
likel y represents what is called the Lineage of Profound View, the teaching of
emptiness, which passed from Buddha
Sakyamuni to Nagarjuna and eventually
entered Tibet with Atisa.778 In this connection it is also imponant to note that
Drigungpa was considered an incarnation of Nagarjuna.
The other mahasiddhas, too. are
consistently represented in the same
position and with similar iconography.
On the left side lndrabhiili is followed
by Qorpbrheruka (Fig. 11.7), who invariably sits on a pregnant tigress. the dancing Brahmin Saraha, often accompanied
by two female attendants,179 and Kukkuripa, who can easily be recognized
thanks to his dog companion.
On the right side, the top triad featuring Nagarjw1a is followed by Layipa.
famous for nourishing himself with the
entrails of fish (Fig. 11.8) . The mahasiddha who follows, Padmavajra. is iconographically the least distinctive of the
group.7lD Finally, GhaQ!apl!da. or Drilbupa
(Dril bu pa). is commonly shown making
a gigantic leap through the air and holding a vajra and bell in his raised hands.
The siddhas of the Al e hi Small
Chorten panel (Fig. 11 .6), however. pose
considerable problems re oardino their
often not distinguished enough to identify them. Only the triad in the upper
right undoubtedly represents Buddha
'
flanked by Nagarjuna and
Sal.:yamuni
Atisa. Among the adepts depicted to the
left of the central teacher. Saraha. dancing with a consort, takes the top position, and is followed by 00111brheru ka,
Derail of Fig. 11.1, the upper two
mahasiddhas to the left of the foorprims
fearuring k1ng lndrabhoti embracing
a consort and flanked by Virupa and
lak~mrkara in the top triad as well as
l)o111hTherub
identification, as their arrangement does
not conform to the Rubin Museum drawing and their individual iconography is
possibly Vin1pa,781 and Kukkuripa.
For those on the right side one could
speculate that the triad underneath the
Derail of Fig. 11 ..1, the upper two
mahllsiddhas to the right of the footprints
featuring Sllkyamuni flanked by Nligl!rjuna
and Alisa in the top triad as well as Loyipa
"
l.l.O
CHAPTER 1 J
0
Ftc. 11.7
Ftc . n .8
Buddl1a with Nagarjuna has Indrabhuti
in its center, who is the only other
mahasiddha besides Saraha conunonly
represented with female attendants. The
three mahasiddhas who follow then
ought to represent Padmavajra, Luyipa.
and GhaJ.l!apada (Drilbupa), but none of
them is clearly identifiable.782
As in the case of the Iineage, the
Small Chorten preserves a highly unconventional representation of the mahasiddhas. As on the Maiijusrr dhotT in the
AI chi Sumtsek, the ascetic nature of the
adepts is emphasized, and Indrabhiiti
may thus be represented in the same
way as the other siddhas, not as a king
seated on a throne. The Alchi depiction
is also remarkable for the separation of
Indrabhati and Virupa and the distinctive representation of Nagarjuna among
the mahasiddhas. Both may indicate that
Nagarjuna and the Lineage of Profound
View he represents were originally not
thought to be among the eight mahasiddhas but distinctive from that group,
and that Virupa is the original eighth
mal1asiddha and was placed in a secondary position to preserve the grouping of
eight. This admittedly highly speculative
scenario not only would further support
the attribution of the AI chi depiction to
the very beginning of Drigung art but
also prefigures the slight alterations seen
throughout the corpus of early Drigung
paintings featuring the Eight Great
Adepts, to which we turn next.
Boov oF PAINTINGS
Based on the critical examples introduced above, and in particular the
distinctive iconography of the eight
mahasiddhas, a considerable corpus of
early Tibetan paintings can be attributed
to the Drigung School. The majority
of these paintings are of the two types
represented by the Rubin Museum drawing and the Alchi panel, that is, thangkas
with the representation of the footprints
of Drigungpa and those featuring a
central hierarch. In this discussion, these
paintings are presented in a hypothetical
chronology based on the lineage depictions, the development of secondary
themes introduced in the paintings, as
well as iconographic and stylistic considerations. The group covers a period
of a maximum of 150 years from the
earliest depictions to the latest one, the
attribution depending on which lineage
is to be applied .
Three Potential Lineages
The lineage depicted in the uppermost
registers of the paintings is the most
important element for the chronological attribution, but there is now good
evidence that in the case of the Drigung
paintings we have more than one lineage
represented and the same number of
figures depicted in a lineage can result in
very different absolute dates. This is certainly the case for paintings to be attributed to the western Himalayas, in which
the lineage may refer to one of two local
lineage traditions. We thus have potentially three different lineages that may be
represented in such paintings.
For central-Tibetan paintings there
is justification to assume that the lineage
figures refer to the abbots (gd.an rabs)
of Drigung Monastery, among which
Drigungpa can be counted as the first
(see appendix A) .783 For western Tibet,
however. there are at least two other
possibilities. namely the lineage of the
head of the Drigung hermitages around
Mount Kailasa and Manasarovar, called
the dordzin (rdor 'd:in) and continuing
with the first Drigung dord:in Ghuya
Gangpa (Ghu ya sgang pa) in the early
thirteenth century (see appendix B),
and a western Tibetan lineage in which
Drigungpa is followed by Ridro Wangchuk Senge Yeshe (Ri khrod dbang
phyug Seng ge ye shes, 1181- 1252),
a pupil of his who went to western
Tibet in 1219.784 While the dord:in was
appointed from the head monastery
in central Tibet, the western Tibetan
teaching transmission appears to be
independent of the head monastery.
In general the date ranges provided for some of the paintings under
consideration are based on the assumption that a painting was made during
the abbacy of the last figure depicted in
the lineage or that of his successor. This
chronological range thus represents the
maximun1 time frame within which the
painting can be dated on the basis of the
lineage, provided the lineage referred to
is known. Within this range, dates closer
to the change of office, usually following the death of the preceding hierarch,
are much more likely than dates at the
extreme ends of the range. On the one
hand it is more likely that the painting
of a hierarch is commissioned late in his
tenure, and on the other band it is also
common for the succeeding abbot to
commission a painting in the memory of
his predecessor shortly after the predecessor's death.
Following Drigungpa
One of the oldest thangkas in the group
of early Drigung paintings is a stylistically and technically unusual thangka
from the Pritzker Collection (Figure
11 .9).785 In comparison to the Rubin
Museum drawing, this fascinating work
features an additional figure in the lineage who likely represents a teacher
that followed Drigungpa. Indeed, the
top-central figure bears the hairline of
Drigungpa and to the right of him is
Phagmotrupa, who often is represented
with a slight beard (Figure II. 10) . As
in Alchi, the central hierarch is flanked
by two bodhisattvas, and two additional
deities occupy the corners at the sides of
the central teacher 's bead. Further, the
deities Acala and Vajrayoginr are added
to the sides below the mahasiddhas.
The style of the Pritzker hierarch
is so unusual that no regional attribution
can be deduced from it. If the depicted
hierarch is the second abbot of Drigung Monastery, Tsiildrim Dorje (Tshul
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORJGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
2.2I
khrims rdo rje. 1154-1221 ). who held
the sea t from 12 17 to 1221, then this
painting dates somewhere between 1217
and 1235. the end of the reign of his suc ces sor, S<lnam Dragpa (bSod nams grags
pa. 118 7-1 235 ).A western Tibetan derivation would expand that chrono looical
" rter
qua
d
thir
the
into
bly
era
sid
con
ge
ran
of the thirteenth century, but a date late r
than 1235 appears unlikely in terms of
the iconographic details of the painting.
The sam e two additional deities.
Aca la and Vajrayoginr, are als o represen ted on thr ee oth er footprint thangkas centered on CakrasaiJwara, which
follow the Rubin Mu seum drawing in
composition. On e of those. in a private
collection. provides a chronolooical
"teachers
re
mo
two
ing
ent
res
rep
by
clue
in the corners to the sid es of the hal o
of the central teacher (see Fig . 5.5).786
Th ese most likely c.ontinue the lineaoe
"
and represent successors of Dri ounopa
" "
and thus make the painting two gen erations late r than the Rubin Museu m
787
drawing. lts possible dat e ranoes
"acies of
abb
the
5.
125
between 1221 and
the third and fourth abbots of Drigung.
the latter being Dragpa Chungne (Grags
pa 'by ung gnas. 117 5-1 255 : in office
123 5-1 255 ). Th e footprints may nevertheless be that of the central teacher
above Cakrasamvara, Drigungpa, as in
this cas e they are on separate pieces of
sil k glued to the canvas.188
A further example in a Zurich
private collection is focused on a Dri gung hierarch who has been identified
as Dri gungpa. as he is mentioned in the
elaborate insc riptions on the back (Fig.
11.11).789 However. the number of lineage figures on the painting suggests that
it dates two or three generations afte r
790
Drigungpa. and my preliminary reading of the fragmentary inscription from
photographs provided by the owner confi rrns t h'JS rea eli ng..,., All oth er examples
in the group indicate that the teacher
preceding the main figure is always
represented immediately above him in
222
C HA rTE R J 1
the center of the lineage. If we assume
this, the teachers emphasized in the top
row by a white background are Marpa
and Phagmotrupa. and Drigungpa is the
teacher to the right of Phagmotrupa. a
figure bearing much gre ate r resemblance
with other portraits of him than any of
the oth er figures on this painting. If this
is the case and if the painting is to be
attributed to central Tibet, then the central teacher would be the fourth abbot
of Drigung, Drakpa Chungne (Grags
pa 'byung gnas. 1175-1255; in office
1235-1255). and the painting dates
between 123 5 and 1278, that is, his
tenure and that of his successor Dorje
Drakpa (rOo rje grags pa. 121 0/1211 1278/1279; in office 1255-1278). A date
later than the previous examples is als o
suggested by the additional pai r of dei ties below the siddhas, the green fierce
792
AmrtakWJ~alin and U~I}I~vijayl!.
FIG.
1
1.9
Drigung hierarc h succeedi ng Drigungpa
Cenrral or western Tiber; 121 7-1 235
Prirzker Collection
Phorograph by Hughes DuBois
Re d Goddess
Another footprint thangka is painted on
embroidered silk bearing a lotus pattern
sim ilar to those depicted in the robes of
teachers and may well be a fragment of
such a robe .""3 In this Pritzker Collection
piece the central teacher. who should
be Drigungpa, is set off from the oth ers by representing him underneath the
Guhyasan1aja deities and jus t above the
central CakrasaiJlvara (Fig. 11.12) .~
The siddha in the top-right com er of
this painting cannot be explained from
comparable paintings and is unlikely to
795
be pan of the lineage, which proceeds
Ftc. xt.xo
Derail of Fig. I I .9, rbe central part of rbe
lineage featuring Drigung pa in rhe top center
flanked by Gampop a and Phngmorrupa
from the top-left corner via the two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa. jumps to Marpa
and Milarepa represented immediately to
the right of the central figure, and then to
the gray-haired Gampo pa to the right of
the central Phagmotrupa.
The same lineage succession, with
the exception of the siddha, is also found
on a McCormick Collection footprint on
a silk thangka in which the last teacher
is represented in the center between the
Guhyasamllja deities in the second row
and bears features comparable to other
depictions of Drigungpa (Fig. 11.13).796
In the top-right corner are the Medicine
Buddha Bhai~ajyaguru and what appears
to be White Tara, and on the right side
the position s of Luyipa and Padmavajra
are exchanged. The McCormick thangka
also shares the representation of a red
goddess among the protective deities in
the bottom row with the Pri tzker footprint. On this thangka (fig. 11 .13) the
goddess holds an elephant goad {atikuia )
and a blue lily (utpala). att.ributes that
largely conform to the description of the
rarely represented Red Tllrli.197
Bearing as they do the footprints
of Drigungpa, all footprint paintings
likely go back to Drigungpa 's time, but
as in the case of the private collection
footprint. there are indications in the
composition and iconography of the
figures on the Pritzker and McCormick
footprints that they were in the making
over a longer period. The McCormick
footprint follows the private collection
footprint closely but introduces Red Tarll
in the bottom row at the expense of the
continuous vase and scroll motif and the
niiga at the sides of the throne. The same
iconographic change is also visible on
the Pritzker footprin t. the paintings of
which. in their present condition, appear
considerably later. While drawings of
the figures may have been present on
this painting originally. its actual coloring as it is preserved today cannot be
comemporary with the footprints and the
compositional outlines visible between
the deities. Instead, the figures appear
to have been painted some decades
later at a time when their iconographic
details were not entirely clear anymore.
This would explain why. for example,
Drigungpa or Virupa do not compar e
to their representation in other roughly
contemporaneous paintings and why
a considerable number of figures lack
iconographic details. These paintings
are thus difficult to date more precisely.
but their composition and most of the
iconographic details preserved on them
place them between the private collection footprint and the Zurich hierarch ,
and thus somewhere between 1221 and
1278, with the greatest likelihood in the
second quarter of the thirteemh century.
Onl y one other painting also
features Red Tara. an unusual depiction of Drigungpa with a pupil, now
in the collection of Navin Kumar (see
Fig. 5.23) .1'18 ln my assessment. this
thangka has likely been repainted, as is
indicated by its many unusual features ,
most notable among them the quasinaturalistic face of the main image. the
pseudo perspective of the throne back.
iconographic misunderstandings in
the representation of some secondary
PAtr<TlN G TRADIT IONS OF THE ORIGUN G KAGY U SCHOOL
2.2.3
FlG. II.II
Drigung School hierarch
Central Tibe£; 1235- 1278
Priva£e Collec£ion, Zurich
224
CHAPTER I 1
FIG. I I. I 2
Footprint on embroidered si lk
Central Tibet; before 1217 with the
composition dating to the second quarter of
rhe 13th century and rhe painting still later
Distemper on silk brocade
Pritzker Collection
Photograph by Hughes DuBois
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
225
FIG. 1!.13
Thangka with Drigungpa's footprints
Central Tibet; before 1217 with the composition and painting dating to the second
quarter of the 13th cenrury
Collection of Beata and Michael
McCormick
226
CHAPTER I 1
figures, the unusual color scheme, and
many more details. Among the most tell ing iconographic anomalies the following are especially noteworthy: the figure
flanking lndrabhuti in the upper-left corner holds a skull cup in his tilted raised
hand/ 99 the green Drilbupa is depicted
walking rather than flying even though
the pattern around him indicates clouds,
Gal)apati in the bottom row wears a
crown of the type known for lndra and
is richly ornan1ented, and the mount of
Rematr is depicted too large and in a
rather odd standing position with a low
back not found on any other early painting.800 A comparison of these details with
other depictions in the group discussed
here alone is sufficient to demonstrate
how unusual they are.
Nevertheless, the painting's
iconography reflects an original that
is roughly of the same period as the
last examples. In terms of the deities depicted, this painting links to the
Pritzker and McCormick footprints, the
only ones that share the Red Tara in the
bottom row.ln comparison to these,
the Kumar painting adds Sa4a~ara
Loke5vara and Cakrasaqw ara under-
from Karsha Monastery in Zangskar,
Ladakh, Northwest lndia,802 and likely
also originated in the wider western
Himalayan region. A unique occurrence,
Tilopa and Naropa are both shown with
a Tantric staff (khatviiriga) . Stylistically,
too, this painting differs considerably
from what we have discussed so far.
There are also more secondary deities on
this painting. Underneath the lineage and
above the mal1asiddhas, four deities are
placed side by side, Acala, Cakrasaqwara,
VajrayoginT, and Sa4~ara Lokesvara,
whi le MarTer and White Tara occupy the
position underneath the mahasiddhas.
The unusual features of this painting may be due to its western Tibetan
origin, which also accounts for the
unexpected ly short lineage of only two
personages following Drigungpa, their
succession being not entirely clear.so.' ln
the western Tibetan lineage Drigungpa
is followed by Ritrti Wangchuk Senge
(Ri khrod dbang phyug Seng ge ye shes,
1181- 1252) and Dtinmoripa (Don mo ri
pa, 1203- 1264/1276/1288) . The painting thus would date between 1252 and
1322, the latter being the death date of
Chtindorwa (Chun ' dor ba, 1241- 1322)
neath the siddha. Further, the lineage
in the Kumar painting leads up to Drigungpa but does not give a clue about
the age of the painting. The hierarch is
depicted with a pupil to his side, and
a much smaller donor underneath the
pupil adds another aspect of historical
uncertainty. The original composition
of this painting may thus roughly date
within the same range as the Zurich
hierarch, 1235- 1278, with a likelihood
for a later date within that range.
the third teacher after Drigungpa in this
lineage. Within this range, a date in the
fourth quarter of the thirteenth century
appears most likely and conforms well
to the number and selection of the secondary deities.8().1
Western-Himalayan Tlw.n.gkas
based on a thirteenth-century model.806
The lineage on this painting leads up
only as far as Milarepa and thus is
abbreviated. The additional deities are
The Kumar painting at one time may
well have been in a condition similar to
a thangka in the Koelz Collection in the
Museum of Anthropology at Ann Arbor.
Michigan, which is of a similar age or
somewhat later (Fig. 11.14).801 This painting was acquired by Walter N. Koelz
A thangka of Milarepa (10401123), now in the Rubin Museum, also
was repainted for the art market (Fig.
11.15).805 The new rendering follows
the original closely but entailed such
an extensive " beautification" that the
painting must be considered a new work
largely the same ones as on the Koelz
thangka, but they are rearranged with
some of them fi ll ing the remaining space
on the lineage level. Only Mru1jusrT in
the upper-right comer of the central
panel is a new add ition to the pantheon
we have encountered so far. Due to
the heavy repainting, the iconographic
details of the secondary figures cannot
be trusted, and it is not an accident that
many of the figures do not retain their
attributes. The inscription on the back of
the painting identifies its subject, using
both Milarepa's personal name and his
ordination name, Vajraketuraja.
The sole more recent addition to
the corpus of early Drigung painti ngs
known to me came on the market
with Carlton Rochell in 2006, and it
turned out to be crucial for a better
understanding of early Drigung art (Fig.
11 .16).807 This rather naively rendered
painting expands the lineage to five
figures following Drigungpa, including
two placed on top of the central figure's
nimbus. Fortunate circumstances also
provided me with a photograph of the
inscription on the back of this painting
that contained the name of the depicted,
Lekden Yeshe (Legs !dan ye shes,
1263- 1344), who follows the above
mentioned Chtindorwa ( 1241- 1322) in
the western Tibetan lineage as the fourth
teacher after Drigungpa. We thus have
the curious case that there are more
teachers in the lineage thru1 necessary,
and I take the double representation
on the halo as showing two immediate
teachers of the depicted hierarch, the
lama Yangdakdzongwa Gongma (Yang
dag rdzong ba gong ma), who was the
second-most important mind disciple
of Dtinmori pa after Chtindorwa .808
This painting thus most likely dates
to the second quarter of the fourteenth
century. Hence it extends the possible
chronological rru1ge for such early
Drigung compositions to the middle of
the fourteenth century and generally
expands the chronological range for
the development of such compositions
considerably.809
Iconographically, the portrait
of Lekden Yeshe has three rows of
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
2.27
fiG. I 1.14
Thangka with Drigung hierarch
Western Himalayas (acquired in Zangskar);
fourth quarter of the 13th century
Permission of The University of Michigan
Museum of Anthropologi cal Archaeology,
Koelz CoUection
UMMA 17487
228
CHAPTER 11
F IG. 11.15
Mibrepa
Wesrern Tibet; first quarter of the 14th
cenrury (repainted)
Phorograph by Bruce M. White
Rubin Museum of Arr
C200224.5
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRI CU N C KACYU SCHOOL
22.9
secondary figures underneath the mahasiddhas. including a practitioner in the
bottom right, opposite Green Tl\ra. The
Rubin Milarepa bears many similarities
to this painting but is stylistically closer
to the Koelz thangka. The Rubin Museum
Milarepa thus most likely dates to the first
quarter of the fourteenth century.
The continuation of this traditional
composition in the western Himalayas
into the fourteenth century also explains
its occurrence in some of the contemporaneous mural paintings. but the earliest
exan1ple preserved is considerably older.
Westem-Himalayan Murals
The oldest evidence for the early Drigung
composition being used in a mural is
extremely fragmentary. The composition
is found on the east, or entry. wall of a
ruined passage chiirten above the main
temple complex in Sumda Chung. the
other paintings of which arc executed in
a simplified version of the western-Himalayan style of AI chi (Fig. 11.17). The
relevant panel is located underneath the
window. Half of this wall has already collapsed (Fig. 11.18), but it retains enough
information to make it relevant for the
present discussion. The central figure
almost certainly was a four-armed deity.
discemable in its remaining outlines. The
lineage above and to the sides of the deity
could have comprised a maximum of
ten figures. that is. two teachers beyond
Drigungpa. The three mahasiddhas on
the left side of the panel suffice to identify the composition but do not allow for
relating them to a distinctive group of the
thangkas discussed here. Given that this
stupa retains much of the sophistication
of the AI chi group paintings. which can
be discerned on the two best-preserved
Surprisingly. even the thangkas
largely reworked in modern times are
still much closer to the original composition than the Drigung hierarch
representation on the main wall of the
AI chi Translator's Temple (Lotsaba
Lhakhang; Fig. II .19). In this depiction
the central hierarch is most likely again
Drigungpa, and the lineage compares
to that of the Koelz painting. with two
additional teachers represented to his
walls and the ceiling, the lineage must
refer to the abbots of Drigung. This
side among the mahasiddhas. and thus
potentially following the main figure.
While the relationship of this depic-
would date the stupa within the same
range as the private coll ection footprint,
and thus roughly the second quarter of the
tion to those discussed is obvious, it is
unclear how much background knowl edge the artists of this panel actually
thirteenth century, a date that also makes
sense in stylistic tern1s.
had. as the rendering of the minor deities
around the hierarch is often practically
l.JO
CHAPTER 11
f1C. II.t6
Western Tibetan Drigung hierarch Lekden
Yeshe (1263-1344)
Western 1ibct; second quarter of rhe 14th
cenrury
Presenr location unknown
After Orientations 37 (8)
illegible and can only partially be
related to the minor deities found in
other depictions. Their arrangement
is somewhat confused and confusing.
Nevertheless. a late thirteenth-century
date for this mural. and the temple as a
whole, fits both the development of the
AI chi temple complex and the style and
iconography of the temple. which can
be understood solely in relation to the
earlier monuments of the site. The short
lineage, with two teachers following
Drigungpa, would then conform to the
western Tibetan lineage and the range of
1252 to 1322 with the last quarter of the
thirteenth century most likely, as established for the Koelz thangka.
Another late example in the development of this composition is found
among the extensive pantheon painted
on the walls of the three-story temple
at Wanla in Ladakh (Fig. 11.20).8 10 This
is the only other case in which a deity
occupies the center, namely four-armed
Namasai]lgTti Maiijusrr, who does not
occur even among the secondary figures
on the other paintings. The top-right
section of this mural is entirely lost.
the number of lineage figures cannot be
ascertained, but since Milarepa occupies
the center of the composition, the lineage likely featured nine or ten figures ,
the shortest lineage represented in the
temple. With only one or two successors to Drigungpa, the li neage transmission must be the western Tibetan one
for this depiction. Interestingly, in this
painting, an additional dark-skinned
siddha is placed in the top-left corner of
the central panel, mirroring the gesture
of Virupa (Fig. 11.21). There are no
surprises among the secondary deities,
which are Acala and MarTer on the left
and Vaj rayoginr and Green Tara on the
right. As expected, these deities relate
the Wan la depiction to the western
Himalayan thangkas and indicate that
it precedes the Milarepa thangka.
Concerning its date , we wi ll return to the
the Wan la Temple when discussing the
Drigung monwnents of Ladakh.
Finally, the temple in AI chi Shangrong preserves the same composition
in an extremely fragmentary state. Of
the central image only traces of the two
flanking bodhisattvas are preserved.
The dark-skinned siddha also depicted
in Wanla is now represented above
lndrabhOti, a place occupied by the last
lineage figure on the other side. The
lineage likely featured eleven figures.
three successors of Drigungpa, and thus
indicates a date later than Wanla.
This group of early Drigung paintings identified so far on the basis of a single distinctive composition is fascinating
for its stylistic diversity and wide geographical distribution. Nevertheless, with
the exception of the Alchi depictions,
they all follow a stylistic mode reflecting
central Tibetan paintings of the period.
F IG. 1!.17
Ruined passage srupa ar Sumda Chung
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1994
FIG. 1r.r8
East wall of the ruined passage srupa in
Fig. 11.17 with Drigung panel underneath
the window
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2005
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
2}1
f1G.11.19
Drigungpa panel of the Alchi Translator's
Temple
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1998
FIG. 11.20
Four-armed Niimasat!lgfti Ma1ijusrT in a
composition typical for the Drigung School
Auspicious Three-srory Temple at Wanla,
Ladakh; lare 13th century
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2003
FIG. 11.21
Vrrupa, Indrabhnti, and a dark-skinned
siddha in the top-left corner of the
Niimasaf!lgTri MaJijusrT composition
Auspicious Three-story Temple at Wanla,
Ladakh; late 13th century
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2003
Given that the Drigung School from the
very beginning established a stronghold
around Kailash - and Alchi is just one
proof for the early spread of this school
into the western Himalayan region - this
demonstrates that a central Tibet-derived
painting style was soon also established
in western Tibet.
2.32.
CHAPTER I 1
The changes in composition and
the exchange and addition of secondary
deities within this small group of paintings likely reflects both a chronological
and conceptual development and reli gious changes within the first hundred
fifty years of the Drigung School. Some
of the recorded changes are also the
result of misunderstandings visible in
the later examples as well as the repainting of some of the relevant objects. We
will now take a closer look at the main
elements that make up this composition
and what their development may tell.
SoME CHARAcrERtsncs
As diverse as the group of early Drigung
paintings is stylistically. the compositions and choice of deities are comparable. With the exception of the Sumda
Chung and Wanla murals. the paintings
introduced so far depict two topics , the
footprints of the hierarch, possibly all
of them of Drigungpa, and the hierarch
himself. either Drigungpa or one of his
successors. Thus, all of the paintings
directly refer to the founder of the Drigung School. In addition to the distinctive siddhas. the paintings discussed
contain a number of other characteristics
that may be indicative of paintings of the
Drigung School. Analyzing these characteristics in some detail allows us to refine
our understanding of how the paintings
relate to each other.
While the lineage is consistent in
most examples. exceptions being the
Small CMrten at Alchi and the Koelz
painting. there appears to be considerable freedom in depicting the lineage
figures individually, especially in the
earlier examples. Since we will return
to the issue of portraiture of the Tibetan
masters later, the main interest here is
at the beginning of the lineage. the two
siddhas and the representation of Marpa
and Milarepa.
The two earliest Alchi lineages
begin with a blue deity holding a
vajra in front of his chest and a bell
at his hip. the common iconography
of Vajrasattva. but in the Sumtsek
this figure is identified by inscription
as Vajradhara.811 A deity of the same
iconography also occupies the top-left
comer of the Rubin Museum drawing.
but there it is identi lied as Vajrasattva.
and Vajradhara is depicted as well.812
All other lineages show Vajradhara with
his usual attributes, holding the vajra
and bell in the hands crossed in front
of his chest. Using the iconography of
Vajrasattva for Vajradhara at the beginning of a Kagyu lineage is thus a sign
for an early date of the lineage. but it
remains unclear if this is speci fie to the
Drigung School.813
In the Rubin Museum drawing the
two siddhas Tilopa and Naropa perform
teaching gestures wi th their right hands
and hold skull cups in their left. C haracteristically, Tilopa has his hands in front
of his chest, wh ile Naropa extends one
hand, usually the one holding the cup.
to the side. This is the most frequent
form in which these two siddhas are
shown, and only their context identifies
them individually. In the Alchi Sumtsek, Tilopa and Naropa are dark skinned
and face each other. Ti lopa holds a fish
in addition to the skull cup, and Nl!ropa
holds a hand drum (tfamaru). Between
them is a ritual mandala with four skull
cups placed around it. While the fish is
occasionally found with Tilopa. as is
the case in the Small Chorten and on
the Pritzker footprint. the hand drum is
seen only in the Sumtsek mural. On the
Pritzker hierarch thangka, both siddhas
are shown teaching, like the other lineage figures.
Among the Tibetans in the lineage.
Marpa and Milarepa are easily recognized by their attire, the secular coat and
cape of Marpa and the white cloth that
covers Milarepa. Marpa ·s hair often lies
flat and falls over his shoulders, while
Milarepa 's hair is shown in large curls.
This distinction is made on the Rubin
Museum drawing and appears to remain
a distinctive feature in all paintings that
preserved this level of original detaiI. It
is also apparent in the Rubin Milarepa
painting. The ornate white dress Milarepa wears in this painting is evident in
a number of other cases, most notably
the Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs.
Of these. only the Rubin Museum
drawing depicts the last lineage hierarch
frontally: in all other cases he faces
sideways. Ln the earlier paintings. except
for the Pritzker footprint. the hierarch
is always looking toward his proper
left. and only the Rubin Milarepa and
the Rochell hierarch face right. In these
cases, looking sideways does not indicate that these paintings are part of a
set. as is commonly the case with later
Tibetan portraiture. but that the hierarch
is part of an oral transmission lineage
(bka' brgyud) that he passes on. This differentiates the awakened teachers such
as these hierarchs from the Buddha,
whose other qualities have been assimi lated in their portraiture.
Their association with the Buddha is most apparent in the two flanking
bodhisattvas. who are present in all but
one case. the asymmetric Kumar hierarch thangka. ln the Alchi chorten they
are Avalokitc:Svara and Manjtcirf. while
in later paintings the bodhisattvas are
Avalokitesvara and Maitreya, continuing the same color distribution. white
left and orange right. Only the Pritzker
hierarch is an exception to this. as he is
flanked by a bodhisattva with triple jewels as his attribute and Vajrapfu:li, both of
a greenish complexion.814 ln the Wanla
mural the central deity is flanked by two
standing bodhisattvas holding a blue
lily (utpala), the one to his proper right
pinkish and the other one blue, possibly
representing Maiijusrr and Vajrapa1,1i.
Beyond these Drigung School
paintings. standing bodhisattvas flanking a hierarch are rare.ln Taglung and
Riwoche paintings it is mainly Sangye
Onpo (Sangs rgyas dbon po, 1251- 1296)
who is flanked by bodhisattvas. Interestingly. these paintings also display a
certain familiarity with the Drigungpa
representation of the mahasiddbas.815
Secondary Deities
An unusual feature of the early Drigung
paintings is that the lineage at the top
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACY U SCHOOL
233
of the painting is commonly flanked
by at least two additional deities, most
frequently two buddhas, with the Medicine Buddha Bhai~ajyaguru represented
in the top-right corner. Additionally
bodhisattvas and goddesses may be
represented in the corners of the main
panel just below the lineage. These deities document subsidiary practices, with
only on the Rubin Museum drawing
and the Zurich hierarch painting, where
he is paired with Vajrasattva. The other
earth-touching buddhas represent
Sakyamuni,
clearly differentiated from
Ak~obhya on the Rubin Museum drawing. He appears again only on the Pritzker hierarch. These deities connect the
paintings with the Buddha's awakening
often much more mundane goals such
as ensuring health and support, and the
importance given to them. It is thus not
surprising that the positions and identity of these deities is less strictly canonized than the other features discussed
so far.
For example, the Rubin Museum
drawing has four images flanking the
lineage on top, an unidentified bodhisattva likely representing Vajrasattva8 16 and
Ak~obhya to the left and an earth-touching (blu7misparSamudrii) Sakyamuni 817
and Bhai~ajyaguru to the right. The
Alchi Small Chorten has Amitabha and
a blue buddha with begging bowl, possibly meant to represent the Medicine
Buddha. flanking the lineage. In the
corners below the lineage are Sac)ak~ara
Loke§vara and Green Tara. The Pritz-
and the vajra fan1ily.
In Alchi tl1e lineage is flanked by
Amitabha and the Medicine Buddha.
Of these Amitabha or rather Amitayus,
holding a vase in mediation, appears
again on the private collection footprint,
the Rubin Milarepa, and the Rochell
hierarch. Certainly tile most consistent
of the buddhas in the upper area is the
Medicine Buddha, who is found on all
ker hierarch has Sakyamuni on the left
and Ratnasa111bhava and the Medicine
Buddha on the right. ln the corners of
the halo are Vajrasattva and a form of
Avalokitesvara holding a red lotus.
There is similar variation with the
occurs again in tllis position (Pritzker
and Roc hell hierarch and Rubin Mi 1arepa), while Green Tara, or any other
form of the goddess, occurs again
only in tile lower area at the level of
the main lotus. Except for tile Koelz
hierarch, which has a White Tara, the
other paintings and the other secondary
deities in lower positions. Rather than
enumerating these variations painting to
painting,8 18 tracing the placement of each
deity across the paintings is more telling in tern1s of the relationship between
paintings and the possible temporal and
geographical connotations tlleir usage
and placement may entail.
Vajrasattva, found in tile top-left
corner of the Rubin Museum drawing,
moves into the top-left corner of tile
central panel (Pritzker and Zurich hierarchs) but then does not occur on later
paintings, and Buddha Ak~obhya occurs
2.34
CHAPTER I 1
paintings except tile Pritzker footprint
and the Koelz hierarch. He is most commonly shown in the upper-left corner
and otherwise on tile level immediately
underneath the lineage.
ln the Small Chorten of Alchi, the
comers of the central panel are occupied
by Sac:Iak~ara Lokesvara and Green Tara.
Of these only the former, or another
form of Bodhisattva Avalokite5vara,
goddess occurs again only on the Rubin
Milarepa, the Rochell hierarch, and
the Wan! a mu raJ. There is thus a good
chance tllat tile inclusion of these deities
of compassion into the pantlleon of secondary deities is an indicator of a western Tibetan origin of a painting.
Exceptionally, the Koelz hierarch and the Rubin Milarepa also
show CakrasaJ11vara and Vajrayoginr
among the deities in the upper area.
The Koelz thangka further has Acala
and Sac)ak~araloke§vara represented
above the mahasiddhas while tile Rubin
Milarepa painting has Maiijusrr and
Sac)ak~ara Loke§vara.
Based on the footprint thangkas,
I would judge that the major aspiration
deity (yi dam) in the early depictions is
the two-armed form of Cakrasaqwara
with consort and his so-called five-deity
mandala. Further, the footprint thangkas also prominently feature the Five
Buddhas and tlleir consorts in a form
that closely relates to tile GuhyasamajaMaiijuvajra mandala. Remarkably, it is
the female form that is emphasized on
these paintings through their location on
tile left side, and Samantabhadrr and her
consort. the wheel-holding Vairocana,819
take tile central positions.
In comparison to tile Rubin footprint tllangka, tile three other footprint
tllangkas add Acala and Vajravarahr
underneatll tile mahasiddhas. Of these,
Acala has been elevated from among the
protectors, while Vajravarahr complements the central aspiration deity. It is
tllus likely that the representation of
tllis pair entered the hierarch paintings
from tile ones with footprints, and in an
intermediate stage Cakrasarpvara was
not represented at all in tllose paintings.
This was corrected in later paintings,
such as the Kumar, Koelz , and Rochell
hierarchs and the Rubin Milarepa, in
which Cakrasaqwara is paired with
Vajravarahr.
Among the other deities added
to the pantheon, the green protector
Am~takuQc)alin and U~QT~avijaya are
shown once on the Zurich hierarch,
where they are paired. ln contrast, tile
yellow, three-headed and six-armed
Marrcr becomes a common feature of the
later western Tibetan paintings (Koelz
and Rochell hierarchs, Rubin Milarepa,
and Wanla Maiijusrr).
Eiglzr Adeprs Reviewed
While the identity of the siddhas and
their location remain largely consistent
on the paintings reviewed so far, tlleir
individual depictions show changes
and alterations relevant for examining
the relationship of the paintings. For
example, as distinctive as the top triads
are for identifying Drigung painting,
their depiction on later paintings indicates that the painters were not always
familiar with their meaning and identity.
There are also iconographic variants
with individual siddhas. Here I no longer
refer to the Small Chorten at Alchi, as
the iconography of the siddhas in this
unusual representation has already been
discussed in detai I.
Only on the Rubin drawing is King
Indrabhuti shown frontally and embracing a conso1t, and his sister shown to
his side (Fig. 11.7) . In all other depictions lndrabhmi sits sideways on the
throne, directed toward the center of
the painting, with his consort seated on
his lap. Only in the Kumar hierarch and
the Rubin Milarepa does the consort sit
behind Indrabhuti, and he embraces her
shoulder. In the earlier paintings, Virupa
is clearly distinguished from Indrabhuti,
and the sun he raises his an11 toward is
represented.ln many early representations he is kneeling sideways away from
lndrabhuti and raises his right arm ,820
while on the Rubin drawing and the
Rochelle hierarch he raises his left arm.
On the Koelz hierarch he raises his right
arm but kneels facing toward Indrabhuti .
In all other cases his identity has not been
clear to the painter or restorer, and on the
Rubin Mi larepa he is missing altogether.
Qoq1blheruka invariably sits sideways on a tigress, most often holding a
skull cup in his left hand. Only on the
Rubin drawing (Fig. 11.7). the Rubin
Mi larepa, and the Rochell hierarch does
a consort sit behind him, and on the private collection footprint he may have his
hands joined in the teaching gesture in
front of his chest.
Except in the McCormick footprint, Saraha is always shown dancing,
and occasionally he is accompanied by
two female attendants, as is the case
in the Rubin and private collection
footprints and the Pritzker, Zurich,
Koel z, and Roc hell hierarchs. Most
often, Saraha has a bow carried hori zontal ly on his shoulders, but in later
depictions, such as the Rubin Milarepa
and the Rochell hierarch, he may simp! y dance with an arrow.
There is almost no variation with
the representation of the adept Kukkuripa, who can easily be recognized
due to his dog companion and his green
complexion. In al l cases he embraces the
dog with his left arm. Only the Kun1ar
hierarch and Rubin Milarepa show this
siddha flesh colored.
On the right side, the top triad
featuring Nagarjuna also shows very
little deviation from the Rubin Museum
footprint (Fig. 11.8). The ea~th-touching
Buddha Sakyamuni in one case holds
a begging bowl (Koelz hierarch), twice
Nagarjuna does not have an u~J)f~a
(Pritzker and McCormick footprints),
a11d Atisa's pointed hat is always
recognizable.
Luyipa may be represented either
as an adept - as on the Rubin Museum
drawing (Fig. 11 .8), Pritzker (Fig. 11.12)
and McCormick (Fig. lJ .13) footprints ,
the Kumar hierarch and the Rubin Milarepa (Fig. 11.15)- or as a monk holding a begging bowl. As an adept, he is
always seated sideways, but as a monk
he may be shown frontally, as is the
case in the Zurich, Koelz, and Rochell
hierarchs. In the Rochell painting the
head is tilted to the side, a feature that
becomes most obvious with such later
representations.
Even more inconsistent is the
representation of Padmavajra, who
also is the least distinctive of the group
in terms of iconography. Only on
the Rubin drawing does he embrace
a consort with his hands crossed in
vajralu71!1ktiramudrii. . This gesture or the
teaching gesture are also found on the
Pritzker, Zurich, and Rochell hierarchs.
Most often Padmavajra is of red complexion, exceptions being in the Pritzker
and Kumar hierarchs.It is unclear where
this color association derives from, but
if his hand is held sideways he may hold
a red lotus as his attribute, the flower
referring to his name.
Finally, GhaJ.ltapada or Drilbupa
is commonly shown making a gigantic leap through the air and holding a
vajra and bell in his raised hands; in the
Rubin Museun1 drawing and Mila~·epa
he is simply seated. His flying is not
only indicated by his posture but also by
clouds represented underneath his feet,
which are missing on the Pritzker footprint and the Kumar hierarch. On both
the Pritzker hierarch and footprint he
is shown in a dance posture, and on the
Kumar hierarch he is walking.
Protectors and Wealth. Deities
The placement and grouping of the
wealth deities and protectors in the
bottom row of the paintings are other
distinctive features of early Drigung art.
Generally, the comers are occupied by
a four-armed Mallakala and the goddess
Rematf, while the center is populated by
a group of protectors standing in a posture with the right leg bent (pratyalrcjha)
and brandishing their distinctive attri bute, in the raised right hand, the left
performing the threatening gesture with
the index finger raised (tarjanrmudrii.).
The wealth deities placed between the
comer deities and the central group are
the least consistent on this level.
Even though he is not raven
headed, the four-armed Mahakala on the
Rubin Museun1 painting is called that.821
He has four arms, holds a curved knife
(kartrkii.) and a skull cup in his main
pair of hands in front of his chest and
a sword and a Ta11tric staff (kfta/ViiJiga)
with a trident top in his additional hands,
which are held to the sides of his body.
As Olaf Czaja has clarified, this deity
is a specific form of Mahakala who is
called raven-headed "in nan1e only"
(ming can), and a related form of this
deity is also found on the Densathil
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
235
chorten, where he is called Ravenheaded Wisdom Mahakala.822 0n the
Pritzker footprint and the Kumar hierarch , this deity has his two main hands
in front of his chest with his left hand
holding a skull cup toward his knee.823
The bottom-right corner is invariably occupied by the goddess Reman.
Only in the Rubin Museum drawing,
where she is identified as such, is that
goddess four-armed. There she holds a
vajra and a mongoose bag in her main
hands, brandishes a sword with the
second right hand , whi le the second left
holds a fresh skull cup with hair still
hanging from it. In all the other paintings, including the Small Chorten at
Alchi, she is two-armed, brandishing a
sword with her right hand and holding
the mongoose-bag in the left, this attri bute identifying her more specifically as
Yak~T Remati (gNod spyin Re ma ti).
Equally consistent is the group
of protectors brandishing their different attributes who stand in the center of
the bottom row, flanking the vase there.
Only the A! chi Small Chi:irten representation also features Yamantaka, clearly
recognizable by his bull vehicle, in the
bottom center. It is the only depiction of
this deity in this corpus of early Drigung
paintings.B"...I
In the Rubin Museum drawing,
the four protectors in the bottom row
are identified (from left to right) as
Am.;takU!)Qalin, Hayagrfva, Guhyapati
(that is, Vajrapa1~i), and Acala.82; Of
these, the identification of Amrt:akUJ~Qalin
poses a problem, as this deity is commonly described as green, associated
with the northern direction, and holding a crossed vajra (visvavajra).826 Only
the Zurich thangka features a protector
possibly representing this iconography,
where he is shown below Acala on the
left side.827 Instead, the deity identified
as Am.;takur:tQalin in the Rubin Museum
drawing wields a club with a rounded
tip, probably representing a jewel, and
is yellow in all paintings (except for the
2.36
CH A PTER I 1
Ale hi Stupa), indicating that he is a deity
associated with the south. However,
trident in his upper hands and the radish
and a bowl of sweets in his lower hands ,
given the consistency of the representation of this deity in the present context
and the inconsistency in the iconography
of the ten wrathful deities,828 of which
though in most cases some of these attri butes are not preserved.
Rather curious is the depiction of
Red Tara in the Pritzker and McCormick footprints and the Kumar hierarch
to the side of RematT. She is a protective goddess who has been attributed to
this specific Drigung group appears to
be a subset, there is no justification for
doubting the Rubin Museum drawing's
identifying caption.
In most other paintings, this group
of protectors is reduced to three dei ties in the bottom row, with the blue
Guhyapati (Vajrapar:ti) in the center
flanked by the red HayagrTva to his
right and the yellow Amrtakur:tQalin to
his left. A cala, in contrast, is placed on
the left side below the mahasiddhas,
probably due to his popularity during
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.
If there is a vase in the bottom center,
it is placed between HayagrTva and
Guhyapati, but the Rochell hierarch
and Wanla defy this convention by
exchanging the two deities.
Besides the protectors, the bottom
row of the Rubin Museum drawing further features Jan1bhala and Gal)apati,829
but usually only one of these two wealth
deities takes the position between
Mahakala and the standing protectors.
The distribution of these deities is not
entirely consistent, but there is a tendency
to depict Jambhala on the earlier paintings, as he occurs only in the Alchi Small
Chi:irten and the Pritzker hierarch and
footprint. Jconographically, Jambhala is
commonly shown as a corpulent yak~
holding a fruit and a mongoose bag, but
on the Pritzker hierarch he holds a banner
and sits on a lion, and thus is identified
with or replaced by Vaisraval)a.
The other paintings depict
Gal)apati beside Mahakala. In contrast
to the other deities, he is depicted sideways facing Mahakala on the earlier
pai ntings, but turned toward the center
on the Rubin Milarepa and the Rochell
hierarch. He is four-armed and his common attributes appear to be an axe and a
the Sakya tradition.83° Further textual
research will be needed to clarify her
appearance on mid-thirteenth-century
Drigung paintings.
Snakes , Scrolls and Jewels
The throne base, which almost always
features two highly stylized frontal lions
flanking an elephant face, is frequently
supported by two niiga represented at its
sides.83 1 In the Rubin Museum drawing
these are identified as the snake-kings
Anavatapta832 and Apalala. both well
known from Indian Buddhist l.iterature
but unexpected in this context or as a pair.
The conversion of the snake king Apalala
was a very popular story in the early Buddhist art of Andhra and Gandhara and
is depicted in reliefs.833 In Tibetan Buddhism he has been integrated as a deity
of wealth.834 Lake Anavatapta is tl1e site
of an assembly in which five-htmdred
disciples narrated their former existences
leading to their becoming disciples of the
Buddha.83; Both stories were included
in the books of monastic rules (vinaya)
translated into Tibetan. Thus it may well
be that the two ntiga were meant as references to the conversion to and protection of Buddhism as well as to monastic
renunciation, the foundation for further
advancement on the Buddhist path. While
on the earlier examples the nliga are of
the san1e size as the other secondary
figures, they become less emphasized in
later examples. Parallel to that they transform from a flying position to the side of
the throne to a kneeling one at the lower
base of the throne.
Usually no 1lliga is represented
as part of the upper throne backrest
ornaments. When they do occur, as
in the Kumar thangka and the Wanla
Maiijusri, their rendering clearly derives
from Nepalese painting established in
Tibet predominantly by the Sakyapa
School in the course of the thirteenth
century.836
In most cases. the central throne is
supported by a stem issuing from a vase
with a vi.§vavajra base, and branches
growing from this stem also generate
a scroll framing the secondary images
along the bottom and , less frequently, at
the sides. In the Small Cho1ten of Alchi,
the vase and visvavajra are reversed and
the stem growing from it only supports
the lotuses of the central hierarch and the
bodhisattvas flanking him. The Pritzker
and McCormick footprints as well as the
Kumar hierarch lack the vase, once more
confirming their close relationship. Both
elements are absent on the Pritzker footprint, while the McCormick footprint
has no vase and a truncated scroll framing on ly the side figures. The Kumar
thangka lacks both elements, whi le in
Wanla the vase supports the throne of
MaiijusrT only.
The scroll motif is uneven ly employed, and it is most clearly expressed
in the earliest exan1ples. In later examples the original intention of linking
all secondary deities and mallasiddhas
through the scroll becomes unclear
since its continuation around the corner
becomes obscure. The Pritzker footprint, the Kumar hierarch, and the
Wanla mural have no scroll at all, and
the McCormick footprint and the
Rochell hierarch have only partial
scrolls, the former for the mahasiddhas,
the latter for the bottom row deities.
Furthermore, early Drigung painting frequently features the triple jewel
prominently, most obviously on the
clotl1 in the center of the throne.s:n In
the Rubin Museum drawing there are
three triple jewels in this position . The
triple jewel, referring to the Buddha, his
teaching, and the monastic community,
also frequently emerges from the mouth
of the makara on the throne back, be it
in a single branch or in three separate
ones.838 Further jewels are frequently
part of the scroll framing the secondary
images and often terminate it to the side
of tl1e halo.839 The triple jewel may also
decorate the dress of the hierarch.840 In
the Pritzker hierarch, almost every decorative element is made up of jewels.
In tllis context, the triple jewel,
and jewels in general, may again refer
to Drigungpa, who is also known by
his ordination name Ratnasri (Rin chen
dpal), "Magnificent Jewel.''ll4 1 ln the
Pritzker thangka the identification of the
hierarch with the triple jewel is further
emphasized by the drawing on the back,
where the position of the hierarch is
taken by a large triple jewel on a fivetiered jewel throne (Fig. 11.22) . This
indicates that successors of Drigungpa
were equally considered jewel teachers,
an association that later becomes standard for incarnate teachers (rin po che).
The characteristics outlined here
support the relative chronology suggested for the paintings so far but also
allow for estimating which features
pe1mit the attribution of paintings to
the Drigung School that do not share
the entire composition but only some
of its elements. Indeed, there are a few
paintings that can be added to the corpus
assembled so far on the basis of such
partial representations.
ExPANDED BODY
One such interesting case is a footprint
drawing on silk in the Tibet Museum,
Gruyere, which may depict the footprints of Drigungpa (Figure 11.23).841
This small drawing is considerably
more refined than the Rubin Museum's,
and its composition is fully focused on
the elaborate central throne with the
footprints. As on the back of the Pritzker hierarch, an umbrella covering the
full width of the canvas tops the Tibet
Museum composition, and its central
focus is a flaming triple jewel on a lotus
base between the footprints . The triple
jewel thus occupies the position where
the hierarch associated with the footprints is in figurative drawings.843 Along
with the elaborate jewel scroll surrounding the footprints and tl1e jewels
emerging from the mouths of the throne
animals (both saraba and makora), this
is the main element that hints at a Drigung affiliation. It is thus not surprising
that the actual footprints - which are
broad with rather short toes, a bunion
deformation and the resulting sideways
turn of the big toe, and a gap between
the big toe and tlle adjoining oneresemble that of other footprint paintings of the Drigung School and differ
substantially from Pagmotrupa, Taklung, and Karmapa footprints.844 Note
that those other footprint paintings also
emphasize the vegetal scroll, but they
do not feature the jewel buds so common in Drigung painting.
A similar composition executed
with very faint ink is also found in a
footprint painting on silk in a private
collection (see Fig. 5.4). Originally the
footprints were surrounded by the vegetal
scroll, while the figures were added at a
later stage. The footprint resembles tllose
on the otller paintings, with the bunion
deformation even more extreme. Possibly
this indicates tl1at Drigungpa was of a
rather advanced age when the footprint
was done and tllat it was done in the second decade of the thirteenth century. That
the figures are a later addition is clear
not only from their discordant relationship to tlle earlier drawing but also from
the appearance and iconography of the
figures . To fit tlle lineage into the already
present scroll painting, Phagmotrupa had
to be represented underneatll Gampopa
in the top-right comer, tlle earth-touching
Buddha Sakyamuni placed into this
position on tlle opposite side. The eight
mallasiddhas flanking the composition
do represent tlle standard group, but
PAI N TING TRADITION S OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
237
al igned with the Rochell hierarch, and
the yellow hats for the Taklung teachers
also indicate an early to mid-fourteenthcentury date for this thangka. The crosssectarian nature of the painting make it
likely that it should be associated with
Densatil Monastery, rather than Drigung
Monastery. a place over which both the
FIG. 11.22
Back of Fig. 11.9 with a large central
triple jewel
Photograph by Hughes DuBois
F IG. II.2J
Enthroned foorprim with triple jewel
Cenrral Tiber; early 13th cenrury
(prior to 1217)
Drawing on silk; 20 ~ x 19 in. (52 x 48 em)
Alain Bordier Fow1dation
inv. ABP 53
Virupa behind lndrabOti is no longer recognizable and Nagarjuna is represented
alone. The outer deities, the four-anned
Mahakala and Rematr, in the bottom row
also conform to the standard Drigung
representation, but the remaining deities
there are Acala, Sa<;!~ara Loke§vara,
and Green Tara. There is no decisive
clue to date the addition of these figures
more precisely, but from the comparisons
2.38
CHAPTER I 1
one can exclude the possibility that this
happened before the last quarter of the
thirteenth century. Some of these characteristics further support a western Tibetan
origin for the addition of the figures.
Another hierarch on a thangka
photographed in Tibet can be identified as deriving from a Drigung context
only through the specific representation
of the siddhas in the corners above the
hierarch 's nimbus (Fig. 11.24).845 T his
unusual painting shows an enormous
assembly of monks arranged around
a much larger central hierarch and
emphasizes a number of teachers on
the central axis, among them a Taklung
Kagyu teacher below the throne who is
identifiable thanks to his distincti ve yellow hat. The triple jewel on the throne
and emerging from the makara's mouth
as well as the jewel buds used to termi nate the vegetal scroll further reinforce
a Drigung affi liation. The representation of the mahasiddhas is most closely
Drigungpa and Taglungpa hierarchs held
considerable influence. Such a more
general reading is also supported by the
bottom row of protectors, which does
not follow the Drigung convention.
Obviously, not all paintings sharing one of the minor markers established
above can securely be attributed to
the Drigung School. A case in point is
another large thangka in a Zurich collection showing a hierarch holding a
flower-Like triple jewel at its stem.846 lt
is, of course, tempting to identify this
teacher as Drigungpa. However, none of
the other elements of this painting support such an identification. Similarly,
the white-haired hierarch on a thangka
of the Los Angeles County Museum of
Art847 cannot be attributed to the Drigung School solely on the basis of the
triple jewel depicted on his throne.
The portable paintings based on a
single composition or featuring some of
its elements certainly constituted only
a minor part of the history of Drigung
painting in the first centuries. As we
have seen, the composition could also
be linked to western-Himalayan monu-
ments, the iconographic programs of
which set the composition into a wider
context that is certainly more telling
about early Drigung art and motifs specific to the Drigung School. Fortunately
a considerable number of monuments
that can safely be attributed to the Drigung School were preserved in the western Himalayas.
DRIGUNG TEMPLES IN LADAKH
The rise of the Drigung Kagyi.i and other
more recent central-Tibetan schools
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
239
paintings in the Trans lator's Temple and
the New Temple or Lhakhang Soma.
In addition to the monuments mentioned so far, Alchi preserves three more
chorten for which a Drigung affiliation
can be suggested. These are presented
here in the succession of tl1e diminishing
influence of the Alchi style to place the
depiction of Drigungpa in the Trans lator's Temple into a context. Drigungpa
likel y is one of the two Tibetan teachers in the inner chorten preserved in
the garden of the AI chi LOnpo, which
in the framing of the figures directly
references the Great C horten within the
monastic compound.ln thi s case. the
siddha has been replaced witll a buddha. and one of the local teachers with
another teacher in Tibetan monastic
dress .84l! Drigungpa is probably depicted
twice in the c/wrten adjoining the Small
Chorten and sharing a wall with it, once
he is depicted together with another
hierarch on one of the wal ls of the inner
c116rten (Fig. 11.25), and once on a wall
of the outer chorten in the same monument. Further, Drigungpa is depicted
twice in the c/wrten in the center of the
Main Temple's courtyard, directly above
the passage that leads to the entrance
of the temple. There, he flanks Buddha Sakyamuni along with sa~ak~ara
Lokesvara on the upper level of the
ch6rten's wal ls (Fig. 11.26), and the
lower level is occupied by the Five Budf i G. II.24
Unidentified Drigung School hierarch with
large assembly
Central Tiber; late 13th century
After Han Shuli, Xizang yi shu ji cui
(fibeti1tt arts) (Taibei Shi: Yi shu jia chu ban
she, 1995), 295.
240
CHAPTER I 1
in the western Himalayas resulted in
a chanoe
c of the artistic environment.
dhas.849ln this ch6rten, Drigungpa may
In the course of the thirteenth century,
be represented again on the east wall just
to the side of the window, with a disciple
new styles of art intimately connected
on the opposite side.s;o These monu-
with contemporaneous central Tibetan
ments demonstrate that after a period
art gain predominance while the earlier
western Himalayan idioms, as repre-
marked by the diminishing quality of
Alchi painting style, a new sophisticated
sented by the AI chi group of monu -
and essentially foreign painting style was
ments, quickly fade away. The early
Drigung depictions at A! chi discussed
above were exceptions in so far as their
taken up for the raised chorten in the
courtyard of the Main Temple. Compared
with our earlier examples, the representa-
painting style is still distinctly western
Himalayan. Nevertheless, even at AI chi
a new central Tibet-derived style soon
tion of Drigungpa in the raised ch6rten
fits somewhere between the Zurich and
gained ground. as can be seen from the
tion of the robe underneath the teachers
Koelz hierarchs, the triangular articula-
FtG. 11.25
A teacher possibly representing Drigungpa
in the chorten adjoining the Small Chorren
Ale hi; second quarrer of the 13th cenrury
Photograph by C. luczanitS, 2010
Ftc. 11.16
AnOlher represemanon of Drigungpa on the
west wall of the raised ci1orten inside the
courtyard of the Alchi Main Temple
Third decade of the 13th cenrury
Photograph by C. luczanits, 1998
lefl arm possibly being a distinctive
western Himalayan feature. Given the
closeness of the chorten depiction to the
Zurich hjerarch, including details of the
fall of the d ress and a pronounced farther
eye area, I would rather opt for the third
quarter of the thirteenth century than
later for this dtorten.85 '
Other early examples of a central
Tibetan style in Ladakh are painted
gateway chorten in Lamayuru and
AI chi Shangrong. which sadly are both
nearly destroyed.852 To these I add the
murals of the so-called Karsha Kadampa
Chdrten.853 Among these three passage
chorten the one at AI chi Shangrong
preserves a clue in terms of affiliation,
namely a ten-figure Kagyii lineage on
the west wall with AmiUibha in the
center. but this representation is too
fragmentary to a ll ow more precise conclusions in terms of sectarian affi li ation.
Whil e they all probably derive from a
Drigung context. there is no certainty in
this regard. C hronologically they likely
date between the mid- and the late thirteenth century.8~ Along with the raised
c/rorten in the AI chi monastic compound. these monuments can be taken as
evidence for foreign. that is non-Ladakhi. painters working in Ladakh during
that period. but now not coming from
Kashmir but from central Tibet.
Provided that the identifications
suggested by Rob Linrothe are correcl.sss it would be here that the Hidden
Temple at Lingshed Monastery would
PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
241
have to be placed in the development of
Drigung monuments. In the fragmentary
remains of this temple a central teaching Buddha856 is Hanked by two portraits
surrounded by life scenes. Of these the
hierarch on the right wall is Drigungpa
represented together with his life.857
Lingshed also preserves another hidden
room with more Drigung paintings858
which cannot be much later than the
Hidden Temple. On the left side wall of
this room is a DharmadhatuvagisvaramaiijusrTma~c;lala and on the left half of
the preserved murals on the main wall
arc two Drigung hierarchs with narrative scenes below them (Fig. I I .27).
The depiction of the eight siddhas in the
uppermost row above the hierarchs suoo
gests a date in the late thirteenth century
for these murals.8S9
The Translator·s Temple (Lotsawa
Lhakhang) of Alchi does not clearly
fit into this scenario of a diminishinoe
western Tibetan idiom in the first half
of the thirteenth century and the emergence of central Tibetan painting styles
in the second half developed so far. This
temple is a poor quality add-on to the
earlier MaiijusriTemple. using one of
the MaiijusrTTemple·s walls including
the window as its right wall. Its paintings still have a lot in common with the
earlier western Himalayan idiom and
appear to imitate it. but their quality
indicates a local production. While the
composition of the paintings and their
content is distinctl y different from the
earlier monuments, it sti ll continues
some of the earlier iconographic features. including the emphasis on Buddha
Vairocana. The only Drigung School
element in the iconographic program
of this temple is the above-mentioned
teacher depiction to the left of the central earth-touching Sakyarnuni (Fig.
II .19). Crude as they are. the two top
depictions in the rows to the sides of
the main teacher clearly reference the
two mahasiddha triads typical for the
Drigung School. and the painting also
242
C HAPT E R I I
shares many of the other elements identified as characteristic for early Driouno
0
0
painting, even though some of them are
distorted beyond recognition. Its lineage.
for example. is entirely misunderstood
and essentially illegible, but the number
of Iineage figures. including the two
teachers on the right side underneath
the Sak}'arnuni and Nagarjuna triad.
indicates a mid-to late thirteenth-century
date. With this attribution I assume that
the lineage depiction-the accuracy of
which certainly is to be doubted - does
not refer to the Drigung abbots but to
the western Tibetan lineage. The poor
architectural quality and even more so
the poor rendering of specific Drigung
themes in the Translator's Temple make
it almost unthinkable that there had been
direct contact with Drigung Monastery
at the time of its creation.
In general, while here and below
I do employ the lineage representations
to establish relative chronologies and
absolute dates, I want to express a word
of caution in this regard. In the case of a
hierarch or footprint thangka it is clear
that the lineage in the painting refers to
the hierarch depicted. and there is thus
F1 c. 11.:1.7
Two Drigung hierarchs on me main wall of
th~ so< alled Hidden Temple ar lingshed
Monastery
Photograph by Robert N. Linrorhe, 2006
a great incentive to be accurate. In the
case of monuments the employment
of lineages is much more ambiguous
and problematic. This is even more so
if the lineage is practically unreadable,
as in the AI chi Translator·s Temple, or
if it contains an obvious mistake as in
'
several depictions mentioned below.
One also must be extremely cautious in
the selection of the lineage depicted in
a monument. as those lineages attached
to speci fie themes more likely represent
specific teaching lineages and would
have to be interpreted with the knowledge of that particular lineage. A good
example in this regard is the fragmentary
lineage above the four-armed Maiiju5rr
in Wan Ia mentioned above. which can
only refer to this theme and not to the
temple as a whole. I thus use only lineages that from their location likely refer
to the monum ent as a whole or which
cover larger sections of an iconographic
program than the depi ction of a specific
teaching lineage would.
Other L.adakhi monuments up to
at least the fifteenth century. by contrast.
preserve indigenous paintings styles that
may summarily be called early Ladakhi
painting styles.860 These styles share a
naive quality but differ considerably
in details, coloring, and artistic merit.
These differences also reAect a chronological spread of at least 150 years, but
there are few chronological clues to date
these monuments more precisely. The
most importa nt an10ng these temples is
undoubted! y the Auspicious Three-story
Temple at Wanla. today simply called the
Wanla Chuchigzhel. referring to its main
image, Eleven-headed Avalokitesvara.
\Vania Temple
The only L.adakhi temple besides the
Translator's and Shangrong Temples in
of the eioht
Alchi in which the oroup
<>
e
siddhas is represented in a form peculiar to the Drigung School. Wan! a can
be counted among the earliest of the
L.adakhi style temples (Fig. 11.28). I
have repeatedly tried to date this temple
on the basis of the different chronolo!!io
cal factors but am still unable to offer
conclusive results. The most important chronological indicators are the
inscription and the different lineaoes
e
found inside the temple as part of its
decoration.
The Wanla inscription. now available in a comprehensive study by Kurt
Tropper,861 opens a window on a local
Buddhist dominion centered on Wanla
that otherwise is only known from local
folk songs. The inscription provides
the vague historicity of a traditional
religious source that is more concemed
about praising the heroic ruler. named
BhagdarKyab (' Bhag dar skyabs). his
sons, and thci r pious erection and decoration of thi s temple. BhagdarKyab's
dominion included the surrounding
valleys as well as AI chi and Kanji.
which are explicitly named among other
locales.862 Religious ly, the temple is first
characterized as a Kagyu monument,
mentioning the sculptures of the "Kagyu
lamas·· represented in the gallery leading up to " now," that is, the time of
the establishment of the temple or the
time of writing the inscription (v. 70f.).
Toward the end of the inscription. the
youngest of his four sons, who bears a
religious name in contrast to his brothers. is described as a monk who arrived
at Drigung (' Bri gung) and venerated the
teachers there (v. 116f.).863
In terms of art, the inscription
mentions Nepali craftsm anship with
appreci ation (v. 59f.) when talking
Even thouoh
about the woodcarvinos.
0
0
it is improb able that Newari craftsm en
were actually involve d in the monument. the stateme nt proves the new
cultural affiliation away from nearby
Kashmir and toward the east. The
inscription further enumer ates some of
the topics represented and emphas izes
the vast pantheon depicte d (in particular v. 67f.). Most remarka bly, the three
local artists. a father with his two sons '
all bearing Tibetan names, are also
mentioned and praised (v. 85f.).
Overall. the inscription may be
interpreted as referring to Drigung
fiG. I 1.1.8
The Auspicious Three-story Temple
ofWanl a
Lare 13rh century
Photograph by C. luczani rs, 1998
Monastery. as David Jackson does ,86-l
and then the lineages may have to be
interpreted that way as well. Among
the numerous l.ineages throughout the
temple, most of them in relation to a
specific deity. those comprising thirteen
and fifteen figures appear to be the most
relevant. The most important thirteenfigure li neages are the one in sculpture
referred to in the inscription (Fig. 11.29)
and the most prominent lineage representation on the painted beam on gallery
level (Fig. 11.45). The most important
fifteen-figure depictions are those found
at the very top of the left side wall of the
Maitreya niche. the only lineage that is
partially inscribed, and that on the top of
the main wall of the lantern. These lineages thus continue five to seven teachers beyond Drigungpa.
For a while I had hoped that the
inscribed fifteen-teacher lineage in Maitreya ·s niche. which is hard to read due
to the soot and dust covering the murals
and the angle from which they have to
be viewed. would clarify which lineage
M EAN INGFUL TO BEHOLD
1.43
wa s rep res ent ed at the tem ple . Th ere ,
the first six figures are all identified
as exp ect ed/ 165 and the seventh, Phagmotrupa, is los t. Of the one s that fol low
aft er the los s. onl y the first three hav e
captions. wh ich read (8.) Je Rinpoche.
(9.) Gy elw a Rin poc he, and (I 0.) On
Rinpoche .IIM If we com par e the se tid es
with the lin eag e of abb ots of Dr igu ng
Monastery in central Tib et, Je Rinpoche
(rJe rin po che ), "Pr eci ous Lord," would
be an unusual bu t not im pos sib le des ignation of Jig ten Go npo ( 1143- 121 7),
as it cou ld be an abb rev iati on of the
com mo n chos rje ri11 po che .>!47 Gy elw a
Rinpoche (rG yal ba rin po che ), me ani ng
''Pr eci ous Co nqu ere r" and a com mo n
des ign atio n for the present Dalai La ma .
wo uld be a unique reference to the great
sch ola r Tshtildrim Do rje (mklra n che n
Tshul khr im s rdo rje. 1154-1221 ).1168
and On Rinpoche ('On rin po che),
"Pr eci ous Nephew," cou ld refer to On
So nam Dr agp a (dB on bS od nam s grags
pa, 118 7-1 234 /35 ), wh o actually is
kno wn by this epi the t.1169 Th ou gh hardly
a per fec t match. this is bet ter tha n wb at
we find if we try to match the oth er two
Dri!!U
., Jlo., lin eao.,es identified abo ve.
If the Wa nla depictions are indeed
Iin eao
es of the Dr igu ng abb ots , the
e
div ero
.,ence in the num ber of figures repres ent ed. thi rte en and fifteen. cou ld be
exp lain ed onl y by noting the sho rt tenure
of the rel eva nt abb ots of the tim e. If we
ass um e the con stru ctio n beg an dur ing
or aft er the tenure of the six th abb ot,
Rinchen Sen gge (Ri n che n sen g ge,
1226/1227- 1284; in office 127 8-1 284 ),
and was finalized. inc lud ing the add itio n
of the lan ter n, dur ing the tenure of the
eighth abb ot, Yeshe Do rje (Ye she s rdo
rje, 1223- 1293: in office 128 6-1 293) or
his suc ces sor Ch uny ipa Do rje Rin che n
(bCu gnyis pa rD o rje rin che n. 12781314: in office 12 93 -13 14) . we arrive at
a qui te plausible sce nar io acc ord ing to
wh ich the cre ati on of the Wanla Te mp le
took pla ce bet we en 1278 and 1314,
aro und the tim e of the raid of Dr igu ng
244
CH APT ER 11
Monastery. Th us, the last tw o dec ade s
of d1e thirtcend1 cen tur y arc mo st lik ely
for the con stru ctio n of Wanla. Als o if we
com par e the Wa nla rep res ent atio n of the
eig ht adepts wit h the thangka paintings
discussed abo ve, thi s see ms to be the
ear lies t pos sib le dat e for the tem ple .
Th e iconographic pro gra m of the
Wan! a Te mp le is ext rem ely rich, and
the mo num ent may be con sid ere d on e
of the ear lies t "en cyc lop edi c'' (i.e.. full
pan the on) mo num ent s ofT ibe t.m Its
main nic he, wh ich hou ses an ele ven headed Avalokitesvara. als o contains
Pad ma sam bha va and teachings attributed to him on its walls. Th e bac k
wa lls of the tem ple feature the ent ire
Vajrtlvalr cyc le and the Eig ht Pronounceme nts (bk a' brgyad), ano the r prominent
Ny ing ma Tantric the me . wh ile specifi cal ly Drigung themes are fou nd mainly
in the are a of the entrance and on the
gallery level. the latter genera lly focusina on les s eso ter ic top ics .871 Th e mo st
im"por tan t Dri gung the me s dep ict ed at
Wanta wil l be referred to below in relation to com par ativ e depictions. He re it
suffices to me nti on that the Sa4a~ara
Avalokitesvara triad on the left sid e wall
can be identified as a Dr igu ng topic on
the bas is of the distinctive pro tec tor
dei ties rep res ent ed at the bottom of the
panel (Fig. 11 .30).
Ftc . r 1.~9
Some of the sculptures of a thirteen-figure
Kagyii reaching lineage flanking rhe heads of
Avalokiresvara at gallery level
Wanla; bre 13t h cenrury
Pho tog rap h by C. Luczanirs, 2003
Other Early Monum ents
or the other monuments preserved in the
reg ion . a small tem ple at Kanji. a lon g
day 's wa lk acr oss a pas s to the sou th of
Wanla , is stylistically closest to Wanla.m
Th e onl y chr ono log ica l clu e for Kanji
is aga in a Kagyu lineage painted on
the main wall abo ve Lhe thr ee main
scu lpt ure s (Fi g. 113 1 ).873 It contains
fourteen figures. wh ich wo uld make
the temple roughly con tem por ane ous
wit h Wanla. In the Kanji lin eag e, Pb agmo tru pa - wh o can be identified by his
location within the lineage, but wh o her e
fea tur es the hai rlin e of Dr igu ngpa - is
em pha siz ed, as only he per for ms the
teaching ges tur e. ln ter ms of the iconographic topics, litt le at Kanji res em ble s
Wanla. and there are no specific Dri gun g
the me s. lns tea d, the wa lls are exc lusiv ely occ upi ed wit h ma nda las of the
Sar vad urg atip ari sod han a cyc le. wh ich in
Wan! a occ upi es one of the ground-floor
wa lls and a section of the gallery.~m
FIG. II.JO
~a<;lak~ara
Avalokiresvara as rescuer of the
eighr dangers
Wanla, right side wall; ]are 13th cenrury
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
FIG. II.JI
The main wall of rhe Kanji Temple wirh
Avalokiresvara flanked by rhe Medicine
Buddha and Green Tl!ra and a reaching
lineage of fourteen figures above rhem
Kanj~ late 13th cenrury
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2003
The depictions of teachers can also
serve as criteria for attributing the Sengge
Lhakhang (Seng ge IHa khang, "Lion's
Temple'') at Lamayuru to this early
group.m There Phagmotrupa has his
characteristic beard and presumably again
faces Drigungpa (Fig. 1132).876 The
Senge Lhakhang also shares a number
of more distinctive iconographic themes
with Wanla, such as the Amitayus Paradise with Padmasambhava to the right of
the Buddha and a particular representation of the eighty-four mahasiddhas. In
the Sengge Lhakhang, the siddhas occupy
a prominent position, and the uppermost
row shares a peculiar composition with
the depiction of the same topic as found
in the Wanla lantern (Fig. 1133). In these
representations, the siddhas are grouped
in clusters of four or five figures around a
larger central one. It can only be guessed
which version of the two is earlier, but
the Sengge Lhakhang depiction is more
sophisticated (Fig. 1134). The three
temples discussed so far also share the
red-dominated painting background.
As wi ll be shown in greater detail
below, the Drigung School also maintained a specific set of the larger group
of siddhas, which is consistently used
in the monuments discussed here. This
peculiar set of mahasiddhas - along with
a characteristic variety and abstraction
of the trees used as separators between
them - connects the temples of Wanla
and Lamayuru with that of Alchi Shangrong.877 Its mahas iddha depiction is
extremely important, since it is the most
sophisticated version an1ong this specific
group, and its siddhas are also identified
by captions (see Fig. 1135). Despite its
otherwise dilapidated state, it is clear
that the Shangrong Temple clearly once
housed paintings of excellent quality. As
noted above, this temple also contains
one composition with the typical group
of eight siddhas flanking a central deity
or hierarch that is not preserved. The
color palette and iconography of the
temple, however. differ considerably
from the ones discussed so far.878
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
2.45
FIG. I r. 3 2
Phagmotrupa and Drigungpa in the Sengge
Lhakhang of Lamayuru; passage to side
chapel
Late 13th century
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 1998
II.33
The first four mahllsiddhas and a
practitioner around Nag1rjw1a
Wanla; late 13th century
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010
FIG.
FIG. 11.34
The first four mahllsiddhas and a
practitioner around Nagllrjuna
Lion's Temple, Lamayuru;
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
The Lhakhang Soma (IHa khang
Soma) or "New Temple" within the
monastic enclosure of Alchi 879 contains paintings from a workshop very
close to that of Shangrong, although
of lesser quality. In addition, the basic
iconographic scheme of the two temples
is similar. Roughly speaking, the two
temples house aspiration deities and
their assemblies on the main wall (Fig.
11.41 ), mandalas connected with the
elimination of inferior rebirths on the
left wal l, and the Medicine Buddha(s)
on the right wall. While Shangrong has
only aspiration deities on the main wall,
with the top-center position occupied
by Kalacakia, in the Lhakhang Soma
'
Buddha Sakyamuni
takes center stage
in a composition with the seven Tara in
the bottom row, a theme found twice in
Wanla and also identifiable as a marker
for a Drigung School affiliation.
Given the development of the different themes and the stylistic changes,
the succession of monuments as they
are described may also represent a relative chronology.880 They likely span the
period from the last two decades of the
thirteenth century (Lingshed and Wanla)
to the second quarter of the fourteenth
century (Lhakhang Soma). Then there
appears to be a hiatus between this early
group and the later monuments. Even
246
CHAPTER I 1
though there is a certain continu ity in
terms of the depicte d themes. stylistically the differen ces are dramati c.
Ladakh i monum ents is in no way comprehens ive. but even in this abbrevi ated
form it attests to the rich early history of
Later Monum ents
the Drigung School in Ladakh . It also
at two
provide s the basis for lookino
e
addition al early Drigung themes that are
The compos ition centere d on Sakyam uni
with seven Tara below is also the main
topic in the center of the northern and
best-pre served of the three Tsatsap uri
temples .881 Now the Buddha is perform ing the earth-to uching gesture . and
general ly the style and painting quality
of this temple are conside rably remove d
from the monum ents discuss ed so far. A
major gap between this monum ent and
the ones di scussed so far is also indicated by the long lineage depictio n in the
upper-le ft comer of the main wall. which
features at least twenty- one teachers . Lf
ouno
.,,
these represent the abbots of Dri .,
the lineage leads to the time of the fourteenth Drigung abbot. Rinchen Pelzang
(Rin chen dpal bzang, 1421-14 69) who
held office from 1435- 1469, the same
abbot that Erberto Lo Sue associa tes
with the Guru Lhakha ng in Phyang.88:!
Within the Tsatsapuri comple x,
the western temple, called the Lbato
Lhakha ng, is certainl y older than the
northern one and it contain s a depictio n
of Drigung pa ·s life, proving the Drigung
affi liation of the comple x .883 The temple
in the east, by contras t, copied the iconographic program of the northern temple.
and thus is the latest in the comple x.
With the fifteenth century. we enter
a period in which Drigung School art
become s less and less distinct ive. Relevant monum ents are certainl y the Guru
Lhakha ng in Phyang. which has been
studied and newly attribut ed by Lo Sue
(Fig. 11.42).88-1 Finally. the painted caves
at Saspol~ share characte ristics with
both the latest temple of the Tsatsapuri
comple x and the Guru Lhakha ng. The
best-pre served cave of the Saspol complex support s a fifteenth-century date.
since Tsongk hapa ( 1357- 1419) is among
the teachers depicte d.
This short enumer ation of relevan t
depicted in them.886
EIGHT Y GREAT ADEPT S
s are
paintino
As the earliest Driouno
"
0
0
marked by a distinct ive depictio n of the
Eight Great Adepts (mahasi ddhas), the
somewh at later Ladakh i monum ents preserve a specific ally Drigung Kagyu version of the eighty-p lus887 mahasid dhas,
which has not been identi lied as such
until now.888 Fortuna tely. the depictio n
of these mahasid dhas in the badly damaged temple of AJchi Shan orono have
" "
been provide d with caption s that allow
a fairly comple te identification of the
set and also clarifies the mahasid dhas'
sometim es pecul iar iconogr aphies. The
depictio n is located on the entry wall
to the left of the entranc e to the temple,
and the mahasid dhas are distribu ted over
nine rows (Fig. 1135). This example
provide s the basis for their success ion
and identification as it is describ ed here.
The Shangr ong depictio n is to be
read from top to bottom and from left
to right, and here each row contain ino
0
a maximu m of ten mahasid dhas will
be describ ed in a separate paragra ph.
inscribe d DriO'uno
A second partiallv
0
0
J
set of mahasid dhas is represented in a
thangka of the Tucci collecti on in Rome
(MNAO 880: Fig. 36).889 Based on
my study notes and photographs taken
more than a decade ago, this painting
is here used as the main compar ison.
Further more. the Shangr ong depictio n is
compar ed to Wanla, where the mahasid dhas are depicted side by side along four
walls in the back of the temple' s ground
Hoor. There the row of siddhas beoins
"
immedi ately to the right of the Maitrey a
niche, continu ing in the directio n of
circuma mbulati on along the four comer
walls and ends to the immedi ate left of
the Sakyam uni niche. Wanla further preserves a conside rable part of the mahasiddha depictio n on the north wall of
the lantern. and the version in the Senoe
e
Lhakha ng in Lamayu ru represen ts the
same set. but the docume ntation available to me does not a ll ow for a detailed
compar ison for all mahasid dhas.
The Drigung list of mahasid dhas
no
as represen ted in the Alchi ShanO'ro
0
0
temple begins with Aryade va, shown
as a pa{l(jita with a flask to his side.
Nagiirjuna is shown as a teachino
., buddha seated in front of a colorful snake
hood. The bright-s kinned Liiyipa sucks
on a beoO'ino
the entrails of a fish lyino
0
Oe>
0
bowl. Saroruhavajra has a scholar 's basket and teaches a female disciple kneeling
in front of him and holding a skull cup
(kaptila). The pa~t4ita holding a book
.
'
ts presuma bly Santide va.890 Padmavajra
is dark skinned and holds a lotus above
a skull cup. the attribute referrino to
"
his nan1e. Oombh iheruka is seated on
a tigress and brandishes a snake, while
Vajraghar:llapada is bright skinned and
teaches. Kukkuripa holds a bowl and
embrac es a white dog. The first row thus
contain s nine siddhas .
A bright-s kinned siddha seated
with yogabandha and a cup to his side
is likely Buddha jiiana.891 Dark-sk inned
Nalendr apa Hies with a raised sword and
cup.lnd rabhuti . seated on a throne and
crowne d, is attende d by a female. The
next figure is a dancing siddha with a
cup and is identified as Parabad ha (Pa
ra 'ba dha) in Shangro ng. a name for
which no possible equival ent could be
found in re lated lists.892 Ti lopa holds a
fish in his right hand. the left lying in his
lap in mediati on pose. Ko!alipa, holding a hoe (ko!all), is again accomp anied
by a female attenda nt. The mahasid dha
who follows him is not preserv ed in
Shangro ng. but in Wanla he is dancino0
and holding a cup. The pa~ujita with
his hands in the gesture of venerat ion
(aiijalim udrll) is the famous scholar
PAINTIN G TRADIT ION S OF THE DRICUN G KA GYU SC HOOL
2.47
Asailga. The dark-ski nned siddha with
a flute is Lingbupa (gLing bu pa) and
the last siddha in this row is the whitehaired, emaciated Saraha, holding an
arrow with both hands.
ln the third row, the twentieth siddha, danc ing and holding a cup, cannot
be securel y identi tied .893 Candrapa894 is
seated in a grass hut and holds a cup.
Santipa is dark skinned, sits in a yogic
posture with his right arm stretched
toward the floor, and holds a cup. The
siddha DTpaJ11kara is shown meditating,
and Naropa holds a cup and embraces
248
CH A PTER I 1
a consort kneeling on his lap.895
Kr~1,1acarin, holding a vajra and cup,
rides a human corpse. Phagtshangpa
(Phag tshang pa) guarding a white pig is
largely lost. Bhadrapa is shown frontally
with an ascetic band around his knees,
performing the gesture of argumentation and holding a cup. Concluding this
'
row, the hunter Savaripa
dances with a
<famaru and a bow and quiver in front of
a female attendant.
The further we go in this set of
mahasiddhas, the more variations we
find in their nan1es. The siddha called
FIG. I I.3 5
The eighry mahlisiddhas on rhe enrry wall of
me Alchi Shangrong Temple
Early 14rh century
Photographs by C. Luczanirs, 2009, digirally
merged
Madhelha (Ma dhe lha), in the fourth
row of the Shangrong depiction, dances,
wearing a garment of bone strings and
holding a cf.amanr and skull cup.896
Lhigyipa (!Hi gyi pa) 897 sits and holds
an arrow just like Saraha.Jetari kneels
on one leg, holds a cup. and supports
himself with a stick in his second hand.
The next siddha. whose name is lost in
Shangrong, is a weaver.S<l8 Sllgara sits
with an ascetic band around hi s knees,
performs the argumentation gesture
(vilarkamudrti), and holds a cup. Jaland hara stands on one leg in a yoga posture.
nis hands joined above his head. with his
fingertips directed downward. Kamala
is seated in meditation. Suvamadvrpa is
a pa~ujita holding a book, and Vrryapa
works with a plough and is attended by a
consort. Finall y. Konkana has a massive
(bone?) flute in his hands and is attended
as well.
The fifth row begins with Phakapa
(Pha ka pa) crouching in a yogic posture. his knees held close together by a
band. Tarnpaka kneels on one leg and
holds a cup. and Bhinari flies with an
axe. The siddha called Medripa (sMad
dkris pa: = Maitripa?) is surrounded
by a halo of skeletons. CandrakTrti is
s hown as a monk, and Anandagarbha
as a dark-skinned ascetic si ting in the
diamond seat and teaching.899 Ca ndrabhadra 's attributes are a begging s taff and
a bowl.900 Sengepa crouches a nd holds a
vase and a bell. and Ananta sits against
a basket and holds a bowl.901 A brightskinned siddha seated sideways and
performing the gesture of argumentation
is identfied as 'Dza ri pain the more
complete caption of MNAO 880 (Fig.
1136).
The first siddha in the sixth row
sits sideways and holds a cup.902 Then,
Dri ngishugchen (sPri n gi shugs can),
having the power of the clouds, is s hown
flying with both hands raised at his
sides. The fisherman Mfnapa (Mi na ra
pa(?)/Myi sha mdzad) is surrounded by
fish. Siddhipa rides a lion. Padmakara is
clearly identified with Padmasambhava
through his iconographic depiction but
wears a hat that looks somewhat like a
three-pointed crown.903 Nrtapa is lost in
Shangrong, but in Wanla he has hi s right
fist at his hip and holds a bowl. Tseupa
is shown in a meditati ve posture with
both hands in fists on his knees. Kumara
holds a large needle and rolled up
thread. Dharmakfrti is shown flying in a
cloud, holding a qamaru and kaptila.
In the seventh row. the firs t siddha,
Sutaloki, is attended by a female, and
Avadhiitf is shown as an Indian pa!ufita
with his left hand s tretched out in a
blessing gesture. The dark-skinned siddha with attendant is possibly Saraha,
the younger. Then there are two siddhas
holding s kull cups. and both are facing
toward the deity Hayagrrva between
them .90-1 The second of the two siddhas
is identified as Cal)<;lali at Shangrong.
indicating an exchange of iconography
between this siddha and Capari. who
usually is associated with Hayagrfva.
'
is carrying a basket on his
Siikyamitra
Frc. 11.36
Thangka with eighty mahllsiddhas
Western Tibet; 14th cenrury
Museo Naziona le d' Arte Orientale
"G. Tucci," Rome, no. 880
back. The final two siddhas preserved in
this row, a {Xl(l(iita holding a book and
one seated beside a stupa. cannot yet be
identi lied, and the last one is lost.
From the eighth row onward it
becomes practically impossible to identify all sidd has. as the captions are too
fragmentary, the figures are less and less
well preserved. and the comparisons to
Wanla and MNAO 880 no longer work.
Of the first three siddhas in the eighth
row. all of similar iconography holding
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SCHOOL
249
a kapllla. only the last one can be identified, and he is Darikapa.905 The pa(rc}ita
who follows, with the gesture of argumentation (vitarkamudra) and a book,
may be identified as Candragomin, and
Yigepa (Yi ge pa) is shown as a siddha
with his hand held to his side. The next
pair of siddhas is likel y Kondhali and
Capari. and the last figure preserved in
this row has lost its caption. There are
probably two siddhas missing at the end
of this row.
One of the distinguishing characteristics of this Drigung set of mahasiddhas is that Viriipa is depicted toward
the end of the group, and he is common( y attended by two consorts. He is
followed by an unidentified red-skinned
siddha and a paluf.ita identified as Sing
lha pa. After another unidentified siddha
holding a skull cup. the set concludes
with the elephant-riding Kalaka. who is
labeled as such.906 He is not the last siddha actually depicted. however, as Kalaka is followed by a dark-skinned one
wearing a white cape and holding a flute
and by another bright-skinned siddha.
both of whom salute the other mahasiddhas. The caption of the dark-skinned
siddha. written in larger letters than in
the previous texts and thus not necessarily contemporaneous. is severely damaged, but reading it as Phadampa ('pha
dam pa), referring to Phadampa Sangye
(Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas. died 1117),
would fit well with the fragments of the
preserved text.907
Thus, ending with Kalaka, the Drigung set of mahasiddhas in Shangrong
numbers a maximum of eighty-one. In
the ground floor of Wanla only seventyeight are depicted.908 and on the MNAO
painting, Kalaka is the seventy-fourth,
and there are eighty alltogether.909 We
may thus assume that the Drigung set of
mahasiddhas consists of eighty, as they
are numbered in the Shangrong caption,
four less than the commonly cited number eighty-four. The additional siddhas
found in some representations could
2.50
CHAPTER 11
have been added in an attempt to reach
eighty-four but more likely are included
to link the Indian mahasiddhas to the
Tibetan tradition.910
Besides those mentioned here in
the introduction to this subject. further
likel y representations of the Drigung
group of eighty-plus mahasiddhas are
found in the best-preserved cave above
Saspol Village. usually just referred to
as the Saspol Cave.911 and in the murals
of the Guru Ulakhang at Phyang where
they surround Buddha Vajradhara.912
At this stage it is unclear how long this
set was in use, but by the late sixteenth
century, when the thangka set of Ph yang
described in detail by David Jackson in
this volume was made (see chapter 6) it
had fallen out of use.
ONE GREAT BUDDHA
The characteristics found with the
clearly identifiable early Drigung paintings as well as the evidence from the
Driglll1g Kagyu monuments in Ladakh
allow for distinguishing a number of
other themes as specifically Drigung.
Most important among these is a composition around a teaching buddha that is
the main theme in some late-thirteenthto fifteenth-<'entury Ladakhi monuments.
Versions of this composition are also
known from thangka paintings, and
whi le they often share many of the typical characteristics identified for early
Drigung paintings, not all can be attributed to that school.
Probably the most telling example
for this composition is a thangka in the
Pritzker Collection. which I describe
here in detail with the identification of
its different elements (Fig. 1137) . ln
this configuration. a dominant central
teaching Buddha Sakyamuni is flanked
by two standing bodhisattvas, the
ascetic Maitreya to the proper right of
the Buddha and the crowned Maiijusrf
on his proper left. This central triad is
surrounded by an assembly arranged in
fiG. II.37
Teaching Buddh~ Sakyamuni with Seven
Tlirlis in the bottom row
Central Tibet; early 14th cenrury
Pritzker Collection
a strongly hierarchical manner. At the
top is a row of eight buddhas depicted
frontally and teaching. and below them
are eight more buddhas, facing toward
the central Buddha and performing the
teaching gesture (dharmacakramudrii)
and holding an urpala flower (blue lily).
These are the eight solitary buddhas
(pratyekabuddlla). The next row is occupied by eight monks (§ravaka), the inner
ones holding fly-whisks. The sides of
the painting are densely filled with three
rows of four seated bodhisattvas each.
A fourth row below them also contains
four deities. two of them bodhisattvas seated in the posture of royal ease
(lalitllsana). Together with the standing
bodhisattvas ftanking the Buddha. sixteen bodhisattvas arc represented at the
sides of the painting. The outer deities in
the row of the bottom two bodhisattvas
are a goddess holding an tttpala and surrounded by blossoms and a blue wrathful deity performing a veneration gesture
and holding a bow. They can be identified from the textual source as Tara.
'·the compassion of Avalokitesvara," and
Yan1antaka. the wrathful king. The text
even prescribes the jewel mountains its caves occupied by seers and siddhas-the last two deities are seated
on. the practitioner on the side of
Yarnantaka. and the deities and canopy
above the Buddha.
ln my previous study on early Driguug paintings. I identified such paintings as potentially part of the Drigung
corpus. as they share a number of the
minor characteristics discussed, most
notably the emphasis on the triple jewel
and the naga holding the throne. I thus
was convinced that the key to the identification of this theme had to be found in
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
2.51
Drigung sources913 but I did not succeed
in finding it there. Retrospectively. this
is not surprising, as the composition is
based on the description of a superior
cloth painting (pa.ta) in the first chapter
of the Maiijusrlm17lakalpa. probably
the most important early esoteric Buddhist text.914 It was an important brief
discussion by Kimiaki Tanaka on ..The
MalljuirTm17/akalpa and the Origins
ofThangka.'' in which he identifies
this description as the source for later
Tibetan thangkas, that put me on the
right track.915
The description of the superior
pata is not entirely identical to the
Pritzker thangka as the latter lacks the
lotus pond and the lotus stem flanked by
nilga underneath the Buddha. which is
integrated in other comparable paintings.
such as a thangka in the McCormick
Collection (Fig. 1138). Each roughly
contemporaneous version of this composition on scroll paintings known to me
so far appears to have its idiosyncrasies.
especially in the lower areas. The lotus
stem emerging from a pond may be present,916 and the figures and deities represented to the sides of the throne and in
the bottom row may vary.
interestingl y, two more pieces in
private collections have an additional
seven buddhas represented in the bottom row: one published in a calendar
has repeated representations of Buddha Ak~obhya,917 and in the other the
seven Medicine Buddhas arc in the
bottom row, forming the complete set
of eight with the central Slikyamuni
(Fig. II 39) .918 ln both paintings the
iconography of Sakyamuni may have
been altered from the teaching gesture
described in the text to the earth-touching gesture to express his relation to the
budd has represented in the bouom row.
The most frequent version, which
is also represented by the Pritzker painting (Fig. 1137), has seven Green Tara
placed side by side at the bottom.919 and
l.j:Z.
CHAPTER I J
it is this depiction that is also found
in the Ladakhi monuments. This fact,
as well as their likely reference to
the vision and practice of Seven Tara
attributed to Drigungpa.920 allows for
positively identifying such paintings as
products of the Drigung School.
lo the Ladakhi monuments. this
composition is found twice in the Auspicious Three-story Temple of Wanta.
once on the ground floor to the right
side of the Sakyamuni niche occupying the entire top part of the wall (Fig.
11.40), and once on the top floor in the
center of the left side wall. In the Sengge Lhakhang of Lamayuru it is shown
FlC. I I.J8
Teaching Buddha Sa.kyamuni composition
with lorus Stem Aanked by naga in the
bottom row
Tiber; early 14th century
Collection of Michael & Beata McCormick
FlC. I 1.39
Earth-rouching Buddha Sa.l..·yamuni with the
seven Medicine Buddhas in the bottom row
1iber; 14th cenrury
Privare Collection, Switzerland
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
253
FlG. 11.40
Teaching Buddha composition with Seven
Tll.ra ar the bonom
Wanla; 13th century
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2003
F lG. I 1.41
Main wa ll of rhe Lhakhang Soma, Alchi,
with the reaching Buddha composition with
Seven Tara in rhe center
Second quarter of rhe 14th century
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2000
earth, and the arrangement for the surrounding figures is also not as strictly
adhered to as elsewhere. As all three
monuments belong to the later group of
Drigung monuments in Ladakh as outlined above, this change may also have
chronological significance. It seems
certain, though. that this chronology is
relevant only for Drigung monuments
in the western Himalayan region and
does not apply to the thangkas referred
to above, which may document devel opments in central Tibet and/or within
other schools of Tibetan Buddhism. Due
to the wide range possible for the origin
of these thangkas and the considerable
stylistic and iconographic variety within
the small group of painti ngs known to
me, the dates and attributions for these
paintings given in the captions remain
tentative.921
The other area in this composition
where there appears to be considerable
freedom is in the rock formations to
the sides of the buddha's throne-base.
on the right wall just to the side of the
eighty-plus mahasiddhas.
In the absence of central sculptures, the Buddha with Seven Tara
becomes the central theme on the
wall opposite the entrance, as is the
case in the Secret Room at Lingshed
(Fig. 11 .27, only a few elements of
2.54
CHAPTER I 1
this depiction can be recognized along
the right edge of the photograph), the
Lhakhang Soma (Fig. ll.41) and the
northern Tsatsapuri temples at Alchi, the
Guru Lhakhang in Phyang, and at least
one of the fragmentary Saspol Caves.
In the last three cases the Buddha is not
represented teaching but touching the
Described as containing caves occupied
by seers and siddhas, these areas may
also be used to depict the practitioner
and donor portraits, or may be left out
altogether. In the Pritzker buddha painting a Tibetan teacher is placed in the
top center in the middle of the eight
buddhas. He performs the teaching
gesture and is flanked by two bodhisattvas (Fig. 1137). In this context, this
teacher most likely is Drigungpa, while
the figure at the right of the throne base
F1c. n.42
Eanh-rouching Buddha in the central
composition of the Guru Lhakhang in
Ph yang
Mid-15rh cenrury
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 1998
is the practitioner and possible donor of
the painting.
A similar practitioner is found on
the McCormick buddha. also holding a
Aower offe ring. but he cannot be used
to establish the paintings's sectarian
affi liation. Nevertheless. the painting
not only very closely resembles the
Pritzker painting but also contains a
few hints that make a Origung context
of patronage plausible. As in the earlier
paintings, triple jewels are prominently
represented. and a pair of deities in the
outer corners derives from uaga supporting the throne base. as can be concluded
from their gestures (Fig. 1138). In addition, it may not be accidental that the
practitioner in the comer is shown with a
white complexion.
AwAKENED HuMAN
As has become apparent from the paintings discussed, representations of the
founder of the Drigung School. Jigten
Gonpo ( 1143-1 2 17), were particularly
important. At Alchi, Drigungpa's portrait
is found in almost all monuments dating
after the Sumtsek. where he is the last figure in the lineage (Fig. 11.5). A comparison of thi s depiction with other exan1ples
from the Great ChMen (Fig. 11.43). the
Small Chorten (Fig. 11.6). and the Translator's Temple (Fig. 11.19) indicates that
consistent features of his early portraiture
are his white skin and a distinctive hair
line deeply receding at the temples while
the top center of his head is still covered
with hair. This distinctive hairline is
even more pronounced on the footprint
thangka from the Rubin Museum (Fig.
11.2) and can be recognized in many of
his other representations in the corpus
of early Drigung paintings summarized
above.922 The san1e physical features arc
also in sculptures likely representing Drigungpa. such as stone steles in the Phoenix Art Museum923 and the Potala Palace
stele92• or the gilded bronzes preserved
at Drigung Monastery925 and the Musee
Guimet.m
That many of the figures in Drigung portraits are of white complexion
is curious. Possibly the color refers to
the trope that convening to Buddhism is
equal to turning from dark to white. as
it is, for example. used in the renovation
inscription of the Tabo Main Templc.927
However, in the contex t of the early Drigung paintings in the western Himalayas
its meaning certainly is more specific. It
is interesting that in the Alchi Sumtsek
all Tibetans among the Drigung lineage
figures were distinguished from the
others through their white complexion,
which sets them apart from the local
teachers on the opposite side of the lantern window (Fig. 11.4). In some later
depictions, such as the one at Wanla
(Fig. I I .45), only Jigten Gonpo retains
this feature. In this case, the white complexion is used to emphasize him. However. this distinction appears to have
been relevant only in the earliest art and
then disappears entirely.
Surveying early Tibetan portraits
for figures with white or very fair complexions reveals that other teachers are
equally represented as such, among them
Shangttin Chokyi Lama (I I 23- 1194),9:!8
and. though much less pronounced,
some Taglung School teachers. such
as its founder Taglung Tashipel (11421210).929 Sangye Yarjon (1203- 1272).
the third abbot ofTaglung Monastery,930
and Sangye Onpo (1251 - 1296). founder
of Riwoche."31 Even if not all of these
teachers perform the teaching gesture,
the white skin likely indicates that they
are understood to be awakened beings,
and they are thus compared to Buddha
Vairocana. This emphasis on the awakened human through the complexion
of his skin reinforces his quasi identity
with the Buddha. a notion that is further
supported by the textual interpretations
associated with some of the paintings
discussed.
BENEFICIAL TO SEE
As brieAy mentioned above, the Rubin
Museum drawing also contains a fragmentary inscription at its bottom border.
Despite its fragmentary condition. one of
the clearer passages postulates the benefit the drawing bestows through seeing
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KAGY U SCHOO L
255
FIG. 11.43
Drigungpa in the Great Chorten of A!chi
Ca. 1220
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2006
painting is a substitute for the presence
of the teacher. This, of course, harks
Drigungpa in the temple of Alchi Shangrong
Early 14th century
Photograph by C. Luczanits, 2010
back to the story of the first buddha
image of King Udayana.
In many examples, the beneficial
qualities emitted from these paintings are
also expressed through the rainbow halos
that often surround the main hierarch,
it, hearing of it, and even recollecting it.
his footprints, or Buddha Sakyamuni.
This is quite obvious on the Pritzker
hierarch, the private collection footprint,
f iG. 11.44
This is strongly reminiscent of a passage
of the description of the superior cloth
painting (pata) in the first chapter of the
MaiijusrTm17lakalpa , where the painting of the Buddha is called "beneficial
to see" (mthong ba don ldan), since
"all sins will be purified in a moment
at the mere sight of it.' 0932 The expansion of this notion to the representation of the teacher or his footprints is
to be expected, as his iconography has
assimilated that of the Buddha, and the
beneficial qualities of such a painting
are ex pressed in other ways as well, in
particular through the notion that the
2.56
CHAPTER I 1
and the McCormick buddha and contrasts with the scroll and rock framing
of the secondary figures. Representing
the light emitting from the central buddha, or hierarch, the radiance permeates
all regions to lead those beings there
out of the darkness of ignorance. This
notion is even more explicitly expressed
in another private collection painting in
which a central teaching buddha flanked
by bodhisattvas is accompanied by the
Five Buddhas (Fig. I I .46).933 I read this
depiction as representing the radiating and all-pervading buddha nature
or the iidibuddha, manifesting the Five
Buddhas occupying the directions of the
cosmos. On the back, the main buddha
is represented by a vajra within a lotus,
while the Five Buddhas at the bottom
are identified by their family symbols
and have Vairocana in their center (Fig.
11.47). In this painting the triple jewel is
prominently represented in the center
of the throne as well as to the sides of
the row of vajras along the bottom,
which separates the world of the buddhas
from the ordinary world. Its prominent
representation as well as the composition of the depiction on the back, which
relates this painting to the Pritzker
hierarch, make it quite possible that
this thangka is a product of the Drigung
School as weiJ.934
Even in this considerably expanded
form, the corpus of securely identifiable early Drigung paintings is still
small and may represent only a few
aspects of the art associated with this
school. These paintings nevertheless
represent a substantial source of information on the school's early public and
F1c. 11.4 S
Phagmorrupa and Drigungpa in a lhi.rteenfigure reaching hneage on the painted beam
Wanla; I 3th century
Photograph by C. Luczanirs, 2010
religious institutions and through its
emphasis on the newest esoteric teachings in the tradition of the mahasiddhas.
The cross-identification of Drigungpa.
who's ordination name is Rinchen-
semi-public presentations. The emphasis
on the footprints and teacher depictions
of Drigungpa confirms the awakening
attributed to the schoors founder that
is evident in the written sources. It also
conforms to this schoors emphasis on
the teacher and meditation practice. The
succeeding Drigung hierarchs then continue to be represented in the same way.
Most important though. this
expanded group of paintings illustrates
the early spread of the Drigung School
and its teachings in the far-western
Himalayas beginning during Drigungpa ·s lifetime and its uninterrupted
continuation beyond the destruction of
Drigung Monastery in the late thirteenth
century. As demonstrated by AI chi
Monastery. the Drigung School quickly
established itself within already existing
pel, with the great translator Rinchen
Zangpo. on whose teachings much of
the representations within these temples
were based, possibly has helped this
process. but more likely it is the result of
the later takeover of many Drigung institutions by the Geluk School.
Among the western Himalayan
examples of early Drigung thangka
paintings, at least two represent a western Tibetan teaching lineage that hitherto
had not been identified, namely the
Koelz and Rochell hierarchs. The existence of this lineage helped considerably
to clarify some of the earlier lineage representations. but it remains unclear how
relevant it was in the Ladakhi monuments. I have used it above to explain
the short lineages represented with specific topics within the monuments. but
this correlation may be accidental.935 It is
further noteworthy that Achi. the distinctive protectress of the Drigung School. is
not found in any of these early representations or monuments. Achi does occur
in the northern temple ofTsatsapuri. but
there she is later addition to the iconographic progran1 of this temple.
The broader base of Drigung
paintings and subjects identified in this
discussion provides new perspectives in
interpreting the messages of these works
of art more precisely and also points
toward a general beneficial function so
far overlooked in their consideration but
crucial to understand a major visual element that is an integral part of them.
In terms of message, the importance of the mahasiddha tradition comes
as no surprise in a Kagyu School, but
the consistent distinctiveness of the Drigung interpretation of the mahasiddha
and its emphatic use in distinguishing
the Drigung School not only from the
earlier traditions but also from the other
Kagyu Schools has until now only been
partially known. The distinctive Drigung
PAINTING TRAOITIONS OF T>IE ORICUNC KACY U SC HOOL
257
2)8
CHAPTER 11
FIC. I J ·46
Teaching lighr-emining Buddha
Cenrral Tiber; 13rh century
F1c. '1.47
Back of Fig. 11.46 with the position of the
main Buddha on the front occupied by rhe
triple jewel
set of the larger group of eighty-plus
mahasiddhas identified here for the
first time led me to view the depiction of this subject on the MaiijusrT
dholl in the Alchi Sumtsek936 and the
iconographic program of the two early
Alchi chorten, the Great ChBrten and
the Small Chorten. in a new light. I
may have been blind on that spot. but in
attempting to identify the AI chi chOrten
siddha. I had assumed that only a direct
relationship to Drigungpa makes sense,
even though neither the relative position
of the teachers in the dwrten nor the
relationship of Drigungpa to the other
eight adepts depicted prominently in
the early Drigung paintings necessa rily
support that view. Instead, I now think
there are good reasons to see the siddha
represented there and at the very bottom
of the Alchi Maiiju5rr dhotT and in the
two chorten as a teacher of Drigungpa
in vision only. However. his main function appears to be to link the Indian
mahasiddha tradition geographically and
temporally to Drigungpa and qualify the
Drigung School teachings in this tradition. Phadampa Sangye certainly is an
ideal candidate for achieving this link,
and in later depictions. such as AI chi
Shangrong,937 he is identified as such in
this very position. I am thus more than
willing to provisionally also identify the
Alchi siddha with Phadampa Sangye.
The only drawback to this scenario,
and my reason to still express some
degree of hesitation, is that the mahasiddhas as they are shown on the Alchi
Sumtsek dlwfl have no relationship to
the mahasiddha literature ascribed to
Phadampa938 or with the literature on the
specific Drigung group, a fact that still
needs consideration. Regardless of the
identity of the dark-s kinned siddha, the
message communicated through him is
the establishment of a new paradigm in
the teaching transmission that parallels
the more conventional Drigung lineage.
Thus the lineage above Drigungpa in
the Small ChBrten. communicating the
direct transmission from a siddha reinforces that notion.
In terms of function, the notion
that works of art are considered agents
that bestow a beneficial result just by the
mere sight of them is not necessarily surprising and makes sense in this cultural
context. But it has not been known until
now that this notion has played a major
role in early Drigung art and likely in
Tibetan art production in general. The
early paintings of the Drigung School
are outstanding insofar as they make this
notion visually explicit through the rainbow halos surrounding the main figures,
resulting in some of the most outstanding early Tibetan paintings.
PAINTING TRADITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SCHOOL
259
The Elusive Lady ofNanam :
An Introduction to the Protectress
Achi Chokyi Drolma
KRIS T EN MULDOWNE Y R OBERT S
overflOWS
with a widely varied and complicated
constellation of major and minor deities,
some well understood and catalogued
and others barely known and seldom recognized. Identification of these obscure
figures is possible although often difficult, as several works of scholarship
have shown, and with time the meaning
and origins of many of these deities may
fade into obscurity, as they already have
for many practitioners today. In other
cases, once minor deities have become
elevated, either in their immediate geographic region or in the rei igious sect to
which they belong, gaining in popularity,
importance, and purpose. Some of the
greatest variety in nature and appearance
can be seen in the class of divine beings
known as Dharma protectors (clws
skyong; Skt. dlzarmapllla), a diverse
group of deities who have been tasked
with the guardianship ofBuddhist teachings, teachers, and related landscapes,
either through choice or coercion.m One
such popular deity who has received only
brief attention is the legendary Lady of
Nanan1, Achi Chokyi Drolma (Sna nam
' bza A phyi Chos l..')'i sgrol rna). Venerated as both an emanation of the female
THE TIBETAN PANTHEON
Buddha Vajrayogini (Rdo rje mal ' byor
rna) and as the great-grandmother of
the founder of the Drigung Kagyil sect,
Ratnasri Jigten Sumgon ('Jig rten gsum
mgon, 1143-1217), Achi takes on a
variety of significant roles for those who
worship her. From a ritual standpoint,
she functions not only as a semiwrnthful Dharma protectress but in meditation
practices as a guru, a potential consort,
and even a tutelary deity, or yidam (vi
dam; Skt. 4!/w-devatl/). Additionally,
beneath these divine personifications lies
the possibility of a historical figure who
inspired her hagiography, believed to
have lived sometime during the tenth or
eleventh century. While a profoundly significant deity in the Drigung Kagyu tradition today, A chi is a prime representation
of a syncretic deity within the Tibetan
cultural sphere, possessing a multitude of
functions and representations, as well as
an unclear past By tracing and attempting to decipher such a multivalent figure,
much can be learned a bout the adoption
and evolution of Tibetan protector deities
into tbe Buddhist program, and, subsequently, about the needs and desires of
the people who have venerated them at
various points in history.
FIG. I :t.I
Derail of Fig. 7.17, Achi Chokyi Drolma
Ca. 18£h or 19th cenrury
l5 'A x 11'/s in. (38.8 x 28.3 em)
John and Berdle Ford Collecrion, promised
gifr ro rhe Walters Art Museum
(HAR 73896)
THE FIGURE OF ACIII CHOKYI
DROLMA
Like many Buddhist deities, Achi possesses nwnerous epithets, some relatively distinctive and others fuirly
common among female deities. Most
specific to her are her given name,
Chol..')'i Drolma, literall y meaning "Savioress of the Dharma," and the fami liar
title Achi, which simply translates as
"grandmother." This second epithet
refers to her status as the great-grandmother of J igten Sumgon, but its familiarity also demonstrates the personal
connect ion she is believed to have to her
devotees. Achi 's given name appears in
the academic works of numerous top
scholars within the field ofTibetan studies past and present, attesting to her relative popularity, but she is often granted
little more than a line of reference identifying her status as the protectress of the
Drigung Kagyu region and lineage.9W
From a traditional standpoint, a significant amount of written material exists on
A chi and her cult, but little of it is accessible to non-Tibetan readers, despite the
growing popularity of her worship
through the recent spread of the Drigung
Kagyu tradition to the West To understand how A chi is perceived and worshiped in contemporary practice, I rely
on my own translation and interpretation
of a modern abbreviated hagiography, or
namtar (mamthar), of the figure, The
Abridged life-story of Drigung Achi
Chokyi Drolma ( •Bri gung a phyi clws
/.:yi sgrolma'i mam thar mdor bsdus).
by Drigung Konchok Gyatso ('Bri gung
dKon mchog rgya mtsho, also known as
Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho),941 as
well as consultation with a sampling of
her ritual tex'tS, including two short
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRI CUNC KAGYU SC HOOL
261
f i G. 12..2.
Detail of Fig. 7.8, Achi Chokyi Drolma
Tibet; early 18th century
Ground mineral pigment on cotton;
22 x 16 >h in. (55 x 41.6 em)
Photograph by Bruce M. White
Rubin Museum of An; Gift of Shelley and
Donald Rubin
C2006.66.555 (HAR 1034)
stidhana practice texts, one from the
Great Drigung Kagyu Treasury of the
Doctrine ('Bri gung bka' brgyud chos
md:od chen mo?42 and one from the
Collected Works of Lozang DameliO
Gyatso (Blo bzang dam c/ws rgya
mtslwg gsung 'bum),943 and the catalog
of a much larger ritual te>..1: devoted
entirely to this deity, entitled The
Stidhana Collection of the Dharma
Guardian Achi (Bstan bsrung a phyi'i
sgrub thabs be'u bum). 944 This work is
further assisted by the translations by
Tashi T. Jamyangling of a few of the
texts from this particular collection,
including an alternate version of her life
story. 945 ln addition to providing a
glimpse into the institutional stance on
the figure of Achi, these texts also provide evidence about the ways in which
opposing sects perceive and understand
her through the arguments the authors
choose to make about her. A key example of this is an emphasis on Achi 's
en! ightened status and the insistence that
262
CHAPTER !2.
she is of a higher rank than typical mundane worldly protector deities - a point
that would not need to be made if there
were not opposing or conflicting perceptions of the figure.946 This point wi ll be
further explored later in this chapter.
Achi Chtikyi Drolma's iconographies reflect her syncretic nature as a
semiwrathful deity and a Tibetan Buddhist laywoman, as she is portrayed by
her hagiographers. Typical depictions
show a smiling young woman dressed
in the elaborate robes ofTibetan nobility
and the jeweled adornments of royalty. 947
The color of her skin is white tinged
with red, and she has an open vertical
third-eye on her forehead. Most commonly, she carries a two-s ided hand
drum , or qamaru (mga clumg), above
her head, and a skull cup (thod pa; Skt
kiiptila) containing wish-fulfilling jewels at her chest In her form as a fierce
Dharma protectress, she is seen flying
amid the clouds mounted upon her blue
celestial wind-horse, but she can also
be depicted standing peacefully upon a
lotus throne, a white-silver mirror (me
long) in one hand and a wish-fulfilling
jewel (nor bu) in the other.948 lmages
of Achi riding her wind-horse, despite
her youthful appearance, are believed to
depict the last moment of her life w hen
she is said to have taken off into the sky
upon her worldly death. This configuration itself is full of action and calls to
mind the various other Tibetan protectors who ride mounts of varying temperanlents, such as Penden Lhamo (Opal
!dan lha mo; Skt. Sri Devi),949 Tashi
T.~eringma (Bkra shis Tshe ring ma) and
her retinue, and the Twelve Tenma Goddesses (Bstan ma bcu gnyis).
Each of the individual aspects of
Achi 's attire and accoutrements conveys
deep meaning within the culture from
which she emerges, carrying the weight
of early Indian Tantric, monastic Buddhist, and indigenous Tibetan connotations.950 In her common manifestations,
Achi is fully clothed in elaborate brocade robes and ornate jewelry described
in some stidhanas as the five kinds of
silken garments, which could refer to
the five elements of dress that represent
each of the Five Buddha Families.951 As
to Achi 's accoutrements, many female
Tibetan Buddhist deities, particularly
those classified as cf.akinl and maintaining a connection to Vajrayogini in particular, carry a skull cup, which has its
roots in the early Saiva movements.952
Unlike many (ia/..inf who carry kti.ptila
full of blood from which they drink,
Achi's skull cup usually contains a wishfulfilling jewel, signaling her ability to
bestow the desires of her devotees. The
FtG. n.3
Detail of Fig. 7.18, Achi Chokyi Drolma
Kham, libet; 19th cenrury
Ground mineral pigment on corwn;
31 ~ x 2J '/1 (80.6 X 58.8 em)
Rubin Museum of Art; Gifr of Shelley and
Donald Rubin
C2006.66.404 (HAR 849)
primary ritual tool most commonly associated with Achi, however, is the handheld damam, and aside from appearing
in her stories and iconography, the thundering sound of the small drum is said to
accompany her miracles and visits to her
followers. 953 Achi 's third most common
instrument is the divination mirror-a
flat, round metal disk to which colored
ribbons are sometimes attached. This
tool is used in various indigenous oracular and divination practices throughout
Tibet.954
From a purely visual standpoint, it
is often Achi 's mount that sets her apart
and acts as a primary point of identification for the deity. While uncommon
among fully enlightened buddhas and
tutelary deities, mounts are often possessed by worldly indigenous teaching
guardians. Due to the vast distances
and difficult terrain separating premodem Tibetan communities, horses
were revered for their swift and reliable
transport and were even granted their
own set of thirty-two marks of perfection, akin to those given to buddhas
and (iitkinT. Achi's mount is no ordinary
horse, however, but is a blue celestial
wind-horse (rlung rta), which carries
a number of auspicious connections in
Tibetan culture. Both the horse and the
wind are viewed as natural vehicles for
movement, and prayer flags are known
by this name as well. The mount of
the epic hero Gesar of Ling is also the
wind-horse, and, in Tibetan medical
and astrological systems, the divine
animal symbolizes the combination of
all of the elements of personal health
and harmony: life energy (srog ); health
(Ius); personal power (dbang /hang);
and lastly success, for which the Tibetan
word lungta (rlung rta) literall y translates as "wind-horse" on its own.9Ss
As she is the protector of the Drigung Kagyu lineage, small images of
the deity are often found within larger
compositions attributed to the tradition,
particularly in works from more recent
centuries. Relatively standard representations of the deity can be seen in two
thanokas
in the Rubin Museum of Art's
0
collection, one of Jigten Sumgon and the
other of Padmasarnbhava, both attributed to the Drigung Kagyu tradition.
In these two instances, Achi takes
a subordinate position to both the lineage holders and the central figure. In
the first she is placed as one of the protectors, appearing at the bottom right
(Fig. 12.2), while in the second, she
is placed as part ofPadmasambhava's
entourage directly to the right of him
(Fig. 12.3). Her iconography in both
is nearly parallel, the only significant
difference being in the contents of the
kapttla-whereas the Achi in the earlier
image carries what appears to be one full
of multicolored wish-fulfi llingj ewels
in her left hand, the second has a skull
cup full of distinctly red blood. Otherwise, both raise a qamaru to the sky in
their right hand, ride a fierce and noble
blue horse, and possess a halo, a third
eye, and a peaceful expression. Even
the shade of the garments each wears
is strikingly similar, with a red dress,
white robe, and hemlines and scarves of
blues and greens. Achi and mount are
also delicately adorned in ornate jewelry
and bridles painted with gold ink and
are surrounded by images of clouds to
PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE DRICUNC KACYU SC HOOL
263
indicate their fl ight.9 ;.s Achi in this form
is easily recognizable, and while she can
be found in relation to other sectarian
sources, because she is considered a key
guardian for the Drigung Kagy u specifically, her presence can often be used,
along with other supporti ng evidence, to
help positively tie the provenance of an
object, location, or text to that sect.
A GRANDMOTHER 'S STORY
According to her hagiography, Achi
Chokyi Drolrna was born to human
parents of the prestigious Nanam clan957
in the Drigw1g region of central Tibet
sometime after the period of the First
Propagation of Buddhism (ca. 650850).958 This ancestry gives precedence
for an often-used epithet for the figure,
Nanamza (Sna nam bza ') or " Lady of
Nanam," reflecting her noble birth and
connections to the ancient clan systems
of Tibet, and also places her origin in
the future geographic seat of her lineage trad ition. Her birth was tbretold by
prophetic drean1s and accompanied by
auspicious signs, and because she was
born with a third eye and spoke immediately upon her delivery, her hagiography
attests that she must not have been an
ordinary child but rather a divine </ilkinT
and emanation of the fully enlightened
Queen of the Oakini, Vajrayogini. At the
age of three she spontaneously began
reciting the mantra ofTarii, teaching it
to friends and neighbors, which earned
her the name ofChokyi Drolma; Drolma
(sgrol ma) being the Tibetan translation
of the nan1e of the popular Buddhist
goddess. By the time she was in her late
teens, both of her parents had died,959 and
Achi, now living with extended family,
chose to renounce her inherited wealth
and sneak away with a merchant caravan
traveling east toward Kham (Khams). As
s he had prophesied to those around her
many ti mes before, it was here that she
met and convi nced a practiced Nyingma
(Rnying rna) yogi by the name of Arne
Z.64
CHAPTER 12
Tsultrim Gyatso (Ames tshul khrirns
rgya mtsho)960 to marry her, even though
both claimed to have little concern for
worldly endeavors. Ame TsUitrim Gyatso
was of another powerful family line, the
Kyura (Skyu ra) clan,961 and with him
Achi eventually gave birth to four sons:
Narnkha Wangchuk (Nam mkha' dbang
phyug), Peka Wanggyel (Ope ka dbang
rgyal), Nanggakpa Sonarn Pel (Nang
dgag pa bsod narns dpal), and Katung
Druzhi (Ka thung gru bzhi).962 Namkha
Wangchuk became father to Nenjor
Dorje (Rna! ' byor rdo rje), and his son in
turn was Jigten Sumgon, also known as
Kyopa Jigten Gonpo (Skyob pa ' Jig rten
mgon po ), who would go on to establish the Drigung KagyOiineage and the
monastery ofDrigung Thel Okmin Jangchupling ('Bri gung mthil 'og min byang
chub gling) in the year 1179.
Throughout her hagiography, Achi
drew near, A chi informed her family and
disciples that her time with them had
ended, and swearing to protect her Iincage for the next fifteen generations, she
rode her celestial blue wind-horse into
the sky, ascending bodily to the <fiikinr
pure land of Khecara. 964 Alternatively, in
Drigung Konchok Gyatso's version of
her hagiography, Achi achieves the state
of rainbow-body when she decides it is
time to die and ascends to the celestial
realm from which she had originally
emanated.965 According to him, Achi was
born in the early eleventh century and
must have lived at least seventy years,
meaning this departure would have
occurred shortly before I087. 966 By these
same traditional accoW1ts, Achi is said to
have appeared to Jigten Swngon and his
retinue during their lifetimes, personally
vowing to act as the protectress of his
monastic lineage, its followers, and the
is shown to demonstrate her miraculous
Tantric powers and otherworldly abilities. On the occasion of her wedding,
her intended husband and his family
became panicked when no feast could
be provided for their guests due to
their poverty. In response, Achi. with a
land surrounding the monastic complex,
which coincidently was located in the
region of her birth, the Drigung valley.
T his was by her own volition, provi ng
her status as an en lightened and sp iritually advanced wisdom (iilkini (ye shes
mere recitation of the wrathful syllable
''Pilat!" calmly and unexpectedly produced a <famam and a skull cup from
rather than a worldly spirit deity bound
by oath to serve as a guardian of the
teachings, a point ardently defended by
the pockets of her robes and manifested
an abundance of food and drink through
the performance of a mystical dance,
pleasing all those present. Later in her
the authors of her hagiographies.
The Tibetan term for the literary
genre of hagiography is namtar , which
life, while Achi was subduing local
malicious spirits and teaching the Buddl1ist doctrine in a cave along the Pan1e
River (Dpa' smad chu bo), she is said to
have transformed a fresh corpse into a
great Tantric feast offering (lsog 'klwr,
Skt. ga~raca/..7a) for all to partake in.
Those that did so gained many spiritual
achievements and abilities, known as
the common and supreme siddhi attainments,963 a nd a bodily imprint of Achi
and her four sons was left on the rock
waU. Most fantastic of all is the scene
of Achi's death. As her time to depart
kyi mkha' 'gro ma, Skt. j!liina<fiikinr)
literally translates as "full-liberation
[story]," tha t is, an account of a Budd hist individual's spiritual ach ievements
and subsequent enlightenment. 967 Aside
from merely recording the events of
a person's life, these life stories serve
two distinct yet mutually important
purposes: to supply an exemplar for
devotees to strive toward if not to follow; and to provide a legitimizing force,
not on ly to the figure herse lf but to the
lineage, sect, and tradition to whi ch she
belongs on a greater religious scale. In
the case of Buddhist saints and incarnate
<fiikinT, a proper exemplar maintains a
particular pattern to her life stories and
behaviors that mirrors the life story
of the historical Buddha Siddhartha
Gautama. 968 Like many Tibetan saints,
from a young age Achi is portrayed as
possessing distaste for the worldly life,
desiring to leave it behind her. Unlike
other figures, however, the Dharma
protectress's goal is not the pursuit of
religion but rather the drive to produce
offspring who would further spread the
Dharma- specifically her grandson
Jigten Sumgon and his subsequent religious Iineage. Despite this fundamental
divide, A chi's hagiography parallels the
traditional framework of the Buddhist
narrative genre of hagiography quite
closely. 969 ln doing so, it succeeds in
portraying her as both an ideal Buddhist
saint to be admi red, emulated, and venerated appropriately and also as an ideal
Tibetan mother, putting the continuation
of her lineage before herself.
Verifying her status as an enlightened being through the use of an established pattern is not the only role Achi's
hagiography plays; by convincing the
potential audience of this divine status,
the integrity of the Drigung Kagyu tradition is maintained. 970 To prove A chi possesses a divine identity and is no mere
woman or mundane Dharma protectress,
it is important that she be identified as an
emanation of the fully enlightened Buddha, in this case VajrayoginT. As a wisdom cf.akinT, A chi is separated from her
more mundane and violent counterparts,
the worldly t/tikin.r ('jik rten /..:yi mkha'
'gro; Skt. lokat/tikinl),911 and corroborating this distinction is a fervent point
made by Konchok Gyatso in his hagiography. The mothers, sisters, and consorts
of high incarnate lamas are sometimes
considered wisdom cf.akin.f in general by
virtue of their auspicious birth in relation to such important figures; likewise,
A chi's position as the great-grandmother
of an accepted great lama is a possible
indication of her divine nature. This
formulation of Achi's identity justifies
the devotional practices and religious
worship related to the deity; these
things would not be appropriate for a
mundane (lakin! but are perfectly allowable to an emanation ofVajrayoginT.
Further, through this hagiography the
founder of the tradition, Jigten Sumgon,
is shown to be entirely of good stock,
not only of the prestigious Kyura and
Naman clans but as the great-grandson
ofVajrayoginl herself through her incarnation as Achi.mThis combination of
pre-Buddhist indigenous ideals of divine
ancestry with Buddhist concepts of reincarnation is further evidence of A chi's
ability to act as some kind of advanced
synthesis of Tibetan cultural ideals.
ON ROLES, RITUALS, AND
RETINUES
Aside from serving as an inspirational
and legitimizing figure for the Drigung
Kagyu tradition, Achi is able to play an
active part in the Iives of her devotees
through the use of ritual. Because Achi
fulfills so many different roles, there are
a variety of functions, both spiritual and
material, that she can be called on to
perform and an even greater variety of
means to do so, ranging from mundane
offertory practices to advanced Tantric
siidlwnas. Achi's most prominent power
is the ability to grant wishes to her devotees, particularly in the field of spiritual
achievements, or siddhi, as described
in her hagiography. While such boons
can be granted with rituals as simple as
offerings and prayer, practitioners can
access Achi through more complicated
yet relatively standard ways as well.
For instance, when she is viewed as
a tutelary deity, practitioners can use
siidhaTws to visualize themselves as the
deity; as a guru, she can be called on for
teachings; as a Dharma protectress, she
can be invoked for various protections
against enemies, poisons, and so forth;
and as a tftikinT, she can be summoned
by yogis as a sexual consort in advanced
completion-stage practices ofTantric
deity yoga.
One of the largest extant works
about A chi, The Sadhana Collection of
the Dhanna Guardian Achi, consists of
two volumes containing a total of thirtynine chapters. 973 According to its catalog,
in addition to several sections of exaltations, a story of her past lives ( 'khrung
rabs), and a Conveniently Arranged
A bridged Recitation Manual (Bsnyen yig
bsdus pa khyer bder bkod pa), the work
holds twenty-eight rituals dedicated to
the Drigung protectress, with only ten of
these bearing the forn1al title of siidhana
(sgrub tlwbs). The rituals themselves are
richly diverse; to name a few, there are
thre-e empowerment rites (dbang chog),
allowing the practitioner access to the
deity; four expiation and confession rites
(bska.n.g bshags); three smoke offerings
(bsang mclwd); and ritual s involving
the construction of a ritual thread-cross
(bskang mdos) and a torma (gtor ma).
There is even one chapter containing
what looks to be three separate violent
rituals to be used against the enemies of
Achi and her retinue. The goals of some
of these rituals seem strictly spiritual in
nature, but others seek worldly rewards,
like the Wealth Sadhana (Nor grub).
But despite the title 's dedication of the Stidhana Collection to Achi
specifically, she is not the only goddess mentioned, and there are several
rites related to other female entities
of Tibetan religion to be placated as
well. These include Achi 's own retinue,
Tashi Tseringma and her retinue, othenvise known as the Five Long-Life
Sisters (Tshe ring mched lnga), and
a larger group of indigenous Tibetan
female deities, the Twelve Tenma Goddesses. Within some of the rituals of
the Stidlwna Collection, A chi's retinue
is described more than once alongside
the principal deity. Referenced as her
"sisters," this retinue consists of four
cf.akinT with accoutrements and dress
closely aligned with indigenous Tibetan
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG K AGYU SCHOOL
2.65
FIG. I2..4A
Demil of Fig. 7.17, Two Members of Achi
Chokyi Drolma 's Recinue
FIG. I2.4B
Demit of Fig. 7.17, Two Members of Achi
Chokyi Drolma 's Recinue
266
CHAPTER !2.
iconography: Yeshe Drolma Tsugna
Norbu (Ye shes sgrol rna gtsug na nor
bu), yellow in complexion with golden
cfamaru and skull cup, riding a wild yak;
Damtsig Drolma Yizhin Norbu (Dan1
tshig sgrol rna yid bzhin nor bu), light
red in color, holding a flayed mongooseskin bag and jewel, riding a special
breed of horse called a c/umgsluf(cang
shes);974 Padma Daki (Padma da ki) or
Wanggi Khandroma (Wang gi mkha'
' gro ma), ruby-red in complexion, holding a curved knife and hook, and riding
agaruda; and Shaza Ukyi Khandro
(Sha za las kyi mkha' 'dro), dark blue in
color, carrying a sword and a ktiptila full
of blood, riding a dark mule. 975 While
the names and epithets can vary subtly
by textual source, the basic descriptions
are consistent and each appears to be
a different class of qakini; the first two
being the peaceful wisdom and oath
(Tib. dam tshig; Skt. samaya) types
adorned in jewels and silk garments, the
third a wrathful or semi wrathful type
adorned in skulls akin to VajrayoginT in
appearance, and the last a ferociously
violent flesh-eating type in charnelground attire, akin in appeardnce to a
type of fierce Tibetan spi rit-deity called
a mamo (ma mo) goddess and other similar worldly cfakinr. A beautiful painting
from the John and Berthe Ford Collection, discussed earlier by David Jackson
and featured as the frontispiece of this
chapter, features Achi and depicts these
standard four female deities within her
retinue (F igs. 12.4a and 12.4b). From
left to right, the first is her " sister" Yeshe
Dr6lma Tsugna Norbu upon a yak, the
second Padma Daki on her garuda, the
third the >vrathful blue-skinned Shaza
Lekyi Khandro on a mule, and the fourth
the red-skinned Damtsig Drolma Yizhin
Norbu on a horse.976
The second volume of the Sadhana
Collection also holds two empowennent
rituals dedicated exclusively to Tashi
Tseringma and her retinue, and they
can be seen to make an appearance in
some of Achi 's own rituals as well. The
Five Long-Life Sisters and the Twelve
Tenma Mountain Goddesses are ancient
pre-Buddhist deities said to have been
subjugated and oath-bound by Padmasambhava during the First Propagation
of Buddhism in Tibet Later, the Five
Long-Life Sisters were said to have been
encountered by the founder of the Kagyu
tradition, Marpa (Mar pa, I0 12-96),
who went on to give them various teachings.m While this retinue of five deities
features throughout the Tibetan Buddhist
tradition, they are most prominent \\ithin
the Kagyu and Nyingma sects. This retinue of five mountain deities is led by the
goddess Tashi Tseringma, who typically
rides a white snow Iion and carries a
nine-pronged vajra and a longevity vase
of nectar (tshe bum bdud rtsis). She is
accompanied by Thinggi Zhalzangma
(Mthing gi zhal bzang ma), who is blue
in color, carries a mirror and banner (lluz
yi bad em gyob), and rides a kyang978
with a white muzzle; Miyo Lozangma
(Mig.yo blo bzang ma), who carries a
ktlpllfa full of food and drink and rides
a young tigress; ChOpan Drinzangma
(Chod panmgrin bzang ma), who carries
a chest of treasures and a wish-fulfilling
jewel and rides a doe: and Tekar Drozangma (Gtad dkar 'gro bzang ma), who
is bluish-green in complexion, earries a
snake lasso and a bunch of durva grass,
and rides a turquoise-colored dragon.
All five wear precious jewels, tiaras,
and topknots, as well as various layers
of silken garments.91'1 These worldly
female guardians share many visual
markers with Achi, as mentioned. Each
protectress rides a fantastic mount decorated with banners and jewels, is beatific
in appearance, dresses in the silks and
jewelry of a traditional Tibetan noble
woman, and bears attributes in her hands
related to various common ritual practices- many used in divination and the
granting of mundane desires. In her typical iconographic representations, Achi
could easily fit among their ranks, and
she often takes up similar positions as
part of the entourage ofDrigung Kagyu
teachers and deities. The connections,
however, do not end here. It is common
to find images of or references to the
Five Long-Life Sisters in works of the
Kagyu tradition, due to their connection
to the sect's founder, Marpa. Members
of both Achi's and Tseringma 's retinues
bear a close resemblance to the members
of the Twelve Tenma Goddesses as well,
and these are also mentioned in at least
one ritual of the Sadhana Collection and
as a point of contrast in Gyatso 's hagiography to Achi's enlightened nature.
The iconographies of these deities vary
fur too significantly to be adequately
described here, but each is often cited as
the matron of a particular group oflesser
female deities and described as beautifully attired, carrying auspicious or ritual
r:z.. 5 (ALSO FIG. 7-II)
Achi Chokyi Drolma
f iG.
PAINTING TRA D I T I O N S OF TH E DRIG U NG KAGYU SCHOOL
267
FIG. I2..6A
Achi Chokyi Drolma and the Five
Long-Life Sisters
Drigung Kagyu; 14th cenrury
15 'h x 17 J/g in. (39.5 x 44 em)
Private Collection, Switzerland
1iT26
2.68
CHAPTER !2.
implements, and riding an ordinary or
fantastic mount of some kind. 980 Their
inclusion in the Sadhana Collection may
signal some greater connection between
these very similar female deities or may
merely demonstrate these deities' mutual
importance to the Drigtmg Kagyu
tradition.
This textual source is not the only
place in which these female deities are
depicted in relation to one another. As
described by Jackson in this volume, the
thangka collection of the Phyang Monastery contains an important painting
featuring Achi as the central figure, with
her source-deity VajrayoginT (or possibly that deity 's emanation Vajravarabi)
above her head, and her great-grdndson
Jigten Sumgon above that (Fig. 12.5).
At the upper left and right are two male
figures with inscriptions, whom Jackson
identifies as the thirtieth and thirty-first
abbots of Drigung Thel Monastery, Tendzin Peme Gyaltsen (Pad me rgyal tshen,
1770- 1826) and Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltsen (Cho kyi rgyal tshen, 1793- 1826).
Surrounding Achi are her four clearly
identifiable "sisters" as described above,
rendered in great detail and with accents
of gold ink. Directly below the central
deity and looking very similar to Achi in
appearance is a depiction ofTashi Tseringma with vajra and vase atop a snow
lion, which in this case is not white and
turquoise as usual, but instead white and
orange. Here Tashi Tseringma matches
the smaller scale of Achi 's retinue,
clearly placing her in a subordinate position to the Drigung protectress. Regrettably, there are no additional inscriptions
visible on the front of this thangka
to provide further information on her
retinue. 98 1
In another enigmatic example, a
European private collection contains an
early painting of what appears to feature
Achi as the central figure alongside Tashi
Tseringma and her own aforementioned
retinue (F ig. 12.6a) If the central figure is Achi, as I suspect, the Long-Life
Sisters are again placed in a subordinate
position to the deity as part of her entourage, flanking her right and left sides.
Iconographically, the deities match up to
the description above, with one exception: whi le Tekar Drogzangma is riding
a dragon, it is bronze and gold in color
here rather than the usual turquoise. This
may simply be an error of the artist or
represent an alternate iconography, but
either way, it is not significant enough
to put doubt on the identification of the
group as a whole. The painting can be
positively identified as Drigung Kagyu,
with a I ine of eight appropriate I ineage
holders along the top register. From left
to right, the first five figures are clearly
identifiable as Vajradhara (Rdo rje
' chang), the Indian Maltasiddha Tilopa
(988- 1069), his direct disciple Naropa
(956-1 041 ), Marpa, and then Milarepa
FIG. u.6H
Derail of Sranding Achi Chokyi Drolma
with Mirror and Skull-Bowl
Drigung Kagyu; 14th eenrury
15 Y.t x 17% in. (39.5 x 44 em)
Private Collectio n, Swi tzerland
liT26
FIG. I ~.6C
Derail of Standing Aehi Ch okyi Drol ma
with Mirror and Arrow
Drigung Kagyu; 14th eenrury
15 Y.t X I n~ in. (39.5 X 44 em)
Private Collection, Switzerland
liT26
in the center. The six1h and eighth figures
are not so clear but could easily represent
Milarepa's disciple Gampopa (Sgarn po
pa. I079-1153) and J igten Sumgon, with
Jigten Sumgon's lineage teacher Pakmodrupa (Phag mo gru pa, Ill Q- 1170)
between them in his distinctive yelloworange hat.932 Below this Iinc on the right
is an image of Cakrasa11wara with his
consort Vajravarahi, and on the left is a
four-armed form of the deity Mahiikiila
wielding a sword and Tantric staff, called
a khatvt11iga, in his two upper hands and
a curved Raying knife (Skt. kartika) and
skull cup in his lower hands.9 u
The rest of the painting, however,
requires some interpretation. The central
figure looks to be Achi in her mundane
Dharma protectress form riding her
ornately decorated blue wind-horse.
She is dressed in royal garments and
a jeweled crown and carries a divination mirror and wish-fulfi Iling jewel in
her hands, which as noted earlier are
the accoutrements usually held by representations of Achi when she is being
asked to grant boons or offer assistance
in worldly matters. While these accoutrements di1fer from the more commonly depicted damant and skull cup,
they are not unknown and in fact are
Iisted as part of her description in some
of the rituals featured in the Sttdluma
Collection. There appears to also be a
second, smaller image of Achi on the
left side below Thinggi Zhalzangma
(Fig. 12.6b). Unlike the central figure,
this one is standing bare-footed, has a
halo denoting her enlightened status, a
Five-Buddha crown, and, instead of the
wish-fulfilling jewel at her chest, there
appears to be a skull cup. The lowest
line of figures has four animals and three
women. While I am unsure of the identity of two of these women (Fig. 12.6c),
the central figure seems to resemb le the
standing figure of Achi to the left, as she
is wearing the same garments, crown,
and halo. The only difference is that this
standing Achi is holding a divination
arrow (mo mda') or silk-arrow (mda'
dar) across her chest rather than the
skull cup, along with the divination mirror seen in each of the other two images
of the deity. The two unknown women
flanking her sides hold the same mirror
and arrow as weLL
Having translated various rituals
associated with the protectress, I surmise
that this painting reflects the visualizations and offerings of a particular
divination or expiation ritual dedicated
to Achi. While I have yet to find a
direct textual equivalent, the imagery
resembles elements seen quite clearly
in Aclti s Elephant Liturgy Divination
and in the Jewel Garland of Atonement
from the Sadhana Collection. In each of
these examples, Achi is described and
honored in both her mounted and standing forms, and the Long-Life Sisters are
described in detaiL Ritual implements,
including the divination mirror and the
arrow, are offered to the goddess as part
of the ritual, as depicted in the lower
register of the painting. Arrow-s, their
shafts and ribbons of different colors
and materials depending on their purpose, are widely used in Tibetan ritual
practice and are often seen in conjunction with the divination mirror. Rene de
Nebesky-Wojkowitz notes that the arrow
is often carried by deities considered to
be pre-Buddhist in origin and describes
several types of divination arrows used
in various types of rituals. The shaft of
the arrow in this image is yellow, which
may Iink it to an increase ritual for prosperity.'IU What confused me most in this
image were the four animals featured at
the bottom left and right, and at first I
thought they could possibly represent the
four mounts of Achi 's usual retinue. The
animals, however, did not correspond
Instead, similar animals are individually
PAINTI NG TRADITIONS OF T H E DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
269
given to Achi and her retinue as offerings in the Jewel Garland ofAtonement, so their inclusion may simply
represent the offertory animals specifically requested in the rite this thangka
is meant to represent. 98 ; While further
research needs to be done to detenn ine
the exact meaning behind each element
of its iconography, the presence of such
an early image of Achi, displaying at
least two of her iconographic forms, is
highly intriguing.
Melissa Kerin thoroughly documents
another early appearance of Achi and
her retinue, this one in Nako, a village
in Himachal Pradesh, India. Within the
mural on the west wall of the Gyachagpa
(Rgya ' phags pa) temple, she cites an
image of Achi Chokyi Drolma as one
of the critical pieces of evidence that
proves the temple's Drigung affiliation (Fig. 12.7a). While this image had
been misidentified by the local populace
2.70
CHAPTER !2.
and early docwnenters as the popular
hero Gesar, its accompanying phonetic
inscription of "A chi chos kyi dron ma"
and specific iconography positively
identify this image as the protectress.
Occasionally Achi can appear as one
of many protector deities for other lineages and traditions, but it is only in the
Drigung tradition that she is featured as
the primary protectress, akin to Pendan
Lhamo (dPal ldan lha mo) for the Geluk
sect This, along with the identification
of Jigten Sumgon's portrait within the
lineage group of monastics, identifies
the temple as having been affiliated with
the Drigung Kagyu sect at the time the
murals were painted in the si:\ieenth century, despite the site's current affiliation
with the Drukpa Kagyu ('Brug pa bka'
brgyud) tradition. 986
Achi here again carries what
appears to be a divination mirror, as
well as what is obviously a skull cup
full of some kind of unidentifiable gray
FJG.I2.7A
Achi Chokyi Drolma and Retinue
Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh
Photograph: C. Luczanits, 1996
substance that may be meant to depict
brain matter. Her jewelry and crown are
delicately rendered in gold and turquoise
paint, and, despite damage in other areas
of the wall, her beautiful face is still
very much intact. In contrast to her typical iconography, Achi 's mount is a white
steed with turquoise mane and tale mther
than the usual blue wind-horse. We are
able to make out three mounted female
deities flanking the goddess as her retinue, each with an accompanying inscription. Only one of these clearly matches
up with the retinue described earlier, and
that is the most wrathful of the group at
the bottom left of the image (Fig. 12.7b).
Labeled Remati (Re rna !i), she is blue
Frc 12.78
Remaci
Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh
Photograph: C. Luczanirs, 1996
Frc. 12.7 C
Kanno
Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh
Photograph: C. Luczanirs, 1996
Ftc 12.70
Dorje Chenmo
Nako, Kinnaur, Himachal Pradesh
Photograph: C. luczanirs, 1996
in color with a skull cup in one hand and
something unidentifiable in the other,
and riding a brown mule.
The other two retinue members
appear more peaceful. Directly above
Remati is a protectress with the inscription Kanno (dKar mo), meaning " white
lady" (Fig. 12 7c) This accurately
describes the deity, as she, her gannents,
and her doe mow1t are all painted a
stark white, with only black lines and
a few touches of gold jewelry delineating their shapes. She also appears to be
holding some kind of golden vase in
her hands. Opposite this figure to the
right of Achi is a blue-skinned goddess riding a blue horse (Fig. 12.7d).
She and her mount are also adorned in
golden jewelry, and she is holding something gold but indistinct in her hands.
The inscription above her reads Dorje
Chenmo (rOo rje chen mo). While the
first could easily represent the wrath.fi.JI
member of A chi 's typical retinue, Shaza
Lekyi Khandro, it is quite common to
see similarly rendered protector deities in many murals and thangkas from
Tibet The other two deities- Kanno
and Dorje Chenmo-are more distinctive in their iconography, as they do not
correspond to any of the remaining three
members of Achi 's retinue or that of
Tashi Tseringma. They may represent an
alternate or earlier retinue of the goddess
or could even represent local female
deities popular within the region at the
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
271
time of the mural 's creation. In this case,
their inclusion could have signified to
the original audience that the deities had
been brought under control by the Drigung Kagyu and were now subservient
to the protectress Achi, who would have
been imported from the Drigung valley
region in its assimilation to that sect. As
both inscriptions are rather generic, they
require more in-depth research than is
possible here.
It may be that changes in A chi 's retinue
reflect regional differences. Another
example of an alternate set of accompanying deities for the protectress, as
well as further evidence of her close
relationship to Tashi Tseringma, can be
seen among the mural paintings of Phyang Monastery's fierce protector deity
chapel (mgon khang), which dates to
the sixteenth century (Fig. 12.8a). Here,
there is an image of Achi and Tashi Tseringma opposite one another and of equal
proportion, each surrounded by small
representations of their retinues. The Five
Long-Life Sisters appear to bear their
Standard iconography, although more
crudely rendered than is often seen in
other works. The set of four small figures
below Achi has similarities to both the
standard retinue described in modem
textual sources, as well as the one above
depicted in Nako. From left to right, the
nrst appears to be a wrathful red-skinned
deity on a brown horse, the second a
peaceful white deity in a green robe on a
white horse with a brown mane, the third
the familiar blue-skinned Shaza Lekyi
Khandro, and the fourth a red- or orangeskinned figure in a white robe riding a
yak (Fig. 12.8b). 987 No inscriptions appear
to accompany them , and as in Nako, the
details and origins of these alternate retinue members remain obscured.
While Achi is portrayed as primarily peaceful in her hagiography, it is
in her variety of associated rituals and
images that we begin to see the hints of
her w-rathful nature. Additionally, local
:Z.7:Z.
C HAPTER
I~
stories w ithin the Drigung region seem to
emphasize this fierce aspect of the deity.
At the former site ofYangri Don (Yang
ri gdon), an appendage monastery to
Drigung The! originally dating to the fit~
teenth century, Hugh Richardson reports
that before being looted to form a military
base in 1966, it contained a great deity
shrine (lha khang), a line of stupas, and
an ornate chapel to fierce protector dei-
ties (mgon klzang) enshrining a famous
image ofAchi. Five hundred monks were
in residence when the site was razed,
leaving nothing but one single stretch
F1c. 12..8A
Achi Chokyi Drolma and Tashi Tseringma
Phyang Monasrery, Ladakh
Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 11 7
F1c. n.8B
Derail of Fig. 12.8a
Achi Chokyi Drolma's Retinue
Phyang Monasrery, ladakh
Q 20 14 Anisrs Righrs Sociery (ARS), New
York I VG Bild-Kunsr, Bonn
Lirerarure: A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002,
p. 117
of wall, which remained w1til 1985.
According to local accounts, this wall
\>Vas a special residence for the Dharma
protectress and local legend said that
anyone found disturbing the site would
die as a consequence of their disrespectful actions. This prophecy seemed to have
come true, as a series of deaths among
those who had taken part in the rest of the
destruction prompted locals to leave the
final wall standing for years, until it was
finally dismantled as well, preswnably
under proper ritual precautions to avoid
A chi's wrath 9 88 As further testament to
her fierce nature, it is said that during the
thirteenth century, when political control
of this region was in dispute, an attack on
Drigung Thel Monastery was thwarted
when A chi incinerated many of the invaders after imprisoning them in a chapel
devoted to her below the monastery. 989
Despite her peaceful appearance
and mythology, Achi still fulfills many
of the stereotypes of other fierce protectors. She repays those that disrespect her
places of worship with curses of death,
destroys enemies to protect the monastery, and it is Achi, not the local spirits,
whose permission is asked before beginning a great pilgrimage festival that
takes place in the region even today. 990
The peaceful and wrathful elements of
Tibetan rei igion are allowed to coexist
in the persona of Achi Chokyi Drolma,
who represents an advanced synthesis of
these apparently not so discordant features, intrinsically connected not only to
each other but to the religious resources
and narrative constmctions of Tibetan
culture and society.
THE ELUSIVE LADY OF NANAM
Despite clain1s that Achi was born as
early as the tenth or eleventh century,
her image does not appear consistently
in Drigung art until later, and aside
from texts attributed to Jigten Sumgon
himself, the earliest verifiable sources
Konchok Gyatso uses in his hagiography
date only as early as the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries, many years after the
highest points of the Drigung Kagyu
political reign in central Tibef.99 1 While
not enough work has been done to say
exactly when incorporating her image
became popular practice in DrigW1g
painting traditions, it seems that it was
not until some tin1e after the sect's
founding. This is not to say she could
not have been present in some other
tbrm, in text or local tradition, but she
was not felt to be important enough to
warrant the ubiquitous presence she
maintains in the Drigung artistic tradition in more recent centuries.
Many things about Achi Chokyi
Drolma, including her origins, her evolution as a deity within the tradition, and
the possibility that she was once a living
Buddhist figure, remain unclear and in
need of further investigation. What can
be seen is that Achi is a syncretic deity
within the Drigung Kagyu tradition
today, encompassing elements from a
vast reservoir of Buddhist models and
resources based on indigenous notions
of religious practice throughout the culture's history. This theory is supported
by the work of scholars within the field,
and Matthew Kapstein specifically cites
Achi as an example of an advanced synthesis of non-Buddhist Tibetan beliefs
and institutional Buddhist concepts.
According to him:
contradictory cultural resources but
still belongs to the same societal standards that gave birth to her. She fulfi lis
a mundane need for a violent personal
defender and a granter of wishes while
at the same time satisfies the desire for
a compassionate deity who exemplifies the key religious traits of serenity,
wisdom, and equanimity that are held so
highly by the prominent religious tradition. By further investigating the origins
and evolution of Achi and deities like
her, we can better understand what was
and continues to be important to those
who honor these traditions and can also
better reconstmct the history and movements of religious traditions through
their presence in or absence from
artistic and textual sources at different
places and in different time periods.
This can further assist historians in dating and identifying the sectarian affiliations of these works, so many of which
have been removed from their places of
origin or are without e"iant documentation providing such infonnation. For
now the Lady ofNanam and deities like
her are elusive, but they do not always
have to remain so.
Though the goddess Achi is a
purely Buddhist divinity, with
apparently no non-Buddhist antecedents, nevertheless she seems
clearly to represent a cult of ancestors, of a type that was perhaps
more prominent prior to the ascendancy of Buddhism in Tibet 992
Achi is not only an enlightened buddhadeity but is believed to be a once-living
ancestor in the tradition as well. The
acceptance of Achi 's multivalent persona must negotiate varied and perhaps
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DR!G U NG KAGYU SC HOOL
273
The Main Lineage of Drigung
pa bsod nams, 1238- 1286), tenure
Here I list the main Drigung Kagyu
lineage. My numbering of Drigung
throne holders (abbreviated Dri) follows
1284-1286 (younger bro of D6.)
IS. [Dri 8] Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe
Rase Konchok Gyatsho's History of the
Drigung Kagyu.993
(gNubs Chos sgo rDo rje ye shes,
1223-1293), tenure I286-1293
I . Vajradhara (rDo rje 'chang)
2 . Tilopa
3. Naropa
4 . Marpa Lotsawa ( 1012-1 096)
5. Milarepa ( 1040-1123)
6. Gampopa or Dakpo Lhaje Sonam
Rinchen ( I 079-11 53)
7 . Phagmotrupa Dorje Gyalpo (1 1101170)
8 . [Dri I ] Drigungpa ChenpoJigten
Surnoon
('Bri ouno
pa Chen po 'Jio0
0
0
0
rten gsum mgon, 1143- 1217), tenure
1179- 12 17 . [Bodhisattva name: Rio
chen dpal.]
9 . [Dri 2] Khenchen Gurawa Tshultrim
Dorje (mKhan chen Gu ra ba Tshul
khrims rdo rje, 1154-1221), tenure
1217-1221
10. [Dri 3] Onchen Sonam Drakpa
(dB on chen or dBon Rin po che bSod
nams grags pa, 1187-1235), tenure
1221-1234
I I. [Dri 4] Jennga Drakpa Jungne
(sPyan snga Grags pa 'byung gnas,
1175-1255), tenure 1235- 1255
12. [Dri 5] Jung Dorje Drakpa (gCung
De mo ba alias gCung po rDo
rje grags pa, 1210-1278), tenure
1255-1278
13. [Dri 6] Thoghawa Rinchen Sengge
(Thog kha ba Rin chen seng ge,
1226-1284), tenure 1278-1284
14. [Dri 7] Tshamje Drakpa Sonam
(sPyan snga mTshams bead pa Grags
2.74
APPENDIX
kyi rgyal po, 1448- 1504), tenure
1484-1504?
24. [Dri 17] Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen
(rGyal dbang Kun dga' rin chen,
1475-1527), tenure 1514?- IS27 (son
16. [Dri 9] Chunyi Dorje Rinchen (bCu
gnyis rDo rje rin chen, 1278-1314),
tenure 1297- 13 14
I7. [Dri 10] Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo
(Nyer brgyad pa rDo rje rgyal po,
1284-1350), tenure I3 14-1350
of Dri 16) [FuJI name rGyal dbang
Kun dga' rin chen dpal bzang po]
25. [Dri 18] Gyalwang Rinchen
(younger bro. of D9)
18. [Dri II ] Jennga Chokyi Gyal po
(sPyan snga Chos kyi rgyal po also
known as 'Dzam gling chos kyi rgyal
po, 1335-I407), tenure 1351- 1395
26. [Dri 19] Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal
(Phag mo Rin chen mam rgya1 ,
1519-1 576), tenure 1534-1565; ful l
name: Rin chen rnam rgyal chos kyi
grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po.
27. [Dri 20] PaQchen Sonam Gyatsho
(PaQ chen bSod nams rgya mtsho,
I 527-1 570), tenure I 565-1570
19. [Dri 12] Goshrr Dondrup Gyalpo
(Go shrr Don grub rgyal po, 13691427), tenure I395-I427
20. [Dri 13] Dakpo Wang Rinchen
Wanggyal (bDag po Wang Rin
chen dbang rgyal , 1395- ?), tenure
1427-1428 (son of Dri 12).
[Regents: After Dri 13 left, regents
called "Khenpo , Lobptin, and Chopon"
(mKhan po sLob dpon Chos dpon)
served, their tenures from I429 to I435.
They can be counted Dri !3b, 13c, and
I 3d.]
21. [Dri 14] Chogyal Rinchen
Palsang[po] (Chos rgyal rin chen
dpal bzang [po], 1421- 1469), tenure
1435-1469 (Son ofDri 13.)
22, [Dri I 5] Choje Rinchen Chokyi
Gyaltshen ( 1449- 1484), tenure
1469-1484
23. [Dri 16] Wang Rinchen Chokyi
Gyalpo (dBang Rin chen chos
Phtintshok (rGyal dbang Rin chen
phun tshogs, I509- 1557), tenure
1527-1 534 (son of Dri 17's brother)
(younger brother of Dri 19): full
name: PaQ chen Rin po che bSod
nams dpal gyi rgya mtsho
28. [Dri 21] Rinchen Chokle Namgyal
(Rin chen phyogs las rnam rgyal ,
I SS7- IS79), tenure 1570-1579
(nephew of Dri 20)
29. [Dri 22] Chogyal Rinchen Phiintshok
(Chos rgyal rin chen phun tshogs ,
1547- 1602), tenure 1579- 1602; Chos
rgyal rin chen phun tshogs bkra shis
dpal bzang po.
30. [Dri 23] Naropa Tashi Phlintshok
(Na ro bKra shis phun tshogs. 15741628), tenure 1603- 1615; full name:
Na ro pa bKra shis phun tshogs grags
pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po.
3 I. [Dri 24] Gyalwang Konchok
Rinchen, first Chetsang (rGyal dbang
dKon mchog rin chen, 1590-1654),
tenure I 6 15-I 626
32. [Dri 25] Kunkhyen Rigdzin
Choorak, First Chungtsang (Kun
mkhyen Rig 'dzin Chos grags,
1595-1659), tenure 1626-1659; full
name: Kun mkhyen Cbos kyi grags pa
' phrin las rnam par rgyal ba' i sde.
33. [Dri 26] Konchok Trinle Zangpo,
Second Chetsang (dKon mchog
' phrin las bzang po, 1656-1718).
tenure 1661- 1718
34. [Dri 27] Chogyal Trinle Dondrup,
Second Chungtsang (Chos rgyal
' phrin las don grub, 1704-1754),
tenure 1718-1747; full name: ' Jam
dbyangs chos kyi rgyal po ' phrin las
don kun grub pa' i sde.
35. [Dri 28] Konchok Tendzin Drodtil,
3rd Chetsang (dKon mchog bstan
'dzin ' gro ' dul , 1724-1766), tenure
1747- 1766
36. [Dri 29] Tendzin Chokyi Nyima, 3rd
Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi nyi
rna, 1755-1792), tenure 1766-1788:
full name: dKon mchog bstan ' dzin
chos kyi nyi rna
37. [Dri 30] Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen,
4th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin pad ma'i
rgya1 mtshan, 1770-1826), tenure
1788-1810
38. [Dri 31] Jamyang Chokyi Gyaltshen.
4th Chungtsang ('Jam dbyangs chos
kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po,
1793-1826), tenure 1810-1826
[A minority regent: 39. [Dri 32] Lhochen
or Lhotrli.l Konchok Tendzin Chokyi
Lotro (Lho chen or Lho spru.I dKon
mchog bstan 'dzin chos kyi blo gros,
1801- 1859), tenure 1827- 1832.]
40. [Dri 33] " Konchok" Chonyi Norbu ,
5th Chungtsang (dKon mchog? chos
nyid nor bu, 1828-1865), tenure
1832-1866; fuJI name: Rin chen bstan
pa'i mdzes rgyan rang byung chos
nyid nor bu dpal bzang po.
41. LDri 34] Konchok Thukje Nyima,
5th Chetsang (dKon mchog thugs
rje nyi ma, 1828-1885), tenure
1866-187 1; fuJI name: dKon mchog
thugs rj e nyi ma nges legs chos kyi
'od zer ' gro ' dul dpal bzang po.
42. LDri 35] Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, 6th
Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi blo
gros, 1868-1906), tenure 1871- 1906:
full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin
chos kyi blo gros ' phrin las rnam par
rgyal ba' i sde
43. [Dri 36] Tendzin Shiwe Lotro, 6th
Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin zhi ba' i blo
gros, 1886-1943), tenure 1906-1943 ;
full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin
47. [Dri 40] Tendzin TrinJe Lhlindrup,
7th Chetsang (bsTan ' dzin ' phrin las
!hun grub, 1946), tenure 1958- ; full
name: dKon mchog bstan ' dzin kun
bzang ' phrin las Ihun grub pbyogs las
rnam par rgyal ba 'i sde.
thub bstan gsa! byed zhi ba ' i blo gros
dpal bzang po
44. [Dri 37] Tendzin Chokyi Jungne,
7th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos
kyi 'byung gnas, 1909- 1940), tenure
1927- 1940; full nan1e: dKon mchog
bstan 'dzin chos kyi ' byung gnas 'jigs
med rnaru par rgyal ba' i sde dpal
bzang po
45. Minority regent LDri 38] Gyera
Choktrlil Konchok Thubten Wan gpo
(brGyad ra mChog spru.I dKon mchog
thub bstan dbang po, 1924-1979),
tenure 1943- I955.
46. [Dri 39] Tendzin Chokyi Nangwa,
8th Chungtsang (bsTan 'dzin chos kyi
snang ba, 1942- ), tenure 1955-1958;
full name: dKon mchog bstan 'dzin
ngag dbang thub bstan chos kyi s nang
ba dpal bzang po.
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
27 5
Abbots ofDrigung, Drigung Kagyu
Representatives at Kailash and Ladakh,
and Kings ofLadakh
The following chart lists the abbots of Drigung Monastery with five contemporary early head lamas (dordzin) of Kailash (fi se
rDo rje 'dzin pa), the later (post- 1530s) lama-representatives (Choje) of Ladakh and ki ngs of the Namgyal Dynasty of Ladakh.
It was mainly based on an unpublished list entitled "Hierarques et regents Drigungpa, rois du Ladakh," which Marc Frans:ois
compiled in French in 2003 and Lionel Fournier kind ly shared with me.994
(Abbreviations: Chet. =Chetshang; Chungt. = Chungtsang; K. = Konchok; T. = Tendzin; TD = Tise Dordzin: and L. = Ladakh
Choje)
DRIGUNG HIERARCHS
HEAD LAMAS OF KAILASH
(fi se rDor 'dzin)
(La dwags rgyal po)
I . Rinchenpal (Rin chen dpal)
( 1143- 1217) ten. 1179- 1217
TDl. Ghuya Gangpa
( 1184-1243) ten. 1215-1239
2. Gurawa Tshultrim Dorje
(1154-1220)ten. 1217-1220
3 . Onpo Sonam Drakpa
(1187- 1235) ten. 1220-1234
4 . Drakpa Jungne
( 1175-1255) ten. 1235-1255
TD2. Nyima Gungpa
( 1203- 127 1) ten. 1239- 1255
5.Jung Dorje Drakpa
(1210- 1278) ten. 1255- 1278
TD3. Kunga Gyaltshen
( 1211- 1277) ten. 1255-1271
TD4- Dam1a Gyaltshen
( 1239- 1296) ten. 1271-1279
6 . Thogawa Rinchen Sengge
(1226-1284) ten. 1278- 1284
7. Tshamjepa Drakpa Sonam
( 1238- 1286) ten. 1284-1286
8 . Chogowa Dorje Yeshe
( 1223- 1293) ten. 1286- 1293
[1290: Drigung Monastery sacked
and its abbatial throne left vacant
from 1293 to 1297]
9. Chunyipa Dorje Gyalpo
(1278- 1314) ten.1297- 1314
10. Nyergyepa Dorje Gyalpo
( 1284-1350) ten. 1314-1350
11 . Jengna Chokyi Gyalpo
( 1334-1407) ten. 1350- 1395
12. Goshri Dondrub Gyalpo
2.76
APPE N DIX
TD5. Rinchen Gyalwa
( 1247- 1308) ten. 1279- 1287
KINGS OF LADAKH
( 1369- 1427) ten. 1395- 1427
13. Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal
( 1395-1467) ten. 1427- 1427
[Rupture of the Drigung Kagyu transmiss ion
after the exit of Dri 13 from Central Tibet to Wutai Shan
sacred mountain in the Chinese borderland.]
14. Rinchen Palzangpo
(142 1-1469) ten. 1436- 1469
15. Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen
( 1449- 1484) ten. 1469- 1484
{Narngyal Dynasty of Ladakh}
[DriI S's brother
16. Wang Rinchen ChoJ..-yi Gyalpo ( 1448-1504) ten.1484-1504?
The Drigung transmission was reestablished (ca. 15 14) after about
a ten-year gap thanks to help from Taklungpa Ngawang Drakpa ( 1418-1496).]
Tashi Namgyal ( 1455-1529) r. 1481 1529
17. Kunga Rinchen
(1475- 1527) ten. 1514?- 1527
{"Ladakh Choje"}
Tshewang Narngyal (1494- 1532) r.
1529- 1532
18. Rinchen PhUntshok
Narngyal ( 1511( 1509- 1547) ten. 1528- 1534
1569) r. 1532- 1569
Ll . Denma Kunga Drakpa Jam yang
( 1503-1 567) ten. 1534-1565
19. Rinchen Namgyal
( 1519- 1576) ten. 1534-1565
20. Panchen Sonarn Gyaltsho
( 1527- 1579) ten. 1565- 1570
L2. Kunga Chogyal
Sengge Namgyal (1543( 1531 -1 584) ten. 1565-1579 1623)
r.J 569- 1623
21. Chokle Namgyal
(1557- 1579) ten. 1570- 1579
22. Chogyal Phtintshok
( 1547- 1602) ten. 1579- 1602
23. Naro Tashi Phtintshok
( 1574-1628) ten. 1603- 1615
24. 1st Chetsang Konchok Rinchen
( 1590- 1654) ten. 1615- 1626
25. 1st Chungtsang Chokyi Drakpa
( 1595- 1659) ten. 1626- 1659
1..3 .- Kunga Legzang
( 1552- 1607) ten. 1580-1607
L4. Kunga Lotro
( 1567- 1618) ten. 1603- 1615
L5. Dnmgpa Kunga
( 1577- 1635) ten. 1615-1626
L6. Namgyal Drubpa
( 1587- 1640) ten. 1626- 1636
L7. Drungpa Thampa
( 1606-1651) ten. 1636-1644
Jarnyang Deldan Narngyal
Deldan Namgyal ( 1596- 1667) r.
1623- 1667
L8. Rinchen Gyatsho
( 16 18-1655) ten. 1644-1654
L9. On Rinchen Gyatsho
( 1621- 1669) ten. 1654-1659
LlO. Tashi Rinchen
( 1634-1687) ten. 1659- 1668
PAI N TING TRAD I TIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
277
[End of the Kyura (sKyu ra) family
lineage at Drigung; beginning of the lineage
of reincarnations.]
26. 2nd Chet. K. Trinle Zangpo
( 1656- 1718) ten. 1661- 1718
Lll. Konchok Monlam
( 1642- 1694) ten. 1668-1675
Ll2. 2nd Gyalse Tendzin Phuntshok
( 1648- 1690) ten. 1675-1687
Deleg Namgyal( l6251686) r. 1667- 1686
Nyima Namgyal
( 1651-1 717) r. 1686-1717
27. 2nd Chung Trinle Dondrub
( 1704-1754) ten. 1718- 1739
28. 3rd Chet. K. Tendzin Drodul
( 1724-1766) ten. 1747- 1766
29. 3rd Chung. Chokyi Nyima
( 1755- 1792) ten.l766-1788
30. 4th Chet. T. Peme Gyaltshen
( 1770- 1826) ten. 1788- 1810-
31. 4th Chung. T. Chonyi Gyaltshen
( 1793- 1826) ten.1810- 1826-
Ll3. Third Norbu Tendzin Kunkhyab
( 1660- 1714) ten. 1687- 1695
Ll4. Chuda Khyentse Wangchuk
( 1672- 1724) ten. 1695-1707
Ll5. Konchok Tendzin Shenwa
( 1678-1730) ten. 1707- 1724
L16. Chowang Gaga Lhundrub
( 1693- 1768) 1718-1739
Ll7. Paljin K. Tri. Tendzin
( 1702- 1765) 1739- 1752
LJ8. Choku Konchok Drodlil
( 1722- 1779) ten. 1752- 1766
LJ 9. 3rd Rongdo Tshultrim Gyaltshen
( 1728- 1792) ten. 1766-1779
L20. 3rd Balog Tendzin Gyaltshen
( 1740- 1796) ten. 1779- 1788
L21. Konchok Ngedon
( 1757- 1819) ten. 1788-1802
L22. 6th Togdan K. T. Chodrak Tshepal
( 1771- 1843) ten. 1802- 1810
L23. 3rd Nyatag K. T. Choyang
( 1784-1834) ten. 1810-1821
L24. 4th Balog K. T. Khyentse Wangchuk
( 1797- 1844) ten. 1821 - 1826
Deskyong Namgyal
( 1688-1739) r. 1717- 1739
Phlintshok Namgyal
( 1720-1752) r. 1739- 1752
Tshewang Nan1gyal
( 1742-1782) r.1752- 1782
Tshetan Namgyal 1772( 1808) r. 1782- 1808
Dondrub Nan1gyal
( 1777- 1832) r. 1808-1830
32. Minority regency of Lhotrul (1826-1832)
33. 5th Chung. K . Chonyi Norbu
( 1827- 1866) ten. 1832- 1866
34. 5th Chetsang Thukje Nyima
( 1828- 1889) ten.1866- 1871
2.78
APPENDIX
L25. 6th Gyalse K. T. Choying Namdrol
Sonan1 Tshewang
( 1796-1843) 1826-1831
Rabten ( 1810-1839) r. 1830-1835
L26. 6th Nyangse Drakpa Choyang Namgyal
( 1799- 1850) 1831-1 834
Jigme Kunga Namgyal
L27. 2nd Bakula Rangdrol Nyima
180 1- 1858179) ten. 1843- 1858
( 1834-1 874) r. 1840-1842
L28. 4th Nyatag K. T. Trinle Kunkhyab
( 1835-1892) ten. 1858-1865
L29. 7th Togdan T. Ngawang Geleg
( 1844-1868) ten. 1865-1868
L30. 7th Gyalse K. Rinchen Chokyi Wangchuk
( 1844-1897) ten. 1869- 188 1
35. 6th Chung. K .T. Chokyi I...otro
( 1868- 1909) ten. 1871- 1906
1..3 1. 8th Togdan K. T. Ngawang I...otro Gyaltshen
( 1869- 1934) ten. 1881- 1934
36. 6th Chet. T. Zhibai Lotro
( 1886- 1943) ten. 1906- 1943
1..32. 4th Choku Konchok Tendzin
( 1909- 1960) ten. 1835-1941
37. 7th Chung. T. Chokyi Jungne
(1909- 1940)
8th? Drubgyti Tenpai Gyaltshen
( 1915-J973) ten. 1941- 1947
38. [Minority regent: 1943- 1959]
Gyera Choktrtil K. T. Thubten Wangpo
(1924-1979)
1..33. 9th Togdan Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen
(b. J938) ten. 1947-
39. 8th Chung. K . T. Chokyi Nangwa
( 1942- ) ten. 1959- 197840. 7th Chetsang K. T. Trin le Lhtindrub ( 1978-)
PAI N TING TRADITIO NS OF THE ORIGU N G KAGY U S CHOOL
279
Monasteries of the Drigung Kagyu,
Past and Present
Over one hundred Drigung Kagyu
monasteries are listed in the unpublished
notes of Marc Franyoi s, "Dances of
Lamayuru," which Lionel Fournier
kindly shared with me. There we find
presented "Major Branch Monasteries
of the Drigung Kagyu and Its Tulkus,"
listing the monasteries where the
Drigung Kagyu sacred dances took
place before 1959 and their number of
reincarnate lamas (tullm). Though no
sources are mentioned, the list includes
several branches in Ngari that belonged
to the school in the thirteenth century
(as mentioned in the Tise Karc/Jak)
and were long ago converted to other
schools. So I think the list was meant
to be as inclusive as possible, even
including some monasteries that have
not functioned for several centuries.
Central Tibet:
I. 'Bri gung The! (orThil/mThil) Byang
chub gling ( 10 tulku) , 2. Yang ri sgar ( 14
tulku), 3 . sKa tshel (3 tulku), 4. rDzong
gsar bKra shis (2 tulku), and 5. rTse ba
Grwa tshang, Khra ba kha.
Nyemo (sNye mo) northeastern Tsang:
6. sNye 1110 gZhu te' u gSang sngags
Chos sgrub gling and 7. Shag ram Shil
dkar mThong smon sGrub sde.
Western Tibet (N gari)
Pu hrang
8 . dGung phur Ri phug dgon pa ( l
tullm), 9 . sPu hrang rGod khung, 10.
Kho chen lHa khang, 11. Shang Khrang
dpe'u , 12. Brag ska rag bSam gtan gling,
280
APPENDIX
Khunu
13. Khunu bSam gtan Chos gling
Mt. Kai lash Zone
At the foot of Kailash 14. rGyang grags
dgon ( 1 tulku), 15. Nyan ri , 16. rDzu
' phrul phug, 17. Ri bo rTse brgyad, 18.
Ser lung sGrub bde, 19. rTa rgo Gang Ia
0 ma phug sGrub bde.
Limi
Limi or sLe mi Valley (nowadays
northwest Nepal): 20. Wa rtse Rin chen
gling, 21. Til Kun 'dzom gling, and 22.
Dzang ' Phel rgyas gling.
Eastern Ngari
Kyirong (sKyid rong Khul) 23. Ri
Shed dgon and (24.-28.) its six branch
Southeastern central Tibet (Kongpo)
The monasteries of Kong po: In the
province of Kong po, near the district of
'Bri, 39. Kong po rGyud 'Bri gung dgon
pa, 40. rGod ' phug rdzong, 41. 'Bum
mda rdzong, 42. rGya Nang gi Del mgon
dgon , 43 . Yar rig sTon mchog dgon,
44. sKong smang bKra shis Rab bstan
A phyi IHa khang and 45. sPo pho Phu
lung dgon Rin chen gling.
Nagchukha (Byang Nag chu kha), a
northern Nomadic area northeast of 046.
'Brong ngur Thub bstan rNam rgyal
gling dgon (3 tulku), 47. sGom sde Chos
'khor Byangs pa gling dgon (3 tulku),
48. Zla ba dgon, 49. Nem tsha dgon dPal
dkyi l dgon (2 tulku), 50. ' Bong Thub
monasteries.
bstan Dar rgyas gling ( 1 htlku) and 51.
Od sna dgon.
Central Himalayan borderlands of Nepal
(including Mustang and Dolpo) and
Adjoining nomadic lands to the north:
(Dolpo) 29. Dol po Shes rdo rje rdzong,
30. Mum Rri khrod , 31. Glo [bo] Chu
mig brgya rtsa (Muktinath in southern
Mustang), 32. lCags Ye shes rdzong, and
33. Gro shod rKyang phug
Eastern Tibet
Khan1s:
Gapa (sGa ba) district
52. !Dan glu dkyil dgon ( 1 htlku), 53.
Nyi rdzong dgon (4 tltllat), 54. sGrub
brgyud dgon Thub bstan Chos ' phel
gling (6 tulku), 55. Ba dan Kar rtags
dgon (1 tulku), 56. sGe'u dgon ( 1 htlku),
Eastern Himalayan borderlands
(including Tsari and Labchi)
In the secret valley ofTsa ri , 34. 'Bum
111da Se 'bum IHa khang, 35. sGrub chu
IHa khang, 36. Chos zam IHa khang,
37. Yul smad gTsug lha khang; on the
frontier of Nagai and in India, 38. La
phyi bDuJ 'duJ Phug 1110 che dgon pa.
57. sGa bKra shis dgon (2 tulku), 58.
sGa ba bShi bs dgon (2 tulku), 59. sGa A
dbyangs dgon (3 tulku). 60. sGa Khams
sGyogs dgon (3 tulku), 6 1. Thub bstan
Dar rgyas gling dgon (3 htlku), 62. sGa
rTse le dgon ( I htlku), 63. !Dan skyu ra
Grags rtsa ( I tulku), 64. rDza rna A grags
dgon (2 tulku) and 65. !Dan A grags
dgon , 66. !Dan stod bKra shis dgon , 67.
'Bri stod dgon, and 68. sPar sme dgon.
In Nang chen district (Khams)
69.1Ho dPal me dgon Theg mchog
Shed sgrub gling (3 tulku), 70. mKhar
'go dgon (2 tulku), 71. Mi g.yel dgon (2
tulku), 72. mGar dbyangs chen Byang
chub Chos gling (4 tulla1), 73 .1Ho
Lung dkar dgon Thub bstan Shad sgrub
gling (3 tulku), 74. Ka bKra shis dgon
Thub bstan Dar rgyas gling (2 tulku) ,
Its branch 75. bTsun dgon , 76. Bu mang
dgon (3 htlku), 77. dBa' yir dgon.
Western borderlands of China (llang yul
and Zi khron):
In Yunnan Province (IJang yul): 78. Dar
rgyas gling dgon (2 htlku), and 79. Thub
bstan Dar rgyas gling dgon ( 1 tulku);
Sichuan (Zi khron) Province: 80. Om
rgyal dgon (3 hllku), and its three branch
monasteries (81.-83.) of sDe ring rDzas
du (two have become Geluk in 1982).
Ladakh
84. Phyang. The five main branches
of Phyang were (Binczik and Fischer
2002, p. 91 ): 85. Shyang, 86. Sara, 87.
Larnayuru, and 88. SechukuJ.
(87.) Lamayuru. The second main
Drigung Kagyu monastery in Ladakh
(after Phyang) was Lamayuru (Bia ma
g.Yung drung), whose full name was
Lan1ayuru Tharpaling (Bia ma g.Yung
drung Thar pa gling), which possessed
more monks than Phyang. Lamayuru's
eighteen later branch monasteries or
sanctuaries were (according to the note
of Marc Franyois):
I. (89 .) Henasku Gon (He gnas sku),
2. (90 .) Kanji Gon (rKan gzhi dgon),
3. (91.) Phuto Gonpa (Phu mtho
dgon pa),
4. (92.) Heshug Gonpa (He shug
dgon pa),
5. (93.) Kugsho Gi:in (Kug sho
dgon),
l. ( I07 .) Brag rtse dgon,
2 . (108.) Ye rad T har pa Chos gling,
3 . (I 09 .) Phra rug bDe legs sgang,
4 . (11 0.) dKar rgyan1 dgon dGra 'dul
Byang chub gling,
5. ( Ill.) Pho drang Theg mchog dPal
.
fl ,
6. (112.) rDor khul dgon,
6. (94.) Stagmachig Gi:in (sTag mag
gcig dgon),
7. (95.) Skyidri Gi:in (sKyid rid
dgon),
7 . (J 13.) Chu shul Zang zang dPal ri
dgon,
8. (114.) Theg chen sNang gsa! Chos
8. (96.) Kaltsi or Kholatse Gi:in
(mKhar Ia rtse ' i or Kho Ia 1tse
dgon),
9. (97.) Atitse Gi:in (A ti rtse'i dgon),
9. (1 15.) Chu shul brGyud rNam
rgyal ,
I0. ( 116.) Byi lam mThong grol Chos
olino doon
10. (98.) Stagchig Gi:in (sTag gcig
dgon),
11. (1 17 .) Me rag dgon
12. (11 8.) Pang gon mTsho,
13. (119.) Re le dgon , and
II. (99.) Urji Gi:in (Ur byi dgon).
12. ( 100.) Hanupata Gi:in (Ha nu Pa ta
dgon).
13. (1 01.) Hinju Gon (Hin j u dgon),
14. ( 102.) Urtsi Gon (Ur rtsi dgon),
15. (1 03.) Dar Gi:in (Dar dgon),
16. (1 04.) Stagtsiphug Gi:in (sTag rtsi
phug dgon)
17. ( I05.) Darathang Gi:in (Da ra
thang dgon), and
18. (1 06.) Achi Gi:in (A phyi dgon).
(88.) Sharchukhul (Shar chu khul) and
gling,
"' "' "'
14. (120.) sPang mig dgon gSer bum
its Branches. A third main monastic
seat of the Drigung Kagyu in Ladakh
was Sharchukhul, which stands in the
nomadic areas near the Chang thang. 995
Its full name was Sharkhul Phtintshok
Chi:iling Gon (Shar khul Phun tshogs
Chos gling dgon).996 Sharchukhul
had fifteen branch monasteries (Marc
Franyois lists fourteen):
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
2.81
PREFACE
1
Kathok Situ. pp. 53-53 (27a-b): SIIUJII gsar my.
ing [aj J7nan mying cung 'dra bar srumgl.
10
Ibid .. p. 373.
II
Ibid., p. 376.
ll
' Ibid .. p. 62.5 (31a): but' brgyud gs~r 'phreng lha
Mtu11g duthang sgamlx'O lnga tumg 'bri gu11g
lugs MillO" gyi 1/w b:o plml gyur /SitOIImtltmg;
till I=tie I 'dm '01111 tlka 'ba'i gras/.
' See 0. Czaja 2006. 2010. and fortllcoming; and
C. Luczanits 2010.
u
The ··Pown Chenpo" has been described by M.
Kapstein 1998.
14
SeeM. Kapstein 2006. p. 46, who describes
Achi (A phyi) as Jigten Sumgon's wonderwod:ing grandmother.
7
10
E. Sperling, 1987, p. 53.
18
Sperling·s second article on tl1e fllJIIIfJ'I
of Drigung (E. Sperling 1992) deals witll
later Dngung-Mongol contact: "Notes on
References to 'Bn-gung-p a-Mongol Contact
in the Late Soxteenth and Earl} Se• enteenth
Centuries."
19
M. Kapstein 2006. The Tibetan.;, p. 114.
20
Karl-Heinz Everding 2002. p. 124. See also
E•' trding ·s study of the history of Mangyul
Gungthang. Karl -Heinz E• erdmg 2000. Da;
KIJnigreicil Mang yu/ Crmg thmrg. II. pp.
41-446.
ll
The next several Chagatai khans were
appointed by Kaidu. who controlled his khan·
ate until he died. He eventually found a suit·
able political successor in Barnq 's son Duwa
(ruled 1282-1307). who took part in Kaidu's
wars against Qubtlai Khan and his successors
of the Yuan d) nasty. It was onl} after Krudu's
death in 1301 that Duwa renounced his aile·
giance to his successor. making pence with the
Yuan dynasty and paying tributes to the Yuan
COUrl.
2l
0. Czaja forthcoming. ftn. 65.
1.1
0. Czaja ·s footnote 65 adds: In the Rg)'ll
• R. Vitali 1996a. p.372f.9
282
NOTES
The conRicL which soon included open
warfare. lasted for about two. to three years
from 1288to 1290. This is in agreement with
the statement made by Kun dga · rdo rje. and
repealed by Dpal 'byor bzang po. saying that
during the time of the three dpon chen Gzhon
dbang. B}ang rdor and Ag len the Sa skya pa
fought 1\ith the 'Bri gung pa (Deb therdmar
po 53.19. Rgya bod yig tshang 360.17). whose
terrn of office o~ can assume as 1288 for the
first. ca. 1289tbe second and ca. 1290 to 1298
for the third. Furthem>or e.the remark by Bynng
chub rgyal mtshan is of some interest. Having
an argument with the 'Bri gung sgom pa, he
stresses thai the 'Bn gung pa had forrned theor
domains "ithin fi••e }ears. held for eight years.
butlost1n t\\ o years (see beiO\\ ). Based on
the }ear of 1290. as the assumed year of the
defeat of the 'Sri gung pa. tl>is results in a terrn
for tlle forrnation period from 1276to 1280.
consolidation from 1280181 to 1288 and loss
from 1288189 to 1290. Notably. it corresponds
to the lifetime of important personalities such as
'Phngs pa. who died on 1280. and the 'Sri gung
abbot Grags pa bsod nnms (1238-1286). "hose
suecessor was Jo nubs a has OlOS sgo ba Rdo
lje }t shes ( 1223-1293). As otis well- known.
the allied forces of the 'Bri gung pa and the
Stod Hor (i.e .. Chagatai) were fully defeated
by the Sa skya pa and the Mongolian troops.
and tl1e main seat of 'Sri gung was looted and
burned down.
www.dhnrma-mcdia .org/ratnashripjlthanka.
html. See also: hllp://www.dhanna-media.org/
ratnashripj/. "THANKA Scanning & Touch-up
Projects
Prescn ing a legacy for present and & future
generations" (tl1e •·ersion I consulted dated
February 7. 2012).
17
R. Vitali 1996b. p. 95.
' Ibid .. ftn. 594.
and the "Bri gung pa.
Accordmg to the dribmg.org website (http://
www.drilune.oau. consulted May II. 2013).
• D. Jackson 1996. p. 70.
• 'J•g rten gsum mgon. Collected Writings. vol.4.
p. 44 (11g0 22b.6): tlpo11 cfltll pO /Shu/ Tillg)'i.\
lxlag mtl:odl. And on the Newar artist: 1/w hal
1/.l'i 1/w b::n rig po'i yon /lJII plm/ du phyi11 pol
b:o 'i sprul por gmgs Jlltf tlpo11 chen fJ'' ma (ti
blw tiro ::.Ires b)YJ ba >P.\'1111 tlrangs nasi. Here
the title dpon clten po "as g01•en to both great
arusts (later the forrn "as sometimes dpon nro
ell~). The author later includes tlle title (p. 12)
even for smitlls and rnetal-workmg, respect·
fully addressing them as contemporaneous
master artists (tlfJOIIIIm lJ:;tJ flltWIS Ia :lw).
On Jigten Surngon's "Single Intention"
(t/Congs gt'ig) teachings. Dan Marun cites
elsewhere: Liu. Kuo-wei 2002. '"Jog rten
mgon po and tlle 'Single Intention' ('Dgongs
gcig'): His View on Bodhis.nnvn Vow ar~d Its
Influence on Medieval Tibetan Buddhism:·
Ph.D. dissertation. Ann Arbor, Ml : University
Microfilms. (Not seen.) See also Dan Martin
2001 b. " Unearthing Bon Treasures:· pp.
148-160.and Ronald Da•idson 2005. p.335
and note 29.
INTRODU CTION
' Sec Dan Martin 2008. thos excerpt is from
treasuryoRives.org of Aug. 2008: hnp:/1
www .treasuryofli vcs.orglbiographies/view/
Jigten-Gilnpo-Rinchen-Pcl/2899, consulted on
Jan. 13. 2013. Besides the Blue Amw/.1. Dan
Martin also referred to: Uu Kuo-wei 2001.
"Jig rteo mgon po and the Single Intention
(dgmrgs gcig): His Vie" on Bodhisan• a
Vo" and Its Influence on Medieval Tibetan
Buddhism." Doctoral drsscrtation. Harvard
University; Khenpo KOnchog Gyehsen
1984. Prayer Flags: The Life 011d Spiritual
Teacltiugs oj.ligteu Sumg1J11 (Ithaca: Snow
Uon): Khenpo Konchog Gyeltsen 1990. The
Great Kagyu Masta>: Tit~ Coltkn Lineog~
Treasury (Ithaca: Snow uon) lbiograplucal sletch on pp. 220-69): Sobisch. Jan.
Ulrich 2002, Tltree· Vow 77teories i111ibell111
Bmi<lltism (Wiesbaden : Verlag). pp. 329-335:
Dbon shes rab 'byung gnas 1995. Skyob Jlll'i
rnam thar phyogJ lx·u (/JU gMtm mo (Dehrn
Dun: · Bri gung bka · brgyud rdo lje dbyings
gtsug lag slob gn}tr khang): and Ra sc dkon
mchog rgya mtsho 2003. 'Bri gung skyob Jlll
"jig rUtt glum mgo11 g)'i n10m tliar snying
b;d1u [Brief biograph} of Jig ten Surngon]
(Lhasa: lhasa bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe
skrun khang).
bod yig tslumg tlle same plan of the Sa skya
pa is reported. but in this source the statement is added that Grags pa rin chen guarded
(the religious community of Gdan sa mthil).
g<"rmg rg_l'lJ pos skyon~s. One might be right
to assume that this is a corrupt textual transmission. gcsmg rgya 'i rtlng 'bri gung pas
mntm Jllt>. As it is said by Kun dga · rdo rje
( 1309-1 364) (and also po·cserved in the Rgya
IHxlyig tslwng), this situation constitutes tllc
beginning of the war bet" een the Sa skya pa
CHAPTE R I
See Gyurme Dorje 1996, p. 212f. See also
Victor Chan's descriptions of Drigung Thelin
the early 1990s (V. Chan 1994. p. 553).
,.,
Photographs also"' ad able from: Tibet
Arch11c. "drigung dzongsar and yuna monasteries:· no. 2001.59.1 5.15.1.0.
On Drigung Durtrll see Victor Chan 1994,
pp. 545 and 556: on Yangri Gar. ibid., pp.
553 and 561: on Drikung Tsa. ibid_ p. 561 ):
and on Terdrom. ibid .• p. 344). (Chan said
tllat Terdtom Monastcry. lile nearb) Drigung
Thcl. were llC){ damaged much during Cultural
,.
,.
"'
"
J2
JJ
...
J5
...
J1
...
,.
..,
"
..,
Revolution, but T he! certainly was damaged.)
On p. 70.6 (35b), Kal} thog Si ru mentioned
seeing at the Sra brtan rdo rje pho brang,
the Drigung Tse (rTse) estate. a wonderful
Lhangka painting or paintings of the dPag
bsam ' khri shing cycle in an "Old Drigung
Painting Style" ('bri bris mying pa).
Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004b, p. 15. menlions dordzin being appointed to the three
main sacred sires (Kailash, Labehi . and Tsari)
but also to sacred Lake rnTsho Ma pham
and Kyirong (sKyi rong). But he asserts that
numerous head lamas of far-flung Drigung
Kagyu branches were appointed not from
Drigung Thel but from Yangri Gar. Most or all
of the posr-1650s Ladakh chojes, for instance,
were lamas of Yangri Gar. Some of the most
prominent even served as abbots of Yangri
Gar. See ibid., p. I7ff., fo r the monastery's
seventy-nine abbots. and p. J6f. for a list of its
three main and nine minor lulku .
A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 12 If.
http://www.drikung.org/drikung.kagyu ..lineage/
main-monas re ri es/eastern-ti betl
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 68.
A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 70.
Ibid .. p. 74.
Ibid., p. 75.
Ibid., p. 107.
Ibid .. p. 75.
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 26.
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005, p. 40.
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005. p. 45.
According to Marc Francrois, Nyi rdzong dgon
in Gapa was founded in 166 1 by Nam gsong
sPrul sku dKon mchog bstan 'dzin (16171675). disciple of the firs t Chetsang Rinpoche
(dKon mchog Rin chen 1590- 1656). and it
became the sear of the first Nyi rdzong Khri
pa Rin chen (I 632.- 1687), who became tutor
of the second Chetsang Rinpoche (Phrin las
bZang po 1656- 1718) in 1661.
See also the Kailashzone Charitable Trust
home page (http://www .kailashzone.org/pagesl
lirnilphelgye.html).
For a list of Ladakh Choje, see Appendix B
and P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995, p.
37.
A. Bincrik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 91.
See P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1999, p.
34. fig. 2.1.
ss
See Appendix C.
"
V. Chan 1994, p. 293f. and 620.
S7
See: hllp://www.drikung.org/drikung-kagyulineage/main-monasterieslwestem-tibetl
kailash.
..
,.
61
.,
63
..
65
..
...,
..
.,.
C. Luczanits 2005, p. 74.
C. Luczanits20JJ. p. 175.
See D. Jackson 2011, Figs. 1.13- 1.1 5; Cf.J.
Casey Singer 1995, Figs. I I and 18.
C. Luczanirs 2005, p. 87 .
C. Luczanirs 2006b, p. 191.
C. Luczanits 2006c, p. 469 .
Romi Khosla 1979, p. 139. On Larnayuru
Monastery, see also D. Snellgrove and
T. Skorupski I9n: Prem Singh Jina and
Konchok Namgyal 1999; and the brief article
of Christian Luczanits 1999.
R. Vitali, 1996a. p. 387. note 622, Jines 20-21.
Ibid., lines 30-31.
R. Vitali J996a, p. 420.
See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 344;
and D. Jackson 2010. fig. 630.
..
CHAPTER 2
Marco PaJiis was a Renaissanc·e man among
travelers to Ladakh: born in Liverpool of
Greek parents. he was a gifted musician. com·
poser. mountaineer. translator, and a widely
respected author on Tibetan Buddhism. A distinguished member of the ' 'Tf'ddilionalist" or
"Perennialisr" school of comparative religious
thought, his eloquenl writings focused since
the 1930s on Buddhist docuine and method
bur are noteworthy for thei r universalist ourlook. At age fifty-two he became a Buddhist
and recei ved the name Thubten Tendrin, li v-
,.
..
(including links with ancient sun worship
there) have been presented by A. Vanquaille
and H. Vets, 2004, ·'Lamayur u. the Symbolic
Architecture of Light.''
...
R. Khosla 1979, no. 12. p. 69.
A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 64.
71
R. Khosla 1979, p. 68fT.
"'
s;
R. Vi tali I999a, p. 388.
Since LoBue in his articles (LoBue 2007b
and 2011 ) paraphrased in chapter I 0 cites still
another version, that of 1942, I will add crossreferences as needed.
101
I could nor locate the corresponding passage
in the 1948 edition.
102
M. Pallis 1939, p. 336.
IO.l
E. LoBue 2001. p. 211.
1..
LoBue explained, ibid., p. 212: ''Its first part
is a detailed analysis of Tibet's history and of
Tibetan historical sources (263 pages. with
only a score of pages devoted to some artistic
monuments of southwestern Tibet); the second
[main part] (60 pages) deals with the evolution and character of Tibetan painted scrolls,
with on! y a few pages devoted to iconography:
the third [main part. in vol. 21 (286 pages) is
devoted to the analysis of the plates published
in a separate album, again wiLh constant
references to Tibetan historical and religious
sources; whereas the fourth fmain partl ( 142
pages) . .. [is a·l translation from Tibetan into
English of a number ofTibetan historical
Ibid., p. 69 .
D. Snellgrove 2000, p. 319f.
M. Pall is 1948, p. xvi.
M. Pallis 1939, p. 336.
See in the present catalog. Fig. 9.13 .
"'., Ibid., p. 69f.
Ibid., p. 70 .
., R. Vi tali i996a. p. 382 .
.., R. Vitali i996a. p. 382, note 614.
Marco P.all is 1939, p. 293 .
""
The architecture and situation on irs site
D. Jackson 2003, p. 530.
baliiUindex.bimL
Mimi Church and Marieue
._
Wiebenga 2008. "A four-fold Vairocana in the
Rinchen Zangpo tradition at HaJji in Nepal,"
Asian Art, dared October 21 , 2008.
.,
D. Jackson 2010, p. 120. Fig. 6.27 .
D. Snellgrove 2000. p. 3 J8f.
hLm and hup://www.asianart.com/arLicles/
..
.,
1;
bnp:;J/w~)::>Y.asia oaa.,s:unlaaj'I s:-slba Uili odt~.
9l
Vitali J996a. p. 387. note 622.
ing for many years in Kalimpong.
Ibid .
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring, comp. 2005. p. 49.
See Gyangdrak Monastery hup://www.
drikung.org/drikung-kagyu-lineage/
main-monasteries/westem-libetlkailash.
C. Luczanits 2006a. Fig. 4.1 0, Four-armed
Mailju§rr. Three-story Temple of \Vania.
R~
P. Den wood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski
1980, vol. 2, p. 154.
P. S. Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1999. p. 85.
kagyu.lineage/main·monasteriesl
wesrem·ti bel.
C. Luczanits 2005 referred at this point to a
contribution by Vitali to the same volume published in 2005. which I could not yet consult.
"
.,
P. Denwood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski
1980. vol. 2, p. 152.
n
.,.
.,.
C . Luczanits 2005, p. 89.
R. Vitali J996a. p. 388.
P. Denwood in D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski
1980. vol. 2, p. 143.
"
See hnp://www.drikung.org/drikung-
R. Vitali J996b, p. 95.
90
C. Luczanirs. 2011 , p. 175.
R. Vitali J999a. p. 382.
1)
..
.,
..
..
See Roger Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar 1996,
p. 216.
11
Ba ri Zla ba tshe ring. comp. 2005. p. 47.
Ibid.
.,
...
A. Gruschke 2004b. p. 121.
.u
••
..
..
Ibid.
...
,,
...
52
ChiJyang The Voice of Ti!JetOfl Religion a11d
Culture, no. 6 (1994), pp. 27.
~·
.u
"
sources.:·
105
G. Tucci 1949, p. 548, notes this as thangka
no. 115. plates 149 and 150 (black and white) .
"''
""
""
G. Tucci 1949, p. 537.
G. T ucci 1949, p. 366.
Cf. a similar lineage portrayed in D. Jackson
PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORIGUNG KA GYU SC HOOL
2.83
1996. plate 65: and G. Es..,n and T. Tlungo
1989. no. D-28-1.
100 The record of teachings rece1' ed of the Fifth
Dalai Lama gives this lineage (Oalru Lama
V_ Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. lab (XI
dong rg)<J che ba'i ... , voL 2, (p. l83a l: t;/wr
p<l clws kyi rgyal pa_, mtl:ml pa 'i byin rltiiJs
kyi cho go pad tlkar b:Juul1x• 'i 'phrenfiiH•
us 0. Snellgro• e 2000, p. 123. The inte""' winter
cold compelled them to Sla) most of !be time
in Leh as their mam base and male only brief
day trips to outl ymg sites.
...
mt;/ws mtl:atl pa'i byin rlah; kyi clio go 'i
;teng 11os tlpal 'khar /o stlom fX' ·; rgynd
111/lfiOII par brjod pa 'bum pa Ia; $11111/1> pa 'i
tshe dpag med lha gcig bum gcig llbt g:.tm
Ia brtm pa 'i dba11g b:./1i brill rlab; A\·i 1>/ml
tluthob pa 'i brgyutl pa ,;j "'-~"" pa i;he
tlpag mtdl11ra gcig grub pa'i rg,WJI molti plm
gsang sngags sdong pol rje ra; clnmg nlo
rje grogs pol mi Ia b:hatl (XI n/a rfrlmn,m m
med :Ia 'od g:ho11 mt! bde !1-'heg• Uwm; p<l
n/or rgyaU 'bri gung 'jig rte11 g;um mgon/
spy(m ;ngu cho; kyi rg_1wl pa gra~> (XI 'hyung
gna.J yang dgon p<1thugs tyi rtlo rjelthug;
sraJ Jpyan snga rigs ltltml :.ur plwg pa riu
cen tlp<ll b:angl 'ba '"' ba rgyalmt;/um tlpal
b:anglgrub chen rin cen 'pheU :/111 lnmkhan
d1e11 'khrul :big ts/wl khrimJ rgyalmtJium/
stu :lw11g rdo rje 'chang mkl11·en rt1b rin
an mdwg grub/ rje btsun nlo rill/If)(} chen
paltshar chen dws kyi rgyal pol 'jam dpal
dh_rangs mkhye11 brtse'i tlhm•11 phyug Info rje
'chang dbm1g phyug rob brtwrl ri~; Aun khWJb
bdag mgon pa bsod noms mchag It/ani :.11rtlwms cad mkh)·en pa chos dbyi11gs rang groU
de; bdag :a hor bande Ia 'a/. A sim1lar hneage
is found in the Tlrob _rig of Klong rdol Bla rna
(mOo sngag; kyi dba11g lung Ahrid gsumthob
p<l'i gs<m yig thor pa 'i them ;km (part 2. smad
chal (ASOP file no. S6548E2). fol. 208a: 11111
gcig grub pa 'i rgyal mo 'i lug.• Ayi uhe khrid
rd:ogs rim dang 'brei hll rflytll ba dge 'dun
grub kyi yig c/wltar thob pa nil IIIli gcig grub
(HI 'i rgyal molti p/111 g.wng -"'11"11" sdong put
ras clumg rdo rje grog.v mi Ia b:)wd pa nlo
rjel dwags pa :)a 'od g:.lwn nul plwg gru n/o
rje rgml po/'bri gung 'jig rte11g.rummgo111
rgyal sras spyan snga rin c:h~1J! Aun m1J1yeu
ull p/111 bol 'ba · ra ba rg_ml mt>ha11 dpal
b:angl de JIOS dbu mapa dpa 'bon/a rjel rje
blo b:ang don grub/ mkb(lJ grub clws rjel
ba so clws k)i rgyal mtshanl "j<11n tlbya11g>
dgt 'dun 'phtU rgyud chen bAm sllis 'phagll
rg_•·ud chen bsum grub rgya moho/ rg,111d dum
brbOI/ 'gru; 'phagll rgyud chm rtlo rje b:ang
pal rig; lda11 songs rgya.1 r[O'llmt;hol t/~011
mdwg rgya mtslwl dkon mdWfl yar 'phe/1
lca11g ;kyo ngag dbang b/o lfol. 208b l b:ang
dws ld01rl grub p<1'i dlmngphyufl blo h:a11g
dw; 'd::Jnl/cang sk_w1 rol p<1 'i rtltJ rjel des
lxlag ngag dbang blo b:angla 'ul.
Ibid., footnote 9 .
118
Ibid., p. 278.
110
119 Ibid., p. 318f.
1,.
Ill
"' D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski. \ol. 2 (1980).
report in part I on SkorupsL.1's tra• cis to
Zangskar. Pan D describes ca• e temples of
Ladakh. "bile Pan rn pre..,nts the biogrnph) of Rinchen Zangpo. Part IV presents the
temple and rock inscriptions of Alchi (b) P.
Denwood).
113 D. Snellgrove and T. Skorupski, vol. I. p. xvi.
114 On p. 20. footnote 18, Petech told Snellgrove
and Skorupski that Drigung Jigten Sumg<ln's
name was mentioned in the Lud(lkh Roral
History. La dwogs rgyal rabJ (Francke\ ed,
AntiquiJies. voL 2. p.36,1ine 10).
Rase Konchok G}atsho 2QO.Ib. p. 6. These
Ibid., p. 325.
P Pal 1982. p. 22f.
P. Pal 1982 cites, in fooLnoto 3 1. both B. C.
O lschak and G. T. Wangyal 1973. pp. 50-51:
and H. (Stoddard) Kam>ay 1975. pp. 41--42.
""
P. Pal 1982. p. 34.
ID
0. Jackson 20 I 0, p. 27 _ hneal cle=nt starting
from top left.
.,.
ISO
152 Ibid., pp. 22-24.
lil
...
136
recent srudy of the Alehi mumls: P-JI 1982b.
131 P. Pal 1983, p. 136.
132
Ibid .. P14, "Life of Milarepa."
ll3
Cf. G. Tucci 1949. the erroneous Drukpa ideotification of plates 40-41.
....
,.,
1.37
P. Pali969, flg.l3.pp.6 1 and 135.
IJB
G. Seguin 1977 (French version (, pp. 22 and
95: see also G . Btguin 1977. Gem1an version.
p. 22 and 95; cat. no. 57.
IJ9
See H. Richardson'" P. Pal 1983. p. 260.
...
'"'
The full saying. as repeated by H.H. Orikung
Chetsang Rinpochc (interview Hamburg.
December 7, 199-1) was: khums bris 1111111 pa
rub (XI 'drtt!l 'ilri bri; 110111 mkha 'longs pa
'drol/1/-_\'f! ri; ll,l'i ma ;/wr ba 'droll. ''Here
the colors of (the background )~apes of)
the non-0 ..,hool of Kharn arc described as
ha• mg been compara~•cly dark and muted.
as after darl.ness has fallen." bile those of the
two 0-dlstrict trad1llons were lighter. Those
of the 'Sri bns \\-ere. ho\\ever relative!} thin
and faint. like the colors at dawn. while those
of the g.Ye ris (orE bris) wert brighter and
more intense. as n.ftc:r sunrise:· In lhis connection. it is interesting to compare the saying of Wangchuk (dBang phyug} of Ladakh
(interview Leh. July 3 1. 1977). who similar! y
chamcterizod the main Menri (sMan ris) painting tradition of the whole of 0 province in
central Tibet. in contrast with his own Tsangri
style: "The color of 0 is like dawn: the color
of Tsang IS like dw.k" (db•u gi tshon 11i sft)·a
mda' 'droll g1.1a11g gi tsiiOIIIIi sa rub 'droll).
W..ngchuk had studled (10 about the late 1960s
or earl) 1970s?) under Pasang. an old master
of the Tash1lhunpo tradJtion.
"''
A~ang
listically with the Bntish Museum's thanoka
depicting Padmasambh.wa "ith Consorts"
published in John Lowry 1973. cover and p.
63. no. 26.
H. Stoddard 2008, p. 16.
1<2 Acarya Nga"ang Samten 1986. thangkas ownber I and 2.
...
Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986. p. 12.
1-" Cf. Hwee Lie Blthaut. "An Interview with
Lionel Fournier," Orie/1/atiun.l. vol. 32. no. I
(January 200 I). pp. 68-75.
145 See D. Jackson 2002. p. 164.
146 R. Goepper 1996. p. 18.
,.,
ll>id .. p. 16.
The 'Bri flllllfl lug; or 'Bri bris. a painting
Sl) le eulu• ated at the monastery of Origung
and also at eertam other monasteries of the
Ongung Kag) u secL 1S mentioned by Kal)
thog Situ, p. 62.5 (31a)." ho saw at Yang ri
sgar that conta1ned pruntings by early artists of
the Origung art tmd1tion.
161 H. H. Orikung Chetsang Rinpoche. interview.
Hamburg. December 7. 1994. See also M.
Rhie and R.Thurman 199 1. pp. 60 and 250.
1-10 H.(Stoddardl Karmay 1975. p. 42.
...
M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999. p. 55.
1-" bsTan 'dzin(>.1dma rgyalmtshan. Nges don.
p. 40L
w Ibid_ p. 150.
Pal also compar<d the M1larepa painting Sl)'·
See uu. Yis1 ed. 1957. Xi:ang fojiao yishu
(7ibeum Budtlltbt Art(. (Beijing: Wenwu cbuColumbia U libr:lt)': hnp:l/clio.
banshe).
cul.col umb1a .edu: 70 18/vwebvlholdingslnfo?s
earchld=5923&recCount=50&recPointer=O&
bibld=380361 0.
1-"' D. Jackson 1996. pp. 338-343.
P. Pal 1983, p. 148.
""
Ibid_ p. 250.
cr.
Ibid_ p. 40. the mnth com ention.
Pal also referred in footnote 13 to his own
M. Rhie and R. Thurman 199L p. 60: ilL 251.
us Ibid .. p. 52.
129 P. Pal 1983, p. 116.
LlO
A Origung histoncal source mentioned the
building of Lamayuru by Origung Lingpa
Sherab Jungnc then. as discussed by R. Vitali
1996a, p.382.
'" R. Goepper 1996. p. 19,
L. Petech 1978, p. 324f.
"'
SeeM. Pablke 2012, p. 28.
111 C. Copeland 1980. fig. 92. Koel z collcc~on
no. 17490.
Ibid .. p. 319f.
three main dord2in were appointed by Rincben
PhUntshok while still abbot. Else" here in
the same book Rase Konchol. G)atsho menlions (p. 15) dordbn bemg appointed to tho..,
three locations. plus to mTsho Ma pham and
Kyirong (sKyi rong).
"'
"'
"'
,., Ibid_ p. 217.
Ibid .. p. 278.
II?
dang Jhauu· cad m.khyen pa tlge 'thm rgya
'"" Ibid_ also d1scussed on p. 2181L
Rinpoche, London. December. 1984.
This nsscrtion came in a ~ riuen statement
shared w1th me in 1994 by Mr. Ngawang
Tsering of Nyurln. 1-'dakh.
16< H.H. Drikung Chetsang Rinpochc, interview,
Hamburg, December 1994. Other noteworthy
painters who nourished at Drigung in the midtwemieth century were the painters (lha bris)
Zla ba. Chos blMg. and Chos Jje.
"''
166
167
H.H . Drikung Che!Sang Rinpoche, interview.
Hamburg, December I 994.
I referred for instance to the two golden
thangkas in Ngawang Samten 1986. pp. 16
and 18.
C. Harris 1999.
168
Ibid .. p. 68f.
169
Ibid .. p. 68f.
""
E. LoBue 2001. p. 214. who then cited D.
Jackson 1996. p. 339.
CHAPTER
171
111
17l
3
C. Luczani ts 1998, p. 152.
C. Luczanits 1998. p. 152f.
C. Luczanits 1988.1n footnote 10 he sums up
Lhe existing research or photo.documentation
on all those sites by such researchers as R.
Khosla 1979. G. B~guin and L. Fournier 1986.
and Charles Genoud 1982.
I"
G. B~guin and L. Fournier 1986, p. 153.
115
C. Luczanits 1998. p. 153.
176
177
Ibid .. pp. 154-156.
Ibid., p. 155f.
""
Ibid .. pp. 156-159.
179
C. Luczanits 2002, p. 123, frn. 16.
'"'
Ibid., p. 124.
181
Ibid., p. 116, fln. I.
I"
Ibid., pp. 223 and 224.
199
Ibid., pp. 226- 324.
200
lOI
Ibid .. p. 325ff.
D. Jackson 2003, Figs. 2 and 3.
,..""
D. Jackson 2005, p. II Of. e
""
""
""'
""'
Ibid., p. 112.
Ibid .. pp. 149- 151.
P. Pal et al. 2003. no. 128.
Ibid .• p. 68. Stoddard refers again in her
footnote 30 to the history by Tendzin Peme
Gyaltshen. and also to her own nearly contemporaneous article, H. Stoddard 2003b. pp.
90f and 95.
H. Stoddard 2003b, pp. 32.
Ibid .. p. 17.
Donald Dinwiddie ed. 2003, no. 46, p. 192.
also referred to an image in G. Essen and T.
Thingo 1989, val. 1-84. p. 140, saying. '1t is
reputed to follow a 12th/13th century model
of the master (Jigten Sumgon?) made in his
lifetime:· But I was unable to trace any dis-
cussion in Lhe passage of Essen and Thingo's
book that Dinwiddie referred to.
182
Compare C. Luczanits 2006c. p. 471, who
said: "Further, the later depictions considered
here, such as that at Wanla, demonstrme that
similar compositions were produced on into
the 14th century. For the western Himalayas,
it may well be that the lineages depicted are
those of local hierarchs [dordzin l at Mount
Kailash.")
183
A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 6711.
IOl
Ibid., p. 325ff.
1&5
Ibid., p. 67.
186
Ibid., p. 69.
187
..
Ibid., p. 90.
,
Ibid .. p. 91.
1&9
Ibid., p. 116.
""
Ibid. Those names are also found among the
artists who painted other pans of the Tashi
CMdzong. according to LoBue 2007a: cf. the
list of names given by Prem Singh Jina 1999.
Some Mouasreries. p. 7.
216
1.!
A Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 147.
K. Selig Brown 2004, p. 40.
m
P. Pal et al. 2003. no. 132.
"'
Ibid., p. 291.
ll4
A. Heller 2005, p. 6.
liS
Ibid., p. 3.
Ibid, p. 4.
m
C. Luczanits 2011. p. 176.
2.!8
C. Luczanits 2004, p. 291.
""
Ibid.
2.00
C. Luczani ts 2004. p. 292.
Ul
Ibid., p. 153.
""
""
""
,..,
Ibid., p. 292.
,.,.
C. Luczanits 2005. p. 73.
Ibid.
Ibid .. p. 74.
Ibid.
U1
Ibid, p. 76.
,...
Ibid .. p. 86.
m Ibid., p. 87.
,_.,
Ibid., p. 89.
C. Luczani ts 2006a. p. 82f.
211
Ibid., p. 50.
252
Ibid., p. 83.
2:18
Ibid .. p.51.
Ibid., p. 87.
219
Ibid .• p.51f.
'"
""
To ··examine evidence for a Drigung style'"
'-" See Cyrus Steams 200 I, p. 26ff.
was not exactly what I meant to do in Jackson
2002. I wanted to present in translation an
interview with Lhe sole known surviving
Drigung Kagyu artist in Ladakh. who himself
incidentally asserted many times the existence
of a Driri style. I did also list in a final appendix the publislred examples of Drigung Kagyu
paintings of different s tyles and periods then
known to me.
The entry HAR 81411 (accessed April2013)
describes K. Selig Brown 2002, plate 8, but
provides no image.
m
K. Selig Brown 2004, plates 6, 7, and 8.
2ll
D. Klimburg-Salter 2004, p. 52.
"'
D. Klimburg-Salter 1982. pl. Ill.
lli
D. Klimburg-Salter 2004, p. 52.
1.'6
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 149.
Ibid., p. 154.
1..
Ibid .. p. 156ff.
1.5
Ibid., p. 195.
hierarchical structure embodied a political
symbolism. saying that the Kagyu lamas of
that time were "particularly active in pro-
1..
Ibid .. repeated on pp. 207 and 209.
pagandizing through images a lheocr-atic
Ibid .. pp. 211 - 221.
231
151
193
1.,
Ibid.
D. Klimburg-Salter 2004. p. 49.
121
1.1
2.!0
Ibid., p. 197.
Ibid., p. 90f .. ftn. 16.
21.5
Ibid .. p. 39.
,,.
211
li.J
ll9
D. Jackson 2012, chapter 7. pp. 145-155.
H. Stoddard 2003a. p. 64.
213
K. Selig Brown 2004. plates 6, 7. and 8.
Ibid .• p. Ill f.
210
212
""
Cf. K. Trapper 2007.
202
,..
sculptural art: Anna Marie Quaglioni 1998,
BuddlwpadtiS (Kamakura).
,_,., Ibid., p. 53, also thought the first painting's
political model." She also refers to a book
on Buddha footprints in Indian Buddhist
255
C. Luczanits 2006b. p. 187.
L~
Ibid .. p. 188.
257
Ibid., p. 191.
,.
C. Luczanits 2006c. p. 471 IT.
'-" Ibid., p. 474ff.
le<l
Ibid., p. 470.
261
Ibid., p. 470f.
162
..
,..
,
265
C. LuczaniiS 2004, p. 253.
dKon me hog bsod nams 1980. val. 3, pp.
90-93.
dKon mchog bkra shis 1995, pp. 664-71.
The Tibetan sources Trapper cited here were
dKon mchog bkra shis 1995. ''G.yung drung
thar pa gling." in "Jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan
ed. 1980. dGon rabs kun gsal nyi snang I
The History of Ladakh Monasteries. (Leh.
Ladakh: All Ladakh Gonpa Soeiery). pp.
633- 90: and dKon mchog bsod nams 1980.
La dwags dgon pa mams kyi lo rgyus padma'i
phreng ba I A History of the Various Religious
Establishments of Ladakh called "A Rosary of
Lotuses," vols. 2 and 3 (Bir, H.P.: D. Tsondu
Senghe).
PAINTING TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
2.85
,..
,.,
""
..
,
,.
'"
A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. pp. 326-333.
K. Tropper 2007. p. Ill.
11 3 yab 1.-yi drin lan gsob phyir lha gang rim
bzhin bzhengs II 114 nyo= stag lung =du
spur khang steng du yang II 115 me hod rten
bzhtngs nas mchod pa 'i nta shi btsugs II.
K. Tropper 2007. p. 110.
I explained Ibis term in D. Jackson 1987. p.
115. fln. 12.
,.,,
LoBue cites !his in 2007a as the article: '"The
Guru lha kbang at Phyi dbyang: A Mid-15th
cenruryTemple in Central Ladalh." w hi ch
later appeared in A. Heller and G. Orofino eds.
2007, Discoveries in IVestem 'Tibet om/the
IVestem Himalaya> Ithe Oxford PlATS volume] (Lciden: Brill). pp. 175- 196.
In footnote 12 he gives this inscription: .1tyob
'jig rren mgon po Ia na 1110 mdwg d11.1
gs11m mas bslwr ba Ia 11a mall 'dti dba11g gi
tlpo11 lob lr
•.cmg don 'grub kyi> bri>l. IIK'hog
(best) is a misspelling for pllyog• (d•rec!Jon).
"hieh should be foliO\\ ed b) bc·11 (ten). Lt ..
phyogs ben dus gswn mu.
G. Tucci 1949. p. 275.
Jl8
M. Kerin 2008. chapter4, p. 149ff.
"'
,..
M. Kerin 2008. p.9
Jl9
Cf. D. Jackson 20 I I. figs. 4.9 and 4.17.
Ibid .. p. 170.
C. Luczanits 2009. p. 134ff.
JOO
R. Vitali 1996a. p. 501.
""
"'
JOI
Kerin (2008) refers. p. 173.to the gap in the
local histontal record noted b) both Petech
and Vitali during !he Yuan period as high!)
signifieanL but gaps 111 the record are not as
m
Ibid .. p. 141ff.
ID
0. CzaJa 2006. p. 33.
ill
Ibid .. p. 34.
J15
Ibid .. p. 33.
J,.
Ibid .. p. 35.
Jl7
Ibid., p. 39.
J"'
Ibid ., p. 40.
J19
0. CzaJa 2010. p. 201.
JJO
Ibid .. p. 198ff.
JJI
Ibid .. p. 202ff.
lJl
lb•d - p. 2m.
JJJ
Ibid .. p. 222ff.
""
''"
1'92
,.,
,..
,..
,.,""
,. A. Bmczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 116: and
"''
D. Jackson 2002. p. 81. Ker~n rna) ha• c
been too literally follo•Hng !he reman. of
Klimburg-Salter 200-1 (p. 52. "ho said that
I examined in m) article of 2002 ""e\ldtncc
for the Drigung St)le"). Kerin lhus apparently
o' erlooked lhe earlier discussion of Drigung
painting in my History of'TiiH'tall Pai111i11g.
though she cites the book in her bibliography.
See D. Jackson 1996. pp.338-343.
,.,
....
..,
..
.,.
""
1ti
I could not find any mention of Ladakh m
Klimburg-Salter 's article.
,..
""
M. Kerin 2008. pp. 87-89.
But for classifications of styles. it would have
been more germane for Kerin 2008to discuss
his other articles o n early Drigung paintings,
such as Luczanits 2006a and 2006c-which
she lists in her bibliography but does not go
into in Lhis context.
2.86
SOTES
Sec G. Tucci 1949. p. 339ff. no. 10, plates
8-12: and D. Jackson 2011. fig. 3.16.
''Tsongkapa wilh Two Kadam Lineages:·
M. Kerin 2008. p. 156.
Ibid.
C. Luczanits. 1998. p. 152.
M. Kerin 2008. p. 160.
Ibid .. p. 161.
Ibid .. p. 162. qUO!es 0. Khmburg-Salter 1997.
Tabo. pp. 226f.
Ibid .. p. 158.
lbtd .. p. 140.
.....
Ibid .. p. 237ff.. under "Fragments."
See !he summaries of western Tibetan style
names in Christian Lucznnits 1998a. p.
152f.. "Naming Early Westlibctan Painting
Styles'': C. Luczanits 1998b, p. 226ff., ''Early
Westem Himalayan ~'!ointing Styles"; and too
recently for Kerin. C. Luczanits 2009. his revi sion of the "Styles in Western Himalayan Art.''
pp.134-145. See also C. Luczanits 2004.
Jl5
0. Czaja 2010. p. 262.
J,.
Ibid., p. 273.
JJ7
Ibid .. p. 231.
JJ8
D. Jackson 20 II. p. 136.
JJ9
0. Czaja 2010. p. 233.
312
M. Kerin 2008. pp. 114. 160. 163. et passim.
""
D. Jackson 2011. p.68.
JIJ
D. KJimburg-Salter 1998. p. 2.
-'" 0. CzaJa 2010. p. 266.
M. Kerin 2008. used that term on p. 158 and
else,. here.
JO
Ibid .. p. 246. note 80.
J<l
Ibid .. p. 234. See also D. Jackson 2011. p. 138:
and C. Sttants 2001. p. 27f.
J..
C. Stearns 200 I. p. 60.
J45
0. Czaja forthcoming.
J ...
C. Luczanits 20 10, p. 282.
J-17
Cf. 0. Czaja 2006. p.40. Fig. 19.
l'8
D. Jackson 1999. p. 144.
JIO
G. Tucci 1949. p. 275.
311
existence without providing visual docu-
M. Kerin 2008. p. 86f.
Ibid .. p. 149.
C. Luczanits 2009. p. 144f.
Sec C. Harris 1999, p. 68f. Kerin concludes
that in Jackson 20021 invcnt'-d the style's
mentation. Yeti did publish several Drigung
Kagyu-related thw•gkus in Jackson 1996
(Figs. 188-192 and Pl. 64) andJacl..son2005.
my article on Ladakbi prunting (Jaclson 2005.
Figs. 9-11 ).
M. Kerin 2008. p. 126.
30J
31);
See Binczik and Fischer 2002. p. 95. and Lo
Bue 2007a. fig. 3.
R. Vitali 1996a. p. 528.
D. Jackson 2010. Fig. 7.29. pp. 156-160.
m Ibid., p. 2.
Ibid .. p. 54 and ftn. 15.
L. Petech 1980. "Ya tse. Gu gc Pu rang." pp.
I(}.If.
Jill
m E. LoBue 2007a. p. 114.
""'
""
,.,
M. Kerin 2008. in footnote 6.
significant as sut\'i\ ing accounlS.
Prem Singh Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995.
M. Kerin. 2008, p. 25f.
M. Kerin 2008 >a)S (p. 113. note 24): ""Due
to a lack of photographic t\•idenct, I cannot bring lhe painting of Ph> i dbang 's Gong
kbaug into !his discussion." But relevant
murals of lhe Phyang Gonkhang were already
published in Binc1jk and Fischer 2002 (which
she cited in her bibliography).
name and strcssed lhe crucial role of Ibis lama.
"hom he tails ChoJC Denma Kunga Drakpa.
M. Kerin 2008 dtd not use lhe an-historical
article of Rase Kbnchok Gyatsho. the
prominent Drigung historian. (She cites in
her bibliography one of his writings, his large
Drigung Kagyu history of 2004, as a source
on !he names of the Drigung abbots.) She did
interview him in u,asa about the identitica.
lion of names in her Nako parliallineage.
Though she laments that there are no journals
of "Himalayan art." there do exist journals
on libellln art m the Tibetan language. The
article b) Rase Konchok G) atsbo on Drigung
Kag) u an "as pubhsbcd m one such journal: Bod IJongs sgyu rtsal 2hib 'jug [Tibetan
Art Studltsl. "htch has tables of contents
in Clunese and Enghsh at !he back.Anolher
omission g" en her politieallhemes was Elliot
Sperling·s two articles on Drigung gompa or
sixteenlh/;eventeenth century developments.
the second of which was relevant for her
period. See E. Sperling 1987 and 1992.
pll
,.
M. Kerin 2008. p. 112.
Jl7
See C. Luczauits 2002. plate 35: I published
it as D. Jackson 2010. fig. 630. dating it to
"1300-1350" following C. LucZMtiS.
m K. Tropper 2007. p. 127.
m E. LoBue 2007a. p. 105.
'"
""
""
...
liS
C. Luczanits 1998a. p. 153.
Jlo
See L Petech 1978. p. 324. Kerin suggests
!hat an imponantlantn. whom she keeps referring 10 as .. I Dan ma:·-a place name-may
have played an importanl role. She describes
him correctly as a "charismatic 'Sri gung
pa monk.'' Later she mentions that the lama
in question "may have"led a "short-lived
Drigung revival.'' Yet Petech gave the full
'"
.,.
C. LuczanilS 2010. p. 283.
Ibid .. p. 283 .
J$1 See D. Jad..son 1999. p. 143. \1 here I cite a
hneaac from the Fifth Dalai Lama's record of
teachings rece.. ed for th.s trnduion.
"'
See R. M. Da' 1dson 2005. pp. 74f.. and 2700.
m
0. Czaja 2010. p. 246. n<Xe 80.
....
G. N. Roench trans. 1949-1953. p. 556 .
m
lbrd .. p. 557.
""
Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation of Alexander
Schill<r. "Die Vier Yoga Stufen" (Hamburg
Un1versity. 2009). p. 25-a revised version of
which is fonhooming in the Contributions to
Tibttru1 Studies series and which I cited in D.
Jackson 20 II. note 381.)
"'
""
,
..
,.,""
,.,
...,
....
....
On Aro sec R. Davidson 2005. p. 75.
R. A. Stein 1972. p. 73.
The book's four marn chapters are listed by
R. David;on 2005. p. 388. n<Xe 6-1. See also
TBRC.org: P8333:Theg pa chen po'i mal
'b) or Ia 'jug pa '1 thabs b)e brag ru 'byed pa.
bKa · rna shrn tu rgyas pa (Kah !hog); W25983.
22 fols. (pp. S-48).1 Kah thog mKhan po ·Jam
db)angsi.IChengdul. ( 19991; and Slob dpon a
ro }<shes 'b)ung gnas l)i to rgyus. bKa' rna
sh1n tu rg}a> pa (l..ah thog); W25983. 14 fols.
(pp.321-348). (Kah !hog mKhan po •Jam
db)angsi.IChcngdul.l1999].
""
'"
....
m
lbrd .. The Blue Annals. m !he index to 1ibetan
bool titles mentions on p. 988. A ro khrid mo
m
Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 43.
380
Ibid.
...,
.l8.l
....
....
....
"'
nJ
Rase Konchol. Gyatsho 200 I.
m
GangsiJOilgs Sl)tS ma'1 to rgyus Sp)i bshad.
pp. 1-3
m
In November 2013. a b1ographicm sketch
of Ra>c Konchok G)atsho posted on !he
zhib ·jug, 200 1. no. 1: 6S-70;and "Gangs
scng dang gangs g.yag gi bzo rig sgyu rtsal
gyi dngos gnas rin thang bs.am g2higs.~' Bod
ljongs sgyu rtsal zhib ·jug. vol. 2004. no. I,
pp. 88-94.
,..
)<)
!bid.. gdan rahs n)cr lnga pa rje 'phnn las
bzang pos mkhyen lugs k}i rg} un 'bri gung
du blangs nas skyes rabs sogs bris !hang mru1g
du bzhengs/.
Ibid .. gdan rabs surn cu pa'i dus kyi dbu chen
ga !dig gi lag nsal ni mkhyen lugs dang sgar
lugs 'bri lugs gsum 'dus kyi rgyun yin pa ni
khong gi phyag bstar gyi bris thang n1arns su
gsa! por mthong thub tal.
""
Ibid .. gos sku'i lag nsal yang gzhan g)i bzo
rgyun dang mi 'dra ba zhig yod cing I mchod
nen gyi bzo bkod yang thig sogs khyad par
yod pa zhig dar ·dug/ 'jun bzo dang ras bse
sogs Ia yul gru so sor khyad chos mi ·dra ba
yod pa bzhin ' dir yang de ltar }od lyang re re
nas brjod kyis mi tangs bas zhib cha l..ho bos
l<'bri gungchos 'byung>du bl.od pa !tar )ID
I dptr na gdan rabs bcu drug pa rgyal dbang
kun dga · rin chen gyis bkm shiS sgo mang che
shosshig bzhengs pa'• bzodpon 'bri gune
mang ra ba rdo rje rg)al mtshan }In pa dang/.
(Some of lhcst details he S3} s he has" riuen
about in his Religious Htstory of Dngung.)
....
rtsal skor gleng ba:• Bod ljongs sgyu rtsal
Rase KOo<:hok Gyatsho 2001. p. 43: &dan rabs
Ibid .. mkhyen lugs kyi rjes nas sgar gsar rnying gi rgyun yang dar tshul rab byung bcu
bzlll 'i nang bris pa · i thang ka las rtogs thub
par snangl.
4
art o r artistic symbolism by the same aulhor
are: "'Bri gung bka' brgyud k-yi khyad chos
bkra shis sgo mang mchod rten gyi bzo'i sgyu
,...
Ibid .. oyer drug pa don grub chos rgyal gyJS
bde mchog bios bslangs sogs bzhengs shing I
da lta'i bar du 'bri gung gi ri mo'i rgyun gnas
pa ni shes gsaJ !tar yin tal.
Ibid .. gdan rabs so lrrga pa :/1i ba 'i blo grw
kyi phyag drung 'bar bani sor ma'i •gyu
Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho 1995. " ' Bri
gung b~a · brgyud k-yi bka · nags cod pan
rn1hong grol sgom zhwa•j mam bshad."
Sod ljongs nang bstan, vol. 17, 1995. no. I:
97-107. Dan Martin kindly referred me to
this source and Tashi Tsering helped me get
a copy. Two other articles treating religious
Cf. Dung dkar Blo bzang phrin las 2002. p.
346 and 649. who lists tl•em and what !hey
symbolize: I. glru1g chen (slobs): ri dwa&s
(snying rje). 3. chu snn (chos rna 'dres). and 4.
bya khyung (srung ha rna 'drts pa).
.l88
C. Lucum IS 2006c. p. 483 .
CHAPTER
,.,
Jigten Sumgon. Zab chos. quoted by Rase
Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 42: thub pa Ia sogs
pa phyi'i sku bri ba Ia yang I gdan khri drnns
na 'khor gyi gnya· ninon pa'i skyon yod I de
bas tshad dang !dan par bya'o/ rgyan rnarn
bzbi med na yon tan rni · byung bas tshad dang
Idan par bri I.
nyer bzhi pa rje blsun cbos grags ni ng gnas
kun Ia mkhas shing bris 'burt!} 1 ph) ag n.saJ
rmad du byung bas zhaJ dkar g) I mlhilla dl) 11
'khor sgo rdzogs ri mOl' bns pa Itar rdultshon
bkod pa sogs dang/.
R. Ernst20 13. p. 64 .
A. Heller 1999. no. 55: P. Paled. 2003, fig.
128: R. Ernst 200 I, p. 904; and D. Jackson
2011. Rg. 5.13.
J91 lb1d, nye dus miJUJt1 chm nor bu '1/)'tll mblratl
gyis 'bri gang gi snga mo 'i brko :0 'i '1/)'lltl
g:/1ir b:;rng IUJS 'dra ris kyi '1/_¥1111 ph)ug b:/1es
nllf:;1d pll sogs re re nas mi fangs par mchW.
JOI Ibid .. quoted on pp. 46-48.
0. Czaja 20 I0, p. 23 1.
Rt: P. Pal 2003. Fig. 128.
Per Sorensen and Sonam Dolma 2007 10 their
book Rare Texrs from1iber: Sl'\·en Sourre>
for rhe &c/esiaslil' Hisrmy of Medi..,·a/1iber
(Lumbini: URI). p.3171T.. hstlhe otlcs 1n this
colleetion.
On Jampa Tsheten. see C. Harris 1999. p. SOff.
C. Luc£anits 20 I 0. p. 305.
R. Ernst 200 I, p. 904 .
N<Xe !hat !he foregoing account as posted
online was composed b) Venerable Khcnchen
Konchog Gyaltshen Rinpoche. January 2007.
..,.
G. N. Roench trans. 1949-1953. p. 999 .
when he saw it.
....
....
..,.
Samten G. Karmay 1988. p. 209.
mind: on p. 534. A ro 'i gdams pa (a Dzokchen
n1ethod) together with the spungs skor (a
text of the N) ingma): on p. 534, A ro'i rgyud
chung gi lung; and p. 1001. A ro'i !beg chen
n1al 'byor. Ati§a is said to have liked this book
,.,
Drikung_teachers.h!miGampoO~enga.
Ibid .. p. 1005.
che-a Nyingma instruction on the muure of
....
index.tlht1ltomtlQntnll~2•ll'Dil11121il~l.=vi'"·
See also hnp:llbome.s\\ ipnet.se/ralnaShri/
G. N. Roerich trans. 1949-1953, pp.
999- 1000.
Ibid .. p. 126.
rrsal/amkhas pa nus 'bru 'i >/eng du/ha sku
gsa/ rd:og> >II bkod rlmb cing I nyin rer t1yin
rlrm1g re b:/1engs rlmb pa :hig yin Ia I klrong
gi ri mo 'i rgyun Ia I hun tnong ma ~·U1 pa ·;
Lhytul chm, nllmg pa ldtm yod I pir bead ni Ira
cang phra mo 11mgon tsam :lrig las med cing
yid dbtmg 'phrog pa :hig yod pa ni klrong gi
phyag bsrar gyi :halrhang da Ira sprr hreng
'1/)'ll :hing du b:hugs pa las rrogs rhub pa
dang/.
drikungkagyu.org site was also avrulable
under his Dharma name of Dagpo Chenga
Rinpoche: bnp:lll!!'l!'ll.dri~uo~ka~):llllriJI
...
,.,
'"'
..
,
Ibid .• p. 102.
The "long-eared" hat of Jowo Je Ati5a must
refer to a pundit hat (pan zhu) wilh long ear
flaps. Set D.Jackson 2011. fig. 2.17.
I do not lnO\I \\hat the ''hat wilh umbrella
~kes" (gdugs nsibs rna) of Panchen
lya§rfhhadra was. He is not normally
depiCted "caring a hat. (Cf. D. Jackson 2011.
figs. 1.1 and 12.) If !he hat \\'as umbrella-like
he rna) be referring to an earl) broad. widenm hat type found in >ery early paintings of
1ibttan lineal lamas (and worn by total lamas
m the earhest Akhi murals). See D. Jackson
2011. figs. 124 and 125, which I suspeet
m1ght renectlhe usage of early central tibetan
follm•ers of the Eastern Vina)a traditions.
Rase dKon mchog rgya mtsho 1995. p. 104.
Ibid .. p. 105.
Ibid .. p. 106.
Gegn Lama 1983. vol. 2, p. 120, figs. 2-4.
""'
The ACI P image of Lama Zhru1g comes
from an "illustrated" As!aslihasrika (brGyad
sto ng pa) Prajilap.~ramit>1 Sutra xylograpbed
(II Lhasa by Dingriwa Chokyi Gyaltsban
( 1897-1956?).
''"
...,
!translated it in D. Jackson 2009. p. 40. and
note 167. quoting Situ and Belo. vol. I. p.447.
....
Chos grags rgya mtsho. Co/leered IVrirings.
vol.4 (nga). fol. 98a.
I found these technical terms relating to hats:
p.l95.line6:mrha'imu 'brel(horderoflhe
edge?) 'gag bLriJ <= 'khrid) thor mor (conbnuousl}) rgy1m mi 'rhad pa _vod pa: p. 196.
hne 4: mrha'i mu 'brei (border of the edge?)
nm khy1mg gshog gn_,·is gyen du '1/YD je cher
md:;ul pa: p. 197.1ine 3: kf1y1mg gshog gnyis
dan~ dar sna bcu: p. 197.1ine 4: klrym1g
gslrog gnyi> liyi dbus su dpral1ndangs nrd:ad
pu: p. 197: n;yan rkud L'yi re mig b:hi: p. 198.
hne I: :/nm 'i g:hi 11111 klra mdog gcig klro 1111r
PAINTING TRAO t TlONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SC HOOL
287
byed pa. klryung g>lrog gnyiJ. gdong gi re ·,
mig b:Jri,[l-,l'liJ g.yon gyi dor mt>lrarr brga: and
p. 20 I. lrne 1: g>lrog gi rgymr rlwd bcu dmgl
:JrMYJtlmr gnyi>l dt.lf mllhon bculgdong gi
Tg)Ylll rLtd b:Jril.
khyad 'phags las Ihan drub bzang nges bcu/
gshin rje sogs shin tu mang ngol.
••• Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, p. 38f.
"" G. Tucci 1970. p. 124. fig. 7 (b). Mr. Dan
Manin lindly referred me to this important hat
discussion wtth illustrations.
"" D. Jaclson 2009. figs. 1.8 and 932b. upper
right.
..,. SeeE.Speriing 1987.p.52.Appendix L
Sperling reproduces three lists of sgom pa (all
three listrng Rin eben rdo rje as no. 12.
CHAPTER)
.r.;o
a
., The special grouping of adepts helped C.
LuczanilS recognize a number of earl)
Drigung Kagyu paintings. See C. LucZ...'lnils
2006a. p. 82 and note 26.
421
"' Ibid .. p. 68.
'" Stoddard. ibid .. refers in note 30 again to 'Bri
gung bsTan 'dLin Padrna'i rgyal rntshan." pp.
90fand 95.
' 11
'Bn gung bsTan 'dzin Padma't rg)al mtshan.
p. 95: rje rryid kyi >An/ rgya gar lima 'khml
met/ d:Jri AJimtslw gser rorr da11g li dmor uha
g>er cwrlli dwr Ia b dn11.1r gyi phra 'd:;ud em•
>Og> 'go' :JIIIfl n.qe> par yod pa )'in no/.
"' Rase Konchol G) atsho 200 I. p. 43: spyan
snga mqar 1yiJ t:IJO> rje okyob pa rrga 'dra mo
b:Jrmg< pa dmrg I de Ia dper bgyis nos skyob
Jll.l hor •Au pad sAar nwtlrog mar b:Jrengs pa
ni rje >tyob pa ·; >A)Yl'i b)'atf tlbyibs ji Ito ba
b:hengs yod Jll.l yin/a/ hor sAu yitr tslratl dre
dmng mi 'tfrtt yang b)Ytd dbyibs b:o bAatl gcig
gyur red/ de IIIIJ >lob brgyrttf TII<JIIIJ >II bri>
'brtr gyi riiJ·rm dar rg)m AyiJ 'bri gmrg the/ du
plryir sgo mung me/rod Jdorrg lng<t dang
llw klw gdan .Ill the/ dn bAra >hi> sgo nKmg
mehod 1d011!1 btlmt b:lterrg> Jll.l .1ogs yin 'dug
mod I pltyil Jll suga ma ·; rgyun 11_\'WIIJ tlamJ
.111 plryin )'(}t/ Jll.l red I.
-"'II"
'" Kathok Situ. p. 53-53 (27n-b): smtJn g.1ar myinN las .\mmt mying czmg 'tlralx1r Jmmgl.
<~•
Ibid .. p. 62.5 (3 1n): bktJ · brgyrul gser 'plrreng
11111 klumg du tlumg sgtJm bco lngllmmg 'bri
gmrg lug.< .IIIJ:OII gyi llw b:o plrul gyur tslron
llrtltmg.f da I=tiel 'tfrll 'ong tfku 'ba 'i grasl.
'" The entire passage from Kathok Situ. p. 6256: yang ri'i bka' brgyud gser phreng lha khang
du thang sgarn bco lnga nang 'bri gung lugs
sngon gyi lha bzo phul gyur tshon mdangs de
'dra 'ong dka' ba 'i gras/ rin chen phun tshogs
'khrungs rabs/ dus gsurn sangs rgyas rna zhal
!hang bcu g>um/ gnas bcu lnga tsbar/ bka' brgyad thang nag tshon rdzogs gser ma bcu gcig
bde mchog !hang chen/ gong las lha bzo cung
zhan 'lhrung> rabs/ dus gsurn sangs rgyas rna
dang I yang bla' brg}ad cha gcig dpag bsam
'lhn shtng zhtb cha che nges n)er lnga/'bri
gung sl)Obl. pa nn po cbc't slyes rabs e bris
nyi shu/'bn lues bka' brg)ud gser phreng
nyi shu/ sangs 'l!) as stong slu beu/tsbc dpag
stong slu bcu/ darn chos dgongs pa ) ang 7ab
thnng La bdun/ ·dLam gltng 'l!) an drug gos
288
NOTES
For the typical m7ga-king form, see 'Jigs med
chos kyi rdo rje 200 I, p. 1216. The same
author explains the six backrest animals as
symbolizing the Six Perfections (p/urr plryi11
drug). Seep. 1201 on the backrest of a buddha
with its six animals.
E. Speritng 1987. p. 34 and note II.
"' K. Seltg Bro" n 2002. p. 40.
"" HAR 81410 gi\cs a description of Selig
Bro" n 2002. plate 7. but no image.
.w HAR 81411 gives a description of Selig Brown
2002. plate 8. but no image.
"" Compare D. Jackson 1999. Figs.43.4.4and
4.6.
"" 0. Jackson 1999. p. 73.
"' R.Sakaki ed. 1916and 1925. numbcr 3239.
...,. In D. Jackson 1999. footrtote 249.1 stated that
the custom of depicting footprints was old in
Tibet. I also referred to K. Selig Brown 2005:
G. B~guiu 1990. p. 21. plate 2 (MA 5173); and
G. B~guiu 1995, p. 34 and catalog no. 143.
425
.O?
"" lhse Konchok Gyatsho 2()()..1a, · Bri gnng clros
'b)'llllfl, p. 3051'.
H. Stoddard 2003. p. 64. Stoddard refers in
note 16 to 'Bri gung bsTan 'dzin Padrna'i
rgyal rntshan." p. 90f.
This distincti\'e grouping of deities "as also
explicated by C. Luezanits 2006c.
.,, Cf. D. Jaekson 2010. chapter 2.
..., See D. Jacl.son 2009. fig. 5.9.
" 0
recorded.)
'" Ibid_ p. 23.
..,. S.,e for mstance the lineage gurus in Figures
8.6. 8.20 and 8.23 .
..,. A lru.t 'tl') rare halt) pe that can be found
in Dngung Kag}u portraliS is the unusual
bright-red hat "om b) Dal..po Wang Rinchen
Wangyal. On 16. Sec A. Binczik and R.
Fischer. p. 188.
tlram> chad -I slob por >hog I grogs pa 'od
IIK'Irotl pa b::.arrg tu I lend unclear] (The backside inscription may not bave been accurately
This was suggested 10 me by Dr. K. Tanaka.
.,. R. Sakaki ed. 1916 and 1925. number 3273.
.m See 'Bri gung bsTan "d2m Padma'i rgyal
mtshan. 'Bri grmg gdan robs, p. 90f.. where
Klu rgyal Sog rna med is prominently mentioned: '011 k)Ylllg khyod rgyu'i stob> carr :Jrig
yi11 pas klw ba 'i 'dra 'bag cig gyis Ill de·; ·
n<Jng du lrJmgs slrigl :he> g.<rm.~> pa lwrl
grub tlrob 'gar gyis rgya n<J~ gi b:.a ba ba.\
tel rite/ :hoi du b:.a Tshob btsug> 11m cho1 rfr
rin po <'he 'i stu b:Jreng> >lri11gl de'i tUmg du
de b:hi11 bshegs pa'i tJhmr.s lrJrugJI rje uyitl
kyi rob guos brg_va rtstJ sogs md:llll pa> g<er
khong chos rfr :he> rfr uyid dau.~ dbyer nur
nrclris pa 'i rim tlryad par can 'di uyid yi11 Ia/
gdwr sa no rim plral chu dang sAu guyer lp.
91] yang 11111ng por gsrmg byon :hingllhog
par sku g11yer :Ia ba :ires pa :higla dtos drug
gi khrid kyang gnangl gli11g log gi Jlab.<tiiJII
ru bye gslwngs su sbttS (fol. 62b) JII.U plryis
gliug :Jrig bsos grub JULf bLial bas ma rnyetl
poslnga 'dir yod gsuug> ua.l plryag steug dn
brA)-allg ba sogs 11go mtslurr mtlw' yo• p11
mnga' ba yin dug/ 'di JkubJ .w dam fNI 'gar
gyilsl rje ll_rid kyi >kll 'tlrama11g tlu b:lrellfl.l
par md:ad pas/ tla /tar lror s~ur gmg> P"
TJUlmS yin ciugl h:o bo rgya yin kyang Tfl)'tll
po lror gyis byas pas lror .1k11r gmg,1 soil.
.,. I am grateful to Karl Debreczeny for photographing these inscriptions. I also bencfincd
from being able to compare the two versions
of the transcription by C. Luczanits, whi ch he
provided in his unpublished research notes on
this painting. C. LuC'zanits version I: Wriuen
on the bottom border: brgom Ia rill dre # rtfo
rje yis I b/amo cliO> rje rill c/,.11 Ia I :Jwlll
rjes sktt 'dang I I gldim/a I g>ol bit gtab 1101
:hus po I I s gmrg cig mtl1011g brfultlrOJ trail
pas l)'Wig fxo I I I I I rd:.ag> mar >hog/
clws rfr 'i mamtlrar md::.ad pa I rje> 'tlrlbrug
tlram.s c:had slob par shog I grog> pa 'otf mclr
lo pa lrJJng ding ?
C. Luczanits \•ersion 2: Wrinen on the bonom
border: fbeginning unclear] brgom/11 rill eire I
rdo rfr yis I b/<1 nw cho• rje rin chen Ia I :hob<
rjes sktt 'dang I I gldimlul ,,sol btr gtab IIlLI
:hu sa pa II> gwrg dg mthong brmlthoj trail
pas kyang I lo 111111 rd:og> mar ;frog I
clros rfr 'i mllln thor 1111./:ad Jll.l ? rfr> 'tlrlbmg
In D. Jackson 1999. footnote 250.1 compared
HAR 271 and P. Pall991. no. 79.p. 142, for
stylistically comparable paintings possibly
C\ en from the same provenance .
"" D. Jackson 20 II. p. I08.
.,. K. Selig Brown 2~.p. 31. note 39. quotes
from Phagmotrupa's manual on making a
guru's footprints.
.uo See G. N. Roericb trans. 1949/53. p. 619.
"' The Tibetan: sku'i bkbd pa dr111111 drts gcig Ia
mthmrg ba Ia sags pa n101rg du b_\llng.
""' SeeK. S.,lig BI'O"n 2()().1. p. 16.
"" Anna Mana Quaglioni 1998. "Buddhapadas:
An Essa) on the Representations of the
Footprints of the Buddba with a Descriptive
Catalogue of the Indian Specimens from the
2nd Centlll') B. C.to the 4th Cenrury A.D.'"
.w
Quaglioui 1998 cites the article of Jeanine
Aubo)er 1987. "A Note on 'the Feet' and
Their Symbolism in Ancient India." in M.
S. Nagaraja Rao ed_ Kusumaojali. New
Interpretations of Indian Art and Culture
(Delhi) pp. 125-127.
"' A.M. Quaglioni 1998. p. 149ff.
""' Ibid .. p. 195ff.
"" Ibid .. p. 85f. Citing P. Skilling 1992, "Symbols
on the Body. Feet and Hands of a Buddha-1,"
Joun1al of tl1e Siam Society. vol. 80, pp.
67-79.
..., Cf. HAR 271. a tlrmrgk<t with Buddha footprints. Sec also the Buddha's footprints in a
tlrwrgka from Kathok Monastery. Derge. Hahn
Foundation. published inK. Tanaka 2012.
fig. 91.
.uo K. Seltg Brown 2~. p. 60.
""' Christian Luc:zanilS suggested to me in a recent
cmarl that he thinks the central footprints rna)
be those of A' alootclvara. and not ''Buddha
footpri IllS."
'" P. Pal 1991. p. 142.
,..,
453
On the story of King Songtsen Gampo ·s two
fo reign brides, seeM . Kapstein. p. 58f.
""
P. Pal et al. 2003, p. 29 1.
~" See Amy Heller 2005.
.,.
""
""
..,.
..,..,
..,.
""'
""
....
...,
..,
.....
D. Jackson 2011. Mirror of the Buddha. figs.
5.2B (detail), 5.14B (detail), 5.16A and 5.18A
(detail).
D. Jackson 2011, p. 165.
See Luczalli IS 2006a. p. 82 and note 26.
Another old (probably 13th-century) Drigullg
Kagyu painting of Jigten Sumgon follow ..
ing the classic plan, though in an unrestored
condition. is found in the Koelz Collection
of the University of Michigan, Museum of
Anthropology. See C. Copeland 1980. no. 98,
Koelz Collection no. J 7487 (HAR 92037).
...
See 'Jig nen gsum mgon, fCollected Writings]
'Bri grmg c/ws rje 'jig rlen mgon po ·; riu chen
dpal gyi gsung "bum (New Delhi: 1969- 7 1),
vol. 1, pp. 123- 179, forthe text of this
biography.
..,
483
...
po'i mam par thar pa phyogs beu dus gsum
ma," The collected works (Gsun 'bum) of
Spyan snga Shes rab 'byung gnas : a chief
disciple of the Skyob-pa- 'jig-rten-gsummgon, 1187- 1241( New edition by H.H .
Drikung Kyab-gon Chetsang (Konchog Tenzin
Kunzang Thinley Lhundub) (Delhi: Drikung
Kagyu Publications, 2002.). pp. 186-192; and
';'Jig rten gsum gyi mgon po'i mam par lhar
pa phyogs beu dus gsum ma'i 'grel pa." pp .
192- 293 .
""
D.Jackson2010. Fig.4.9.
The painting's heavy repainting was discussed
a few years ago by R . Linrothe et al., 2004
in "Turning a Blind Eye.'' Oriemations. vol.
C. Luczanits 2005. p. 90.
471
Luczanits 2005 in footnote 2 1 referred to Lo
Bue's recent research on the Guru Lhakhang
presented at lOth Seminar of the International
Association for Tibetan Studies.
m
R. Vitali 1996b, p. 97f.
m
Rob Linrothe kind! y shared photos of the
mural and of the two inscriptions beneath the
lamas. confirming Vitali's description.
.,.
"'
6
•1<1
Matro Monastery in Ladakh is said to have
been founded by a disciple of Lama Dampa.
"'
E. LoBue 2007a.
.l76
Marc Fran~ois, in an unpublished research
note. says the Guru Lhakhang was a Kadampa
establishment originally founded during the
reign of Lhachen Jopal (Lha chen Jo dpal, r.
1284-1303).
Olaf Czaja. email of March 11. 2014: For
the biography rutd oommentary. see Shes
rab 'byung gnas, mJig rten gsum gyi mgon
See R. Bruce-Gardner 1998, p. 200.
CHAPTER
...
...
Jigten Sumgtin, Zab chos. quoted by Rase
Konchok Gyatsho 2001. p. 42: zhing khams
mam dag tu sk')'e bar bya phyir pad ma'i ldum
rdzings bri I ye shes mam lnga thob par bya
ba"i phyir 'ja· 'od mam lnga bri Imam shes
brgyad dag pa"i phyir sgrub chen brgyad bri I.
35-2 (2004), pp. 48- 53.
•OJ
M. Fran90is's unpublished note similarly dates
it 10 1535.
"'
...
...
...
491
Rin chen phun tshogs, sPyan >ngt< 'bri gung
gling pa"i m amtlwr. 7b3: de nas spu rangs
kho char du b~lmgs pa "i dust m am tlwr
phyogs bcu dus gsum ma "i lha bris thugs lt1
'khnmgs pas glsug lag klwng gi gyang logs
Ia >kya bris su btab m1s b:hag pa phyis "bri
gung du yang dar roll. Sherab Jungne made
other paintings too: see ibid.. pp. !Oa.4-7 and
13a.6-7.
The publication: sKyob pa "i mamthar phyogs
bcu dus gsum mt1.
·an gung bka· brgyud
M. Frru190is, researeh note dated February 11 ,
2005. Mr. Fran9ois told me in a recent email
that his notes were based on both oral tradi tions and texts. and that he reached his dates
by comparing the person or event in question
with contemporary people whose dates were
beuer known. 1 conclude that many of his
datings are careful estimates, and probably can
be rounded to the nearest decade. Here we can
round his date of 1535 to "the 1530s." which 1
believe is accurate.
I use lantern here in the technical architectural sense of an open structure on the roof
to admit light and air, i.e., a lantern ceiling or
clerestory.
when studying thei r depictions of the Eight
Great Adepts; see C. Luczanits 2006a.
....
....
See also Thupstan Pal dan 1982, A Brief
Guide to the Buddhist Monasteries and Royal
Castles of uulakh, p. 14. who says Ph yang
was founded H446 years ago (reckoning from
1977)," which would have been in 153 I.
""
U. von Schroeder 2001 . vol. 2. p. 1036.
.... See R. Bruce-Gardner 1998. p. 200. fig. 34.
.... SeeR. Bruce-Gardner 1998. p. 200, fig. 35.
...,
T his was also discovered by C. Luczanits,
L. Petech 1978, p. 321.
'"
Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2001, p. 43.
Cf. D. Jackson 2011, figs. l.l 6ru1d 1.17. 1wo
statues of Lowo Khenchen, one with continuous and one with inlerrupted lotus petals in
the rear.
J92
P. S . Jina and Konchok Namgyal 1995. p. 29,
called the temple, ·'Lhakhang Nyingpa."
A. Heller 2005. p. 5.
U. von Schroeder 2001, vol. 2. p. I036.
On Phyang Monastery, see Prem Singh
Jina and Konchog Narngyal (Dkon mchog
mam rgyal) 1995; D. L. Snellgrove and T.
Skorupski 1977. p. 123.
,.,
,.,
,.,
M. Fran9ois. research note dated Feb. 11.
2005.
See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 95 .
mNga' ris srid gros rig gnas lo rgyus bsdu rub
u yon lhan khang ed. 1996. Bod ljongs st()(l
mnga' ris skor gsnm .. . . p. 180.
Regarding the history of Purang, i_
n general. L .
Petech 1980, at the end of his ··va 1she, Guge.
Purang'" article. summarizes the history of
Purang. R. Vitali i996a, by contrast, treats the
history of both Guge and Purang.
A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 149 .
See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 104,
"Atisha ...
The Drigung abbot highly relevant to Purang
in this period of Drigung Kagyu revival is
called ""rgyal dbang mma '" in the To Ngari
Korsum Hiswry (mNga · ris srid gros rig gnas
lo rgyus bsdu rub u yon lhan khang ed. 1996.
p. 180). But he is clearly Dri 18, Gyalwang
Rinchen PhUntshok. So Rama must be corrected to Ratna. i.e .. Rin chen in Tibetan:
he should be rgyal d!J<wg ratnt< (Gytllwtmg
Rarna).
.500
Victor Chan 1994. p. 959.
501
See bup·//www drikung.ocg/.
302
Drigung ChOdzti Chenmo, vol. He, rJe padma"i
rgyal mtshan gyi bka 'bum kha pa bzhugs so.
2. Khyab bdag padma'i rgyal mtshan gyi gsan
yig thor bu phyogs bsdus bzhugs so, ff. i-80
[= pp. 473-629]. p. 49 112: ma gcig grub pa"i
rgyal mo nas rgyud pa' i tshe dpag med lha
gcig burn gcig mar grags ba rta mgrin dang
?ung 'brei ? kyi bla rna rgyud pa ni.
SOl
D. Jackson 1996, p.341, figs. 190A. B, C,
rutd D.
[Series], vol. 1 (Dehra Dun. Drikung Kagyu
Institute, 1995). H.H. Chetsang Rinpoche in
the 1990s paid much anention 10 the murals
depicting this biography in the old assembly
hall of Phyang Monastery in Ladakh. saying
that they were similar to the ancient original
paintings. (Mr. Ngawang Tsering of Nyurla.
Ladakh. oral communication. Hamburg,
1994.)
..,.
Note that Chetsang Rinpoehe seems 10
use here ling tshe (which is defined by M.
Goldstein's New Tibetan-English Dictionary
as meaning table or form} in the sense of section or episode.
""
See the drikung.org websile (bnp:Uwww
drikun2.0r2ll, ;.A Recent Project to Save
Tlwngkos of the Drikung Kagyu Tradition''
(consulted May 11 , 2013).
""
M. Fran9ois's unpublished Lamayuru notes
evidendy recorded oral traditions when he
said: ··From that second Drigungpa school one
could admire for instance the work illustrated
by the series of thtmgkas of the seventeen
first [Drigung] hierarchs. a work ordered by
Chogyal PhUntshok fo r the funerary rituals
of dissolution (dgongs rd:ogs), of his father
Drigungpa Rinchen PhUntshok (1509- 1557)."
See A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 94 .
His presence here was pointed out to me by
Christian Luczanits.
Rase Konchok Gyatsho. · Bri gung chos
"byung, p. 443.
E. LoBue 2007a, p. 109, and footnotes 9-20.
D. Jackson 2002, p. 166 (no. 2).
SO.<
A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 156.
""
""
A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002, p. 194.
In the same book, Binczik and Fischer also
presenl many Drigung Kagyu thangkas from
Ph yang.
PAINTING TRAD ITIO NS OF THE ORJGUNG KA GYU SC HOOL
2.89
He also speculated that they were brought to
Phyang from Yangri Gar in the 1850s.
510
I vaguely remember hearing in the 1990s that
the set had for many years been divided up
among families of Limi.
511
Compare D. Jackson 2012, fig. 5.11.
512
a. the butter'flies flunering over flowers in
a lhangka painting of siddhas in Tshewang
Rinchen 2005, nos. 40-42.
5ll
I summarize the Khyenri style in D.
Jackson 2007, ·'Painting Styles in the Rubin
Collection.''
530
Presumably these were the years of his birth
and death. 1719 was a phag year. but 1656
was a sprel. or .. monkey."
ill
According to H.H. Drikung Chetsang
'"
M. Driesch. letter, February 1997.
533
See D. Jackson 2002, p. 173. ''Stylistic
Summary."
"'
D. Jackson 1996, p. 161.
SIS
On murals in the Nyungne Lhakhang of
Jonang Phuntshokling, see R. Linrothe
20 I I , ' 'Polishing the Past: The Style of a
Seventeenth-Century Tibetan Mural.'' Artibus
Asiae, vol. 71 - 2, pp. 247- 281.
SlS
See D. Jackson 1996. p. 190. plate 30.
....
517
'bri gung 'tlir mkhyenlugs kyi ri mo rje 'dis
l= 't/i'i] :Jwl slobkyi rgyuu yiu.l owe this ref.
erence to Mr. Tashi Tsering. Karma Rinchen
Dargye (Kanna rin chen dar rgyas) also mentions a Konchok Thrinley (dKon mchog 'phrin
las) on p. 247, though he would seem to have
lived much later.
518
319
M. Rhie 1999, p. 55; and Liu 1-se 1957. figs.
22 and 24.
S31
""
D.Jackson2012. Fig. 7.23.and p. 154.
S2l
""
"'
S!O
Sl7
,.
.....
D. Jackson 1996 and 2002.
yul gm b pa 'i klryumdrog brgyad bcu 'i r/ogs
brjod sogs dtmg bde 'dus gra1/rang b::Jtengsl
H.H. Drikung Chetsang Rinpoche. interview.
Hamburg, 1994.
large scale.~'
290
NOTE S
Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a, p. 50 I: 1/w bri
ba lt1 sbyangs pllS J'hiulll mklwr par gyur pas
gyes pa '·; ri mo'i rgyun 'di b_nmg ngol. Ibid ..
p. 503: tie·; snya phyir swn pa bla mimed
pa 'i 'klrrrmgs rabs mtl:.tld brgya dang/ 'plrags
bsTan ' dzin padma rgyal mtshan. Nges tlon,
p. 401.
See D. Jackson 2002. lnterview. When asked
whether Lhe Drigung painting tradition possessed a tradition of painting the lan1as of its
main Drigung Kagyu lineage (bka ' brgyud
gser plrreug). Yeshe Jamyang replied: "Yes, it
does. Also depicted in series are tloe Sa gsum
ma biography of the [previous incarnations
of the"l Chungtsang Rinpoche [i.e . of Ri gdzin
CMdrak]. which shows the series of his previous rebirths. Likewise. the series of previous
rebirths of the Chetsang Rinpoche is shown.
from Ati~a onward. These were done on a
Nyingma liturgies and practice.
"'
Compare Phuntsog Sangpo 2000. pp. 172- 174.
There the first thangka of the set portrays only
eleven episodes.
552
See Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a. p. 277. He
refers lOan otherwise unknown religious history by one of the Togdan Trulku ( rTogs ldan
sPrul sku) of Ladakh.
m
According to Marc Franc;ois, the Palme Gon
(dPal med dgon) mother monastery was
founded in 1639 in Nangchen by the third Lho
bon sprul dKon mchog Phrin las rNam rgyal
( 1612.- 1669).
"'
G .• W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, p. 243f., no.
I 151.
s;s
These and the following references are oourtesy of Prof. M. Driesch.556 Schoettle
Asiatica, Joachim Baader, no. I-S2, painting
no. 3. ·'Baum des kostbaren Jewels."
SS1
G.Tucci 1949.
..,
g~um
yang bris sku sllinlu mtmg ba dang/
dngnl gar blugs dang /san dan. dkar dmar las
skn rzen sogs r/.en mtmg du b:Jtengsl.
""
I briefly presented the Eri and Tsangri styles in
D. Jackson 2012. chapters 3 and 4.
"'
Profi le is in Tibetan zur zhal, (Tibetans also
have a word "half profile.~ 2ur zhal phyed
tsam pa.)
...,
Schoettle Tibetica, no. 22 (February 7, 1973),
lot 7074.
..,;
0 . Czaj a. email of March 7, 2014.
"'
"'
See Peter Schwieger 1997.
Compare basically the same feature in the
cenual Tara's body nimbus in D. Jackson
2012. fig. 5.7.
SS9
Cf. M. Rhie and R. Thurman 1999, p. 476f.
""'
"''
Cf. D. Jackson 2012, figs. 5.10 and 5. 11.
562
,..
uyid kyi phyag sor gyi 'du bye Ia> :}wl lhaug
mtmg du b:Jrengs shing >lob ma bskyangs pas!
dalw ·; 'bri ris :}res grags pa'i ri mo ·;lugs
chen b::Jri'i ya gyalmklryen lugs las :,r1r du
D. Jackson 2012,chapters 3and 7.
D. Jackson 1996. p. 159.
See also the dark loop of hair in the drawing
of Rigdzin Choorak by Yeshe Jamyang in D.
Jackson J996. fig. J91.
Olaf Czaja, email of March 7, 2014, cited the
text as dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod
chen mo'i dkar chag (vol. Ro). rJe rig pa rang
shar gyi rnam mgur dang phag gru"i gsung
sogs bzhugs so, (I ) khyab bdag 'khor Jo'i
mgon po mal 'byor gyi dbang phyug chen po
Jje btsun rig pa rang shar gyi rnchog gi mdzad
pa'i rnam mgur don bsdus skal ldan dad pa'i
shing rta zhes bya ba ngo mtshar gyi phreng
ba zhes bya ba bzhugs so, fols. 1- 2021= pp.
1-404].
7
T he Prnala Hoiy Palace in the Snow Land.
1996. p. 160.
He was identified as Rigdzin Choorak by Mr.
Ngawang Tsering.
,;.,
"'
CHAPTER
This lhaugka was kindly shared with me
by Lionel Fournier. who photographed it at
Phyang Monastery.
Rase Konchok Gyatsho. ' Bri gung chos
'byung. p. 443.
thangka painting Oampopa in the present cata·
log, Fig. 6. 12. andTshewang Rinchen 2005.
nos. 40-42.
5ll
G. Essen and T. Thingo in thei r book
Padmasambhava explained a great deal about
the Eight Manifestations of Padmasambhava
(Guru mtshan brgyad) and its links with
Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004b, p. 23.
5.l9
.,. a. the bunerfly flu ttering over a flower in the
See Acarya Ngawang Samten 1986, p. 32.
According to H.H . Chetsang Rinpoche (inter·
view, Hamburg. 1994) we should check land·
scapes for distinctive local landscape features
peaks. 2 . rurbulent rivers with roi ling waves.
and 3. 1ocal special (gentian) flowers (spang
rgyan me lOg).
See Tshewang Rinchen 2005, no. 40.
'"
S!(l
of Drigung such as: I. mountains with pointed
bsTan · dzin padma rgyal mtshan, Nges dorr
(composed in 1808-9), p. 401 : 1/w bris Ia shy·
tlugs pa uul~ad pas shi11 111 mkhas shi11g dalw
For complete translations of the Padma bka'
than g. see Gustave-Charles Toussaint. Le Diet
de Padma: Padma thang yig (Paris: Librarie
Ernest Leroux, 1935): and K. Douglas
and G . Bays. T he Life and Liberation of
Padmasambha,•a (Emeryville, Ca.: Dharma
Publishing, 1978). translated from Toussaint's
French version.
Rinpoche. interview. Hamburg, December
7. 1994, dKon mchog 'phrin las bzang po
painted a small one-day thangka (nyi11 1ha11g)
of Jigten Sumgon that sti ll survived in Ladakh.
5 1.t
.,.
"'"
....
56.<
cr. ibid .
Jorg Heimbel. email of Feb. 2013.
Olaf Czaj a. email of March 7. 2014, referred to
dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos mdzod chen
mo'i dkar chag, vol. Nge, rJe rin chen phun
tshogs kyi gter chos rtsa tho bzhugs so, (44)
Dam chos dgongs pa yang zab kyi gsol ' debs
bzhugs so: fols. 1- 2 I= pp. 422-425].
K. Tanaka 2003, p. 156.
See Dalai Lama V. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya
rntsho, Zab p<t dang rgya eire ba'i .... vol. I. p.
70b: Padma'i rigs kyi bdag po, dPal mo lugs
l-yi 'phags pa bcu gcig ?.hal. The first fourteen
lineal gurus of that lineage are almost identical
with those in the "alternative·~ lineage for the
initiation of Eleven-faced Avalokite§vara with
Five Oakas (bCu gcig zloal mKha' 'gro lnga
dang bcas pa) that we find recorded in ibid.,
vol. I, p. 7 Ja:
I. sPyan ras g2igs (Avalokite~vara)
2. Bhiksuor Laksmlkara
3. Tsandra Kumara
4 . Su dznya na
See D. Jackson 2012, p. 150 and Fig. 7.17.
... A. Binczik and R. Fischer 2002. p. 154.
According to tradition. the thangka spoke once
to the Fifth Dalai Lama.
5. Bal po Pe nya ba
6. Byang sems Zla ba rgyal mtshan
7. Nyi n phug pa
8. Sru pa rOo rje rg}al po
m
9. Zhang ston dGra "jigs
Vilil~
(lib. Mig m1 bzang Ot sP)an mi
bzang) isM. Willson and M. Brauen 2000.
no. 37.
...
10. 'Jad pa rTsi 'Dul ba chen po
II . rnKhan chen I Dog Ihod pa
CHAPTER
12. mKhan chen Chu bzang pa
...
13. Bla rna Shes rab 'bum
14. rGyal sras Thogs rned pa
15. Rin po che bSod nan1s bzang po
16. de bSod dar ba
17. dMar ston pa
18. Thams cad mkhyen pa dGe 'dun grub
19. gNas mying Cbos rje Kun dga · bde legs
(and below him the lineage ts the same as the
immediately preceding lineage m that source.)
....
,.,
""
...
""
'"
m
The first lineage listed by Dalai Lama V. Ngag
dbang blo b2ang rgya mtsho, Zab ptt dtmg
rgya che ba'i .. ., vol. I, p. 70b: ylg m yiug
gi ste11g 11as IJCu gcig ~tal mklta · 'gm Juga
da11g hem pa'i rjes gmmg JW.I ptt'i brgy~~tl pa
uil 'pltag> pa spyan ras g~ig.<l dge >lang ma
dpalma [p. 71a] I I (Xllll/i ra ye ;/te; b~ng
pol (Xl!JI/i ra ~a ba g~wn mu jo h<1 a ri sluu
1/w bwm !Jytmg chub 'od/ h<tl po ~ nya baJ
bywrg sems ~a ba rgyal mtshanl grub tlu>b nyi
plmg pol bshes gnym gm,~s I"' btu Mu sgrub
mrshan can/ dka · b~i pa <hes rahl b/a nra
sangs rg_ms rin cenl bag sron g~on 1111 tslml
U1rirtul rje rin c·en rgyal muhanl hill IIIli tin
cen gntbl rje rgylll ml.lhan ri1r t•eul gnaJ rn_r·
ing pa kun dga 'lxle legl rin cen rgyalmblum/
tluum cad mkilye11 (XI dge 'tluu rgya mt;ilol
tsheg pa hlo /J:aug e wturt! .~ras klwng ;ngags
ram ptl h:ong po rnam rgya/1 rtlo rje 'c/umg
plw bong kha pa dpttl 'byor 1/wu /ITIIbl rl>'a
!Ja'i blama rfr btsw1 c/10.\ tlbyiug.<rang gro/1
de> bdag ~ !tor baude Ia 'o/1. Note that there
also existed a special transmission passed on
by Ati~a (Jo bo), ibid., vol. I. p. 142b: thug;
rje che11 po dpalmo btg> kyi dmttr ~hrid jo bus
yo/ ston Ia gnang ba ·; brgyml ptt.
K. Tanaka 1997. no. 14, p. 50.
Christian LuC?.anits informed me that boys
depicted within lotuses are found in Guge
painting.
For the names and iconography of Kanavatsa
(Gser be'u) the arhat, see also M. Willson and
M. Brauen 2000, no. 23.
On Ajita (Ma ph3.nl pa) seeM. Willson and M.
Brauen 2000. no. 18.
On Vanavasin (Nags na gnas) see also M .
Willson and M. Brauen 2000. no. 19.
.,. a. D. Jackson 2012, figs. 5.10 and 5.11.
.,.
...
,.,
""
...
Panthaka (Lam bstan) in M. Willson and M.
Brauen 2000. no. 29.
See the summa<) of iconographtc classes in D.
Jackson 1984. p. 50.
M. Willson and M. Brauen 2000. p. 590.
Ibid., p. 594f .
""
,..
Ibid , ex3.nlples on pp. 90.92 and 104.
....
"I
""
line of the second lineage of dissemination.
Wrathful in appearance. with d1ree faces and
six hands. he holds three axes in the right
hands and heartS in the three left. The right
face is green and the left face is red. Direcdy
above the three faces are three srupas with
the nght and left matching the colours of the
faces below and the central stupa white abo\'e
the central red face. The Buddhas of the Three
Times are seated abo• e the three srupas. Large
blue wmgs are unfurled beb.ind the upper
torso. The to" cr body 1S in the shape of a kila.
a three bladed peg. with the point embedded into two prone corpses lying atop a sun
and moon disc above a multi-coloured lotus
blossom.
Konchog Utadrepa 2005. p. 251.
Ibid .. example on p. 82.
At the top center is the bodhisattva of Wisdom
Manjushri. along with Shnl'Yamuni Buddha
and Padmasambhava on the viewers left.
Teachers of the Drigung Kagyu Tradition of
Tobetan Buddhism fill out the upper half of the
compoSition. The to" er half of the composition is populated "ith eight retinue figures attendants to the central deit). This deit} form
is umque to Tibetan Buddhism in comparison
"ith Indian Tantnc Buddhist forms ofY3.nlari.
relatio~h1ps w1th the Bon religion.
indigenous to the Hmtalayas and Tibet. is
directly indicated b) the shared imagery of
animal headed retinue figures and the use of
symbolic stupas and Nirmanakaya Buddha
figures above the heads .... Iwhich are I more
commonly found with deities of the Bon reli gion. Jeff Wau2-20081updated 10-20121.
Ibid .. example on p. 88.
This painting~ been publ1shed 111 D. Jackson
1996. p. 343. pl. 60.
Drigung abbatial histOf). Gangs ctm rigs
nrti:Pd no. 8. p. 321: mGar sprul dKon mcbog
bstan 'd2in chos lyi n)l ma. b. Nangchen.
Olaf C2aja informed me that he was one of the
main teachers of Dri 29. dKon mchog bstan
'dzin QIOS kyi nyi mn ( 1755-1792).
aose
See Padma'i rgynl mtshan. Gtwgs mn rigs
md:od. VOl. 8, p. 32 1.
Christie's Amsterdam. Indian . Nimalawm anti
So111hea.1t AI ian Art (April 13. 1999). p. 27.
no. 71.
D. Jackson 1996, p. 340. fig. 188.Compare
also to the sim1lar later thangl.tt. D. Jackson
1996. p. 340. fig. 189.
""
.,.
"" a . K. Tanaka 2001. p. 127. no. 55.
...
,.,
The entf) fO< HAR 65815: Y3.nl3ri.
Krodharaja: this meduational deil) is a form
of Manjushri but appears with many features
of the deities Vajralila and Guru Dragpur.
Karma Chagmc. of the Karma Kagyu. is a
prominent seventeenth-century figure in the
KonchokTendzin 1994. Figs. 96 and 97. He
enumerates, p. 299. eight kinds of pa tra.
beginning with those of the four elements:
earth. water, fire and atr.
"'
,.,.
...
..,
gsungs/.
Phuntshog San gpo 2000. example drawing on
p. I 00.
whose rocks both featured the hidden forms
of animals.
Rahula (sGra can 'dzin) in M. Willson and M.
Brauen 2000, no. 26.
Jigten Surngon. Znb chos. quoted by Rase
Konchok Gyatsho 200 I. p. 4 1f: rje bla ma'i
2bal snga nas /lha 'brei ba 'di Ia rten ·brei
yod pas I IJ>. 421 ro thams cad tsho ba I snum
pa I gad mo rgod pa I dmar ba snum pa bri/
mdangs med cmg rid pa rjud pa rna }tn pa bri
/Ice Sp)ang Ia sogs pa mam~ k)ang ·grangs
pa I rg} us pa I ·gymg ba I gar stabs b)ed pa'o
I mkha' 'gro thams cad k)ang gar g)i n)'ams
dgu dang ldan pa'o/ me ri l1.e .. me risl thams
cad kyang g.)as phyogs su ·gnp pa bri I
chu bo th3.nls cad k)ang phyogs th3.nls cad
nas 'bab pa'o //sprin rmms lyang char dang
'brug sgra sgrog pa I mal 'byor ba marns
kyang brrul 2hugs 'dzin pa mchog bri I ro
rjud pa dang skam po sogs bris na nor bral ba
dang ' tsho ba zhan paIn sogs pa'i skyon yod
""
Acarya Ngawang 53.nlten 1986. thanglas no.
8 and 9.
m Olaf C2aja kindly indentified the r.. o
monasteries.
.,,
,.,.
8
Olaf Czaja. email of October. 2012. C2aja
in his Kobe: presentation also outlined bo"
N}ingma teachings "'ere ineO<porated in
the Drigung Kagyu school. emphasizing
Yamantaka tradttion and illustrating them by
images of rlumgl.tts of the Rubin Museum
of An. He provided detailed information on
their iconography. transmission and ritual and
religious importance and use. He also dealt
with the broader political contexL especially
the political struggle between the Drigung
Kagyu and the Gelut... basing himself on texts
of the 'Bri gtmg !Jka · brgyud dws md~od cile11
1110 collteiiOtl and related texts. The HAR
entr} for65815 was updated "Ral'13 Y3.nlari:
Protecllon from Black Magic." correcting the
identificatton of the main deit) depicted. highlighting the role of the "Shang Trom Lineage:·
G. Tucci 1949. p. 548.thangka no. 115. plates
(black and white) 149 and 150.
Her< I follow an unpublished catalog entry
for this prun11ng by C. Luc23nits. wbo also
recorded the capbons beneath the figures on
the fronc
(I) loyn [1.c: .. o rgyanl sman g)i bla dang
Two German-language PhD. dissertations (not
seen) may be of relevance: Hanna RauberSchwei2er 1976. "Der Schm1ed und sein
Handwerk im traditionellen Tibet" (Rikon:
Tibet lnstirut); and Vcronika Ronge 1978.
·'Das tibetische Handwerkcrtum vor 1959''
(Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag).
db)tr med pal
(2)1oynm~ha' 'gro \nor lha'i tshogsdang\
beasl
(3) loyn yi dam lhn dang dbyer med \pal
(3a) las cnn \ · gro ba 'i don \ du gter \ ·doni
(4) oyn bzhi . <sic for gzhi> \ bdag \ gnyan
po 'i \ · khor dang bcasl
(5) oyn dpa · bo \ ging dang srung mar \beast
(6)oyndpa'i bo \gyaddangldanpal.
Does guru number 5. Padrnasambhava actually
appear in position 4?
""'
G. Essen and T. Thingo 1991. p. 21.
PAINTING TRAOITIOSS OF THE DRICUNC KAGYU SC HOOL
291
"'' That teaching is refe rred to in !he TBRC websi te and elsewhere: r7itmgrin gstmg sgrub
was a revealed teaching received by sKyer
sgang Chos kyi sengge from Padmasambhava
in a vision and discovered as a physicalterma
text by sNye mo Sangs rgyas dbang chen.
The Fifth Dalai Lama ·s gSau yig (Dalai Lama
V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya m£Sho~ Zt1b
I"' dang rgya che ba 'i .. .. vol. 3, p. 30 I a)
also refers to an initiation.ceremony liturgy
for Secret Hayagrrva and Phagmo (rTa phag
gsang ba'i dbaug chag) entitled a Mala aj
Lotuses (Padma'i 'phreng ba) which was set
down in writing by gNubs Nam
snying po.
mkha~i
602
Schoettle Asiatica. Joachim Baader, no. 25
(October 10, 1973), painting no. 8 145.
603
Olaf Czaja was able to track the relevant
lineage in the record of teachings of Dri 30
Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen (1770-1826) There
one finds. in dPal 'bri gung bka' brgyud chos
mdzod chen mo'i dkar chag, vol. He. rJe
padma'i rgyal mtshan gyi bka' 'bum kha pa
bzhugs so, p. 48913 : bla rna zhi drag gnyis
las zhi ba padma gling pa lugs kyi gtor dbang
!hob pa'i brgyud pa ni: chos sku snang ba
mtha · yasl longs sku thugs rje chen pol sprul
sku padma 'byung gnasl mkha' ·gro ye shes
mtshs rgyall lha learn padma gsal/ gter sron
padma gling pal grub chen tshe 'phel bzang
pol rgyal dbang ratna'i mtshan can/ mtshungs
med chos rgyal phun tshogs/ rgyal dbang chos
kyi grags pal bla rna dkon me hog Ihun grub/
rje phrin las bzang pol dharma raa dza/ shaa
sana dha ral lho chos kyi rgyal mtshanl khyab
bdag chos kyi nyi mal des bdag Ia ·o.
"" Olaf Czaj a, email of March 8, 2014.
605
gTer ston Padma gling pa's life is studied in
M. V. Aris 1989, Hidden Treasures and Secret
Lives.
""G.-W.Essenand T.Thingo i989.no.I- 109
(II-330).
"" G. Tucci 1949, p. 317.
.,. M. Rhie and R. Thum1an 1991, no. 115.
"" P. Pal 1984, fig. 105. Its lineage might correspond with !he Khyung po mal 'byor tradition
of mGon po phyag drug pa. which is documented by Ngor chen in his Thob yig rgya.
mtsho. fol. 74a. l .
.,. P. Pal 2001, p. 252, no. 145, "!he early 15th
century or a little earlier.H
611
612
6
Cf. M. Rhie 2004 in R. Linrothe and J. Watts
2004, Demonic Divine, p. 97. note 59.
R. Linrolhe, "Protection, Benefaction
and Transformation: Wrathful Deities in
Himalayan Art," in R. Linrothe and J. Wan
2004, pp. 3-43. Linrolhe built here on his
book Ruthless Compassion (1999) in which
he investigated wrathful deities in early
Indo-Tibetan esoteric art. taking East Indian
art as his point of departure.ln !hat book he
employed the term krodha-vigluu1nwka 10
help label the main group of deities under
study, a term which corresponds in Tibetan
10 khra bo ("wrathful '') bgegs mthor byed
("destroyer of obstacles"), which also is the
name of one of the Ten Wrathful Ones (khra
ba bcu). See also M. Willson and M. Brauen
2000, nos. 214 and 448. and Lokesh Chandra
1976. 1ibeum-Sanskrit Dictionary. p. 281.
u According to the entry for HAR 461 dated
292
NOTE S
December 2001, on !he front of painting there
were the following labeling inscriptions: rigs
'd:iu bdud '}om rdo rjel rigs 'd:in rom bu gu
he tsaudal slob dpon dpal gyi seng gel rigs
'd:;in gnam lcag me 'lxtr!.
6
"
According to the HAR 661 entry dated April
1999, this painting depicts "Yamari, Krishna
(Buddhist Deity),'' and shows ' 'Nyingma
and Drigung (Kagyu) Lineages." The entry
continues: MaiijllSnYamari (Tibetan: jam
pal shin je. English: Glorious Melodious
Speech. Enemy of Death): from !he Revealed
Treasure (tenna) traditions descending from
Nub Sanggye Yeshe of !he Nyingma School
and preserved as a special teaching in !he later
Sarma school of Drigung Kagyu. Manjushri
Yamari , willolhree faces, black, white, and
dark red. Having six hands. the three right
hold a wheel, sword and vajra, !he left a hook,
pestle, and wrathful gesture. Possessing the
nine semimems of dance and complete with
!he eight articles of !he charnel grounds.
Having four legs, !he left are extended.
standing in the middle of the lfire'l of pristine awareness.'' (Terdag Lingpa Gyurrne
Dorje ( 1646-1714) and Min-ling Lochen
Dharmashri 1654-1718. Tibetan source text
'Dad '}a bum b:.rmg, page 232).
Lineage given by HAR: Tsedag Nonpo Necho,
Shinje She. Dorje Nonpo, Jampal Shenyen.
Shamigarbha, Yeshe Nyingpo, Khagarbha,
Dragtung Nagpo, Tsuglag Paige, Orgyan
Chenpo. Bhasudhara, Nub Chen. Gyashang
Trom. Nub Chung. Tsurton Rin-dor, Kushang
Pal den, Tsultrim Rinchen. Jangchub Gon,
Namkai Tsenchen, Rigdzin Tsultrim, Gyaton
Bonpo, Drigungpa Ratna, Chogyal Puntsog.
Chokyi Drag. Konchog Lhundrup. etc. (Tibetan
source ( 'Dod 'jo bum b:;.mg? i.e., sGmb lhabs
'dad 'jo bum b:ang?]text page 9).
Detailed Description: ''Blue-black in color
with three fearsome faces. the right is white
and left red. Each face has three round red
eyes and a gaping mouth with bared white
fangs. Yellow eyebrows, beard. moustache,
and hair Harne upward. In !he outstretched
hands !he right hold a gold vajra. sword and
an eight-pointed weapon wheel. In !he left
hands, the first performs a wrathful gesture:
the second two hold a pestle and vajra hook.
Adorned with crowns of five skulls. bone
ornaments. gold and jewels . he is further decorated with a choker of skulls. a snake necklace
and a garland of freshly severed heads. With
an elephant hide draped over the shoulders,
a human skin wrapped about !he waist. the
lower body is covered with a tiger skin fas-
tened with a green sash. Having four legs. the
right bent and left straight. standing above
an ornate sun disc. multi-coloured lotus blossom and !he prone forms of two red and blue
homed buJTaloes above rwo humans. he is surrounded by the light swirl ing Hames of pristine awareness- a black Garuda soars at !he
peak. Four anendant wrathful deities accompany lloe central figure. At the middle left is a
maroon deity. wearing a human and tiger skin.
holding aloft a knife in !he right hand and eating a heart with the lef!. Below is a blue deity
holding in !he right hand a representation of
mount sumeru and an axe upraised in the lef!.
Ani red in various skins he stands atop a blue
buffalo. At the middle right is an emaciated
female form. maroon in colour, holding aloft a
vajra hook with !he right hand and a skull cup
with !he left; weari ng a leopard skin lower
gannenL At lhe bottom right is a maroon deiry
with !he hair of the head a mass of upward
rising snakes. holding a staff of sandalwood in
the right hand and a vajra tipped lasso in !he
left. both upraised: anired in various unusual
skins."
615
l!s full title is sGrub tlwbs 'dod '}a bum b~ang.
It was published in 1977 in two volumes (pp.
1-418 and 1- 388) from Gangtok by Sherab
Gyaltsen.
616
Loden Sherap Dagyab 1991, lkonographie
und Symbolik des tibetischen Buddhismus
llconography and Symbolism in Tibetan
Buddhism], Tei l E: Die Sadhanas der
Sammlung sGrub-thabs 'dod-'jo('i bumbzang) [Volume E: The Sadhanas of !he
sGrub-thabs 'dod-'jo('i bum-bzang) collection]. (Wiesbaden), Asiatische Forschungen.
no. 114.
617
Olaf Czaj a. email of March 8, 2014.
618
Christian Luczanits kindly send me !he inscription fowod on !he back side: lha mchog 'jam
dpal khras pa tshe bdag Ihas I bdag gi 'gal
r~·yen bar gcod zhi nas ~'Yang l thun r~'Yen tshe
bsod · phel zhing bsam don ·grub ltshe rab · di
nas byang chub mchog gi barl rjes su gzung
zhing mchog mthun dngos grub yang I tshe •di
nyid Ia !hob par byin gyi rlobsl.
••• Cf. lhe HAR 661 entry: "At !he top center is
Maojushri, yellow in color, holding aloft a
sword with the right hand and a lotus supporting a book with the left. At the sides are
white Avalokitdvara and blue Vajrapa 0i, both
peaceful in appearance. At !he left comer
are !he two layman Terton Gya Shang Drom
( l llh century) wearing a lotus hat and Namkai
Nyingpo dressed as an Indian. followed by
Shantigarbha and Garab Dorje both wearing monastic robes and red pandita hats. On
the right side are the two monastic figures.
Jampal Shenyen (Manjushrimitra) wearing
a pandita hat and Yeshe Nyingpo with the
right hand in !he gesture of blessing. followed
by Drag Tung Nagpo (the Indian teacher of
Nub Sanggye Yeshe) appearing as a mahasiddha, and Terton Lhaje Nub Gyu dressed as a
layman.
"Descending on the left side are Vasudhara
(the Nepali teacher of Nub Sanggye Yeshe)
dressed as a layman. Tsuglag Paige in the
robes of a monk with a pandita hat and
Ri nchen PhUntshog (1509-1557) appearing as
a yogi. Below are Je Tashi Phuntsog ( 15741628) wearing a pandita hat and Panchen
Konchog Lhundrup holding a black malastring of beads. Below !hat is Konchog Tashi
Dondrup Chokyi Gyalpo ( 1704-1754). also
wearing monastic robes and holding a vajra
and bell.
.. Descending on the right are Rigdz.in Chokyi
Drag dressed as a layman, Padmasambhava
wearing !he lotus hat and holding a vajra.
s~'UIIcup and katvanga staff. and Nub Sanggye
Yeshe in !he garb of a monk with a red pandita
haL Below are Chogyal Phuntsog ( 15471602) wearing a pandita hat and Konchog
Zangpo (1656- 17 18). both wearing monastic
robes. Below that is Konchog Tendzin Drodul
( 1724-ln6) holding a book and performing
the mudra of explication, anired in !he robes
of a monk.
"At the bonom cemer is a low table placed
above a fresh human skin and arranged with
the offerings of !he five senses placed in !he
large central skull. nectar and blood in the two
" 0
smaUer vessels at each side, and five more
skull-cups offered in front. Seated in a relaxed
posture to the lower lefl is a yogi wearing a
white cotton robe . In the right hand held to the
heart is a cur"ed knife and in tl1e left a mala.
Looking upwards he performs ritual service
before the table of prepared ofi'erings:· (Jeff
Wan4-99).
des rigs 'd:i11 cheu po legs lda11 rdo rje Ia
phytrg rgyas blab! des chos rgya/ 'bri grmg pa
rin cen plum 1shogs Ia plryag rgya.< hwbl rgytrl
sras /Ira rje 'i sprul pa clros rgyal plnmlshogsl
'bri gu11g ra/na gnyis pa chos kyi grogs pal
rigs 'd~in dko11 cog lhrrn grub/ khyab lxlag
khrtr /Shang p<r clre11 pol des lxlag :tr hor
batule /a 'o/1.
The labels for names on the front of the paint·
ing are also given in lhe HAR entry: "Front of
Painting: Wylie Transliteration of Inscription:
[Left to right from the topl g1er ston rgya
shang grom, nam klw 'i snying po. shau li gar
'" Rase Konchok Gyarsho 2004a. 'Bri gwrg chos
'bywrg. p. 524.
blw. dga ' rab rdo rje, bsdnd md~ad rdo rje
rnon po. 'jam dp<ll yas. bsdud md:tul plwg
rdor, jam dpal shas g"yen. yas 'i snying po,
khrag mllumg nag po. brer s/on/lra snubs
rgyud. vu su dlru ra. gl>ug lag dpal dge, rin
<'hen plrrm rslwg>, rig 'd~ill dros kyi grags pa,
p{l(/ me 'byung gnas. ~nub sang yas ye shes.
rje bkris plumtsogs, p<r~r chen dkoog [dkon
mdrog] /lum grub. dkoog !dkon mclrog] 'plrris
rplrrin las/ don drub dws kyi rgyal po. chos
rgyal plum/sogs, dkoog 'plrris !'plrrin lttsl
b~ang po, dkoog[dkon mclrogl rum 'd~i11 'gro
'dul."
621 The Fifth Dalai Lama's record of teachings
received records some relevant lineages {Dalai
Lama V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho,
lirb pa dang rgytr dte ba' i .. .). vol. 3, p. 29b:
g .ymrg drug gi rlags ctur gnyis ma gwgs
p<r'i dbang the clumg gnyis dang lung yongs
rd~ogs kyi brgwtd pa nil 'j<rm dpal hal gslrin
rje gshed sdud md~d rdo rje mon pal sprul
sku dga ' rab rdo rjel slob dpon 'jam dpal
bslres gnyenl 'plumg byed slrtmlim gtrrblral
slob dpon ye sires snying pol slob dpon klw
garbhal rgya gar khrag ilumg nag pol slob
dpon g1sug Jag dpal dgel ttyon [o rgytm/ sangs
rgy(IS gnyis ptrl rgyal ba blw sudlw ral gnubs
chen sangs rgyas ye shes/ gter ston rgyu :.Jumg
klrroml 1/ru rje gnubs chung b(l/ (rje mi /(IS
mtlm s/ob.r)l mu·Jwr ston rill ceu rdo rje)l sku
~!rang dp<tlldmrl b/a ma /slru/ klrrims rin an/
sngags 'clrtmg bytmg dwb mgon pol mkhas
grub num mkha 'i mlslrarr caul [p. 30a] //rigs
'd:illlslru/ klrrims :}utbsl rgya S/011 dbon po
ntu11mk/r(l ' rigs 'd~in gsang hal (btrr khams
p<r)/1/w sras rgy(l/ po 'i rnam sprul 'bri gung
JXl rin ce11 plumrshogs stunmkha · grol glong
ya11gs/ de >r(IS 'bri gu11g p<r clros rgyal plum
tslrogsl de sras 'bri grmg p<t bkra slris plum
/slrogs grogs p<r rgyttlmlslwtrl de'i gcung 'bri
gwrg (Xt dkon cog plum rslrogs sam dbu ru
smyon pal rig s11gags 'chang ba dkon cog lhu11
grub/ sprrrl ptr'i skrrmclrog gler lxlag gling
p<tl des bt/ag Ia bka 'dri11 du stsa/w/1 yang
mon pu mmg gcod kyi dba11g brgyud Jugs gcig
nil rigs 'd~in c/ws kyi grogs p<t11asl ::,ttr klryab
btlag dws dbyiugs rang gru/1 des bd(lg :tt lror
lxuule ltr 'oil.
621
See also Ibid .. vol. 2. p. 359a: 'bri'i rlags yod
pa'i lung dang bcas pa'i brgyrrd panil rd~gs
P'' 'i sangs rgyasl slui ri'i but slob dpon 'jtun
dpal [p. 359b] gshes gnyenl slob dpo11mi ga
rd~a rut! slob dponl111m ku ral try011 !orgyan]
saugs rgyas g11yis pal clws rgyal khri srong
Ide buan/ gnubs chen stmgs rg)'tiS ye shes/
g1er slon rgya :)wug khroml grr rrr dros kyi
dhfmg phy11g /sras pad ma dbang chen 'grub
chen timor :)wbs ras p<rl rrsi shing rgyal
mlshtml 'd~am gling rgyalmrshattl rwgs /dan
grogs 'brrml grub chen dpal sengi bla ma
br/son 'gms mgon pol bya bra/ ba bsod mrm
seng gel tkrm pa chos skyong tshul khrimsl
slob dpontslwl klrrims 'bum/ de g11yis kas p<l~r
chen p<ulma dlxmg rgyal/a phyag rgyas blttbl
"" Tsepon W. D.Shakabpa 1984, p. ITI.
"" M. Kapstein 2006, p. 163.
636
.., P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. pp. 51 - 55,
summarize tl1e Jives of the four consecutive
Bakula Tulkus. though not using the name
Bakula, beginning with Rangdrol Nyima and
ending with the present rebirth. Konchok
Rangdrol Nyima Mipham Sengge (dKon
mchog rang grol nyi ma mi pham seng ge,
b. 1976). The third in the series was Bakula
Rangdrol Nyima who was born at Zangla in
Zangskar and later became head of the Geluk
monastery of Spiruk. (They mention a second
candidate as third Bakula Tulk'U in Tibet.)
'"' G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989. no.ll-33 I.
.,; According to irs entry from HAR 79, it depicts
an eighteenth-century 1/umgka of Manjushri
Yamari (Tibeta.n: Jam pal shin je): "A special teaching of the Drigung Kagyu School
descending from the Revealed Treasure
(Ierma) lineage of Nub Sanggye Yeshe of the
Nyingma Tradition:' The HAR entry repeats
the same extensive description for HAR 661 :
''Manjushri Yamari. with three faces. black,
white and dark red ... :·
626
G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989, J. I09/11- 330.
"' G.-W. Essen and T. Thingo 1989. vol. 2. p.
I6 I. no. 11-343.
"" P. Pal I984, p. 152. plate 76.
CHAPTER
9
"' On the painters at Phyang in the 1930s, see
MarooPallis J939,p.316ff.
.,. David Snellgrove 2000, p. 3 J8f.
"' Ibid.
.,. D. Snellgrove 2000. p. 319.
639
Kristin Blancke forthcoming.
""' Ibid .. footnote.
"'' P. S. J1na and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 75.
.., SeeP. S. Jina and K. Nan1gyal 1999. p. 75,
who call it the "Chandazik Lhakbang.'' Marc
Fran9ois in his unpublished Lamayuru notes
says: ''This large hall dedicated to the bod·
hisattva of compassion has been constructed
in 1846 by Bakula Rangdrol Nyima, whose
life was told above. This sanctuary is situated opposite the cen1ral building. below the
residence of Rangdr61Nyima Rinpoche. now
ruined."
"" P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 75.
"" K. Blancke forthcoming in footnote I mentions the same work as an ·'unpublished
chronicle, entitled g.Yrmg drrmg dgon dang
._., According to the unpublished notes of Ma.rc
Fran~is, the Lamayuru Achikhang (A phyi
khang) was built by the twentieth regent, the
Third Balog Tulku, Tendzin Gyaltsen ( I74(}...
1796), in 1782. This sanctuary is dedicated
to the protectress of the Drigung Kagyu: A
phyi ChOkyi Drolma (1059- 1I 17). The statues
were made under the regents Bakula Rangdrol
Nyima (1801- 1858), Nyerag ChOying
Namdrol ( 1835--1892) and Togdan Ngawang
Lodro Gyalrsen ( I869-1934).
"" According to the unpublished Lamayuru notes
of Marc Fran9ois, the Lamayuru dPu sJ.:yi
gZims chung (Residence Room of Quality) is
the official residence apartment of the Ladakh
Choje which HH Chetsang Rinpoche also uses
during his frequent visits. The room was built
in 1905 by the prince of Stok, who was recognized as the eighth Togdan ChoktrUI: Konchog
Tendzin Ngawang Gyaltshen (I869- I934) and
who was the disciple of 1he siKth Chungrsang:
Konchog Thugje Nyima ( 1828-1889). Togdan
Rinpoche was named thirty-first regent of
Ladakh en 1881 and he remained it until
passing away in J934.As for painted scrolls
in thai room, on the walls hang the precious private tlrtmgka collection of the Ninth
Togdan Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen (b. I938).
As Fran~ois explained: ''[Togdan] Rinpoche.
after having been a monk since childhood.
married at the age of thirty in response to a
prophecy about his activities as 'discoverer
of hidden texts.' and he is the father of IWO
sons and three daughters. Togdan Rinpoche
also became minister of the administration of
Ladakh in the state government of Jammu and
Kashmir in 1996 and hence pursues the works
begun in his previous lives."
P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, p. 74ff.
po ji llllr drags rabs dang dallar ji liar gnas
tslwl gyi mam dbye hi d~a lrar lisma, which
is also mentioned in the Belgian and German
architects Amandus Vanquaille and Hilde Vets
2004, "Lamayuru. tl1e Symbolic Architecture
of Light," p. 87. Tfhe history) is being translated by K. H. Everding.'' Vanquaille and Vets
2004 mention three different accounts (re:
the activities of Naropa, Rinchen Zan gpo and
Rangdrol Nyima) all of which were currently
being translated (in circa 2002 or 2004) by
Karl-Heinz Everding.
"" P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal, 1999, p. 125.
.,. Ibid., told in more detail in chapter 4, pp.
51- 54
6¥1
K. Blancke forthcoming, footnote I.
""' P. S. Jina and K. Namgyal 1999. p. 51 dates
it to 1800; M. Fran9ois, unpublished li st of
Ladakh Chlljes dates him to I80 I.
.,.. Ibid., p. 54.
._., K. Blancke forthcoming.
651 P. Singh Jina and K. Namgyal 1999, p. 76 .
652
See Dalai Lama V, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya
mtsho, Zab p<r dang rgyu eire ba 'i ...., vol. 2,
p. J52b: [work no. 1051rgyalpo bka' 'bum
gyi brgyutl fX' nil ('/lOs sku snaug btl mtlw'
yas//ougs sku spyan ras gzigsl sprul sku srong
btsarr sgam pol slob dpmr pat/mal klrri >rong
Ide btstml grub tlrob dugos grrrblnywrg raU
mi bskyO<l rdo rjel slriik b:tmg pol /Ira rje dge
'bum//cammo ye shes mchog /elm sgom pal
mtlra · b:Jri bya bralllslrrrl chen bsotl sengi
bkra slris rgyal mtslrwrl c/rrr rags pa blo rgytm!
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
2.93
'plwg1 mchog 110r b:tmgl hor dkt~' b:.hi plll
blu11U1 dp<1/leg:J dku 'bt·11 bya11g dpa/1 'phag>
fX' b/o rilt! y(~ tlrug pa .1he> rub tlp<11/ rje grol
mchog mun 'drat.
... See Dala1 Lama V. Ngag dbang blo bzang
rg)a mtsho.li1h pa dull.~ rgyu c/1e lx1 'i ....
\OI. 3. p. 75b: cho> TJ:)"I>rong bl!illll sgam
pas bod Ahum.1 J.pyi nrtlum d11 :.hult·hems kyi
..,
CHAPTER IO
...
...
!I""'
1Jh11/ d11 IIIli 'ml~l /1111~ bJtutl yun~ ~fi!r
mi gcig t.m11~ 'di 'i clwlug lllmd-JJd pa b!.wn
y(Jj 1~·i Jl1i11g ~,,. 'bog gi rtw bor >lob dpa11
clli!ll pa /u rji! 'lxmR> b:.hiJ :./ms pa 'i lhru
bsum ym g11yis kyi 'jig rtym ( gter) dang de
h:.log tlwb; da11g bcaJ. fX' 'i lu11g bJum bla ma
mugu· /xlug che11 pm. tho brug mklw mthing gi
n11/u1'i pll,l"ll IWS ;pya11 drtmgs pa dang
bcm pu ma11u leg> par thob JKI lu.<l dbung gi
b'l!,l'lld p<l nil dws ;ku ;nu11g bu mthu ·yml
long; ;kll >fi)'UII ras g:.ig>l .lprul sku ;rong
bllun;gamJXJI uyon [ar,l/ytm] pudma 'byung
gnull gter .1W11 1/TIIb tlwb d nga.! gm b :./rubs/
(la;tod fXI>II!IUfiS pur /11 p<1 <'tm)l mnga · bdag
11)'<11111 raJ fill ctml ( lllflllf,/.1 dkttr Ieang to ctml
Ia ;ttH/ Jill mi I p. 76a Jllb.tkyrHI rda rjel rje
bts11n ;/takyaiJ:ang p1JI ( rten dge s/o ng)l b/a
IIIli IIIli rj~ dge 'lmml (.ffl[lllf,/.1 dkar h·anglo
C<lll skyitl slwn g /jallll-' p<l)l drill l'li/1 .\0II!IS
"'
""'"!I
rgya.s /cam ttw ye .\ Itt!.\ mc:lwgl hyang sem-i
c/w;gam :./1ig pol (Ia .1UJd {XI d[le ma >nyen
sgom thug Cl/11)1 n11h11 'b:./1i bya bra/t·hen pal
(dims p<l ra11g bym1g chru)l 'jam dbyangs
IJStHI tll/1/U se11g fie/ (stO<I pa rab byung dras)l
bla ma bkru :.hi.< rgyulmtJhtml bla chen blo
gro> rgytJI mflhmt! (t/Jm.l pa rub by1mg chm)/
"phag.1 mchog11or bu b:tmg polm1has gmb
b:tmg po '1/.I'Uimtllmal mdo >llgug> d10> kyi
'"
""
rgyul mJjhU!tl bltl mtl rill t•ell nlu rjel illtmg
gstJI bu b!ra shi> rgyumuhol rigs 'd:.in duma
ru11g groll rje 11gag dlxmg _
, .,;/res gmb pol :Jtr
Ml)'llb /xltJg chos dbying.1 rung groll de> bdug
:.a hor bul!de /u 'oil.
"'
...
The) are menuoned by P. S. Jina 1999, p. 49.
and list<d in more deta1l b) P. S. Jina and K.
Namg)al 1999. p. SOf, note 9.
P. S. Jrna and K. Namg)al 1999. p. 80f.,ll(){e 9 .
....
Ibid .. p. 99 .
""
Unpublished Lamayuru notes of M. Fran~is.
....
...
..,
....
...
...
-
Fran~is.
·~s
unpublished Lamayuru notes.
Yeshc Jarnyang. mterview. March I, 20 14,
Lumbini. by Michael Pahlke.
Ibid.
P. S. Jinn and K. Namgyal 1995, p. 29 .
Elsewhere P. S. Jinn (who knows no Tibetan)
cal ls it. confusingly. "Dorjechang," which may
be a current nickname. or as the "Chol:hang."
The "inscriptions" in Prem Singh Jina and
Konchok Namgyal 1995. p. 114ff.. give
rough phonetic equivalents but no usable
transliteration.
Ibid .. p. 103.
P. S. Jana 1999. So,,.. MtJni/Jteries, pp. 12- 16.
describes the "DorJeehang·· of Ph)ang.
"h1ch h< U1d "as "the main Dulc.hang of the
monaster)...
.,.
""
,,.
.......
:1.94
NOTES
E. Lo Bue 's fieldwork in L.ada!Jl "as ~ponsored b) the uni,·crsities of London (for Lo
Bue 1978) and Bologna (for LoBue 2001.
2002. and 2003).
According to M. Paths 19-12. p. 3-191 = 19-19
ed .. p. 2101) and fFricdrich A.J Ptter (in the
ll(){es kept at the [Ba' arian I State Ltbrar) in
Munich as kindly reported to Lo Bue by John
Bray): however. according to the sculptor
Ngawang Tshering loflial (interviewed by
Lo Bue on September 18. 200 I). he belonged
to the Khalang dar rtse clan and was bom at
Ungshed. During his first meeting with Lo
Bue. on J uly 29. 1978. Ngawang Tshering
stated that Tsbewang Rigdzin had died around
1968 at the age of ninety-three. However.
on J uly 17. 1978. another former pupil of
Tshewang Rigdzin. the sculptor bSod nams
skal bzang. had told Lo Bue that Tshewang
Rigdzin had died about 1970 at the age of
eighly.
..I
,.,
Oll
M. Pal lis 1942. p. 241 1=1949 ed .. p. 2121).
These texts were copied by !Friedrich A.J
Peter. and are now in the I Bavarian I State
Library in Munich. LoBue thanls John Bray
for this information. JMt. Ralf Kramer l..indly
located the text Clm uluul rtogs byed" ith
its eomplete shelfmark as Cod.tibet. 464 and
showed me the handlist entry: "Cha tshad
rtogs b)ed (g.Ya' sel nas 'byung ba'i bns
'byur gnyis l:yi ... )-.According to that tncomplete title. it treats "[the proport.tonsl of both
paintings and sculptures. as e.,plruned 1n JDes1
Sanggye Gyatsho'sl g.Ya'sd."l
M. Pal lis 19-12. p. 2401'.1= 19-19 ed_ p. 2111).
D. Snellgrove and T. Sl..orupski 19TI. p. 123.
Snellgrove and Skorupski wrongly place these
paintings in the mgtm khtmg. The assembly
hall where they are actually found nses in
the upper part of the monastery and has been
partially closed after an earthquake (perhaps
that of 1974). Apart from a seat flanked by
two metal stupas at the back of the assembly
ball, there is no longer anything left in it
allowing us to identify it with the 'Du khang
gSar pa !New Assembly Hall I mentioned by
Snellgrove and Skorupski 1977. p. 123. The
large clay portraits and Kashmiri metal images
they mention in connection with it arc now
kept in the Bla ma'i Lha khang and in the
Guru P.adma rgyal po'i khang respectively:
also the library has been shifted.
Cf. M. Pallis 1942. pp. 237 and 316. 1= 19-19
ed .. pp. 209 and 2751)
M. Pallis 1942. p. 241 1=19-19 ed .. p. 2121).
Ptrsooal communication by lsculptorl
Ngawang Tsbering loflialto E. LoBue
(September 23. 200 I).
G. Tucci 1937. p. 182.
On [the Drukpa Kagyu seulptorl Nga"an~
Tsering's life. see also C. Hams 2005.
P. S. J1na and K. Namg~al 1995. p. 105.
P. S. J1na 1999. p. 14.
See E. Lo Bue 2007b. pp. 35-1-358.
... Ibid.. p. 315f.l = 19-19 ed.. p. 274f.J)
R. Khosla 1979. p. 91.
... M.
""'
rn
C. Harris 2005. p. 85 .
E. Lo Bue was tndebted to John Bra) for
this information. The collecuon. bearing the
title /Ha b:.o bu'i palfa. as nO\\ kept at the
Bavarian State Library in Munich. [Mr. RaJf
Kramer kindly located the 29 sheets of this
\\ork underthe shelfmark Cod.tibet.466
and showed me its description in the accesSJons handlist: "Vorlagebl~uer des Kunstlers
Tsewang R1gd2m (fshe-dbang rig-· dzin) aus
Khalatse. Figuren des lamaist. Pantheons
narh der bKa' -brg} ud-pa-Schule. Mit ikonometnsrhen Uncan. Lha bzo-ba'i paua:· It
1S thus described as "Figures of the Lamaist
pantheon according to the Kagyupa school."]
It should be pointed out that by that time
the t\\o-volume Geluk (dGe lugs) edition of
a famous collection of siidhana> known as
Ritl 'by11ng or Ri111hOt1 and illustrated with
almost the hundred figures of deities (Cf.
Lokesh Chandra 1991. pp. 33- 35. 3'HIO. and
205-378.) had been brought to La~ from
Tibet or Mongolia. (Cf. Friedrich A. Peter
1943. p. 1.)
T his arti st owns an iconometric drawing of
S.~kyamuni signed by his master.
Born in 1943, this sculptor was trained by
Ngnwnng Tshcring from ci rca 1955 to circa
1962. He received one of the ten All-India
National Awards for Master Craftsmen in
1978 and taught classes of clay sculpture at
the Central Institute of Buddhist Studies in
Choklamsar.
... C. Harris 2005. pp. 86-89.
..,
E. Lo Bue 2007b .
... M. Paths 1942. p. 3 16. 334-337. fHere
...
...
...
...
...
..,
...""
...
....
..,
...
...
,..
and
in the next three footnotes LoBue quotes the
1942 ediuon.J
Cf. M. Palhs 19-12. pp. 32&-328.
lbrd .. pp. 241 and 328.
Ibid , p. 337f.
M. Pallrs 1939. Peats mill Lamus. p. 3160'.
Jl949 edition, p. 275]. On Tshewang Rigdzin
ofUngshed (d. 1968or 1970). who "as also a
noted sculptor, see also E. LoBue 1983. p. 61.
Ibid .. p. 336Jnot found in 1949 edition).
E. Lo But 1983, p. 60f.
E. LoBue 2007b, pp. 358-360.
R. Bedi and R. Bedi 1981. p. 77.
C. Harris 1999, p. 68f.
In this chapter I begin by adapting what I
previously published in D. Jackson 2002 and
2012.
Ngawnng Tsering later translated his raperecording orall y into centralli betan. enabling
me 10 translate it into English.
D. Jaclson 2002. p. 153f. See also D. Jackson
2012. p. 22f.
See the interview of Yes he Jamyang. C. Harris
1999. p. 68, has presented this listing in
translation or paraphrase. without the original
1ibe1an "ording.
See the mte" ie" of Yes he Jamyang. a. D.
Jad.son 1996, p. 36-1. n. 761. where the 'bri
bris and g .ye bris seem to be in••erted. a. also
C. Hams 1997, p. 268. C. Harris 1999. p. 68.
menuoned t\\O of the four st}les. paraphrasang: "'the Orin-should also have bnlliant
colours radiating ' the full light of day'. with
an all pef\-asive blue in the background of
each composition ...
..,, Yeshe Jamyang explained in an aside that the
style of E district was the painting tmdihon of
the U.asa government (//w >O 'i g:lumg gi ri
mo). Cf. C. Harris 1999. p. 69. who seems to
have not understood ''e ris... but only its gloss,
"tlbus rij'."
'lll1
In the above list. ..Kham style .. does not refer
to the Karma Gardri. which was listed above
separately as the Tshurri and possessed a light
palene. Instead. it refers to a darler Menri/
Karma Gardri synthesis that predommated
in many ports of Kham b) the earl) twentieth cenrury (presumabl) the Sl) le of such
nineteenth-centuf) paonters as Chab mdo
Phur bu tshe ring and Ius folio" ers). I was not
aware of this in D. Jackson 1996. p. 364. n.
761. and suggested instead that the similarly
..dark.. Tsangri should be wtderstood instead
of Khamri.
"" D. Jackson 1996. pp. 338 and 342. where I had
parts of his sayings second-hand. See also
C. Harris 1997. p. 268. and 1999. p. 68. 1n
D. Jackson 1996. fig. 19 1.1 reproduced
a drawing of Rigdzin Chtldrak by Yeshc
Jamyang.ln addition. E. LoBue 1983. p.
60f_ documented to some extent the career
of Yeshe Jamyang in Ius stud) of twentiethcentllr) Tibetan painting on LadalJt. I used
his summary of St) les in m) Plm'<' of
Pro•·~nance catalog. D.Jaclson 2012. p. 22f.
to the monarchic penod. beong restored in the
summeT of 1996.
'" Ibid.
715
These five paontings were. accordong to E. Lo
Bue 1983. p. 60. painted in 1978 and 1979
by Yeshe Jamyang at Thub bstan bshad sgrub
byang chub gling.
71 •
Interview. D. Jackson 2002. p. 157.
717
For part of one Lamayuru mural by Yeshe
Jam)ang. see C. Harris 1997. p. 268. fig. 304.
See also E. LoBue 1983. p. 60. who states
that this wort.: was done m 1975.
711
lntenie". D.Jaclson 2002. p. 157.
'" On Tsering Wangdu of N) urla. see E. LoBue
2005.
"" E. LoBue 2007b. p. 358.
721
Interview. D. Jackson 2002. p. 157f.
'" A Geluk monk born at Lingshed, Ngawang
Chophel went to Tibet and spent ten years at
the monastery of Drepung. training there as
a painter for four years before returning to
Ladakh.
rn E. LoBue 2007b. p. 359.
LoBue 1983. p. 61. pl. 50. "as photographed
by Nanc) Roilier on the August4, 1978. DOl in
1975. as stated by D. Jaelson 2002, p. 165.
1'..5
,.. On Likir (kLu dkyil) Monastery. see D.
,,. E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360.
""' Some details about his ordination were given
by a brief biographical sketch inTi be tan
and English hanging on the wall of Rinchen
Ling. Nepal.ldndly photographed by Michael
Pnhll:e.
"" Then the •·ery young Chetsang Rmpoche dKon
mchog bstan 'dzin lrun bz.ang 'phon las lhun
grub (b. 1946).
•
The Chungtsang Rinpocbe "as then the young
Tendzin Chokyi Nang"a (bsTan 'dun chos
kyi snang ba. b. 1942).
"" Yeshe Jamyang in an aside t)..plained tl1at
most statues were gilt copper. except the clay
images of Achi (A phyi) and Gtlnpo (mOon
po. i.e .. Mabakala). Makers of sculpwre
mostly came to Drigung from Lhasa. He also
explained. ''Local central Tibetans considered
family lineages that practiced crafts or techniques (b~) to be low caste. Also an1sans "ho
made clay statues ('jim lr...o ba) were' iewed
as lo" caste. But tha11g~a paonters "ere
considered beuer and shown high regard. In
Drigung a painter was called a '/lw hril' and
not 'dpon.' as in Ladakh. In Ladakh. malers
of images were also respected. unhle on o.~
110
Down to here. I based Yeshe Jam)ang life
story on the interview. D. Jackson 2002. pp.
154-157.
m
m
Uru Katshal or Wuru Katshal (dBu ru ka
tshal). E. LoBue saw this temple. dating back
E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360: and E. LoBue 1983.
p. 60f.
Interview, D. Jackson 2002, p. 157.According
to PaljorTsnrong. conail of Feb. 2014, the
murals were painted in 1991, a year before the
monastery was inaugurated.
"" E. LoBue 2007b. p. 360.
Accordong to Mochael Pahlke. URL email of
March I. 2014. Tshering's teacber was a master painter from Sam) e, "ho reOO\' ated that
monastery in the 1980s. Tshering himself was
in his fonies and paonted at Rinchen Ling in
2008 and 2009.
'" According to Michael Pahlke, email of March
I. 2014.the murals in the Rinchen Ling
Lhakhang (successive abbots [gDan rabs].
etc.) were painted by Sanggye (Sangs rgyas)
from Bhutan. who was close to fifty years old
and also painted Ch.~gmed Rinpoche's monastery in !'harping. Nepal. He is now painting a
Nyingma Gonpa in !'harping. At Rinchen Ling
he worled in 2008 and 2009.
CHAPTER I I
m This chapter is a considerably expanded
version of an earher ankle on this subject
(Christian Luczanits ...A First Glance At
Early Drigungpa Painting.'' in Studies in
Sit~o-till<!/l/11 8uddhi.1t Art. Proceedi11gs of the
Set·ond /ute,wtiona/ Couference on Tibetan
An·lweology & Art. Beijing. September
3-6. 200.J. ed. Xie Jisheng, Shen Weirong.
and Liao Yang (Beojing: China Tibetology
Publishong House. 2006)). in which I summarized some of the characteristics of early Drigung painton e. After this preliminary study. I
,. C. Harris 1999. p. 69.
continued this research. as I again and again
no E. LoBue 2001. p. 214.
encountered Dngung art. be it at my research
for tbe Rubtn Museum or on the early monuments 1n the western Himala)aS. David Jackson ·s proJCCl of revie" ing in a catalog the art
of thos school throughout its history was thus
a welcome occasion to add a summary of
my most recent research. Amy Heller. David
J ackson. Rob Linrothe, and Nils Martin
kindly provided important suggestions and
references for this chapter. Rob Linrothe also
generously provided photographs from Lingshed Monastery.
no D. Snellgro•·c 2000. p. 318f.
m
M. Fran9ois. unpubliShed Lama) uru research
notes of 2002.
733
Such dark scalloped outer edges were as ;een
before in D. Jackson 2012. p.43 and Fig. 3.16.
7 -"
D. Jackson 2012. fig.4.12.
ru C. Harris 1997. p. 267.
,. cr. c. Harris 1997. fig. 303.
m
R. Khosla 1979. p. 132. named Ngawang
Do.je as being "oth lillie doubt ..one of the
finest painters of the Tibetan tradotion aliveand published 1"0 detaJis of Ius proportion draw1ngs as Ius plates 163 and 164.
According to Khosla. the painter had ..spent
his early )Cars in U.asa stud)ing the art since
childhood.''
7311
Yeshe Jamyang, interview. March I. 2014,
Lumbini. by Michael Pnhlke.
719
Acording to the written st:,tcment of Ayang
'" D. Jackson 2002. p. 157.
"' E. Lo Bue 2007b, p. 358.
1"'
"' Tbe detail of the" all paontmg published by E.
"" I have adapted the folio" ong account from D.
Jackson 2002. p. l.s.tff. Hos famoly house rna)
have been called Palepa.
Snellgrove and T. Skorupski 1977. p. 119.
Dharamsala at the LTWA for nine years (under
the paonllng ma>teT Sangg)e Yeshe. 192-1-20091. "as sent in around 199-lto learn the
special Driri st)le under Yeshe Jarnyang. Mr.
Tashi Tsering infom1ed me that Ka Gyatsho
was from Ayang Rinpoche's Drigung Kagyu
monastery (bKa · dgon Thub bstan bshad
sgrub bynng chub gling) at Bylakuppe Tibetan
Seulement. in Karnataka State, South India .
He presumably studied the Dridri in Ladakh
in around 1994 at the behest of Drigung
Chetshang Ri npochc: he is now no longer a
monl. and is believed to live on the East Coast
of the USA.
Rinpoche (Gn A dbyangs Rin po chc),
London. December 1994. an anistically gifted
young monk named Ka GyaL<ho of Bylakuppe
Kagyu Monastery. after first studing art in
'-" The Nyingmn School already emphasized similar teachinas usuall) referred to as Mabayoga.
What this term referred to in the 9th and lOth
centuries os neatl) summarized in Sam van
Schalk...A Defimllon of Maba)oga. Sources
From the Dunhuang Manuscripts.- Ta11tri<'
Studi~s I (2008).
"' These identifications are spread throughout
the literature on early Buddhist painting.
the following providing some examples:
Kathryn H. Selig Brown. ed. Etemal Pre..·
ence. Ham/prim.~· mul FompriiiiJ in Budd/ri-ll
Art (Katonah. NY: Katonah Museum of An,
2004). 61. pl. 27: David P. Jackson. Mirror of
the Buddha: Early Portrait.< from Tibet (New
York: Rubin Museum of An. 2011). p. 79-82.
figs. 3.8. 3.9. 3.10: and HAR. .. Himalayan An
Resources.'' accessed January. 2014. hup://
PAINTING TRADITtOSS OF THE ORtCUNC KACYU SCHOOL
Z9)
www.himalayanart.org/., nos. 57024, 68872,
68871.
1.15
,.
....,
7...
Sec David P. J ackson. '"Siw Panchen: His Life
and Anistic Activities,'· in Patron tmd Painter:
Situ Pane/ten and the Revival of the Encamp·
ment Style, ed. David P. Jackson (New York:
Rubin Museum of Art, 2009): 38-69.
These are rather rare. see for example, Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha, fig. 2.16; published
earlier without recognition of 1he school
affiliation (Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey
Singer. Sacred Visions. Early Paintings from
Central 7ibet (New York: The Metropolitan
Musewn of Art. 1998), no.30).
For example, Kossak and Singer, Sacred
Visions; Jane Casey Singer. ''An Early Paint·
ing from Tibet," Orienlatiom· 17 ( 1986);
Jane Casey Singer, ·'Early Portrait Painting
in Tibet~" in Funclion wul J\1eoning in Bud·
dhist Art: Proceeding of a SemiMr Held AI
/..eiden University. 21- 24 October 199/. ed.
K.R. van Kooij and H. van der Veere (Groningen: Egben Forsten, 1995); Jane C~sey
Singer, ·'Early Thankas: Eleventh-lhirteenlh
Centuries.'' in On the Path to Void (Bombay:
Marg Publications, 1996): Jane Casey Singer.
"Early Thankas: Elevenlh·thineenth Cenlu·
ries." M<1rg 48 (1996); Jane Casey Singer,
HTaklung Painting,'' in Ttbetan Arl. Tov.rards
a Definition of Style. ed. Jane Casey Singer
and Philip Denwood (London: Laurence King
Publ.. 1997); Jane casey Singer and Philip
Denwood, eds. 7ibeum Art: Towards a Defini·
tion ofStyle (London: Laurence King, 1997);
Jane Casey Singer, ''The Cultural Roots of
Early Cenlr'. tl Tibetan Painting,'' in Sacred
Visions. Early Paintings From Centra/7ibet,
ed. Steven M. Kossak and Jane Casey Singer
(New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
1998); Jane Casey Singer, "A Tibetan Paint·
ing ofChernchok Heruka's Mal)c,lala in the
McConnick Collection. Revisited," in D<1ting
Tibewn Art. Essays on the Possibilities ami
Impossibilities of Chronology from the /..empert: Swnposium. Cologne, ed. Ingrid KreideDamani (\Viesbaden: Ludwig Reichert Verlag,
2003).
Aldo Mignucci. ''Three Thineemh Century
Tluwgkas: a Rediscovered Tradition From
Yazang Monastery?," Orieutations32 (200 1):
Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. p. 4-7. figs.
1.3, 1.4.
7J9
These have first been formulated in Luczanits,
"A First Glance at Early Drigungpa Painting",
on which !his contribution expands.
?;()
Jackson, Mirrarofthe Buddha.
751
"'
,.,
"'
Selig Brown, Etemal Presence, 19-22.
7;6
Selig Brown. Etemal Presence. 39 notes lhe
"bwtion-like curve" on 1he footprints of this
7Sl
,...
"'
760
761
See Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter, "Lama,
Yidarn. Protectors.'' OrienU1tions 35 (2004).
Phagmotrupa is referred 10 as plwg mu gru pa,
296
NOTES
7Cil
'd1i'o I
"l1he monk called (ces bya ba) Tshul khrims
·oct wilh my own (Mag nyid) body speech and
mind of all the buddhas of the !hree worlds
pay homage and take refuge to (skyabs su
mchi ba) ... lthe respecti ve deitylteacher)".
76<
In addition. !here are two possible names in
the inscription. The firs1 verse can be read as
mentioning Gompa Rinchen Dorje (bsGom pa
Rin chen rdo rje) as the one who requested the
painting. The final verse may refer 10 Drakpa
0 (Grags pa <od) for whose worship !his
object has been made. Neilher of them helps
10 clarify the paintings' context. For a more
!borough discussion of !his text, its reading(s).
and interpretation see David Jackson's main
text in !his volume.
For overviews and large pictures of this lin·
eage, see Roger Goepper, ·'Clues for a Dating
of lhe Three-storeyed Temple (sumtsek) in
Alchi, Ladakh'' Asiatische Stutlien: Zeitschrift
der Sclnv_ei:erischen Gese/lsclwft filr Asienkwule I Et!ules Asiatiques: Revue de Ia Societe
Suisse d'Etudes Asiatiques 44 ( 1990). and
Roger Goepper and Jaroslav Poncar. A/chi.
Lltdakh s Hidden Buddhist Sanctuary. the
Sumtsek (London: Serindia, 1996), p. 2 12 and
216f.
Example one in Christian Luczanits. "Art·
historical Aspects of Dating Tibetan Art." in
Dilling Tibetan Art. Essays on the Possibilities
and lmtJOssibilities of Chronology from the
Lempert: SymfJOSium. Cologne, ed. Ingrid
Kreide-Damani (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichen
Verlag. 2003) and Christian Luczanits, "Sid·
dhas, Hierarchs. and Lineages: Three Exampies for Dating Tibetan An.'' in Mirror of the
Buddha: Eurly Portraits from 7ibet, ed. David
P. Jackson (New York: Rubin Museum of An.
2011).
The caption identifies !he deity as Vajradhara.
The iconographic appearance of the figure,
having !he right hand in front of 1he ches1 and
the left on 1he hip as if holding a vajra and bell
identification as Vajrasauva. It is to be noted,
however, !hat in early western Himalayan art
!he iconographies of Vajradhara. Vajrasanva,
and even Vajrapiil)i have no1 been as clearly
distinguished as one would expect. Representations of Vajradhara wilh the hands separated
are also found on early stone steles possibly
representing Drigungpa (see Jackson. Mirror
of the Buddha. fig. 1.29)
162
Cenainly !he lighter complexion serves to
distinguish them from lhe dark Indian siddhas
The complete inscription runs as follows
(including the unconventional spellings):
*II bdag dge slong Tshul klrrims .
bgya ba
ll.rdus gsum gi Slmgs rgyas thams wd kyi .<ku
gsum thugs kyi bdag ny Ill/ [name of each
deity/teacher wi!h !he following veneration
fonnulal ... Ia phyag 'tslwl :hing skyabsu
..,m
The replacement of lhe deity through lhe
teacher is pan of the gumyoga practice.
in the respective positions. instead suggests an
and Drigungpaas rin che 'bri klw11g pa.
In this painting, Drigungpa is flanked by !he
ten main deities of a varian! or even early
version of 1he Guhyasamlija-A~obhyavajra/
gSang ' dus Mi bskyod rdo rje mandala with
lhe female fonns represented on the more
prominent left side and !he partners in a position mirroring each olher. The captions on 1he
Rubin Museum drawing identify 1he deities
in the following way (keeping !he original
(see Goepper and Poncar. A/chi, p. 216 and n.
141). a convention used in many even much
later art works. but 1his does not necessarily
explain why !hey are white.
group.
So far !his builds on earlier work I have published but complements it with an important
new addition.
151
spelling): Samayatara (dam tshig sgro/ ma) the
consort of Amoghasiddhi. Pal)<)aravasinr (gas
kar mo). Buddhalocanli (sangs rgyas sbyun),
Mamakr (mu tml gi), and Samantabhadrr (kuu
Ill b:.tmg mo). Then. mirroring lhe goddesses
are five male deities whose names have a
quality to be overcome a11he first pan of
!heir name and vajra as lhe second pan. The
qualities are !he five conflicting emotions
(pwicakleia; "·'·onmongs lnga), which are
also known as !he five poisons (dug /nga).
From left 10 right lhe deities are Delusionvajrd (molwlgti·mug; ti mug rdo rje). Hatred·
vajrJ (dve$(1; :he sdang do rje), Pride-vajrJ
(mclnalnga rgyal; ngliT rgyang rda rje).
Desire-vajra (rtiga; 'dod chags rtlo rje) and
Envy-vajra (TrS)•{i I pltm(g)-dog; 'phrang dog
rdo rje).
These two teachers. who naturally puzzled
Roger Goepper, have later been identi tied in
David P. Jackson. ·'Lama Yeshe Jamyang of
Nyurla, Ladakh: The Last Painter of the 'bri
Gung Tradition,'' The 7ibet Joumal XXVII
(2002), 164, as the two relatives of Gampopa
(sGarn po pa) who succeeded him at his monastery Dagla-gampo (Dwags lha sgam po),
namely bla ma Dags (JO on= Dagpo GomtshUI
(Dwags po sGom tshul; 1116-1169) and bla
ma Dags po on clumg ba = Dagpo Gomchung Sherab Changchub (Dwags po sGom
chung Shes rab byang chub; 11 30-1173). On
Gampopa and !he familial inheritance of his
monastery see Ronald M. Davidson, 7ibetan
Renaissance. Ttmtric Buddhism in the Rebirth
of7ibelt>tl Culwre (New York: Columbia Uni ·
versity Press, 2005), 282- 90.
765
See Roger Goepper, ''The 'Great Srupa' a1
Alchi," Anibus Asiae LID (1993).
7«i
In cont:rast to the Great CMnen, lhe small
one has remained largely unnoticed after the
initial reporl on it in David L Snellgrove and
Tadeusz Skorupski. The Cu/11/ra/ Heritage
of Ladakh. I. Central Lluk•kh (Wanninster:
Aris & Phillips. 1977), 78, where the cMrten
is described briefly. They also note that !he
teachers represented in the inner clriinen in
this case have a context. I have memioned
1hc lineage in several publications, but only
Christian Luczanits. "Aichi and the Drigungpa
School of Tibetan Buddhism: !he Teacher
Depiction in lhe Small Chortcn At Alchi.'' in
Mei Shou mm Nilm • Llmg Life Without End.
Festschrift in Honor of Roger Goepper, ed.
Jeong-hee Lee-Kalisch, An~e Papist-Matsuo,
and \Villibald Veit (Frankfurt a.M.: Peter
Lang. 2006) contains a more detailed study of
1he relevant Drigungpa panel.
767
Luczanits, "Aichi and the Drigungpa School.''
768
Both !he siddha in the cemer above the teacher
as well as !he siddha on !he far right may
represent the immediate predecessor of lhe
central teacher.
7th
Elsewhere described as "thin. reed-like wand
or trumpef' (Robert N. Linrothe. ·'Strengthening !he Roots.'' Orientations 38 (2007). p. 69).
""
See also Robert N. Linrolhe. Ho~v Mtldness.
Portwits ufTtmtric Siddhas (Chicago and
New York: Serindia Publications in associaLion with Rubin Museum of Art. 2006), p.
364-366. and Robert N. Linro!he. "Consen•ation Projects in Ladakh, Summer2008.'' Orientmious 40 (2009). p. 97- 99.
"'
There is an obvious time gap between Phadampa and Drigungpa.
m
Drigungpa was n01 ordained until the
age of thtny-threc and after the death of
Phagm01rupa.
,..
pa t·he"i gter md:.od dgos "dod "bym1g gnw (A
ofthe Sun·e.<siw! .11llttus
Cbl/ection of
in the TTllnSmtision linell.~e ofthe •Bri-gung
Bka '.brgyud-po Tr<tdition in the Nep<1l-Tibet
Border/onds (Bir. Disn. Kangrn. H.P.: D.
..
1111timwl Style 12th-/4th Centuries. Papers
Pre.1ellled At 11 Panel of tlte 7th Semintrr oftlte
lmemmional As;~x·imionfor 'Tibewn Studies,
Gm~ 1995. cd. Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter
Tsondu Senghe. 1985). Curiously J! IS the latter work that forms the bases of the hagtographies in Gyaltsen. The Great Kagyu Mwter.1.
but the translation dots end with the life of
Drigungpa. while lhe text contjnues \\ith five
more locaJ lineage masters:.
"'
and Eva All inger (Wien: Osterreichische
Akadernic der Wissenschaflen. 1998).
"•
,
""
.,.
See Luczanits ...An-historical Aspects of Oating Tibetan Art."' Example One. republished in
a slightly revised fonn in Luczanits. "Siddhas.
Hierarchs. and Lineages:·
For the wtder context of the rel""sentation
of the Eight Grea1 Adept.s see Christian Luczanits. ·'fhe Eight Great Siddhas in Early
Tibetan Pamtmg.. (from c. 1200 to c. 1350. in
""
Previously published in Kossak and Singer.
Sacred \O;ions. no. 17. See also the technical
analysis of this painting in the same publicalion (Roben Bruce-Gardner, ·'Realizations.
Reftections on Technique in Early Central
1ibetan Painti ng;' in Stu·rt!tl Vision.\. El~rly
Ptrintings from Central Tibet. ed. Steven M.
Kossak and Jane Casey Singer (New York
The Metropolitan Museum of An, 1998) and
Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, p. 159. fig.
5.25.
Holy Mtulneu: Portraits of Tantric Siddhas.
ed. Rob Unr01he (New York: Rubtn Museum
of Art. 2006).
Salter. ''lama. Yidam. Protectors:' fig. 2:
Selig Brown. Etenml Presence. p. 41 . pl. 8.
Although lhc tconograph) of this siddha in
earl} Drigung prunhng refers to stories today
associated with Savaripa. tlte younger Saraha.
the captions consistently identif) Saraha. On
the Rubin Museum drawing tl1e alltndants of
Saraha are identified as Brnlunanr (braJfl cite
mo) and Roha (ro /m).
""
In the early iconography f>Jdmavajra may
simply have held a red lotus. referring to his
name.
""
This identification is based on the red disc
depicted above the hom the mahasiddha holds.
which in this c..,e can be interpreted as a
,.,
...
""'
?90
""
The two bottOIO stddhas bold a bell in the left
hand.
""
The dates g" en for the abbots of Dngung
are 13ktn from TBRC. 'Tibetan Buddhist
Resource Center:· accessed October 2013.
http://tbrc.org/;earch/. ushngs of the Drigung
abbot.s are funher a\ wlable on Khenpo Konchog G}ahsen. The Gn!at Kagy11 Masters: 77•e
G"ldm lineage Tn!wury (Ithaca: Snow Lion
Pubheatton. 1990). p. 270 and under htlp:/1
Although KJimburg-Salter. in "Lama. Ytdam.
Protectors" essential!} compares the Rubtn
Museum drawing with the pn\ ate collectton
fOOiprint. the t\H>-genernhon gap bet" ccn
these paintings has not been recognized b) t.hc
author.
191
,..
,...
Pratapadi!ya Pal. Himala_raj . All Ae.~tltetic
Adve111ure (Chicago: The An Institute of
Chicago in association with the University
of California Press and Mapin Publishing.
2003), p. 203. 291-92. no. 132: Amy Heller.
..A Tangka Portrait of Drigung Rinchenpel,
Ji~'ten Sumgon.'' JIATS I (2005) is dedicated
to this painting and publishes a reading of the
inscription: Jackson, Mirror tl/the Buddha. p.
155, fig. 5.21.
This is suggested in Selig Brown, Etenml
Pn!Jmet. p. 40. Also in Jackson. Mirror of the
Bmldha. p. 157. fig. 5.23.
Set Sehg Brown. Etemal Presence. p. 39. pl.
"'
Of course. the Alchi Small Cbonen depiclion has a siddha immediately preceding
Drigungpa. but there his standard predecessor.
Phagmotrupa. is not represented immediately
above him.
""
Selig Brown. Etemal Presence. p. 40, pl. 7;
Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha. p. 159. fig.
5.25.
,.,
See Martin Willson and Martin Brauen. eds.
Deities ofTibetwr Buddhism. The Zilrich
Painting; ufthe /com IVorthwhile to See (bris
Sku Mtlum Ba Dun Ldan) (Boston: Wisdom
,.
,..
...
Publieation. 2000). 139.11 may well be that
the red goddess on the Pritzker footprint painting also he Id an atilwfa.
Prntapadtl} a Pal. Tibet: Tradition ru•d Change
(Albuquerque. IN .M.]: Albuquerque Museum.
1997). no. 23.
Tlus males sense only if the figure is drinking
from the cup. as kno"n from VajrayogioJ representahons. In none of the Olber represenlahons dots Viropa hold a skull cup in his raised
hand.
The depiction of the mule with a relati' ely
large head and a low back is reminiscem
of the horse depictions in t" o Nepalese
manuscript.s da!td to the late 16th century. see
Prntapadit}a Pal. The ArtsofNepol. Part /I:
Pt1inting (Leiden: E.J. Brill. 1978). figs. 178,
179: Gilles Btguin and Suzanne Held,Nep<d
(MUnchen: Hirmer. 1997). nos. 28-30 .
"''
Colleclion of University of Michig-J.n Museum
of Anthropology. # J74fr7. Kotlz Collection;
sec Carolyn Copeland. Twrkas from the Koet
Collection (Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan. 1980). p. 98. and HAR no. 92037.
IIOl
Sec Carla M. Sinopoli. The Himalayan Jour-
Pal came to the same conclusion. but on the
ney oflltrlter N. Koe[:: Tire University of
Miclrigtm Himalayau Expetlition. /932- 1934
(Ann Arbor: Museum of Anthropology. University of Michigan. 2013). p. 28. Table I.
on the sources of the paintings in the Kotlz
Collection.
I would like to thank Amy Heller for her
effortS in establishing Lhe connection to the
owner. While I have been unable to interpret
the inscription in its entirety on the basis of
the phO!ographs provided. the most relevant
pan is in the poorest condition. the giSt of the
teXI is clear from the presen ed traces and the
structure. Tbere is no doubt that Dngungpa
is mentioned in the inscnpuons on the bact...
but the reading of sJ..u. bod), and thus a dtrecr
identification of the represenl3tton of the
figure on the fron1 cannOI bt maintained for
compositiOital reasOI\S. Instead. the bad mantras represtnl the speech form of the hneage
figures depicted on the front. among which
See Lol..esh Chandra. B11ddlrist konDgraphy
(New Dellu: International Academy of Indian
Culture and AdJ!)a Prakashan. 1986). no. 249.
6.
See Selig Brown. Etemal Presenu. p. 41.
basis of the assumption that the two bodhisattvas flanking the hierarch stand for his two
main disciples and successors. an inlerpreta·
lion for which no proof is offered.
drinking horn. I have not come across a simi ..
lar representation of this adept. who is most
commonly portrayed drinking from a skull cup
and raising one arm toward the sun. However.
this idcnt• ficalion appears like! y as Viropa
already occurs wnong lite Drigung adepts as
attendant to lndrabhoti. and itaccount.s for the
ninth one in the Small Chonen.
,.,
This thangka has been published in Deborah
E. KJimburg-Salter, Tire Silk Rome and tile
Diamond Path: &.oteric Buddhi.1t Art on tire
Tran;-/rimaloyru• Trade Ro111e.1 (Los Angeles:
UCLA An Council. 1982), pl. Ill: Klimburg-
Thts mdtcates that. at least w11lun the Drigung
School. N!g21)UI13 am01tg the Eight Great
Adepts "'as nOitdentified woth the Tantric
Slddha of the same name. bul" tth the secondccntul') au1hor of tlte Prajiitl(1<1ramitaslilra.
conltAL
f.j,.,.,
one:.
"'
On this Jineage see the shon mention in Peter
·oo. Bka •brgyud kyi mamthar chen 11111 rin
M) hesttat.ton mwnl} result.s from the fact
th>tthere are atleastt-.o "blacl.. Indians
(rt:Y" gar nag pa) recorded'" the literature. a
smaller one (rg.m gar nag chung) closer to the
time of Drigungpa. but the} soon merge into
I first tried to dtrectauention to this fact in
Christian Luctanits ...On an Unusual Painting
Style in Ladal..h."' in Tlte Inner Asian Inter-
is Drigungpa. his mantra ending with the
customary lu1Jfl rather than sku. The names of
the succc:cding three teachers cannot be inter!""led conclusively. but they cenainly do not
c011form to the abbots of Drigung. as would be
e>.pected. This indicates that there may well
be another lineage relevant in the Drigung
Alan Robens. The Biographie.1 of Redumgpa:
The EmlUiion ofa Til1<'1an Hagiography
(Routledge. 2007}. p. 9-11. and Rdo IJC mdzes
m See in parucular Kurtis R. Schaeffer. ""Ct)stal
Orbs and Arcane Treasunes: Anlhologtes of
BuddhiSt Tantric Songs From the Tradition of
Dampa Sang}e:· At"tll Orienta/ill 68 (2007).
,.
www.drikung.org > Drikung Kagyu Lmeage.
which also makes some texts on the Drigung
School available.
""
The hneage begins in the top-righl comer with
VaJradhara (entirely lost). Tilopa. and Naropa.
jumps 10 Marpa and Milarepa on the opposite
side. and then must continue jus1 after Naropa
"ith Gampopa. The reading of the remaining
1wo figures is uncenain. as both possible readtogs ha' e their merit.s. If the lineage continues
to jump back and fonh. Gampopa would be
folio" ed b} PhagmO!rUpa 10 the side of Marpa
and Drigungpa \\ould be in the top center. In
thts readmg these three tcacbers are of white
c010plexion. while Drigungpa ·s pupil is flesh
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DR!CUNC KACYU SCHOOL
297
colored.lf the teachers are to be read left to
right Phagmotrupa would be in the top center.
followed by Drigungpa who would be singled
out by his complexion and his successor. To
complicate maners. the top-central figure does
have the beard characteristic for Phagmotrupa.
and the person succeeding him bears none of
Lhe eharacterislics of Drigungpa.
""
The fragmentary texts on this painting also do
not help in its interpretation. What is legible
consists of the Forbearance Verse and a dedication of merit formula following it.
0)5
On the market-oriented repainting of this
thangka and a picture of its original appearance see Robert N. Linrothe, Christian Luczanits. and Jeff Wan. "Turning a Blind Eye,"
Orierrrariorrs 35 (2004). The painting is also
published in Jackson. Mirror of/Ire Buddha.
p. 46. 48. fig. 2.14.
...
""
...
.,.
800
The relationship of old and new is well
illustrated by the perfectly clear caption on
the front identifying the depicted, IIlli hrftS
pa. which can be explained only as a rewriting based on the originally legible leuers by
somebody not very familiar with the Tibetan
language . Originally. the caption likely read
mi bla ras fXI , using the unusual spelling also
found on the back of the painting.
discussed in Luczanits, "Siddhas, Hierarchs.
and Lineages." pp. 179-186 and pp. 194-197
(Appendix A).
813
tva iconography at the beginning of a Kagyu
lineage are the stone steles of the Phoenix Art
Museum (Kossak and Singer. Sacred Visions,
p. 34, fig. 17: Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha,
pp. 3()...32. fig. 1.29) and the Lima Lhakhang
in the Potala Palace of Lhasa {Ulrich von
Schroeder. Buddlri.11 Sculptures in Tiber (Hong
Kong: Visual Dharma Publications. 2001).
vol. I. p. 283. pl. 1220; Jackson. Mirror of the
Buddha. 32- 33, fig. 130}).11 is. of course,
tempting to identify both as representing Drigungpa, but a comparison of all the lineage
figures with the examples discussed here does
not suppon that.
'"
Earlier I misidentified the second bodhisattva
as Manjusri.
815
See Luczanits, "The Eight Great Siddhas."
816
The remaining traces of the caption could well
be read as rdo rje sems pa.
81?
...
Advertisement in OrietJitttiorrs 37, no. 8.
Two more such mind disciples are mentioned
in the text. but only the lives ofYangdakdzongwa Gongma and Chundorwa are
described in some detail. For the hagiography
of bla ma Yang dag rdzong ba gong rna see
Rdo rje mdzes ·oo. Bka · brgyud kvi mam rlwr
clre11 mo. p. 505-507.
Previously I had assumed that such compositions date to only the 13th cemury. with the
destruction of Drigung Monastery a possible turning point. and could not prove the
existence of a western Tibetan lineage. This
painting indicates that at least in tJoe western
Himalayas there has been a continuity beyond
that point. The existence of this western
Tibetan lineage was also crucial to make sense
of the lineage on the Koelz painting.
On Wanla see Christian Luczanits, ''The
Wanla bkra shis gsum brtsegs," in Buddhist
Art and Tibe/On Patronage Nintlr 10 Fourteentlr Cenrrrries, ed. Deborah E. KlimburgSalter and Eva Allinger (Lei den: Brill, 2002);
Gerald Kozicz, ''The Wanla Temple;• in
...
'"
Such a double representation with Vajrasatrva
painted white also is found on the Pritzker
hierarch. with Vajrasauva underneath Vajradhara, and the thangka with six early Tibetan
and Indian masters originally in the Jucker
collection and now in the Rubin Museum.
the early date of which is confirmed through
ilS iconography. This painting is extensively
make me less certain in lhis regard.
""
.,.
The captions read bdud rsi 'khyil pa, ra 'grin,
gsfmg bdag. and mi yo ba.
""
As far as can be seen from the published
image, the deity brandishes some object in the
right hand (likely a .,i§vavajrfr?) and holds a
bell at his hip in the left hand.
""'
See e.g. de Mall mann, lnlroductiorr A
.,.
The caption reads bya rog ma.
.,.
Also the rendering of Mahaklila in the McCormick footprintthangka looks rather odd, especially the position of the right hand holding a
sword. Apparently, what was left of this deity
was far from clear to the restorer.
Of the other three deities in the bonom row
of the AI chi <'lrurten depiction. Acal a and
Vajrapao)i can fairly securely be identified.
while the fourth deity after Yarnantaka is
unclear. I earlier assumed that this could not
be Hayagrrva in the absence of the horse head.
pp.219-22.
The spellings in the Rubin Museum drawing
are: 'd:.arp pa lira and rshogs bdag.
"''
Exceptions are the Small ChMen painting in
Alchi, the Pritzker and McCormick footprints.
the Kumar hierarch, and the Wanla Maiijusri.
""
Caption ma gros pa forMa dros pa.
m
The evidence on this story and its depictions
is nicely summarized in Monika Zin. Mirleid
Uttd \Vwrderkrafi. Sc!nvierige Bekelmmgerr
Uttd litre /kotJograplrie lm /ndisclretJ Buddlril'mus (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006), pp.
...
""
54-68.
See Willson and Brauen, Deilies ofTiberarr
Bmldlrism, no. 337, his Tibetan name being
Sog ma med.
See Etienne Lamone, HislOry of lrrdiarr
Buddhism from rlre Origins ro tire Saka
Era (Louvai n-la-Neuve: lnsritut Orientaliste, 1988), p. 692(7671. This episode
has intrigued scholars (see Heinz Becher!,
Uber Die Anavaraplcl- Und Srlrm•iragatha
Und Venvfmdre Texte Arrfgrrmd Von Trrrfiltt·
lrfmdsclrriften (MUnchen: 1956); Mareel
Hofinger, Le Congres Du ux Alra,·aiOpla.
Vies De Saints Bouddlriques. Exrrait Du
Vinoya Des MI7faj'Orvt1Siin7lliu Bhai<¥Jjravasw
(Louvain: lnsl. Oriental isle, 1954)) and is
also preserved in a Gandharr version (Richard
Salomon and Andrew Glass. 7ku Gandlrarr
Marwscripts of rlre Songs of Lake Anavarapw
(atttrvaurpta-gt711rt1): Brilish Ubrary Klurr0${1rT
Frcrgmerrt !tlttd Senior Scro/l/4 (Seattle:
...
Bue and Christian Luczanits (Halle (Saale):
International Institute for Tibetan Studies.
2010), 240-42.
823
L'iconograplrie Du TOntrisme Bouddlrique.
See Willson and Brauen, Deilies ofTiberarr
Buddhism. no. 139.
The full name of the deity is Opal mgon po
bya rog ming can and in lhe iconographic
program of the Densathil stupa he is designated as Ye shes gyi mgon po Bya rog rna Olaf
Czaja. ''The Commemorative Stupas At Densathil a Preliminary Study,'' in Tibetwo Art and
Archirecwre in Context. Pifll.f 2006: Tibetan
Sludies: Proceedings of tire Elevemlr Seminar
of tire lntemational Associatiou fur Tibetan
Studies. Konigswiuter 2006, ed. Erberto F. Lo
On Amrtakuu(lalin see, e.g., Marie-Th~rese de
Mall mann, Introduction A Ciconographie Du
TOutrisme Bouddhique (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1986), pp. 447-450, under the more
generic name Vignantaka: Chandra, Buddhist
/conograplry, no. 249.
""'
In the caption identified as Delusion-vajra I
gTi mug rdo rje.
""
""
disciplinary Difrlogue. Piats 2003: Tibetan
Studies: Proceediugs of the Tenth Semiuar of
tire lmemational Association for Tibetau Swdies. Oxford 2003. Volume /017. ed. Deborah
See also note 761.
The private collection footprint features
Amitayus and the Medicine Buddha flank·
ing the lineage, while tJoe Rubin Milarepa
has them both represented in the right comer.
The McCom1ick footprint has a Medicine
Buddha and a bodhisauva. Vajrasattva or
Avalokitesvara. in the top-right comer. The
Pritzker footprint has a white bodhisauva in
the top-right corner and a siddha to its side
that appears not to belong to the lineage. The
Zurich thangka has the Medicine Buddha to
the right of the lineage and Vajrasanva and
Akt;obhya in the comers of the central panel.
On the Kumar painting only Akt;obhya is addi tionally represented in the upper section, while
the \Vania representation has no such deities.
""'
burg-Salter and Eva Allinger (Lei den: Brill.
2002): Kurt Tropper, ''The Historieallnscription in the Gsum brtsegsTemple at Wanla.
Ladakh," in Text.lmage aud Song in Trans-
811
In the caption the figure is identified as brum
gel/SO·.
This is the case on the private collection and
McCormick footprints. and the Pritzker and
Zurich hierarchs.
Buddhist Art ami Tibewn Palronage Nimh to
Fourteen/It Cerrrrrries. ed. Deborah E. Klim-
Klimburg-Salter. Kurt Tropper. and Christian
Jahoda (Leiden, Boston: Brill, 2007).
Important other examples for the Vajrasat-
but the pinkish color of the deity and the fact
that HayagriVa usually takes this position
IU7
University of Washington Press, 2008).
It appears that what is called the six ornaments
of the throne with the m1go underneath the
central garrrt/a being one of them was established in the course of the 13th and 14th centuries and clearly under Nepalese influence.
On early variants of throne frames and throne
backs see Christian Luczanits, Buddhist Sculpture in Clay: Ear(y l\~stern Himalt1yau An.
Urre /Orlr to Early /3rlr Cenluries (Chicago:
Serindia. 2004), pp. 238-59.
The triple jewel in the center of the throne is
not depicted in the Small Cborten in Alchi. the
Pritzker and McCormick footprintthangkas.
the Rubin Milarepa and the Kumar Drigungpa.
and the Wan Ia Manjusrr panel.
838
839
8./(1
speculative scenario this author anributes the
stupa to the period from sometime after 1265
and before 12n, the end of the reign of the
western Tibetan king Grags pa lde.ln this she
follows the historical scenario for the period
established in Roberto Vitali. Tire Kingdoms
This feature is found in the Pritzker and Zurich
hierarchs and in form of three single jewels on
the Koelz and Rochell hierarchs and the Rubin
Milarepa.
This is the case in the Rubin Museum drawing.
the Pritzker hierarch, the private collection
footprint. and the Zurich hierarch.
Triple jewels appear to decorate a part of the
undergarment of the Pritzker hierarch (best
visible on the left shoulder) and are placed in
the center of rosenes on the Zurich hierarch's
mantel.
... This association has already been recog-
nized by Selig Brown, Eternal Presence, 4 1.
Rama§riis the name Drigungpa is referred
to in the inscription of the Zurich hierarch
(see Heller, "A Tangka Portrait of Drigung
Rinchenpel'').
of Gu.ge Pu Jrrcmg According 10 tire Mnga ·.
ris Rgyal.rabs By Gu.ge Mkluur.clreu Ngag.
dbang Grags.pa (Dharamsala: Tbo.ling gtsug.
lag.khang lo.gcig.stong 'khor.ba'i rjes.dran.
md.zad sgo 'i go.sgrig rshogs.cbung (Library of
...
851
8ll
..2
Previously published in Gilles Beguin, Art
Sacre du Tibet: Collection Alain Bordier
(Paris: Findakly, 2013), pp. 83- 85, no. 27.
w
The clearest comparisons in this regard are the
footprints ofTaklung Tashipel (1142- 1210:
see Singer, ''Early Portrait Painting in TibeL"
pl. 36; Gilles Seguin. Art Esoterique De
L'himfi/aya: La Donation Lionel Foumier
(Paris: Reunion des mus6es nationaux, 1990).
p. 20, pl. 2; Gilles B6guin, Les Peinwres Du
Bouddhisme Tibetai11 (Paris: Reunion des
Mus6es Nationaux. 1995), no. 143 : Kathryn
Selig Brown. ·'Early Tibetan Footprint Thang
Kas. 12- 14th Century," The Tibet Journal
XXVll (2002}, fig. 17; David P. Jackson,
Mirror of the Buddha, fig. 4.2), a Karmapa
footprint drawing (Selig Brown, "Footprint
Thang Kas", pl. 27; David P. Jackson, P111ron
and Painter: Situ Panchen and the Revit:a/
of tire Ena1mpment Style (New York: Rubin
Museum of Art. 2009). fig. 3.2}, and the Pritzker footprint painting.
....
8J5
...
..,
Besides the ones cited in note 102 see also
the footprint of the Third Kannapa Rangjung
Dorje (Jane Casey Singer. "Painting in Central1ibet, Ca. 950-1400,'' Artibus Asiae 54
( 1994), fig. 32; David P. Jackson, Patron and
Painter. fig. 4.6: David P. Jackson. Mirror af
tire Buddha. fig. 3.10}.
Han Shuli, Xb.wg Feng Ma Qi (Beijing: Ren
min mei shu chu ban she, 1995). 295.
Pal, Himalayas. p. 184-85, no. 120.
853
...
...
Which of the two Tibetan teachers this may be
is unclear, as the one ftanked by bodhisanvas
on the east wall opposi te the Buddha does not
have the features of Drigungpa, but the one
on the south wall facing the Buddha does. It
may well be that the latter is Drigungpa. and
...
Alternatively, both may be understood as disciples of the main teacher depicted on the side
wall.
...
See Luczanits, ''On an Unusual Painting
Style in Lada.kh"; the documentation of these
chiirten is also available online on my homepage (wwwJuczanitsJlet}.
See Robert N. Linrotbe and Melissa Kerin,
"Deconsecration and Discovery: The Art of
Karsha's Kadarnpa Chortcn Revealed," Orientatimrs32 (2001), figs. 10, I la-d.
.,
.,.
8S1
...
""
...
...
862
1163
...
The original spelling is: rje ri{u] po dre. rgyal
He is called clros rje rinrm eire, rather than
just rje rin po l:he.
Instead rGyal ba rin po che could refer to
Sangye Rinchen (Sangs rgyas rin chen. 11641224). a pupil of Jigten Gonpo (dig rten mgon
po) who went to Lhanang (I Ha nang) at Mount
Kailash, meditated many years there and
achieved realization, hence he is also called
rGyal ba IHa nang pa (see TBRC P15).
Other candidates for this epithet are Sherab
Chungne (Shes rab <byung gnas. 1187- 1241)
who also was referred to as <Bri gung dBon or
dBon rin po che (see TBRC P131). which is
pronounced in the same way as the title in the
inscription, or lhe fourth <Bri gung gdan rabs
Grags pa <byung gnas ( 117~ 1255, TBRC
P132).
""
ln the meantime I have prepared a detailed
analysis of tl1e iconography of Wan Ia Temple.
but the details for this publication are not yet
settled. l call monuments "encyclopedic" if
Assuming a Drigung background and employ.
their iconographic program was conceived
ing the same range convention as for the
Lhangkas above, these chOrien would fall
with the intention of representing a full
Tibetan pantheon and including the established hierarchies as they are also found in the
classification of the corpus of esoteric texts.
Other such encyclopedic monuments are, for
example, Shalu (still mainly focusing on Yoga
Tantra), the chiirten of Densathil (see C..zaja,
''The Commemorative Stupas At Densatloil,''
Christian Luczanits, "Mandalas of Mandalas:
The Iconography of a Stupa of Many Auspicious Doors for Phag Mo Gru Pa:• in Tibetan
if it is the western Tibetan lineage.
his successor is now the main figure .
As this clrOrterr is raised on pillars and due to
its location within the courtyard of the main
temple. it is extremely difficult to access.
examine. and document. One buddha panel in
this t~horreJJ has now been studied in greater
detail in Bernadene Broeskarnp. "Repercussions of a Great Heritage: Pala-style Features
Preserved in a Mural Painting in Alchi.
Ladakh." (in press). On the basis of a rather
867
Tibetan Works and Archives], 1996).
Incidentally this dating conforms to the one
suggested by Broeskamp, "Repercussions of a
Great Heritage•· and mentioned in note 108.
The names, as far as legible, are given as follows: rOo rje chang. Ti lo. Na ro, Mar pa, Mi
Ia. and sGa[m] bho ba.
ba rin po che. 'on ri1' po clle.
dag rdzong ba gong ma is part of the lineage)
Art of Tibet: a Cawlogue of tire Los Alrge/es County Museum of Art Collection (Los
...
...
into the period between 1221 and 1255. if we
take the Drigung abbots to be represented, or
between 1288 and 1322 (assuming that Yang
LACMA M80 188: see. e.g .. Pratapaditya P.al.
Angeles: Los Angeles County Museum of Art.
1990). pl. 9.
1165
Robert N. Linrothe. ''A Winter in the Field,''
Orientations 38 (2007)
Ibid., fig. 7. 7a.
Art ami Architecture in COil/ext. PlATS 2006:
Tibetan Slrtdies: Proceedings of tire Eleventlr
The identity of the hierarch on the left wall.
identified as Gardampa Chodingpa Sha~')'apel
(<Gar dam pa Chos sdings pa Shakya dpal,
1192-1254; TBRC 1'813) and his surrounding
Seminar of the Imernationa/ AsJ·odotion
for Tibetan Studies, Kiinigsovinter 2006, ed.
Erberto F. Lo Bue and Christian Luczanits
(Halle (Saale): International lnstitute for
Tibetan Studies, 20 I0)), tloe Gyantse monuments including the Kumbum (generally all
painted Kumbum seem to have been perceived
that way), and the Maitreya temple in Lo
Man thang.
scenes remain tentative.
See Linrothe. "A Winter in the Field." pp.
5 1- 53, figs. lOa, b.
Here my interpretation differs considerably
from the mid-14th century date suggested in
Linrothe, ·'A Winter in the Field."
871
I first suggested this designation in Christian
Luczanits, ' 'The Early Buddhist Heritage of
Ladakh Reconsidered." in Llu/aklri Histories.
Loco/ and Regional Perspectives. ed. John
Bray (Leiden: Brill. 2005}, pp. 89-90.
See Tropper, ''The Historical Inscription at
Wanta."
See Tropper, "The Historical Inscription At
Wanta;• v. 3 1f. To suggest yet another possible interpretation ofv. 38f, Bhagdarskyab
may have been appointed ruler of a wider
lower Ladakhi area, including Baltistan and
the Nubra area, by the ruler of Kashmir, which
he subsequently brought and held under his
power by military means.
l would like to thank David Jackson for
pointing out some of the facts mentioned in
the inscription and for sharing his interpreta.
tion of it at an early stage of my writing this
contribution.
Personal communication on the historical
issues of the site. See also pp. 16-17.
.,
This general layout of the temple conforms to
the inscription. which emphasizes the complete pantloeon. later mentions the Kagyu lineage teachers in general (verse-lines 70- 71 ),
and only toward the end the Drigw1g School
specifically (verse-lines 119-120; see Tropper,
''The Historical Inscription at Wanla.''
pp. 111- 112).
On Kanji see Roberto Vitali, "Ladakhi
Temples of the 13th-14th Century: Kan-ji
Lha-khang in Spu-rig and Its Analogies With
Gu-ru Lha-khang,'' Kailaslr 18 (1996), and
Heather Stoddard, "A Preliminary Note on
the 'rin.chen Bzang.po Temples· of Rkan.
bzhi. Ladakh,'' in Tire Pwrdit<l am/ tire Siddlro:
Tibetan Studie> in Honor of E. Gene Smith.
ed. Ramon N. Prats (Dharamshala: Amnye
Machen lnstitute, 2007). In the meantime the
temple has been restored by the Achi Associ ation (see John Harrison, ''The Conservation of
lhe Kanji Tsuglagkhang,~~ in Recenr Research
011 Lodtrklr 2007, ed. John Bray and Nawang
Tsering Shakspo (Leh. Ladakh: J&K Academy
for Art. Culture & Languages - lntemational
Association for Ladakh Studies. 2007): The
PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
2.99
Secrets of 14th Cenfllry Wall Painting in the
WesTem Himuluvas: Struclurttl Damage Sheds
Light Onlo the ?aiming Technique in the
Tsuglag-klumg in Kanji in Lm/aklr Austrian
Academy of Science. in press).
87l
The fragmentary inscription of Wanla, now
studied in detail in Kurt Tropper, "The lnscriplion in the Lo Tsa Ba Lha Khan of Kanji ,
Ladakh.'' \Viener Zeitschrift fllr die Kunde
Si/dasiens (in press). does not provide any further decisive clue . The mentioning of a Wanla
2003: Tibeum Swdies: Proceedings of the
Tenth Seminar of the llllemazional Associmion
for 7iberan Swdies. Oxford. 2003. edited by
...
...
chos 'klwr in the inscription is consistent with
the stylistic similarity of the temples at these
rwo sites.
"'"
.,,
876
tm
""'
.,.
Among the other themes, there are a few
deities that can be considered indicators of a
close relationship berween \Vania and Kanji ,
in particular the rare representation of a sapph ire blue Sarasvatr with sword and book.
On this temple see Romi Khosla, Buddhist
Monasteries i11 the \Vesrem Him/aya (Kat·
mandu: Ratna Pusrak Bhandar, I979), pl. 53;
Charles Genoud and Takao Inoue. Buddhist
Wa/1-pailllings of Ladakh (Gencve: Olizane,
1982). figs. ·Lamayuru· 1-<i.
See also Linrothe. <;Conservation Projects in
Ladakh,'' pp. 93- 95. In this case this teacher
representalion is not pan of a lineage. but is
found in the passage 10 the Protector's Chapel
of the temple featuring Acala. On the opposite
passage wall. featuring Vajrapaui an Indian
monk (possibly also Milarepa in red dress?) is
ftanked by a Marpa-Jike figure and a Tibetan
monk. Regardless of how they are read, they
likely represent predecessors of the pair on the
opposite side.
Gilles Seguin and Lionel Foumier, "Un
Sanctuaire Mcconnu De La Region D 'alchi,''
Orie11WI Art 32 ( 1986). figs. 3- 9.
Here one would have to add the churte11 of
Nyoma, documenration of which has kindly
been provided to me by Quentin Devers and
Nils Martin, who also plan to publish the
decoration of this perfectly preserved Drigung
monument in detail.
a&;
..,
...
..,
...
...
See Snellgrove and Skorupski, Cultural Heri·
rage of Ladakh I , pp. 64-70, 79, col. pl. xvii ,
figs. 55-64; Khosla. Buddhisl Monasteries in
the Wesrem Him/aya, pl.41; Pratapaditya Pal
and Lionel Fournier. eds. A Buddhist Para·
NOTES
"Un Sanctuaire M6connu De La Region
D'alchi." fig. 22.
S9.l
....
..,
""
..,
""'
...
Comparing the depiction with a number of
lists enumerating the 84 mahasiddhas generously provided by Jeff Wan and Rob Linrothe
for their work on "Holy Madness'' (Linrorhe.
Holy Mad11ess). ittums out that none of them
conforms to the Drigung version. although
some of them are fairly close.
This painting has been published in Giuseppe
Tucci , 7ibetull Painted Scrolls (Roma: La
Libreria dello Srato. 1949), no. 8, pl. 5, pp.
333-4; Giuseppe Tucci . Transhimalaya (London: Banie & Jenkins. I973), fig. 209: Marisa
Laurenzi Tabasso. Massimiliano A. Polichetti,
and Claudio Seccaroni. eds. Dipinti 7ibetoni
The caption actually says mt tro fXI.
In VajrliSana's Jist the name is given as Mar
me Jha. a name not reflected in the iconogra.
phy of the siddha.
This appears to be a variant for Oengipa.
The weaver is known as Thagapa.ln
VajrliSana's Jist Sarakapa occupies this
position.
In Wanla these rwo siddhas are reversed.
902
In MNAO 880 he is crowned and holds an
elephan! goad besides the skull cup (kllp<1/o).
""
ln Wanla he is a pan<,lita with vajra and skull
cup. Crown-like headdresses for Padmasarnbhava appear to be particular! y popular in Musmug. where I was able to document several
,..
9Q;
.,.
examples in spring 2013.
Here the parallel to MNAO 880 breaks up, as
the siddha with Hayagn\•a is represented at the
end of the row and rhus at least four siddhas
later.
The siddha following IY.uikapa in \Vania,
about to behead a corpse with a sword. is not
found in Shangrong and may be one of the lost
siddhas. It certainly was in a diJTerenr posilion, and on MNAO 880 this is the siddha in
the bonom·right comer.
The fragmentary caption here reads: ka pa ka
'd:es pa ? grub rhob gvo cu :.h(u)gs (so) ? iil)l
kra sh(i)s pur ·gyur cig. declaring the eighty,
and no! eighty-four. mahasiddhas completed.
""
ed. Marisa Laurenz.i Tabasso, Massimiliano
A. Policheui, and Claudio Seccaroni (Roma:
Oriental is, 201 1), figs. 1-4; Roberto Bellucci
eL al .. ""The Underdrawing." in Visibilia h1visi·
This is important evidence that the dark·
skinned siddha with a ftute was eventually
identified with Phadampa Sangye. This may
well indicate that the earlier depictions of
this siddha at Ale hi and related sites may also
represent this siddha. as has been suggested
in Linrothe. Holy Mlld11ess. pp. 364-366,
Linrothe, "Strengthening the Roots." and
Linrothe. '·Conservation Projects in Ladakh."
pp. 97- 99. On the variations in depictions of
Phadarnpa Sangye see, for example, Linrothe.
Holy Madness, pp. 362- 366, and Dan Martin,
'·Padampa Sangye: a History of Represen!a·
tion of a South Indian Siddha in Tibet," in
Holy Madness . Porlroits of Ttuaric Siddltas,
bilium. Non·invt1sive Analyses 011 Tibetan
Poillfi11gs From the Tucci Expedilions, ed.
The inscription reads slum rsa dhe ba.
Likely this is an abbreviation for
Candragomin.
ln Wanla these two siddhas appear to be oonftated in the figure sitting against a basket and
holding a bell. Of the following rwo siddha at
Shangrong only one is represented in Wanla,
he holds a vajra in front of the chest and cannot be securely identified with any of the two.
biliu /nvisibilium. Non·im'asive Analyses 011
7ibetun PoinfiiiJIS Fromlhe Tucci EtpediliOIIS,
...
His caption at Shangrong is ma ·ra ba .
901
201 I) pl. I; and in the same book Maggiorino
Eclisse, Pietro Moioli, and Claudio Seccaroni.
·'The Radiographic Investigations." in Visi·
Marisa Laurenzi Tabasso, MassimilianoA .
Polichetti. and Claudio Seccaroni (Roma: Orientalis, 201 1). figs. J-3.
The closest name is Paraheta.
ln Shangrong, where he is largely losL and
Wanla he is shown as crouching siddha.
on MNAO 880 he is a monk with the same
attributes.
Exciting new work on theTsatsapuri Temples
and related monuments is currently under·
taken by Nils Martin, a first product being his
theses on "Les peinrures murales du Tsarsapuri
dgon pa ~ AJchi ."
As is well known, the acmal number of
mahasiddhas in this expanded group ranges
beLween eighty and eighty-five. while Lhe
canortical group of eighry. four is based on the
hagiographies assembled by Abhayadan3Srr.
The inscription gives blw dlta svi ri. likely
standing for Buddhasiddhi.
""
ium. Non·im•tiSive A11alvses on Tibettm Pailll·
ings From the Tucci Expeditions Orientalis,
On this temple complex see Andre Alexander,
"Aichi Tsatsapuri: Notes on the History of
an Early But Liule-known Monument." (in
press); Nils Martin, '·Les peintures murales
du Tsarsapuri dgon pa ~ AJchi (jammu-ct·
cachemire, lnde).,'' diss., Ecole Pratique des
Hautes I:tudes, 20 I2); Andre Alexander. A/chi
Tsatsopuri. Prelimi1Wry Report (Leh, Beijing,
Berlin: 1iber Heritage Fund International,
2006).
JOO
Earlier publications of !he cave include David
L. Snellgrove and Tadeusz Skorupski, The
2008), p.l9. fig. I (and subsequent articles
paralleling the following publication): Marisa
Laurenzi Tabasso. Massimiliano A. Policheni,
and Claudio Seccaroni. eds. Vrsibilill Jm,isibil·
This relative chronology certainly needs 10 be
verified using additional criteria and themes.
twd the \Ve.stern Himalayas. Essays on His·
wry, Literalllre. Archaeology tllld Art. PlATS
Erberto F. Lo Bue. ''The Gu ru Jha khang
at Phyi dbang.., attributes the temple to the
mid-15th century. Earlier publications on the
temple include Genoud and Inoue. Buddhist
\Vall-paintings of Ladakh, figs. ·Guru Lha
khang': and B~guin and Fournier, "Un Sane..
tuaire Meconnu De La Region D' alchi ." figs.
19- 21 , who suggested a 16th century date for
the temple.
..,
Dulle Spedi:ioni DiGiuseppe Tucci • Mate·
ritdi £ Tecniche Alia Luce Delle lndagini
Non Invasive (Rome: De Luca Editori d' Arte.
p. 62, figs. LS J- 37; and Seguin and Foumier,
"Un Sancruaire Meconnu De La Region
D'alchi ... figs.J0-14.
See Erberto F. Lo Bue. ''The G u ru Jha khang
at Phyi dbang: a Mid· I5th Century Temple in
Central Tibet." In Discoveries i11 Westem 7ibet
Linrothe, "Conservation Projects in Ladakh''.
p. 91- 93. figs. I, Ia.
Culwral Heritage of Ladakh, 2. Ztmgskor and
the C(ll•e Temples of Ladakh (Wanninster:
Aris & Phillips, 1980), col. pl. iv, figs. 69-73;
Genoud and Inoue, Buddhist \Va/1-p<lilltings
of ulllt1kl1, ·saspol '; and 86guin and Fournier.
dise: The Murals afAkhi • IVestem Himala·
yas (Hong Kong: Visual Dharma Publ .. I982).
...
...
Amy Heller. and Giacomella Orofino. 17.>-%.
Leiden. Boston: Brill. 2007.
...
ed. Rob Linrothe (New York: Rubin Museum
of Art, 2006).
""
The siddhas are not evenly distributed across
the four walls, which hold 19, 20, 23, and 16
respectively.
909
A similar arrangement may be the case at the
Senge Lhakhang in Lamayuru.
910
This can be concluded not only from the
Alchi depictions. in which Phadampa is added
to provide this link. but also from the much
later representation in the Lhasa Lukhang, in
which Padmasambhava and his twenty-five
disciples are linked to the eighty-four siddhas
(see Christian Luczanirs, "Locating G reat
Perfection: the Murals of the Lhasa Lukhang,"
Orient{l(iOIIS 42 (20 I I)).
•u
.,.
.,,
.,
This group is even less clear than other representations, but it is certain that Luyipa is
shown in the second position and Kalaka rid-
ing an elepham ends the group.
912
Aryadeva and Nagarjuna begin the set in the
top left and Kalaka ends it at the bouom righL
To the sides of Vajradhara the siddhas are 10
be read from to p down, with the siddhas on
the left side first.
.,.
.,
.,.
.,
.,.
.,.
.,_;
.,.
in a composition featuring scenes of his previ ..
On the translations of the respective verse see
Tanaka, "The Mailju~nmnlakalpa and the Origins of Thangka" and Lalou, /conographie ties
etoifes peiutes, pp. 40-4 1.
m
Singer. ·'EarlyThankas: Eleventh-thirteenth
Centuries". p. 185. 186.
.,.
.l5
.,.
.,
.,.
....
without a picture.
.,.
.,.
.,.
representation. as Kalaka on the elephant ends
the g roup. To me it is thus more likely that he
is one of the o ther six pupils of Phagmotrupa
who founded their own school.
See. e.g., Kossak, Painted Images of Eulight·
emnent, figs. 49. 50.
See. e.g .. Kossak and Singer, Sacred Wsions,
no. 18. 26: Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha,
figs. 42, 4 .7 . 4.11. 4.14, 5.10
See. e .g .. Kossak and Singer. Sacred Vrsions,
chronological indicators.
Goepper and Poncar, A/chi, p. I 02- 109; Robert N. Linrothe, "Group Portrait: Mahasiddhas
in the Alchi Sumtsek," in Embodying Wisdom.
Art, Text and Jmerpretation in the History
of Esoteric Buddhism, ed . Ro b Linrothe and
Henrik H. ~rensen (Copenhagen: The Semi ·
nar for Buddhist Studies. 200 I).
Also in the cave of Par the dark, crouching
siddha represemed there o n the entry wall
is identified as Phadamapa (for pictures see
hup ://www.hi mal ayanart .org/search/ set .
cfm?setid= 1698).
Phadampa's texts on the siddhas are summarized in Schaeffer. ''Crystal Orbs and Arcane
Treasuries: Anthologies of Buddhist Tantric
Songs From the Tradition of Dampa Sangye.''
Dharma protecto rs are also sometimes called
bsttm mmg (guardian of the teachings) and
dam can (one bound by oath), and further
fully enlightened ·guardians who have passed
beyond SOifJSt7ra' ('jig rteu/as 'das pa'i snmg
ma) and the 'guardians who have not yet
passed beyond StlJflStlra' ( 'jig rteu pa 'i smug
ma I 'jig rltw mil 'das pa 'i smug mo) (Ren6 de
Nebesky-Wojkowil2, Oracles aut! Demons of
1ibet (New York: Gordon Press. 1976), 3- 5;
and Rob Linrothe and Jeff War~ Demonic
Divine: Himt1layan Art and Beyond (New
York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2004). 15-1 9).
hierarchs have some resonance wi th Drigung
See Ems! Steinkellner and Christian Lucza•
nits. ''A New Translation of the Renovation
Inscription in the Tabo Main Temple (gtsuglag-khang).'' in Tabo - A u1mp for the King·
dom. Earl\• lndo-tibeum Buddhist Art in 1he
\lh 1ern Himalaya. ed. Deborah E. Klimburg·
Sal ter (Milan - New York: Skira - Thames
and Hudson, 1997). p. 258, o r Emst Steinkellner and Christian Luczanirs, "The Renovation
Inscription of the Tabo Grsug lag khan. New
Edition and Translation,'· in JnscriptioJu'from
the Tabo Main Temple. Texis (md Transltllions,
ed. Luciano Petech and Christian Luczanirs
(Ro me: IslAO. 1999), p. 22.
ln my assessment. the lineages acoompanying specific iconographic themes part of the
larger composition are probably not reliable as
there is a common two. pronged division of
The teachers and mahasiddhas around the
.,.,
Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions. no. 15.
CHAPTER 12
depicted with a receding hairline. Drigw1gpa,
in contrast. is never shown with a beard.
The 1992 Wisdom Publication thangka calendar; referenced in HAR no. 77084 but sadly
Another lhangka with the seven Tara at the
bouom is in another pri vate collection and
differs from the Pritzker example mostly in
irs condition. I tha.n k the owners for making a
picture of this painting available to me.
Jackson, Mirror of !he Buddha, p. 160, fig
5.26. Here another painting needs to be mentioned that represents a pupil of Phagmotrupa
within a large assembly, as both Rob Linrothe
and Ni ls Martin have referred me to this paint·
ing as possible representation of Drigunpa (see
Rhie and Thurman. Weisheit Und Liebe. 1000
Jt1ltre Kunst Des 1ibeiisdten Buddhismus, pp .
438- 39. no. 191 : HAR no. 89757). It shows
two main hierarchs. o ne above each other, the
upper one being Phagmotrupa. who is shown
See, e.g., Jackson. Mirror of the Buddha, figs.
4.15.
m
Von Schroeder. Buddhist Sculptures in 1ibet,
pp. i036-37. no.258B.
ous and last li ves found otherwise in Taklung
School paintings of this subject (see Jackson,
Mirror of/he Butldlw. figs. 5.2, 5.4 10 5.9).
Below him sirs a large hierarch in a thatched
hut. To me the identity of this hierarch is
uncertain. lt can't be Taklungpa, as he is never
It is most prono unced on a painting in the collection of Barbara and Waller Frey (see HAR
no. 69100) .
This thangka has previously been publi shed
in the German language catalogue of Wisdom and Compassion (Marylin M. Rhie and
RobertA. F. Thurman. Weisheitwul Liebe.
1000 Jt1hre Kun.n des Iibetischm Buddhismus (Koln: Kuns t· und Ausstellungshalle der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1996). no. 23 1
(148a)).
.]1
Von Schroeder, Buddlrisl Sculptures in 1ibet .
pp. 382-83, no. 222D; Jackson, Mirror of the
Buddha. p. 3 2, fig. 1.30. Due 10 the repainting
of the head the identification of this stele is
much more uncertain.
For the d escri ption see Taruvagraharam
Ga 0apati Sastrr, Aryama11jufrimt7/akalpa h
(Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications, 1989);
Parashuram Lakshman Vaidya, ed. Malu7yt7na·
Sl71ra·Saritgralw, Part2: MaiijufrTmi7ltlkalpa
(Darbhanga: Mithila lns l. of Post-graduate
Studies and Research in Sanskrit Learning,
1964), pp. 43-47 and the French translation
in Marcelle Lalou. /conographie des etoifes
r>eintes (paUl) dans le M(JJ1jusrimt7/akalpa
(Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner,
1930). pp. 30-41.
Kimiaki Tanaka, "The Mailju~rrmulakalpa
and the O rigins ofThangka.'' PlATS 2010:
Proceedings of !he Twelfth Seminar of Ihe
International Association for Tibetan Studies,
VtmCOill'er. 2010. The Arts ofTibelan Painting.
Recent Research on Manuscripts, Murals and
Thangkas of Tibet, the Himalayas and Mongolia ( lith -19th century) (20 12}: accessed
September 9, 2012. hnp://www.asianart.com/
articles/tanaka/index . I owe the reference to
this article. which I had previously downloaded but not yet read, to David Jackson.
Of course. the hairline alone cannot be used
to idemify all figures with this feature as Dri gungpa, Shangton Chllkyi Lama (I 123- 1194)
for example has the same hairline but distinctive physical features (Steven M. Kossak.
Painledlmages of Enlightenmenl: Early
Tibetan 77rankas . 1050-1450 (Mumbai: Marg,
2010), figs. 49, 50) .
17: Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha. p. 3 1, fig.
1.29.
.,....
no. 19; Jackson, Mirror of the Buddha, fig.
4 .18.
This theme certainly deserves a separate study
taking all known examples into account.
.ll Kossak and Singer, Sacred Visions, p. 34. fig.
•u Luczanits, "A First G lance At Early Dri·
gungpa Painting.'"p. 482. In this passage I fur.
!her noted that Amy Heller's identification of
such Buddhas as representing Vairocana (Amy
Heller. 1ibettm Art. Tracing the Deve/opmelll
of Spiritual/deals and Art in Tibel ~2000
t1 .d. ( Milano: Jaca Book, 1999), p. 58) needs
to be supported by an explanation of the entire
compositio n the teaching Buddha is set in.
Khenpo Rinpoehe Ki:inchog Gyaltsen, Prayer
Flags: The Ufe tllld Spiritttfll Teachings of
Jigten Sumgon (Ithaca: Snow Lion, 1986), pp.
33- 34,66-67. Both the story and the supplication prayer are also available online (search
' 'Drikung Seven Taras").
""'
Achi appears in the body and fooUJotes of a
number of works, although sometimes with
the spelling "Apchi."Rarely is the Tibetan
spelling of her name included in these
aforementioned texts. so that is probably a
variation in the pronunciation of her name
among Tibetan speakers. It undoubtedly
refers to the same deity, however, as the rest
of !he information conforms 10 her general
description. Some of the more significant
references in which she is mentioned but
not elaborated on are: Keith Dowman, The
Power-Piat·es of Centm/1ibet: The Pilgrim's
Guide (London and New York: Roulledge
and Kegan Paul. 1988), I 08- 119; Matthew T.
Kapstein. The Tibetans (Maldon: Blackwell
Publishing. 2006) . 46- 7: PerK. S~rensen
and Guntram Hazod, Rulers of 1he Ce/eslial
Plain: Ecdesiastic and Secular Hegemony in
Medie•'a/1ibet: A Study in Tsfwl Gung-Titaug
(Austria: Osterreichishche Akademie der Wissenchaften, 2007), 75; and Guiseppe Tucci,
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
301
Publications. 1999). 630.
not seen images, but descriptions of each are
within this ritual text (Howard, The Unelabo-
Drigung Kl:lnchok Gyatso, 'Bri gung <1 phyi
rated. &uy 10 Implement Satlluma of the
Sole Mother Chokyi Drolma. Liuly of Nwuun.
TibeUJn Painted Scrolls, Vol. I (Thailand: SOl
...
dws kyi sgrol ma 'i ruom thor mdor bsdus
(Abridged Ufe Story of Drigung Achi CIIOkyi
Dnllma) (Lhasa: Tibet's People Publishing
...
House. 2004).
..2
Amgtin Rinpoche, "A phyi chos kyi sgron rna
chibs zhon gyi sgrub thabs (Sadhana of the
Horse-Riding Achi Chtikyi Drolma)," in 'Bri
guug bktt' brgyutl dros mt/~1 chen mo (Great
Drigung Kagyii Treasury of the Doctrine), Vol.
...,
43 (Lhasa: 2004).
Lozang Demcho Gyatso, '·A phyi'i sgub thabs
mdor bsdus (Abridged Satlltaua of Achi}'' in
Bslan bsnmg a pity;·; sgrub thabs be'u bum:
Collected texts coucemed witlt the rites of
propitimion of the specitlf protective deity of
the 'Bri gung Dkar brgyud pa tradition A phoJ•i
Cltos kyi sgrolnw (New Delhi: Tsering Dorma
Gelek. 1975).
""
Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. A pltyi'i glang
clwg b:ang ngan brtag pa (Achi:• Elepltaut
Lilllrgy Divination) (Tara Foundation of
.,.
Germany, 20 10); Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans.
A phyi 'i gsaug sgrub (Secret Achi Satl/uma)
(Tara Foundation of Germany. 20 I0); Tashi
T. Jamyangling, trans. A phyi'i 'klmmg rabs
(Ufe Story of Dharma Protector, Aclti Cltokyi
Dulma) (Tara Foundation of Germany. 20 I0);
Tashi T. Jamyangling. trans. A phyi'i sgrub
skor bstod pa ·;rim pa (Praise fromtlte Cycle
ofA cili Liturgy) (Tara Foundation of Germany,
2010); Tashi T. Jamyangling, trans. Bswn
srung a phyi chos kyi sgrolma 'i bJ'klmg ba
nor bu'i pltreug ba (Achi Cltukyi Do/nul
JeweL Garland of Atoumeut) (Tara Foundation
s
of Germany, 20 10): Tashi T. Jamyangling.
trans. Bsum srung ll phyi chos kyi sgrolma'i
sgrub tltabs 'jig rten mgou pos md~J.ld pa
(Acili Cltukyi Dolma Satlluuw Composed by
Kyobpa Jigteu Sumguu) (Tara Foundation of
...
..,
...
9;1
Germany, 20 I0).
Using quotes from various texlS as evidence,
Konchok Gyatso devotes an entire section of
his short pamphlet to proving Achi's nature as
a fully enlightened deity (Drigung Konchok
Gyatso. ·Bri guug a pltyi chos kyi sgro/ma'i
rnam tlwr mtlor bsdus (Abridged Ufe story of
Drigwrg Aclri ChOkyi DriJ/ma), 26-32) .
David Jackson categorizes depictions of
women in Tibetan tlwngktrs as Indian Jaywomen. Indian female lay meditators. Tibetan
laywomen. and Tibetan yoginrs. and demonstrates the distinct differences in their style
of dress. Tibetan laywomen stand out in this
category as fully dressed, in long robes and
sleeves, whereas the other three are typically
depicted in very lillie clothing. usually in
only tllrotiv, layers of jewelry, and translucent
fabrics. It is clear in this dynamic thatAchi
is portrayed as a Tibetan laywoman (David
P. Jackson, Mirror oft!te Buddha: Ellrly Portrllitsfrom Tibet (Rubin Museum of Art: New
York, 20 II), 58-65).
As with most Buddhist deities, there are other,
Jess-depicted, forms of Achi as well, such as a
completely wrathful form and a sensual t/t7kinT
form. butl have so far only encountered
descriptions of these forms in Megan Howard's translation of an Achi sadltaull. I have
J02
NOTES
Penden Lhamo. the 'Glorious Goddess', holds
protective dominion over the Dalai Lama
lineage, the whole of the Geluk Sect and its
monasteries, and the Tibetan capital city of
Lhasa. She is heavi ly armed and ready to do
battle. not only with her vajra-tipped club. but
with an arsenal of magical de\1 ices 10 protect
her charges from supernatural anack that are
standard accouLrements of an indigenous mt1
mo demoness. but like the wisdom cjakinrs
Blo b:cmg dam dros rgya mts/10 gsung 'bum
(Tite Collected Works of La:cmg Dame/to
Gyatso) (New Delhi: North Sopa. 1975).
....
12- 20, 23- 26).
9:52
she bears a vertical third-eye on her forehead,
denoting her awakened status (Amy Heller.
·'The Great Protector Deities of the Dalai
Lamas.·· in Lhasa in the Seventeenth Cenrury:
The Capital of the Dalai Lamas, Fran9oise
Pommaret, ed. (Leiden: Brill , 2003}, 81 - 98;
Nebesky-Wojkowil2, Oracles and Demons
ofTibet. 24-25; and Miranda Shaw, ·'PaJden
Lhamo: Supreme Guardian Goddess of the
Dalia Lamas," in As Long as Space Endures:
Essays on the Ki!lacakra Tantra in Honor of
H.H. the Dalai Lama (Ithaca: Snow Lion
Publications. 2009). 154-156).
Beer describes the five garments as each relating to one of the Five Great Buddha Families,
the patrons of which are Vairocana, Aksobhya,
Amitabha, Ratnasambhava, andAmoghasiddhi. According to him, the five kinds of the
silken garments can also refer to five specific
garments traditionally wom by peaceful buddha-deities as part of the thirteen ornaments of
sambhogakliya buddhas: "an upper white silk
bodice embroidered with gold, a multi-colored
silk tlltoti or loincloth, a yellow scarf wom as
a sash, a multi-colored ribbon under the tiara,
and a long blue or green scarf draped over the
shoulders" (Robert Beer, The Encyclopedia of
Tibellm Symbols and Motifs (Boston: Shambhala Publications, Inc .. 1999). 202. 318).
For more on early Saiva mo••ements and
the Kapalikas in particular, see: Davidson,
/utlilm Esoteric Buddhism. 177- 179; David
Lorenzen. The Kt7pt11ikas anti Ko/amukltlls:
11vo Last Saivite Sects (New Delhi: Thomson
Press. 1972): David Lorenzen. ·'A Parody of
the Kapalikas in the Matlltvilast• :· in Tantra
in Praclice (Princeton: Princeron University,
2000). 81- 96: and Geoffrey Samuel, The
cup of grain. the oracle consults the item and
falls into a trance from which she can answer
not on Iy questions in moments of crisis. but
ones concerning lhe whole range of human
experience - health, kinship, weather. work,
politics. and so forth. While both men and
women can function as mediums, Hildegard
Diemberger's research reveals that where men
are usually the chosen diviners on the level of
institutional religion, female oracles predominate the lay and local scene of village life.
Achi 's possession of a mirror may signal that
her persona laps into this rich indigenous tra·
dition of female-oriented ritual power (Hildegard Diemberger, "Female Oracles in Modem
Tibet," in \Vomen in Tibet, Janet Gyatso and
Hanna Havnevik ed. (New York: Columbia
University Press. 2007) . For more information
on Tibetan oracles and divination practices.
see: Ter Ellingson, ·'Arrow and Mirror: Interactive Consciousness. Ethnography, and the
Tibetan State Oracle's Trance," Alllltropology
and Humanism 23 (June 1998): 51- 76: and
Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles anti Demons of
Tibet, 409-466).
•ss Beer describes these marks as follows: ''The
·pearl' of the horse's eye is the chief of these
thirty-two signs. The eye should be round with
a pure white colour. the pupil bean-shaped and
of a deep colour, the iris should have a hue
of five colours. The mane should consist of
ten thousand soft hairs, and the upraised tail
should flow like a comet. The ears should be
shaped like a willow leaf, the tongue slender,
pink, and clean like a rwo edged sword, the
gums a light colour, and the incisor and molar
teeth spaced firmly apart. The neck. forehead,
breast, bones, skull, sinews, legs. knees, and
fetlocks all bear similar signs of distinction .
A particular mystique is also accorded to the
colour marks of the forehead, hoofs, and body
of a perfect thoroughbred steed, which though
possibly high strung is never disturbed by
sudden sounds or startling sights'' (Beer, The
Encyclopedia ofTibeum Symbols ltutf Motifs.
.,.
Universiry Press, 2008), 242- 246.
Larger \'ersions of the tantric t/auwru, which
can be seen in the possession of various
wrathful and semiwrathful deities. are ideally
Individual oracles and cults of spirit possession have had profound religious and political
influence throughout Tibet's history, and the
mirror is their most important instrumenl.
After setting one or three ritual mirrors in a
As to footwear, standing Achi is depicted with
either sandals or bare feet, whereas mounted
Achi wears the heavy boots typical of worldly
Dharma protectors. Rob Linrothe cites footwear to be an important detail distinguishing
between worldly and fully enlightened protector deities in their iconographies. Worldly
dharma protectors are prone to wear boots.
which is a reftection on their war-like nature
and ability to take an active role in the li ves
of their followers. In contrast, images of
fully enlightened buddhas. both peaceful and
wrathful. as well as beatific bodhisanvas, are
usually shown without any such footwear
(Rob Linrothe and Jeff Wau, Demuuic Di••ine:
Himalaylm Art aut/ Beyond (New York: Rubin
Museum of Art. 2004), J 9).
Origins of Yoga lltul Ttmtra: ludic Religions 10
tfte Thirteenth Century (New York: Cambridge
...
...
fashioned from the joined skulls of each a
sixteen-year-old boy and sixteen-year-old girl.
lhereby linking it with its origins in the char·
nel ground and cemetery imagery. The drum is
most commonly associated with Tibetan chtl
(gcod) practice, which is credited to a famous
female yoginT Machik L1pdron (Ma gcig lab
sgron, 1055-1152) from within the Kagyu.
(Beer, The Encyclopedia ofTibewn Symbols
and Motifv, 258). For more on chu practice
and the t/amaru. see: Rinjing Dorje and Ter
Ellingson, '·Explanation of the Secret Gcod Oa
rna ru: An ExplorJtion of Musical Instrument
Symbolism," Asian Music 1012, Tibet Issue
( 1979): 63- 91; Edou, Machig Labdron aut/the
Foundations ofC!totl: and Janet Gyatso.'The
Development of the Gcot/Tradition,'' in
Soundings in Tibetan Civi/i;y.ltiou, edited by
Barbara Nimri Aziz and Manhew T. Kapstein
(New Delhi: Manohar, 1985). 320-341.
...
60-62).
For more information on these two Drigung
KagyU paintings, see David Jackson ·s descriptions of Figs. 7.8 and 7.18 respectively. pp.
127-8 and pp. 135. 138.
Of the ancient dynastic clans of Tibet, the
Nanam is one of the oldest, representing one
of the four heir-producing families of the
imperial age. A number of its members are
recorded as mnmtammg high political posi tions throughout that em. These include the
ro)al mother ofTnsong Detsen (K/~ri >rang
/d~ bt.>1111. r. 75.5-80-t). Mangmoje Shneng
(Mu11g mo rjl! b:hi stetrg). as "ell se1eml mmisters (:hwrg blon). The founder of the Tselpa
Kag)U (nlur/ pa bka' brgyruf) sect. Lama
Zhang (Zhan~ >fill 110111 hrLWII ·grrLS grogs pa.
1123-1193). "as also born to the Nanam clan.
A marn settlement of the clan.,... in lo,.er
Tolung (Sitx/ lung) (Ronald Davidson, Tibetan
R~rwis>allu: Twrtrir Buddhism i11 tlrl' Rl'hirlh
ofTibeltm Cullllrt! (New York, Columbia Uni-
of the tradition as it developed. His birth and
death drues.likeAchi's. are unknown.
,., Jigten SumgOn himself is said to have come
from the Kyura famil)• line. origonall) the
Drulgyel Kyura ('Gru/ rgyal ~·u ra) dan.
which claims descent from the omperial Krng
Ralpachen (Rat pa ('an or Khri gt;ug ld~
bruan. c. 806-&38). Tlus d) nasuc dan was
prominent in the Denma distnct of Kham.
"hich is considered to be tl>e hiernrch 's birthplace. and Sorensen and Ha2.0d lrst the K) ura
as one of the major dans oflibet. along
with the 'Khan. {/Ha-gZigsj Rlwrgs. mCar.
gN)·ags. Khyrmg .ICe. Tlran[-mi/. Myaug.
sPyil. Sl111g-pl111. rN_ri-bo. rNgag.IDong. and
dG[r/er dans (Luciano Peteeh. 'The · Bn-
•ersity Press. 2005). 329: Drigung Konchok
G) alSO. 'Bri gmrg a plryi dws kyi >grolma'i
mum tlutr mdor b;dus. II: Sakyapa Sonam
Gyellsen. 11re Clear Mirmr:A Traditi011al
A<"<'OIIIII of Tibet s Colde11 Age, translated by
gung-pa Sect in Wesrem Tibet and Ladakh" in
Proceedings of tire Csomo de KuriJ; Mm10riul
Sympa>ium. Held a/ Matrajl/red. Hungary.
1976, edited by Louis Ligeti . Budapest:
McComas Taylor and U!ma Choedak Yuthok
(New York: Snow Lion Publications, 1996),
227.$1:Mntthew T. Kapstein. 17re Tibetan
A.r.•imilatiuu nf8udrllri.\Jir: Com-ersiou, Conte.lll/tioll. ami Meuwry (New York: Oxford
Akademiai Kiado ( 1978): 313: S0renscn and
Hazod Rulers of/Ire Celestial Pluin. 414.
7 17- 722).
962
University Press. 2000). 29-30; Alex McKay,
cd .. Tire Hi;tory of Tibet Volume I: Tire Ear(\'
sgrolma'i mamtlrar mdor bsdus (Abridged
Ufes/ory of Drigrmg Aclri C/riJ~yi Drij/ma).
Period: ttJ c. AD 850, Tire Ytrrlrmg Dynasty
(New York: Routelcdge C urwn, 2003), 56:
Soren>en and Ha2.0d. Rulers"" tire Celestial
Plai11. 75: nnd Hel ga Uebach. "ladies of the
Tibetan Empire (7"'-9'" Centuries CE).'' in
1Vome11 i11 Tibel (New York: Columbia University Press. 2005). 38-39).
"" The mttoducuon of Buddhism into Tibet is
trad1tionall) taught to ha1 c occurred in t"-O
marn phases: the Firsr Propagation (>n.~a dar).
"'hrch occurred during the imperial age of the
Buddhost K1ngs (c. 650-850). and the ~cond
Propagauon (plryi dar). also called the Age
of the Ne" Translatrons (c. 1000 on\\ard).
These penods "ere separated b) a tumultuous
period of unccnam act11 It} referred to as the
Darl.. Age (c. 850-1000). "'h1ch began with
the death of the last member of the imperial
line and the oollapse of the Tibetan empire.
Accordong to G}atso's hagiography. there is
some debate as to \\hen Achi lil•ed- some
say dunng tl1e First Propagatron, "hile others
suggest sometime afterwards. right before the
renth century (Drrgung Kllnchok Gyatso. 'Bri
gu11g a pltyi dtOl' kyi xgroluw 'i rnam thar
mdar h.1tlru IAllridged Ufestory of Drigrmg
Aclri ClrOk\oi Drliluur). 14--15). For more information on ·the periodization of Tibetan history.
see: Bryan C uevas. "Some ReHections on
the Periodi:wtion ofTibetnn History,'' Revue
<I' Etudes Tibewiues. 10 (April 2006): 44-45.
..., This corresponds to the stories of o ther religious figures. who renounce their lives after
traumatic experiences like illnesses and deaths
of family members. While not described in
detai I. Achi ·s relationship "'ith her father
appears rather poor in her hagiography due
to his want for a son. and he died from small
pox early rn her life. While Drigung Konchok
Gyatso's hagrography does not specify how
Ach1's mother d1ed. rt could perhaps have
functioned as the impetus for her final decision to lea• e (Dngung Konchok Gyatso. ·Bri
gwrg a phyi "has 4yi sgrol nur'i rnamrhar
11ulor bjt/ru (Abridgrd Ufe Swry• of Drigrmg
Adri Clr04yi DrOinw). 16).
,..
Am~ means
"forefather" or "'>ogin". and like
Ach1. "hich means "grandmother." "as probabl) not a personal name. but a later epithet
conferred on the paremal ancestor by members
Birth and deatl1 dates unknown. (Drigung
Konchok Gyatso. •Bri gwrg 11 plryi clws kyi
20).
""
,..
While Davidson provides the earliest extant
list of these eight sidrllri attainments from
the tranSlation of the 726 CE text. the
Sulx11mpcrripn·drd Twllm. he explains that
this list was not the one to endun:. By the
late eighth century. a list of great attainments
(malrdSiddhr) had become standard. These
include the sword ;iddlri. the abtlit) to mal.e
an ocular medicine whieh gi•es supematural
•·ision. the abilit) to mal.e an Otntrnent of
fast walking. in•·isibilit). an eliAor of long
life. ftight. the abilit) to pass through rocl
and eanh. and dominron o• er the under·
"orld (Davidson. Indian Esotuic Budtlhum.
200-201).
Khecara is a pnre land S) non} mous "ith
Orgyen (0 rg_yan). Ocjl)i)ana. and Uddi)!ina.
and is some1imes given one of three geographic locations: the Hindu Kush. the Swat
valley. or the South Indian region of Kaner. It
is recorded as A chi's plane of origination in
her hagiographies. Cosmologicall y speaking.
Khecara is situated in Akani~!ha. the highest
heaven of the fonn realm (rllpa-dlu1tu) (Gray.
Tire Cakrasamvara Tcmtra . 29-30: Geshe
Kelsang Gyatso. Guide to Dakini Lmul: A
Commentary to the HigheM Yogu Tantr(l Prtll'·
rice ufVajrayogiui. (London: Tharpa. 2008).
22- 25: Shaw. Buddlrist GO<i</e;se.r of india •
360,382-1: and Judith Simmer-Brown. Dukinil· \\1:1rm Breath: The Feminine Principle in
Tibeta11 Buddhism (Boston: Shambhala. 200 I).
268-270).
"" This idea is echoed also in the Sddluma Collecrioll·s summary of her life story. This differs from other popular •ersions of the stDr)
and from her iconography. which cite tl1at she
took off into the sky on her blue wind-h~
at the time of her departure. While the reason
for this alteration is unclear" othoutlooiJng
at other hagiographic texts. it rna) have been
due to the audience of thi> particular booi.Jet:
the achiel'ement of bodil) transceodence os
a miracle. but it is a miracle cornmon among
religious teachers throughout the Buddlust
tradition. Konehok Gyatso. and the authors on
whom be based his natr.1tive. may have felt
that the summorung of a legendary creature
was tOO fantastic for a modem. uninitiated
aud1ence, and would ha• e made A chi ·s story
less believable (Drigung Konchok Gyatso.
'Bri 11""11 a phyi dros kyi sgrolma'i mam tlrar
11>tlor bS<IrLS (Abridgt!d Ufesrory ofDrigrmg
Aclri CMh·i Dro/ma). 24--5: Jamyangling.
trans. A phyi'i 'Khnmg rabs (l.if<' SJOry· of
Dharma Pmlt!cror. Acbi CMkyi Do/nra). 13).
.,. Each t)cle on the Tibetan calendar lasts siXt)
)tars -the first yearly C)cle takes places
bet" een I 027-1 OS7 C .E. and the secood
)earl) cycle takes place between IOS7- 1147
C.E. Kooehok G}atso claims that the departure took place just before the second yearly
C}ele (rub by11ng gnyis pa). therefore believing that Achi was born sometime in the early
eleventh century and died shortly before IOS7
C.E. (Drigung Konchok Gyatso. 'Bri grmg a
phyi dJO.\ .kyi sgrolum'i nwm thar mdor bsdus
(Abridged Life story of Drigung Aclri ChUkyi
Drliluur), 24).
967
Gyatso. AppariliOfiS ofrlre Self, 6. I 03.
""
In studying Achi ·s life story, the rwmrar of
other more prominent and well-known yogiJJfs
and female lineage holders of her theoretical contemporaries. such as Machig Labdron
(Ma gcig lab sgro11. 105~ 1152) and Machig
Zhama (Mtr f1Cig :Ira ma. 1062- 1149). offer
an nccepted pattern for comparison as well.
For further information on Machig Lapdron
and Machig Zhama. see: Davidson. Tibeum
Re11ai>>tmce. 29()...293: Hildegard Diemberger
and Guntram Hazod. "Machig Zhama"s
Recm ef): Traces of Ancient History and
Myth in the South Tibetan Landscape of Khata
and Phadrug ... in Sat·red Spaces mul Poo•·er-
firl Places i11 Tibe1an Cu/Jure: A Col/ecJion
of &says (Dharamsala: Ubrary of Tibetan
Works and Archi•·es. 1999): Edou. .~1achig
wbdmll tllulilll' FowrdarioiiS ofChOd: E.
Lobue ...A Case of Mistaken Identity: Ma-gcig
L.abs..sgron and Ma-gcig Zha-ma.- in Tibetan
Srudi.s. edited b) P. K vaernc (Oslo: The
ln~totute for Comparati••e Research in Human
Culture, 1994): and Dan Martin. 'The Woman
Illusion? Research into the Uves of Spiritually
Accomplished Women Leaders of the II"' and
12• Centuries," in \Vomm in Tiber. edited by
Janet Gyatso and Hanna Havnevik (New York:
Columbia Unh•ersity Press, 2005). 52- 53.
.., According to Tibetan tradition. the twelve acts
are ( I) a voluntary descent from a heavenly
reahn : (2) an entrance into the womb of the
chosen mother; (3) an auspicious birth; (4) a
display of early miracles and special abilities;
(5) an accomplishment in the worldly arts;
(6) a life of ease and pleasure: (7) a departure
from home: (8) the practice of austerities;
(9) the subjugating and taming of demons;
( 10) the reaching of enlightenment; ( II) the
"turning the wheel of Dharma" or teaching:
and ( 12) death, or the reaching of pt~rfnin·d{W
(Rupen Gethin, Tire FomrdmiOIIS ofBuddlrism (New York: Oxford University Press.
1998). 16-27: Jtrorne Edou. Mac/rig wbdron
tmdlhe Formda1i011.1 ofChOd. (Ithaca: Snow
Uon. 1996). 95: and Nathan Karz, "Anima
and mKha · ·Gro rna: A Critical Cornparatil'e
Study of Jung and Tibetan Buddhism... The
Tibe1 Jallrtw/213 ( 1977)). The specifics of
ho" Achi's hagiograph) fits these parameters
1S addressed more fully in chapter four of
my unpubloshed MA. thesis (Muldo\\nC).
Knsten. "Out\\ard Beaut). Hidden Wrath: An
Explorntion of the Drigung Kagyu Dharma
Protectress Achi O.Ok)i Drolma· (master's
thesis. Aorida State Unil•ersil)•. 2011), 62- 71).
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE DRIGUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
.)03
m
contains a variety of chapters on different
prescriptions and instructions related to the
cult of Achi ChOkyi Drolma (Bryan Cuevas.
' 'The "Calf's Nipple"' (Be 'u bum) of Ju Mipam
( './11 Mi r>lwm ): A Collection of Tibetan Ritual
Magic." In Tibetan Rirua/. edited by Jos~
Ignacio Cage:z.6n (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010), 166). Konchok Gyatso lists
a number of these individual chapters in his
hagiography and in the compilation of texts
related to Achi that appears afterwards in
the pamphlet. The author also includes what
appear to be two rituals pertaining to the curing of diseases, adding another domain to the
deity's repertoire (Drigung K11nchok Gyatso,
'Bri gung a plryi chos kyi sgro/ma'i mom tlrar
mdor bsdus (Abridged Lifesrory of Drigung
Achi ClriJkyi DriJima), 36- 37).
A significant portion of the text is set aside
explicitly for this purpose. Before beginning
her actual hagiography. Konchok Gyatso first
explains the various types of deities in the
Tibetan pantheon and then how Achi differs
from mundane deities and is in fact a Wisdom
(lakini herself, quoting several indi viduals
without direct textual citation. including Jigten
Sumg11n and Marpa Lotsawa. The story of
her life is then followed with a continuation
of this argument, explaining her nature as an
..,
""
enlightened protectress (Drigung K1lnchok
Gyatso. 'Bri gung tt ph>'i chos kyi sgrol ma'i
mam1lwr mdor bsdus (Abridged Ufesrory of
Drigung Achi CMkyi Dro/ma), 3- 10, 26-30).
For a full translation of this text, see: Kristen
Muldowney, "Outward Beauty, Hidden Wrath:
An Exploration of the Drigung Kagyu Dharma
Protectress A chi ChOkyi Drmma'· ( masters
thesis. Aorida State University, 2011), 13- 36.
While early tantric texts distinguish a number
of different rypes of (lakinls, the two most
important distinctions seem to be between the
worldIy (lakin I and the wisdom (lc1kinl. The
first group resembles the frightening female
yogirri, marrkt7s. and yak$ini meant to be
subjugated for power in early tantric practice.
while the wisdom (il7kinl is considered to be
a full y enlightened being who actively works
to help practitioners of the Buddhist religion
(English, Vcljrayogini, 43: Gyatso. Apparitions
of tire Self 250-251; Adelheid HermannPfandt, "l)c7kinls in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism: Some Results of Recent Research."
Studies in Central and East A<ian Religions
516 ( 1992- 93): 50: Simmer-Brown. Dakirri s
Warm Brearlr. 54. 57- 59; Edou. Mac/rig
Labdron orrd tire Fomularions ofCiriJd, 102).
For more on (iakirrf rypes and other indigenous female spirit deities, see: Gail Hinich
Sutherland, The Disguises oflire Demorr: Tire
De,•elopmenl of the Yak.~a in Hinduism am/
Buddhism (Albany: State University of New
York Press. 1991 ); and David Gordon White,
Kiss of tire Yogini: Ttmtric Sex irr irs South
A<iarr Contexts (Chicago: Universily of Chicago. 2003).
..,.
,;
Likewise her verificaLion as a t.ftikinf may have
been used by later advocates of the tradition
to help validate Jigten Sumgon as a worthy
hierarch and lineage-holder. In this way, the
.,.
Drigung Kag)rti tradition uses Lhe hagiography
m
not only as a legitimizing force for devotional
practices dedicated to Achi. but as a ground
for claims that their founder was a descendent
of divine and royal lineages. Genealogies of
numerous prominent 1ibetan clans, including
the KMn ('Kiron). Lang (Riarrgs}, and Kyura,
provide similar mythic origins. and these clans
and their familial alliances would in turn often
play significant roles in the fom1ation and suecessive abbatiallineages of individual schools
and monasteries within Tibet, as the Khon for
the Sakya tradition and the Kyura for the Drigung Kagyu (Davidson, Ttbetan Renaissance.
267- 274: RA. Stein, Tibetan Civili::J.ltion
(Stanford: Stanford Universi ty Press. 1972).
75-76; and S0rensen and Hazod, Rulers of the
Celestial Plain, 12. 414. 717- 22).1 explore
this act of legitimization further in chapter
four of my unpublished thesis (Muldowney,
"Outward Beauty. Hidden Wrath". 62- 71).
9?l
I have translated the tenn be'u bum within
this work's title as collection, but io line with
Bryan Cuevas's analysis of the genre. one
could also translate this as handbook, due to
the practical nature of such a collection. which
304
NOTES
..,.
.,.
...
type of indigenous Tibetan spirit deity: DUmo
(hdud mo). N1>jin (Gnod sbyin ), and Menmo
(Smtm mo) (Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles and
Demons of Tiber. 181- 198). Ladrang Kalsang
records a standard list of twelve and provides
line drawings of each (Katsang, The Guardian
Deities of Tiber. 57- 75).
''"
,.,
...
A cang sires is a fine breed of Tibetan horse
believed to have paranormal abilities.
The names and descriptions of the four are
pulled together from description.s found in
various rituals of the Sadlwna Collettiorr.
While Jamyangling translates the oames of
each deity into English. I have chosen to leave
the Tibetan as each deity's given name. The
translation of each name is \Visdom Savioress
or l)c7kirrf Crown Jewel; Oath (Skt. Scmwya)
Savioress or l)c1kini Wish-Full filling Jewel;
Lotus or Subjugaling OakinT, dependjng
on the specific ritual; and the Aesh-Eating
!)akin I (Jamyangling, A plryi 'i gltmg chog
lrJmg ngan brtag pa (Aclri's Eleplranr Lilllrgy
DivinaliiJn), l 2- 15; Jamyangling, A phyi'i
Gsaug sgmb (Secret Aclri St7dluma). 11 - 13,
16: Jamyangling. Bsrarr snmg a phyi clros kyi
sgrol ma'i bsktmg ba rror bu 'i plrreng ba (Aclri
Clrokyi Dolma :r Jewel Gar/ami ofAtonement).
25: and Jamyangling, trans. Bswn srung a
plryi clros kyi sgrol mtr 'i sgmb rlrabs ':igs rten
mgon pos md:.ad pa (Aclri Clrakyi Dolma Sadframr Composed by Kyobptt Jigren Sumgon).
18-22, 28-34). Konchok Gyatso does mention
that Achi possesses a retinue of (/t1kinls. but
there is no deso-ription of their iconography or
origin in that hagiography, (Drigung Konchok
Gyatso, 'Bri grmg u phyi clros kyi sgrol mc!'i
mam rhar mdor bsdrts (Abridged Ufe story of
Drigrmg Acfri ClriJhi Dra/ma), 26).
For the full image. see Fig 7.17 on p. 137.
Nebesky-Wojkowil2. Oracles arrd Demons of
Tibet, 1n - 181; Ladrang Kalsang. Tire Guard·
iarr Deities ofTibeJ. (India: Winsome Books,
2003), 95-103; and Simmer-Brown, Dakiui's
m~rm Brearlr. 61-4,23 1- 233.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz also notes that
while the deities appear in other Tibetan tradi lions, within the Kagyti each is specifically
connected to a particular dakini type: Tashi
Tseringma as a Buddha (lakini, and the retinue
being Vajra, Ratna, P..ldma. and Kanna <Jakinis
respecti velyJamya.ngling. Bstan srung a phyi
clros kyi sgrol ma'i bsktmg lxr nor brt'i phreng
ba (Aclri ClrOkyi Dolma s Jewel Garltmd of
Atonement), 30-40: and Nebesky-Wojkowil2.
Oracles tmd Demons of Tiber. ln- 181.
Nebesky-Wojkowitz records the names and
iconography of several variations of the
twelve Tenma goddesses, which can differ
slightly yet significantly. depending on the
source text. Often the group is divided into
three groups of four members. each a different
See Jackson 's previous description of this hat,
p.64.
Olaf Czaja summarizes the iconographies
and recent research on images of Mahakala in
Drigung paintings, with a focus on r.he work of
Christian Luczanits and Deborah KlimbhurgSalter in this area. It seems likely that this
fonn is that of the deity Dpal rngon po bya rog
ming ctm~ who holds significant importance
within the school (Olaf Czaja, "The Commemorative Stupas at Densathil: A Preliminary Study." In: Erberto LoBue and Christian
Luczanits eds .. Tibetan Art tmd Architecfure in
...
,.;
Context. Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of tire
Eleventh Seminar of the hrtemational A<socitrtiorr for Tibetan Studies, KiJrrigswinfer 2006
(PlATS 2006), Andiast, Switzerland: lntemationallnstimte for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, p. 240-2)).
Beer, The Errcyclopedia ofTibeum Symbols
trnd Motifs. p. 270-4; and Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles orrd Demons of Tiber. 365-368.
Along wiLh offering several kinds of arrows
and \•arious other traditional Buddhist offerings throughout the ritual. the Jewel Garland
ofAtonement, meant to be performed to seek
atonement for a broken oath or promise to the
dhanna. lists offerings of a female yak ('bri), a
sheep (lug), a blue Gyiling steed (gyi ling snon
pa). a wild yak ('brong). and a donkey (bong)
to Achi and her retinue as part of the rite (Jamyangling. Bsttm snmg a phyi chos kyi sgrol ma 'i
bskwrg ba rror bu'i plrreng bel (Aclri Clrokyi
Dolmact Jt<~vel Gar/arul ofAlmremerrt, 23).
""
Melissa R. Kerin, ·'Re-tracing Lines of Devotion: Religious Identities and Politicalldeologies in Fifteenth-Sixteenth-Century Western
Himalayan Wall Painting" (PhD diss., Universily of Pennsylvania, 2008), 6-7,49- 57.
""
Binczik and Fischer, Hidderr Treasures from
l.ildaklr, 117, 148. For Jackson's in-epth
analysis of t11ese murals of Phyang Monastery,
see chapter 9.
A kyarrg, or orrager. is a breed of wild ass
found in As ia.
Ren~
While Binczik purports the painting to date
from the sixteenth century, Jackson argues that
it dates to the early nineteenth century (Binczik. Angelika and Roland Fischer. Hidden
Treasures from Lmlakh (Munich: Ouer Verlag,
2002). 154-5.
....
...
Hugh Richardson, Higlr Peaks. Pure Et1rtlr:
Co/Jet·red Writings on Tibetan History and
Culture (London: Serindia Publications.
1998). 308: Dowman, Tire Power Plttces of
Central Tibet. 112.
In more detailed tenns, in 1239, KOdan (d.
125311260). the second son of Ogedai Khan
(r. 1229- 1241). sent Dorda Darkhan and his
army to raid and pillage the Dromton (' Brom
sron) monastery of Reting (Rwa sgreng) and
the wealthy chapel of Gyel Luklh~ (Rgyclllug
lfras) in Central Tibet. Around this same time.
another raiding party. led by the commander
Miliji (Mi li byr) reached Drigung Thel, but
upon seeing the face of the Fourth Drigung
Hierarch Chennga Drakpa Jungn~ (Spyan ngo
grags plr 'byrmg gnas. 11 75-1255), "faith
was born in him," and the party left without
harming the monastery or its inhabitants.
Around a month later. Dorda Darkhan arrived
in Drigung to do the job himself. but again
the miraculous powers of the abbot are said
to have thwarted his attacks. While the Blue
An11tll< reports that this miracle came in the
sudden magical showering of SlOnes from
the sky, local legends claim that Achi was
responsible for the defeat. in either case. the
monastery became quite famous due to these
events and gained a generous number of new
disciples as a direct consequence during this
period (Dowman. The Power Plat.·e> ofCentra/7ibel, 116; Kapstein, The Tibetans. Ill;
George N. Roe rich, The Blue Annals: Pllrts I
& II !Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers
Private Limited, 2007 (First Edition: Calcutta,
1949 and 1953)], 577-8; and Snellgrove and
Richardson. A Cullllrlll Histon• of Tibet. 148).
990
991
The Drigung Phowa Chenmo ('Bri gung 'pho
ix1 che11 mo), or ''The Great Transference of
Consciousness [Festival at] Drigung." is said
to bestow on the visiting pilgrims the ability
to transfer one's consciousness to Amitlibha ·s
pure land. Sukhavarr. upon one's death. lts
long history in the region began in the late
thirteenth or early fourteenth century. and it
has traditionally been held once every twelveyear cycle of the Tibetan calendar during the
summer of the Monkey year. While this patrem had been interrupted by the restrictions
placed on Tibetan religious practice during
and after the Cut rural Revolution. the circuit
has been reopened in recent years and the
festival reinstated, although in an abbreviated
fashion. For more information on the history
and first-hand accounts of the revi talized
pilgrimage, which took place in 1992, see
Kapstein ·s work on the subject (Matthew T.
Kapstein, "A Pilgrimage of Rebirth Reborn:
The 1992 Celebration of the Drigung Powa
Chenmo:· in Buddhism i11 Con1emporury 1ibn
(Berkeley: University of California Press.
1998; Kapstein. The 1ibettms. 240- 1).
A selection of four of these earliest identifi·
able sources cited within the hagiography
include: 1) The Dharma History ofUwrong
(Uto rong chos 'bytmg). otherwise known as
The History ofUwrong {which/ Cillrifies the
Buddha's Teachings (UIO rong c/ws 'byung
tlwb bsum gsttl byed). written in the mid·
fifteenth cenrury as an in-depth history of the
Kagyu school (Rta tshag tshe dbang rgyal. Uw
rong chos 'byung (Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig
dpe mying dpe skrun khang, 1994): Drigung
Konchok Gyatso, 'Bri guug ll phyi clws kyi
sgrol mt1'i rmim 1/rar 1m/or bst!UJ'. 13; Dan
Martin. 1ibeum Histories: A Bibliography of
Tibeum-Langullge Historicu/IVorks (Lon·
don: Serindia Publications. 1997). 69-70);
2) The Feast of Scholars Dlwrmll History
(Chos 'byung mkhas pa 'i dgtt' sto) of Pawo
Tsukllak] Treng[wal (Dpa· bo gwtg phreng,
1504-1564166). a two-volume work on the
history of Buddhism in India and Tibe~ also
referred to as Uwdrak History (Uw brag clws
byung} (Gtsug Jag 'phreng ba. Cho>· 'byung
mkhas pa 'i dgtl' ston (Delhi: Delhi karmapae
chodey gyalwae sungrab partun khang. 1980):
Drigung Konchok Gyatso. ·Bri gung a phyi
chos kyi sgrol ma'i rnam thar mdor bsdus.
13 . 14. 27: Martin, Tibetan Histories, 88-89):
3) Anuals of/he Fifth Dalai Lllllm (Go11g
sa lngll pa'i deb titer), a.k.a. the chronicles
of the Fifth Dalai L~ma Ngawang Lozang
Gyatso (Ngog dbung blo b::.tmg rgyllmtslw.
1617- 1682}. entitled The Melody of the Queen
of the Spri11g: The Chronides of1ibet (Bod
kyi deb titer dpyid kyi rgya/mo 'i glu dbyungs
(Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang. 1980). For
further information. see: Kapstein. The 1ibet·
tms, 78. 82: Samten Karmay. Seuet Vi.<ious of
the Fifth Dallli Lama (London: Serindia Publications, 1988); Drigung Konchok Gyatso,
'Bri guug a phyi c/ws kyi sgrolma 'i rnamthar
mdor bsdus, 14, 21; Luciano Peteeh, ''The
Dalai-Lamas and Regents of Tibet: A Chronological Study:• T'mmg Pao 47: 3/5 {1959):
368- 394; David L. Snellgrove and Hugh
Richardson, A Cultural History of1ibet, Third
Edition (Bangkok, Orchid Press, 2003 (First
Edition: George Weidenfeld and Nicolson,
Ltd, 1968}, 193- 204: R. A. Stein, 1ibeum
Civili:aliOII (Stanford: Stanford University
Press, 1972), 53, 61 - 2); 4) Konchok Gyatso
also cites the cycles of activity siidhatws of
Venerable Kunga Rinchen (Rje ku11 dga· rin
cheu. 1475-I 527) and Gyelwang Ratna (Rgyal
dhtmg r<i!Jw. also known as Rin·chen plum·
1shogs chos-kyi rgyal-po, 1509- 1557) (rje kun
dga 'rin chen da11g rgya/ dbang ra/nas md::.ad
po 'I sgyob rlwbs 'phrin las kyi skor rnams)
), the seventeenth and eighteenth abbots of
Drigung Til respectively wbo lived in the late
fifteen through mid-sixteenth cenruries (Dri·
gung Konchok Gyatso, ·Bri gung a phyi chos
kyi sgrol 11W ·; rnum tlwr mdur bsdu.f ~ 13;
Sorensen and Hazod. Rulers of 1/te Celestial
Plllin. 726- 730).
992
sri (1143- 1217) 0anked by his tWO principal
disciples: to his right his nephew dBon Shes
rab "Byung gnas {1187-1241) alias 'Bri gung
Gling pa and to his left sPyan snga Grags pa
·ayung gnas (I I 75-1255). This representation
is known as ''The trio of the Lord ProtectorFather and his two sons·· (sKyob po l!lb sras
gsum).
"" According toM. Fran9ois. Feb. 12.2005, notes.
its founder was treasurer·Steward of the regent
dKon mchog Phur bu (1873- 1951 ), Eighth
Drung pa ICang lo can sPrul sku of ·a.; gung
The!. It lies near Byang go Ia or mountain pass
of the Byang thang between the Pang gon mT·
sho and Shag ti. in the ancient Mar yul .
Kapstein, The Ttbettms, 46-7. For more
of what Kapstein has to say about Tibetan
ancestor cults. see: Matthew T. Kapstein, ·'A
Dunhuang Tibetan Summary of the Transfor·
mation Text on Mulian Saving His Mother
from Hell,'' in Dun/ma11g wenfianlunji. Hao
Chunwen and Zhu Bian, eds. (Shenyang:
Liaoning Renmin Chubanshe): Matthew T.
Kapstein. "Mulian in the Land of Snows and
King Gesar in Hell: A Chinese Tale of Parental
Death in Its Tibetan Transformations .." in The
Buddhist Dead: Praclices, Discourses. Rep·
reSelllaliOtiS. Bryan J. Cuevas and Jacqueline
Stone. ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawai 'i
Press. 2007}; and Matthew T. Kapstein. "The
Tibetan Yula11pen jing." in Conlributitms IIJ
/he Cullllrlll History of Eorly Tibet (Leiden:
Koninklijke Brill NV, 2007).
APPENDICES
"" Rase Konchok Gyatsho 2004a. I also compared www.drikune.or2, the list ofDrigung
hierarchs compiled in 2003 of Marcel
Fran~ois, and mDo khams grso bar byas pa 'i
bod kyi bsum rtsis kwt gsa/. ... . p. 887ff.
.,... For a list of thirty-three Ladakh Choje, compare P. S. Jina and K6nchok Namgyal I 995,
p. 37.
"' According toM. Fran~is, Feb. 12,2005,
notes. the monastery of Shar khul Phun tshogs
Chos gling dgon was built between 1904 and
19 I 0 by Phyag dKon mchog Phur bu of the
Eighth ICang lo can sPrul sku. It possessed at
least three sanctuaries before the construction
of the new temple after2000. On the ground
Ooor the 'Du khang or ..Assembly Hall," the
mGon khang and on t11e first Ooor the Rab
gsaiiHa khang, which was repaired in 1969
by dKon mchogThub bstan bsTan pa'i rGyal
mtshan (b. 1938) the Ninth rTogs ldan mchog
sprul of the great monastery of Yang ri sgar
in Tibet. in the 'Du khang sits in state a grand
statue of ·g.; gung pa Rin chen dpal or Ratna
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE OR!GUNG KAGY U SCHOOL
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PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORJGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
313
Pagt! 111111ll>erJ i11 illllit•J "for to illustrutions.
A
abbols: Chelsnng nnd Chunglsnng. xix: of Drigung
Monaslery. 43. 221.268. 27(>..79. 305n991:
used in daling. xi. 9. See also gurus
Abhayndana~rT. II 0. 300n887
Ac:lla. 22 1-22. 227. 231. 234. 236. 298n824
Acnrya Ngnwang Samlen, 26. 118. 147
Ache Lhamo folk opera. 198
Achi. See Achi Chokyi Drolma
Achi Chokyi OrOima (Sna nnm 'bza A phyi Chos
kyi sgrol ma}: appearance and iconography
of. 155.262-64.267.269-71. 302n954.
303n965: association with Drigung Kagyu.
~ix. 46. 264. 257. 263. 273: clay images of.
295n709: and d31ing of artistic and texiUal
works. 273: dcalh of. 2().1. 303n966: as dei1y
and Tibelan lay., oman. 262.265. 302n!M7:
dclails of. .rir. 26()...<)1. 262. 267: as dhanna
proteclrcss. 265. 270: on Orin St) It pruntings.
133. 155: <J>Ilhels of. 261. 2().1: and lhe Five
Long-ufe Sisters. 267-70. 268.269: foot" ear
of. 302n950: as full) enhghtened deit).
262. 302n!M6: grcal-grandmotber of Jogten
Sumgon. 261.265.268. 282n14: hagiography
of. 261. 26+-65. m-73. 302n946. 303nn958.
959. 965. 30-lnn970. 972: and other protceti>e
deo1ocs from l..1ma}uru Gookhang. 18-J. 185.
190: painting of. Ill h}bnd Sl}le. 135. 13~37.
138: from Ph}ane Monaslery. /3/: plane
of origin31ooo. 264. 303n964: powers of.
264: references and sources on. 58. 261-{)2.
301 n!MO. 305n991: rctonue of. 265-{)6. 266.
271-72. 272. 30-lnn975. 979: rituals relating
10.265. 269-70. 305n990: roles of. 261.
265. 273, 302n948: slanding goddess. from
Rinchen Ling. 2/J: ns syncretic dei1y. 273:
and Tashi Tscringma. 272. 272: temple a1
L..1mayuru dedicalcd 10. 178. 186. 293n632:
in 1hangka prcsemed by Binc:l.ik and Fischer.
35-36: lhird eye of. 263. 264: wrathful naiUre
of. 272-73
Achi:, EfeJJ!umt Uwrgy DMnlllion. 269
Age of I he New Tmnslations. 303n958
Ajita (Ma pham pa}. 147. 148
Akhar (A mkhar). xiv
Ak~bhya.39.234.252. 298n818.302n951
Alchi Monas1ery (Ladakh): Drigung lineage at
42. 217-18. 218. 255: Dukhang Temple. 42:
Grc:a1 Choncn. 42.217.218.240. 255.255:
inscnpoons from. 12-13.42: lama portraiture
of. 42: Lhakhang Soma. 13. 14. J.l. 17. 33.
34.41.42.43.240.245-46.252-54.254:
Lonpo. 240: LoiS:ma l..hakhang (franslator's
Temple). 12-13. /2. 42. 230.232. 240.242.
255: mllh<lriddhoJ. 22~21: M3ln Temple
COUM)ard. 240. Ul: ManJ~Temple. 42.
242: mooumcniS assocoated "ilh Drigung
school. 217: murals of. 9-13. II. 12. 42. 47.
87. 185: pamlc:d stupas of. 39. 41: plan of
3J4
INDEX
complex. 9: reconsidered by Luc:z.1ni1S. 41-42:
Small Stupa. ll - 12. //,33-34. 34. 41. 42, 43.
87. 2/~ 218-19, 2/9.220-21.233.234.236.
237. 240.255. 287n78l, 296n766. 297n795.
298n824; sou1hem pari of complex. 217:
SumiSek Temple, 9-1 1, 10, 2(>..28. 33. 39.
42. 43. 2 17-1 8. 2/7, 2/8,221 ,233.255.256.
259; 1eacher possibly rcpresen1ing Drigungp.1
in chllnen adjoining the Smnll Slllpa. 240.
241: teaching buddha eomposi1ion with Seven
Tnrns, 254. 254; 1emples in the complex. 9:
Three-Story Temple, 42; visi1ed by Snellgrove
and Skorupski, 22. 284n 112; wcs1em
Himalayan s1yle of. 230, 238. See lli.lfJ Ale hi
Shangrong:Tsa~puri
Alchi Shangrong. 33, 231, 240, 245-46.247-50.
248, 300nn900.90 l
Amdo Jarn.pa. 58. 59, 59
AmcTsUhrim GyaiSo (Ames IShul khnms rg)3
miSho). 264. 303n960
Ami.abha.65./08. 133.163,191.198.234.241:
mandala of. 200. Su llfso Amita)OS
Amitayos. 20. 106.108.234. 298n818:Am•ta)OS
Paradise. 244
Amnye Machen lnstitule. Dhannasala. ().1
Am!UkUQ(Ialin. 222. 234. 236
Anavatapta. 236
Andhra. 236
Angaja (arhal). 118-/9
AngOn Rinpoche. 58
animals: beads of. 159: hidden in landscapes.
149: in iconography of Achi Choky• Drolma.
269-70; ornaments. 43. 59, 60. 61. 87. 236.
288n423
Anutlarayoga Tanlnl. 24, SO
Apalala (Sog rna med}, 75. 236
arbats. See Six1een Arhats
Aro Yeshe J ungne (A ro Yc shes ' byung gnas),
precepiS of, 53- 54
Asanga, 182
_
aspiration deities. 245
assembly fields (tslwgs :bing), 133, 134. 13:>,
143-44, 144, 198
Atih: depic1ed wilh siddhas, 42, 75, 220. 220:
early- 10 mid-twelflh-ceniUry poru-ai 1. 92:
on~• lincaoe
·Jn c........
· e • 52 • 106, 109; hal of. 62.
287n394. 235: mentioned. 47.54
Al'(u/iitlll collection of ~emendra (dPllg hJom
·khri siling). 72
Avalokite§vara: depictions of, 83. 84. 292n619:
devotional practice. 178-79: in Dngung
Kagyu lineage. 21: Ele\en-faced, \\ilh Fi\e
Dakas. 290n565: Ele1 en-faced Thousandarmed. in Bhiksunr Laksmr's tradollon. 14142_ /41. 142: ele\·en-headed. from Chenre21l...
l..amayuru. 181. /8/: elt\'Cn·headed, rrom
\Vania. 243. 244: llanl:ed b) Med•cn><o Buddha
a1 Kanji Temple. 245: nanking the Buddha.
233: footprints of. 288n448: four-armed. from
Cbenrc:zik. Lamayuru, 181,/82: holdmg a red
lotus. 234: in Kashmiri style. 28: Sa(l~ara
Avaloklldvara with two attendants and Kagyu
lineage from WaJola. /7. 244. 245:temples
devoted 10. 16.43-44.202. See also Lamayuru
Monaslery. Chenrezik Lhakbang
awakened beings. 255-56
Ayang G!lnp.1. 5
Ayang Rinpoche. 30. 295n739
8
backrcsiS: animal ont3lneniS on . 43. 59, 60. 87,
236. 288n423: for Buddha wilh six legendary
animals. 61: of Drigung Kagyu statue, 9/: in
Driri painting. 124: wilh vase and scroll motif.
236-37
Ba G!lnpa. 5
Bakula Tulkus. 179-80. 293n637. See also
RangdrOI Nyima
Balog Rmpoche. 198
Bardo dell) murals (Chenrc:zik l..hakhang.
Lama) uru). /7~77. 179-80. /79. 18/J
Barg)aiiSang Koochok Norbu. xix- xx. 109
Sari Lotsa"a. 173
Barom Kag)u. 3
Ban' a (p:unter). 61. 62. 122. 138
Basgo.45
Beer. Roben. 30211951. 302n955
B~guon. G .. 24. 33. 34. 101
Bcnbe (Barpa). 30
Bcri St}lt. 48-49.96. 101
Bhagdar Kyab ('Bhag dar sKyabs). 17. 44.243.
299n862
Bhai~ajyaguru. Su Medicine Buddha
BhiksUJ:Il Lak~rnr. 141-12. /4/
Bhota<J!imara. 153
Bhutan. gonulw of. 64. 64
Binczik. Angela. 8. 35-36.44. 109, 13 1. 304n98l
blacksmith tongs. 158, /58. 159
black lhnngkas (nllg thang}: oflhe Gya Shangtrom
Tradition wi~t Drigung Kagyu lineage. 16769. 170. 171. 292nn618.6 19: wilh repeated
flame tips. /59: of wralhful deities. 158,
165-73: ofYamari. 163
Blancke. Kristin. 178-79. 180
Blo gros (unidemified lama). 46
Bodh Ga) a. 59
bodhisnnvas: attendants of teaching Buddha. 95.
96: flanking lhe Buddha in early Drigung
painllng. 233-34: in iconography of Jigten
Sumgi>n. 41. 87. 89. 93.96: Padma~. 135:
portrayal of. 33. 117. Su lllso :"'''al~tesv~:
Maitre) a: Mai!ju.Sn: Santarllk$tta: VaJrapi!J)J
Bodl..arbu. 202- 3
bod) aurcoles.l5l.l53.213.Sualsonimbuses
Boo. Mn. 291 n597
Booaru. Georges. 55
branch monasteries. xiii. I. 3-7. 272- 73. 28Q...S1:
appomlment of head lamas. I. 283n28:
enlntsted to Drutpa Kagyu. 6. See allo
Drigung Kagyu monasteries
Bri bris ('Bri gung lugs or 'Bri ris) painting style.
26. 29, 284nnl60,162. See also Driri Style
· Bri [!1111g gDau rabs gSer "phreug (Golden Rosary
of the Abbots of 'Bri gung). 38
'Bro clan, 42
Bruee-Gardner, Robert. 80
Buddha: with auendant bodhisauvas. 96-97;
Buddha footprints and deities, 85: with
FiveTathagatas, 93- 95, 93; wi th flames.
123; footprints of, 84, 285n227, 288n448;
performing th_e _earth-touching_ gesture,246.
See also Med1cme Buddha: Sat:yamum;
teaching buddhas
Buddhalocana, 296n754
Buddhas of the Three Times, 159
Buddhism, introduction to Tibet. 303n958
butTaloes. 173. 292n614
butler offerings, 197- 98
Byang chub rgyal mtshan, 282n24
Bylakuppe Monastery, 200, 295n739
c
Cakrasal!wara: in black thangka of four~~rmed
Mahakrua, 167, 168: depicted in footprint
thangkas. 83, 222, 225; depicted on thangka
of Drigung hierarch, 227; depicted with
consort, 234. 269; drawing with footprint of
Drigw1gpa, 214-15,215-17,216. 216; with
four anendant deities, 205-6. 205; mandala
of, 60, 203; mentioned, 199, 234; palace of.
52; surrounded by a ring of flame, 151, /52:
teachings of. 39
Carlton Rochell. western Tibetan thangka of
Lekden Yeshe. 227- 30.230,234
Chab mdo Phur bu tshe ring, 295n702
Chagatai Khanate (sTod hor). xx, 44. 282n21.
282n24
Chagmed Rinpoche. 295n741
Ch"an. 53
Chan. Victor, 8. I06
Changchub Zangpo (Byar•g chub bzang po). 43
Chemchok Heruka, /53
Chemde/Chemrey Monastery, 203
Chetsang Rinpoche. xix. 29, 198, 295n707;
series of previous rebirths, 290n529. See
also Chetsang Rinpoche, H.H.; Gyalwang
Konchok Rinchen; Konchok Tendzin Drodul;
Konchok Trinle Zangpo
Chetsang Rinpoche, H.H ., xix, 1- 3,30. 35,
284n 162; iII ustrated commentary of Jigten
Sumgon biography, I03, 289nn486. 487
Chinese landscapes, ix, 29, 110
Chinese painting style (Gyari style). 30, 195
ChOdrak Gyatsho. 67
ChOdze Gon (Chos mdzad dgon), 5
Chogle Narngyal (Phyogs las rNam rgyal). 185
Chogowa Dorje Yeshe (Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe:
Dri 8). 26. II 0, 274. 276
Chogyal Phuntshok, 109, 2n. 289n509. See alto
ChOgyal Rinchen PhOntshok (Dri 22)
Chogyal Rinchen Palsangfpo) (Chos rgyal rin chen
dpal bzang Ipol: Dri 14). I I0. 274. 2n
Chogyal Rinchen PhUntshok (Chos rgyal rin chen
phun tshogs; Dri 22), 36. 165, 169,274. 277.
See also ChOgyal PhUntshok
Chogyal Trinle Dondrup, 2nd Chungtsang (Chos
rgyal "phrin las don grub; Dri 27), 125-26.
125, 173,275.278. See also Dondrup ChOgyal
Chtije Denma Kunga Drakpa (Chos lje !Dan rna
Kun dga • grags pa): expanded Lamayuru
Monastery, 14; founder ofTashi ChOdzong.
35, I02. I06; with his Amitayos lineage, I06,
/07; in lineage in mural from Phyang, 186;
monasteries built by, 106: in Petech's history,
22, 286n3 16; revival ofDrigung Kagyu in
Ladakh, 6-7, 101
ChOje Rinchen ChOkyi Gyaltshen (Dri 15). 110,
274, 2n
Chokle Namgyal, 274. 277
ChOku K!lnchok DrodOI, 278
Choku Rinpoche Konchok Tendzin, Fourth, 197
Chokyi Drakpa. See Rigdzin ChOdrak (Dri 25)
Chokyi Gyaltshen. SeeTendzin CMkyi Gyaltshen
(Dri31)
Chokyi Jungne. See Tendzin Chokyi Jungne
(Dri 37)
ChOkyi Louil. See Tendzin Chokyi Louo (Dri 35)
ChOkyi Nyima. See Tendzin Chll~)'i Nyima (Dri 29)
ChOnyi Norbu ('"Konchok" Chonyi Norbu, 5th
Chungtsang; Dri 33), 183, 275, 278
Chopan Drinzangma (Chod pan mgrin bzang rna),
267
CMpon (Chos dpon). 274
Chos bzang (painter), 284n 164
Chos rje (painter). 284o 164
Chowang Gaga Lhundrub. 278
Chuda Khyentse Wangchuk, 278
Chundorwa (Chun "dor ba), 227. 297n808
Chungtsang lama palace, 123
Chungtsang Rinpoche. 58. 198. 295n208
Chungtsang tulku, thangka. set depicting successive
incarnations of, 125-26. 125
Chunyi Dolje Rinchen (bCu gnyis rDo rje rin
chen; Dri 9), 110.274. See also Chunyi pa
Dorje Gyalpo
Chunyipa Dorje Gyalpo, 276. See also Chunyi
Dorje Rinchen (Dri 9)
Church. Mimi . 7
clouds: in Chinese-inspired landscapes. 110; Driri
Style. 19-20./24, 125. 129, 13 1, 133, 135.
141, 148, 149, 156, 157, 160. 162, 163,192,
205. 206; in flaming jewel emblem, 62; with
hidden objects, 149; interspersed with smoke,
204; late Driri Style, 138; Menri Style, 144;
in paintings of peaceful deities, 123; Tsangri
Style, 208-9,21 1; in the work of Yeshe
Jamyang, 205. 207
colors: in different painting traditions, 284o 162:
in Drigung style painting. 30. 124: red
background, 245: stone and earth. 198; use of
white. 192. 196: white complexion, 255-56
compositional conventions. 2 19. 250- 54
conservation, 50
crowns, 95. 95
Crystal Mountain (Shel gyri ri), 52
Cultural Revolution. ix. xi, I. 3. 29, 282n27
Czaja, Olaf: on Densa Thel, xviii, 50-52. 54; on
the Drigung·Sa~)'a conflict, xxi; on former
existences of Rigdzin ChOdrak, 129;on images
of Mahakala, 235, 304n983; identified Rigpa
Rangshar, 127; lineages traced by, 107-8.
14 1. 167; on Nyingma teachings in Drigung
Kagyu. 291 n5%; on Padmasan1bhava in
wrathful form, 163. 292n603; on painting of
Yamari . 160-{; I
0
Dagpo Onchung (Dwag po dBon chung). 217
(ftiki!IT: Achi CMkyi DrOima as. 262. 263, 264.
265 ; Achi Ch!l~)'i Drolma's retinue of. 26566, 266. 304n975: mentioned, 65, 66; types of,
304n971. 304n979
Dakla Gampo Monastery (Purang), I04, 218
Dakpo Chenga Rinpoche, H.E. See Rase Konchok
Gyatsho
Dakpo Kagyu schools, 51; lineages of. /0;
meditation hats, xi . 63-{;7. 63, 64. See also
Taklung Kagyu
Dakpo Lhaje Sonam Rinchen. See Gampopa
Dakpo Onchungwa (Dags po dBon chung ba). 28
Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wanggyal (bDag po Wang
Rin chen dbang rgyal: Dri 13). 110, 183.274.
2n
••Dakpo Wang Rinchen Wangyal (Dri 16), check
this, 288n405
(lamtmr, 263, 264, 302n953
Dampa Gar (Dam pa 'Gar), 75
Darntsig Drotma Yizhin Norbu. 266
dances, 199-200.280
Darrna Gyaltshen (Dar rna rgyal mtshan), 5, 35. 276
Davidson. Ronald, 303n963
day-thangkas (uyiu tlumg), 73, 125, 290n531
deities: aspiration, 245: identification of, 261:
representing the five poisons, 296n754:
Tantric, 121 , /53 , 200. See also (laki(•T;
dharma protectors; peaceful deities; protector
deities; secondary deities; semi wrathful
deities: wrathful deities: yidam
Deldan Namgyal. King. 2n
Denma. See Gapa district (Kham)
Denma Kunga Drakpa. See ChOje Denma Kunga
Drakpa
Denma Kunga Drakpa Jarnyang. King. 2n
Densa Thel (gDan sa Thel): abbot of. xx: crosssectarian influence at. 238; Czaja's articles
on, 50; Jigten Sumgon ·s tenure at. xiv. xvi;
memorial stupas, xviii. 50-52. 51, 52, 54:
monastic seat of Phagmotrupa, 50-51; stupas,
235, 298n822.299n870
Denwood, Philip, 12
Desi Sanggye Gyatsho (sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya
mtsho), 117
Deskyong Namgyal, King, 278
Dharmaka ya, 133
dharma protectors, 261 , 30 I n939, 302n950. See
also Achi Ch!lkyi Drolma; protector deities
dhOJi: from Alchi Sumtsek, 221, 259; one of five
gam1ents, 302n951; used in comparing styles.
28. 33
Dhrtarli$tra, 203-4,204.208,209, 21 1. 211,212
See also Four Great Guardian Kings
Diemberger, Hildegard. 302n954
Dinwiddie. Donald. Portraits of the Masters. 38
Drpa111karasnjflana. See Atisa
di,•ination mirror. 263. 269, 270. 302n954
dKon mchog Phur bu. 305n996
dKon mchog Thub bstan bsTan pa "i rGyal mtshan.
305n995
'Dod 'jo bum bzang, 167-{;9
Dogras of Jammu. 178
QombTheruka. 220. 220. 235
Dondrub Narngyal, King, 278
Dondrup Chogyal,60,61. l2 1.124.Seea/so
Chogyal Trinle Dondrup (Dri 27)
Donmoripa (Don mo ri pa), 227
Dorda Darkhan, 304-5n989
Dordrak Rigdzin Chenpo Lekden Dudjom Dorje.
130
dort/:iu (head lamas): appointment of, 22,
284n 121 ; lineages of, 22 1; listing of. 276-79;
at Mount Kai lash, 285n 182: sent to Guge and
Purang. I06
Dorje Chenmo (rDo rje chen mo), 271 - 72,271
Dorjedenma (rOo rje gdan ma) statues, 87
Dorje Drakpa (rDo rje grags pa). 222
Dorje Pel (rOo rje dpal), xii i. See also Jigten
Sumgbn
Dolje Sengge (rOo rje seng ge ), n
dPag bsam "khri shing cycle, 283n27
Opal 'byor bzang po. 282n24
Drakkarpowa (Brag dkar po pa) . 53- 54
DrakJewa (Brag ble ba), xx- xxi
Drakpa Chilyang Namgyal (6th Nyangse). 278
Drakpa Jungne (Dri 4), 26. II 0. 222. 274. 276,
305n989
Drakpa 6. 296n758
Driesch. Mathias. 123, 151 , 158-59, 162, 163-{;5
PAINT I NG TRAD ITI ONS OF THE ORtGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
315
Drigung Changchub Ling ('Bri gung Byang chub
gling) Monastery, xvi
5-6, 272- 73; central temples of, xvi, xvii;
decline of. 5-6; destruction and rebuilding of,
Drigung Durlr<S (sky-burial ground), I
Drigung Dzong Monastery, I. /97, 198: and Yuma
Monastery, 2
Drigung gompa, xx. 282n 18
Drigung hierarchs: at Hidden Temple, Lingshed
Monastery, 242. 242; from Koelz Collection,
227, 228,235.240. 257, 298n812; with large
assembly, 238, 24(); Lekden Yeshe from
Carlton Rochell, 227, 230. 233, 234. 235.
236, 237, 257: from the Pritzker Collection.
221 - 22,222, 223.233, 234, 235, 236.257.
298n812; from Zurich collection, 222,224,
227, 233 , 235, 236, 240, 297nn790,79J.
298nn8 I8,827
Drigung Kagyu lineages: in Alchi Lhakhang Soma
mural. 13. 14. 17: in Alchi Lotsawa Lhakhang
Temple mural. 12, /2, 230-31 : from Alchi
Small Stupa. I 1- 12, 218-19; atAichi Sumtsek
Temple. 10-1 I, 10.26-28,217- 18, 217.218:
on black thangkas of the Gya Shangtrom
Tradition, 169. 170,172, 173. 292n619;
depicted at Wanta, 17. /7. 34. 44: depicted in
Driri Style, 124: depicted on Zurich thangka.
222, 297n791; disciple of Jigten Sumgon with
lineage, F:/, 88: in early Drigung painting.
259: on early footprintthangkas, 222- 23;
freedom in depictions of figures. 233; in
inscription from Gya Phakpa Temple, 46;
Jigten Sumgon in assembly field, 133. 134;
Jigten Sumgon wilh lineage~ 84-86, 86; from
lantern at Chenrezik Lhakhang. Lamayuru,
183 , /83; from Limi/Phyang thangka set, 10910. 111 , 112, 113. //4; 1ineage ofMilarepa,
24-26, 25; main lineage, 274-75: mural from
lantern of Old Tshokkhang at Phyang, 186,
186; in murals from Lamayuru Gonkhang,
190; in painting of Achi Ch<Skyi Drolma with
Five Long-Life Sisters. 268; in painting of
HayagrTVa with consort. 162, /62; in painting
of Padmasarnbhava with refuge tree. 138-41;
in paintings of Yarnari in the Gya Shangtrom
~radition. 163--65. /64, 170: in por!rait of
of Rigdzin ChMrak. 124-25, 129: Rinchen
Namgyal with his Drigung Kagyu lineage,
105. /05; rupture in transmission. 2n: in
lhangka depicting Milarepa. Rechungpa.
and Gampopa, 20-2 I. 20. 21: three potential
lineages, 221; traced by Czaja. 107- 8, 141.
167; used in dating paintings. 37, 43: from
western Tibetan paintings, 227. 230, 23 I.
297- 98n803. See tliso guru lineages
xiii, I, 17, 29, 257, 276, 282n27, 298n809;
establishment of, xiii, 84.264: Drigung
painting style at, 284n 160; gilded bronzes.
255; Great Adept in a Drigung Kagyu Lineage
from, 28. 29, I 17. I/7: landscape surrounding,
and Drigung style, 30;; main temples, viewed
from the side, /: paimings from, xi- xii. 28-29,
38: in painting of Padmasambhava with
refuge tree, 138; painting styles patronized
at, 59, 60, I I 7; Rase Konchok Gyatsho and.
57, 58; reference to. in Wanta inscription, 44,
243; ritual practice at. I97; after snowfall,
xiii: statue of Jigten Sumgon, 38; temples of,
1: temples viewed from the side, xvii, xxi;
viewed from below,/; visited by Kathok Situ.
72: Yeshe Jamyang's time at. 196-97. 199. See
also Yangri Gar Monastery
Drigung Kagyu monasteries. 280-8 I; destruction
of. ix, 3. 106; locations of, 2- 3. 2; mother
monastery, ix, xiii. See t1/So Alchi Monastery;
branch monasteries; Drigung Monastery;
Lamayuru Monastery: Phyang Monastery;
Wanla Monastery
Drigung Kagyu Ratnashri Buddhist Centre
(Selangor, Malaysia), x.x
Drigung Kagyu School: doctrines of, xix ;
expeditions of monks and meditators, xviiixix; monuments attributed to, 238-47; range
of, xiii. 257; seat of, xi. See also Drigung
hierarchs: Drigung Kagyu lineages; Drigung
Kagyu monasteries; Drigung painting
Drigung Lama. footprints of. 76
Drigung Lingpa. See Sherab Jungne
Drigung Mangrawa Dorje Gyaltshen ( ' Bri gung
Mang ra ba rDo rje rgyal mtshan). 60--6 I
Drigung Monastery (Drigung Thel): abbatial
histories. 72; abbots of. 22, 43. 22 I , 268.
276-79, 305n99 I: auacks on, 244, 273.
304-5n989; branch monasteries of. xiii , I.
316
INDEX
Drigungpa. See Jigten Sumg~n
Drigung painting: art preservation projects and
resources. xix- xx: characteristics of, 43, 23237; composition, 219, 250- 54: dating of, ix.
xi , 9. 37, 39. 4 I. 43. 180-87.22 I, 222. 223,
227- 30. 230-31 , 240-41 , 242; earl y period.
75-99, 215-19, 230-3 I, 242, 250, 257; early
publications on, 19- 3 I; identification of, ix,
215, 254; identification of minor figures in,
96; later, 121- 22; middle period, 101 - 19:
mural sites, 8-9; painting styles of. 47, I 18,
231; periodization of, ix. xi , 61--62, 101,
121 - 22; political content of, 285n287; western
Himalayan, 227- 30. 230-32, 230, 234. See
also Driri Style
Drigung Phowa Chenmo CBri gu11g "pho bu (.~hen
mo) festival , 305n990
Drigung Rebellion~ xx
Drigung Rinchen Palri Monastery (Kathmandu).
203
Drigung Tse (rTse) estate, 283n27
Drikung. See Drigung
Drikung Buddhist College. 57
drikung.org. 3. 7. 9
Drilbupa (Ghao(apada), 220, 221.227,235
Driri style: assembly fields. 133. 134, 135; in
Buddha with flames from Gongkar Monastery.
I2 I. 123fig: characteristics of. I 23- 24, I57:
clouds. mountains. and crags, 19-20. 123- 24.
127, 148-49, 157, 163: colors, 196, 294n700:
compound body aureoles, I 5 I, 153; dating
of, 39; depiction of lineallarnas. 124; derived
from Khyenri, ix: described by Harris, 30. 47;
:described by Rase Konchok Gyatsho, 59;
described by Yeshe Jamyang, 285n220.: early
phase of, 121. 124-30. 126, 126-28, 130;
flames. I5 I, 155. I58, !59, 205; flourished
under three great lamas, 122: hybrids, 60--61 ,
121 , 135, 205; late period of. 122, 138-42,
147-49; middle period of, 121. 131- 33; naive,
148: at Rinchen Ling. 213; as source of later
Drigung style, 30; use of the term 'fJriri .., xixii, 47; use of white. 192, 196; Yeshe Jam yang
on. I 95. 203. See uL\'0 clouds, Driri Style;
Drigung painting
Drog<Sn Rechen: as eighth master of the lineage,
70; portrait of, wearing hat, 67, 69
Dromton, 47
Dromton Monastery, 304n989
Drubgyu Gon {sGrub brgyud dgon). 5
DrubgyUiing Monastery (Gapa), 4. 5
Drubwang Pachung Rinpoche, 57
Drulcpa Hermitage (Sabu, Ladakh). 208. 209
Drukpa Kagyu: hats of, 24, 67; possible
identification of thangka. 143; temples. 46.
270; 1ransfer of monasteries to, 6
Drungpa Kunga, 2n
Drungpa Thampa. 2n
Drupwang Rinpoche (Grub dbang Rin po che). 186
Dushabpa LotrlS (Dus zhabs pa Blo gros), 26
Dusurn Khyenpa (Dus gsum mkhyen pa; First
Karmapa).54, 55, 64, 215; hatof.64, 65--67,
69,82
Duwa Khan, xx, 282n2 I
Dyhrenfurlh. Gunter, 180, 184-85
Dzalendhara, 155
Dza Merchen Gegon (rDza Mer chen), 4
Dzamling Gyen Temple (Drigung The I). I
Dzogchen (Great Perfection), 53- 54
Dzongsar Tashi (rDzong gsar bKra shis)
Monastery, I
Dzongtshen ( rDzong btsan) Monastery, 148
DzutrOJ (rDzu 'phrul). 5
E
Early Ladakhi Style. 33- 35, 41.42
eanh.touching gesture (blu7misparfamudrii), F:l,
89,234, 235,246,252- 53,254.255
Eastern lndian/Pala International Style, 33
eight auspicious symbols,
80-82, 216
Eight Great Adepts: in early Drigung Kagyu
paintings, 40, 87. 219- 2 I, 234-35, 247;
and identification of Drigung Kagyu
painting, 96, 219, 221; in lama portraits, I 2;
Luczanits paper on, 40, 42. See also siddhas;
mahasidlilws
Eight Herukas, 167. See tllso HayagriVa;
Yamantaka
Eighth Togdan Tulku, 184
Eight Pronouncements. I67: Lokastotrapuja as.
122. 166
eight solitary buddhas. 250
elephants. 92. 133
embroidered thanglcas. 60
Eri Style: clouds, 144. 192. 207.208: colors of,
196, 284nl62; compared with Driri. 133, 196:
flames, 159. /59: learned by Ngawang Dorje.
210; mentioned. 127. 204; in Yeshe Jamyang's
list, I 95
Ernst, Richard, 38, 54-55
Essen, G., 37, 135, 162, 165. 169, 173, 285n215
Everding, Karl -Heinz, xx, 292n644
ewum symbol. 30
n,
F
Faber, Rosita. 37. I 09
Fifth Dalai Lama: lineage of. 161, 181: mentioned.
290n548. 292n60 I; patron of Khyenri artists.
II 6- I 7, 12 I: record of teachings received.
142.169. 181, 284nl09. 293n621
Filibeck. Elena De Rossi. 26
First Karmapa. See DUsum Khyenpa
First Propagation of Buddhism. 266. 303n958
Fischer, Roland, 8, 35-36, 44, 109, 131
Fi ve Buddha Families, 95, 95,262, 302n951
Fi ve Buddhas. 257
five colors of the rainbow, 90
five garments. 262, 302n951
Fi ve Long-Life Sisters (Tshe ring mched lnga),
265. 266--67.268, 269, 272. See also Tashi
Tseringma
five poisons (five conflicting emotions), 296n754
Five Tarns, 28
Five Tathagatas, 66. 93
flames: Buddha with flames from Gongkar
Monastery, 121, 123; around four-armed
Mahiikala, 158, /59: Driri Style, 151 , 155.
158.159, 163-65, 200-202, 205;engulfing
wrathful deities, /54. 155./55, 158--60./58.
!59, 184. 185; Eri Style, 159. !59; in murals
at Rinchen Ling. 213; patterns suitable for
body nimbuses. /52: as seroUwork panern.
151./52: inTantric imagery, 151
footprints. guru, 52, 62. See also footprintlhangkas
footprintlhangkas: 75--83; with actual footprints,
2 16; arrangement of deities and gurus,
arrangement of minor deities, 75, 288n420;
with bunions, 75,237. 296n754: centered on
Cakras3J1'1vara, 222, 225; differences among
schools, 237; drawing on silk from Tibet
Museum. Gruyere, 237. 238; of Drigung
Lama, 76; Early Footprints of a Black-Haned
Lama. 82: and early human portraits, 84; and
the Eght Great Adepts, 221 : on embroidered
silk from Pritzker Collection, 222- 23, 225,
227, 235, 237, 297n797. 298n818; fabric
used for, 77: inscriptions on, 75-77. 288n428;
of Jigten Sumgon, 40. 74- 75, n-80, 78,
n;
79, 80, 81,214-15, 215-17, 216, 220,237;
Kanna KagyuAO, 80-82; from McCom1ick
Collection. 74. 79. 223, 226. 227. 235. 236.
237, 298n818: prototypical. 76. 84; from
the Rubin Museum , 38- 39, 42, 43, 2/4-15.
215-17, 2/6.218. 2 19- 20. 221, 222, 233. 234.
235, 236. 255: with some Drigung elements.
237- 38: Taldung Kagyu. 82; Taklungthangpa
Chenpo, 82-84. 83 See also Buddha
footprints; guru footprints
Four Dharrnas of Garnpopa. 57
Four Great Guardian Kings: in Drigung
iconography, 50; from Jangchubling
Monastery, 200-202, 202; from Lamayuru
Dukhang Sarpa. 200, 200, 20 I, 202: painted
by Yeshe Jam yang. 199, 200, 200, 201 , 202- 3.
202. 204, 205.206-10: at Rinchen Ling,
211 . 212-1 3;as semiwrathful deities, 153;at
Sharchukhul, I 99; Tsangri Style, 208- I 0, 208;
VirOpilk$'1 as. 149. 149
Foumier. Lionel, 33, 34. 101, 106
four ornaments (rgyan b~.hi), 60
Francke, Augusr Hemtann, 34, 4 I, 44
Fran~ is. Marc: I06 "Dances of Lamayuru," 280;
on Guru Lhakhang. 289n476; ''Hi~rarques
er r~gents Drigungpa, rois du Ladakh;' 276;
on Lamayuru, ln - 78. 289-90n492.509,
292n642. 293n633: on Limi!Phyang guru
lhangka se1. I 09; mentioned. 290n553
G
Ga. See Gapa district (Kham)
Gadik (Ga ldig), master painter, 60, 61 , 121. 13 I
Ga DrubgyUGon (sGa sGrub brgyud dgon), 4, 5
Gampo Chenga, 57, 58 See tllso Rase Konchok
Gyarsho
Gampogar (sGam po gar), 52
Gampopa (Dakpo Lhaje Sonarn Rinchen): with
buuerfty ftunering over a ftower, I 14, 115.
290n520: depicred in lineage, I 2, 2 1, 24, 269;
depicted with Milarepa and Rechungpa, 20.
20, 106. 138; in Drigung Kagyu lineage. 107,
109. 218.237. 274 ; and Dzogchen reachings.
53 : four dharrnas of. 57; gomslw of. 63. 63.
64-65. 66. 67. I 15. 115; and the hat of Dusum
Khyenpa, 65-67; in Limi!Phyang thangka
seL 109. I 14-15, //4. //5; lineage of. 182:
misidentified. 54; in painring of Vajradhara.
143; relics of. 52. 54; successors of, 10, 54,
296n764
Gat,~apati , 227,236
Gandhara. 236
Gangngon Tashi ChOdzong (sGang sngon bKra
shis chos rdzong). See Tashi Chodzong
Gansser. Augusto. 24
Ganu (painter), 35
Gapa disrricr (Kham): Drigung Kagyu conrinues
in, xi; Drubgyuling Monastery. 4. 5;
importance of, 4; monasreries and branch
monasteries, 3, 4-5. 280; Nyidong Monastery,
4. 4, 283n41
Garchen Changchup Wangpo (mGar chen Byang
chub dbang po), 133
Garchen Ri npoche. I38
Gar Dampa Chodingpa, 38. 299n857
Gar Gon Jangchub Choling (mGar dgon Byang
chub chos gling). 4
Gar Gonpa (mGar dgon pa) Monasrery, 4
Garpa Changdor, xix
Gar traditions. See Kanna Gardri Sryle
Ganrul Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Nyima (mGar
sprul dKon mchog bsran 'dzin chos kyi nyi
rna) of Nangchen. I 55
gamllas. 87, 89, 92. 95
Gega Lama: an manual of, 63, 7 I ; Cakrasar11vara
wirh surrounding fire nimbus. 151, 152
Geluk School, 3, 49, 5 1. 257. 291n596
Gcsar of Ling, 263
Geshe Ashon (dGe bshes A gz.hon). 60
Ge' u Gon (•Ge' u dgon), 5
Ghal)!apada (Drilbupa), 220. 221. 227, 235
Ghuya Gangpa (Ghu ya sgang pa), 221,276
gNubs Narn mkha 'i snying po, 292n603
Goepper. Roger: dating of AIchi Sumrsek Temple.
26-28. 33. 42: discovery of inscribed lineage
at Three-Story Temple. 42: mentioned.
296n764
golden lhangkas (gser tlrtmg): depicring
Padmasambhava with assembly field, 143-44,
144; of Mar'ijusrr ar Phyang Monastery. 14447, 145; mentioned, 26. 36; of Vajrasanva ar
Phyang Monastery, 146
Go Lotsawa, Blue Annals, 53, 54
Gomchung (sGom chung or dB on sgom) Sherab
Changchup (Shes rab byang chub), 10
Gompa Rinchen Dorje (sGom pa Rin chen rdo rje),
77, 288n429, 296n758
Gompa Tshul!rim Nyingpo, 10, 63
gomslw (sgom :/rwa: mediration bars): color of.
62: Dakpo Kagyu. 63-64, 63-67; Drigung
Kagyu,62-63, 67, 7 1,141,144, 147, 162-63,
165, 173, 183, 192; in Driri paiming, 124,
160: ofDrogon Rechen. 67. 68, 70; ofDUSum
Khyenpa. 65-67: of Gampopa, 63, 63, 66; hat
teachings of Jigren Sumgon. 62-63 ; of Jigten
Sumgon. 62. 62; Karma Kagyu. 67- 71 : in
Menri Style painting from Kham. 138: used in
comparison of schools. xi
Gongbur Monasrery. See Gungbur Gonpa (Purang)
Conge/rig reachings. 58
Gongkar Dorjeden (Gong dkar rOo rje gdan)
Monasrery, II 7
Gongkar Dorje Denpa, I 42
Gongkar Monastery. 121 ; Buddha with ftames, 123
Gonpo. See Mahakala
Gonpo Yeshe, 106
Goshri Dondrup Gyalpo (Go shri Don grub rgyal
po; Dri I 2). II 0. 274, 276
Gorshangpa, 67, 19 1; statue of, 70
Grags pa bsod nams. 282n24
Grags pa rin chen , xxi, 282n23
Great Consciousness-Transference Ceremony (Pho
ba chen po). xix, 282n 13
Grear Perfection (Dzogchen), 53
"Grear Yellow Monasteries of the Yellow Seer' '
(Tucci), 20
Green TiirJ. 84, 101, 218, 227, 23 1. 234, 252; with
Avalokiresvara at Kanji Temple. 245
Gruschke. Andreas. 3. 5
Guge (Ngari): painting style of. 41.47-49, 50.
291 n569: Red Temple, 47
Guhyasamaja-A~obhyavajra mandala, 234.
296n754
Guhyasamaja deities . 39, 75. 222. 223
Gulab Singh. Maharaja. 178
Gungbur Gonpa (Purang): approach ro, I 06;
discussed by Kerin, 47: hillside remples of, 6 ;
murals of. 9, 21 , 106- 7. 108fig; restorarion of,
I 06: temple at the foor of Gungbur cave, 6;
remples of, 7
Guru Dolje Drolo (rDo Jje gro lod), 153
Guru Drakpo. I 63, 163, 200. See also
Padmasambhava
Guru Lhakhang. See Phyang Monasrery (Ladakh)
guru footprints. 52, 62. See also footp1in1 lhangkas
guru lineages: for Amirayus, 106: from Chenrezik,
Lamayuru. 181-82; and the daring of Drigung
paintings, ix, 9 , 221; interperarion of, ix. 9.
37, 43 , 242, 301n935: of Kadam Mahayana,
182, 183; Kagyu, at Kanji Temple, 244; on
painting of Eleven-faced Thousand-armed
Avalokit.Svara, 141-42; on painting of
Eleven-faced Thousand-armed Avalokitdvara
with fi ve D-akas, 290-91n565; in painting
of four-anned Mahakilla, 155: in painring of
Milarepa. Rechungpa. and Gampopa, 20- 2 1.
20; in painting of Padmasambhava. 138.
138-39; in painting of Sal1aja Samvara, 156:
in paintingsofYarnari, 160-61. 169./7/;
represenrarion of. 219: rraditions of, 221 ; of
rwo main rraditions of Atisa, 182: used in
dating. 37. 301n935: wesrem Tibetan. 242,
257, 298n809, 299n854. See also abbots;
Drigung Kagyu lineages
guru portraits, I 08- I 7
Gyalmorong. 124
Gyalpo Kambum (rGyal po bka ' 'hum), 181
Gyalrsen, Khenpo Konchog, Great Kagyu Masters ,
297n784
Gyalwang Konchok Rinchen, First Chetsang (rGyaJ
dbang dKon mchog rin chen: Dri 24). 274
Gyalwang Kunga Rinchen (rGyal dbang Kun dga·
rin chen; Dri 17). 6, 60-6 1. 110, 183, 206, 274
Gyalwang Rinchen PhUntshok (rGyal dbang Rin
chen phun tshogs; Dri 18). See Je Ratna:
Rinchen PhUntshok
Gyangdrak Monasrery (Moum Kailash), 5, 6, 6, 8 .
35; head lamas of, 22. 46; srupa in from of, 5
Gyantse (rGyal rtse) Kumbum, 29, 48. 49. 148.
299n870. See also Kumbum Monasrery
(Lingshed Village)
Gya Phakpa Temple (Nako Village. Khunu), 4546,45: affiliation with Drigung Kagyu, 270:
Drigung Kagyu lamas. north wall , 46; image
of Achi Chokyi Drulma. 270. 270. 271: mural
inscriptions at, 46-47; painting style of. 47;
placemen! vis-a-vis Guge and Purang, 49
Gyari Style, 30. 195
Gya Shangrrom rradirion, 160, 163, /64, 167-69,
170. 171
Gyel LukiM, 305n989
Gyelwa Rinpoche (rGyal ba rin po che), 243-44.
299n868
Gyera Chok!rUI Konchok Thub!cn Wangpo
(brGyad ra mChog sprul dKon mchog !hub
bstan dbang po; Dri 38), 275. 279
A
hagiographies, 50. 103. 264-65. 303n969
Hahn Museum (Korea). 144
Halji Village (Limi). 7. 7
halos. 256- 57, 259. See also nimbuses
hand-prints. 138, 160
HAR (Himalaytm Art Resources), XKii
Harris. O are: on Ngawang Dorje, 210: on painting
styles, 30, 47: on Tshewang Rigdzin 's career,
189, 191; on Yeshe Jamyang 's late sryle, 203
hats: Karmapa, 147, 215; lotus, 71 , 72, 183: lotus
hat of Orgyen, 71 , 72; non-gomslra, 71 - 72,
288n405; Nyingma. 71; pundiL 71 - 72, 72,
102,102, 156, 167; rigd:iu, 7 1, 71, 124,
125, 126. 141. 147, 183: SharnarTulku,
147; shapes of. 20; Taklung Kagyu, 238: of
PAINTING TRAD I TIONS OF THE OR\GUNG KAGYU SCHOOL
317
TerliJns. 71, 7/ , 183: of the throne-holder of
Mindrilling, 7 1. 7 I; used to detennine sect, xi,
24. See also gomslut
hat teachings. 62~3, 67- 71. 287-88n403
Hayagn-va: ceremony related to, 292n60 I: with
consort and aspects of Padmasambhava.
1 61~2. 161. 291n599; wi th consort and
Drigung Kagyu lineage, 1 62~3. 162; with
consort in illustration from Tucci, 19; one of
the Eght Herukas. 167: possible identification
of, 298n824: in Rubin Museum drawing. 236;
subjugation ofRudra by. 133; between two
siddhas, 249, 300n904; Yangzab tradition of
practice, 138, 162, 199
Hearl of The Gre<ll Vehicles Teachings (Theg chen
bstan ptt 'i snying po). xvii
Heeramaneck collection, 24
Heller. Amy. 37. 40-41. 55. 399n913
Hevajra. 52: with Kagyu lineage from Alchi
Lhakhang Soma. 14
" Hidden Lhakhang'' (Lingshed). 49-50, 241-42.
242,252
Highest Yoga teachings. 2 15. 295n743
Himalayan Art Resources (HAR}, xxii
' 'History of the Nangchen Twemy-five" (Ba ri Zla
ba tshe ring, comp.}, 4. 5
horses, 263, 264, 302n955. 303n965
Howard, Megan, 302n948
Hulegu Khan, xx
I
' 'Indo-Tibetan ," use of term, 49
lndrabhoti , 133. 2 19-20, 221 , 231. 235, 287n781:
embracing a consorL 220: from three-storied
temple at Wanla. 232
inscriptions: from Alchi Sumtsek Temple.
2 18. 296n763: on black thangka of the
Gya Shangtrom T radition. 169, 292n6 18;
at Chenrezik Lakhang. Lamayuru. 180;
on painting of Jigten Sumgon from
Zurich collection. 40-41: on painting of
Padmasambhava with refuge tree, 138; from
Phyang. 45; on Rubin Museum drawing, 2 17.
256; types of, 38; from Wanla, 34-35. 36, 42,
43-44, 243. 299n871. 300n873
lmemational Style, 33, 49
·'
Jigme Kunga Namgyal. King. 278
Jigme Lingpa ('J igs med gling pa}, 123
Jigme Senngge ('Jigs med seng ge). 129
Jigten Chillil. 166
Jigten Gonpo. See Jigten Sumgon
Jigten Sumgon (Drigungpa): with Achi CMkyi
Drolma. 36, 26~9: at AIchi Great Chilrten.
255, 255; in AI chi Utakhang Soma lineage,
13; in Alchi Small Stupa, J I. JJ. 41 , 219, 255;
in AIchi Somtsek lineage. 10-11 , 10; in A! chi
stupas, 240, 241; in Alchi Translator's Temple
panel , 255; associated with triple jeweL
237, 238; with chief disciples, at Phyang
Monastery, 8: commissioned reliquary stupa at
Densa T hel. xvii, 50-51 ; commissioned sacred
images, 72: cure for leprosy, xv; day- lhangka
of, 290n531; death of, xvii: disciple of, with
lineage. 87, 88; doubled representation of,
49: in a Drigung assembly field, 133, I 34:
Drigung hierarch succeeding, 221- 22, 222,
223; with Drigung Kagyu gurus from lantern
at Chenrezik Utakhang, 182-83, 183; in
Drigung Kagyu lineage, 24, 46, 107, 109,
217, 218; early painted portraits of. 84-87,
86. 255, 289n457: early statue portraits of.
87-89. 89. 90: Eight Incantations of. 59; as
equal to a buddha. I I, JJ; facial characteristics
of. 55; family line of, xx, 264. 265, 303n961,
304n972; Manked by deities, 296n754;
foo tprint thangkas of. 38-40, 40. 43. n-80,
78. 79, 80. 81. 84. 214-15. 2 15-17. 216.220.
Jackson. David: classification of women in
thangl<as. 302n947; on Drigung painting
style, 36. 47, 286n282. 286n283: HisTory
of1ibeltlll Pailllillg, ix, 109: interview with
Yeshe Jamyang. 285n22.0 : Mirror of the
Buddlw. 82 . 215; Nepalese Legacy, 13: Patr011
t111d PainTer, 80; Plllce of Provenllnce. 12 1:
publications of. 36-37. 12 1; TibeTan Tlrangka
Painliug, ix: on the Wanla inscription, 243
Jambhala, 236
Jampal Zangpo, gomslra of. 56-57. 65
Jampe Yeshe. 106
Jamyang Chilkyi Gyaltshen, 4th Chungtsang (' Jam
dbyangs chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang
po; Dri 3 1), 275. See lllso Tendzin Chilkyi
Gyaltshen
Jamyang Deldan Namgyal, King, 2n
Jantyangling, Tashi T., 262. 304n975
Jantyang Namgyal, King. 14. 35. 102, 106
Jang (Lijiang, Yunnan}, 3
Jangchubling Monastery (I ndia): Four Great Kings
painted by Yeshe Jamyang. 200-202. 202,
210, 21 1; murals ofYeshe Jamyang, 2 11; new
seat of Drigung Kagyu SchooL xi
Jawka Tllles. 60, 179
Jennga Chokyi Gyalpo (sPyan snga Chos kyi rgyal
po. also 'Dzam gling chos kyi rgyal po; Dri
II }. II 0. 274. 276
p8
Jennga Drakpa Jungne (sPyan snga Grags pa
' byung gnas; Dri 4}. 26, 110.222, 274,276,
305n989
Jennga Gar, 72
Jennga Sherab Jungne. See Sherab Jungne
Jennga Tshamjepa (sPyan snga mTshams bead
pa}, 115
Je Ratna. 165, 173. 183,205. SeeolsoGyalwang
Rinchen PhUntshok (Dri 18}
Je Rinpoche (rJe rin po che}. 243
Jewel Garland of ATOnemenT, 269, 270, 304n985
jewels: naming-jeweled gomslw, 62, 62fig: gi,•en
by m1ga king to discliple. 75; special treatment
of, 95-96; symbol of Rinchen Pal, 42, 62,
95; on throne backrest, 87; used as decorative
elements in architecture, 143. See also triple
jewel
I NDEX
223, 226.237: Gar Monastery main statue. 4:
gom.<lra of, 62. 62. 63: with gurus and deities
from Lotsawa Lakhang. 12- 13. 12, 13: at Gya
Phakpa Temple. 46; hagiography vigneues.
I03; hairline of, II, 38, 4 1, 87, 89, 216,
221. 244, 255,301n922: with his two chief
disciples, by Penpa Tsering, 58, 59; with his
two main disciples, from Phyang Gonkhang,
35. 36; wi th his two main disciples from
Sharchukhul, 305n995; iconography of, 35,
4 1, 55. 87, 92, 96, 105, 237; identification of,
in Zurich thangka. 222, 297n79 1: identified
by Ernst, 54-55; known as Serkhang Choje,
.xviii: lama with long lineage from RRE
Collection, 55, 55; from Lamayuru Sengge
Gang Temple, 16, 50: life of. xiii- xvii; with
life scenes of the ten directions and three
times. 100- 101. ((}3-4, 103. 104-5; with
lineage. 86, 92; with lineage. disciple, and
deities, 96. 98: in lineage depictions at Wanla.
50; at Lingshed Hidden Temple. 49. 241; in
main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274; mentioned
in urdakil Royttl HisTory, 284n 114: monastic
vows of. xvi: names of. xiii. x>V. 38: organized
expeditions to Mount Kailash. xviii- xix , 5: in
painting of four Kagyu lineal lamas, 37- 38:
by Penpa Tsering in frontispiece for Rase
Konchok Gyatsho, 59; and Phagmotrupa from
Wanla T hree-Storied Temple, 257; on Phyang
lantern, 19 1; porlr.lit by Sherab Jungne. I 03;
portrait statues of, 38. 39, 72, 87-89,89, 90.
255, 285n215; possible representation of, 143,
301n926; ProfoundTeadrings , 62; with pupi l.
in collection of Navin Kumar. 223- 27; statue
of, with base and backrest, 39: stressed proper
detai l in Tanlric imagery, 151: study with
Phagmotrupa. xi v- xv; in teaching buddha
composition, 254; teachings of. xvii . 58,
62~3; thangkas of. 200; with two anendant
disciples. xviii; inTsatsapuri murals. 50; with
two lamas of Drigung, /20-2/, 127, 128:
vision from the peak of Gampogar, 52; with
white oomplexion. 256: wrinen sources by,
60, 273; from Zurich collection. 40-41 , 222,
297n79 L See also Drigung Kagyu lineages
Jina, Prem Singh. 179. 183. 186. 186-87
Jilanatapa. 42
Jokhang (Tsuklakkhang) Temple (Lhasa), 149
Jo Lama (Jo Bla rna), 2 13
Jonang Takten PhUntshokling. 11 6. 290n515
Jonang Taranatha. 11 6
Jo nubs (Chos sgo ba Rdo rje ye shes), 282n24
Jucker collection. 298n812
Jung Dorje Dral<pa (gCung De rno ba alias gCung
po rOo rje grags pa: Dri 5}, 5, 17, 26. 35. 44,
II 0, 274, 276
K
Kaclrem Kaklrolma, 18 1
Kachen Losang Phuntshok. 209, 2 10
Kadam Mahayana lineages, 182, 183
Kadampa School, 67, 90. 106, 182. 2 15
"Kadampa Style,'' 49
Ka Gyatso, 2 11. 295n739
Kagye (bKa' brgyad). 53
Kagyu Namgyal Gilnpa (bKa' brgyud rNam rgyal
dgon pa}. I 06
Kagyu sects. 3; schools of painting. 2 15: lineage
representations, I I, 72, 73. 2 16, 217. See
also Drigung Kagyu School; Kanna Kagyu;
Taklung Kagyu
Kaidu, XX, 282n2 1
Kalacakra, 2/2,213 . 246: frorn New Assembly
Hall , Spituk Monastery, 200
Kanakavatsa arhat (gSer be'u}, from late Driri set,
147, 148
Kangyur (bKa · 'gyur} canon, 197
Kanj i (Ladakh}. 4 1, 47, 243. 244, 299n872;
Avalokitdvara flanked by Medicine Buddha
at, 245: relationship with Wanla, 244. 300n874
Kapstein. Matthew, 273
Karakoram Mouruains. 185
Kargyudpa douds, 19, 192
Karma Gardri Kagyu Interval. 173
Kanna Gardri Style: Chinese landscape
background. ix : coexisted with Drigung.
121; at Drigung. 59~. 6 1, 121; in Drigung
painting, 133- 35: ofGega Lama. 63 . 151,
I 52: hybrids, 135: in Kham, 135; mentioned.
26, 130: of Sixteen Arhats se!. 118 : synthesis
with Menri, 295n702. See lllso Tshurri
(Tshurphu) Style
Karma Kagyu: foo tprint thangkas, 40. 80-82. 82;
gomslw of, 56-57, ~7. 65. 67- 71; hats,
147, 2 15; idemification of, 2 15: inscriptions ,
138; mentioned. 135; monasteries, 3
Kannapa Mikyil Dorje, 105, 127
Kannay, Heather, 24. 26
Kannay, Samten, 54
Kanno {dKar mo), 271- 72 . 271
Karsha Monastery (Zangskar, Ladakh}, 227;
Kadampa ChOrten, 24 1
Kashmir: artists from. 28, 33; invasion of
Lamayuru, 178: mentioned, 44. 243; ruler of,
299n862; style of, 33
Ka Tashi Gon (Ka bKra shis dGon). 4
Kathok Monastery. 130, 288n448
Kathok Rigdzin Chenpo Tshewang Norbu
(Ka~ !hog Rig 'dzin Tshe dbang nor bu), 71,
130. 141
Kathok Situ (Ka~ thog Situ), xi- xii, 72- 73,
284nl60
Katung Druzhi (Ka !hung gru bzhi}, 264
Kerin, Melissa, 45-49, 270, 286nn282,283
Kham: map of. xx v; monasteries of, 280-8 1:
painting style of, 20, 30, 195-96, 295n702;
styles of, in Drigung painting. 133- 35, 138:
tradition 54. See also Gapa district (Kham);
Nangchen district (Kham)
Khamjok Gon (Kham mgyogs dgon). 5
Kharag Gomchung, 54
Kharakhoto. thangkas from. 24, 26
Khargo Gon (mKhar ·go dGon) Monastery. 4
k/wfviinga (Tantric stafl), 227. 235. 269
Khecara. 264. 303n964
Khenchen Gurawa Ts huhrim Dorje (mKhan chen
Gu ra ba Tshul khrims rdo rje; Dri 2). xvii, 13,
26. 109, 186. 274,276
Khenchen K!lnchog Gyaltshen Rinpoche, 287n376
Khenchen Namjom (mKhan chen rNam 'joms). 186
Khenchen Norbu Gyaltshen. 61
Khenpo (mKhan po}, 274
Khochar Temple (Purang). I 03
KMn clan, 304n972
KMn Sherab Tshultrim, 53
Khosla, Romi. 14-15, 185. 295n737
khri skor (Mongol administrative district), 44
Khubilai Khan (Qubi lai Khan), xx. 282n2 1
Khunu. 45-46, 47, 48, 280. See also Gya Phakpa
Temple
Khyenri Style: brought to Drigung, 60, 117;
Chinese landscape background, ix: discussed
in Jackson 1996, 30; Great Adept in a Drigung
Kagyu Lineage, 29, 11 7; guru portraits, 109:
influence on Drigung Style, xi . 121. 127: of
Limi/Phyang thangka set. 116-17: lotus petals,
151 : in the middle period of Drigung art, 101;
patronized at Drigung Monastery, 29. 59. 117.
121 : set of eighty-four siddhas, 118
Khyentse Chenmo. 30, 116
Kings of the Four Quarters, 22. 177
Kinnar (India). See Khunu
K1imburg..Salter, Deborah: on Drigung Style, 47,
286n282; on Guge. 49; OrienWiions article
introducing thangka with footprints of Jigten
Sumg!ln, 38-40, 215, 285n227; students of.
45; study of footpri nt lhangkas. 42. 297n787;
Tabo book of, 22
Kodan. 304n989
Koelz, Walter N_ 227
Koelz Collection (Ann Arbor), 21, 230; thangka
with Drigung hierarch, 227, 228,230-31,
298n809
K!lnchogTabdol, 186
Konchog Tendzin Ngawang Gyaltshen, 293n633
Konchog Tendzin Tri nle LhUndrup. See Rase
Konchok Gyatsho; Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup
(Dri 40)
"Konchok'' Chi:inyi Norbu, 5th Chungtsang (dKon
mchog? chos nyid nor bu : Dri 33). 183. 275.
278
Konchok Dorwa (artist). 44
Konchok Gyalpo. 53
Konchok Gyaltshan. 19, 187, 191, 192- 93:
domestic articles of everyday use. 193; style
of. l93. 210: lhangkapaintedfor Pallis. l92.
193: while painting, 193
Konchok Gyatso (dKon mchog rgya
mtsho). hagiography of Achi Chokyi
Dralma. 261, 264-65, 265, 267, 273,
303nn958,959.965.966. 304nn970,975,
305n991
K1inchok Lhundrub (dKon mchog lhun grub). 72
K1inchok Monlam, 278
K1inchok Ngedon. 278
Konchok Norbu (dKon mchog Nor bu). 186
Konchok Rangdr1il Nyima Mipbam Sengge (dKon
mchog rang grot nyi ma mi pham seng ge),
293n637
Konchok Rinchen (Fi rst Chetsang; Dri 24).
283n4 1. 277
Ki:inchok Rinchen CMk')'i Wangchuk (7th Gyalse),
278
Ki:inchok S1inam, 44
K1inchok Tendzin. art manual of, 151
K1inchok Tendzin (4lh CMku). 279
K1inchok Tendzin Chodrak Tshepal
(6th Togdan), 278
Ktlnchok Tendzin CMkyi Lotro. See Tendzin
Chokyi Lotro (Dri 35)
Ktlnchok Tendzin CMkyi Nangwa. See Tendzin
Chokyi Nangwa (Dri 39}
Ktlnchok Tendzin CMyang (3rd Nyatag). 278
Ktlnchok Tendzin CMying Namdrol
(6th Gyalse). 278
Konchok Tendzin Drodul, 3rd Chetsang (dKon
rnchog bstan 'dzin 'gro 'dul ; Dri 28). 169.
275, 278
K1inchok Tendzin Khyentse Wangchuk (4th
Balog), 278
Konchok Tendzin Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshen (8th
Togdan).279
Konchok Tendzin Shenwa, 278
Konchok Tendzin Tri nle Kunkhyab (4lh Nyatag),
278
Ki:inchok Tendzin Tri nle LhUndrup. See Rase
Ki:inchok Gyatsho; Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup
(Dri 40)
K1inchok Thukje Nyima. 5th Chetsang (dKon
rnchog thugs Jje nyi rna : Dri 34), 182.
183. 186, 187. 293n633; abbot of Drigung
Monastery, 278: in main Drigung Kagyu
lineage. 275
Ktlnchok Trinle Zangpo. 2nd Chetsang (dKon
mchog ' phrin las bzang po: Dri 26). See Trinle
Zangpo
Kongpo. monasteries of. 280
Kukkuripa.220, 235
Kumar, Navin, 223- 27, 233,235, 236, 237
Kumburn Monastery (Lingshed Village), 49,
299n870
Kun dga· rdo rje, 282n24
Kunga Chogyal. 277
Kunga Gyaltshen, 276
Kunga Lcgzang, 185, 277
Kunga Lotrll, 277
Kunga Rinchen, 277, 305n991
Kunga Tashi, I06
Kunga Zangpo, I 06
Kunkhyen Rigdzin Chodrak. First Chungtsang
(Kun mkhyen Rig 'dzin Chos grags ; Dri 25).
See Rigdzin Chodrak
Kuyal Ri nchen Glln, 82
Kyirong Jowu. statue of, 103
Kyobpa Jigten Sumgyi Gonpo (sKyob pa ·Jig rten
gsum [gyi I mgon po). 20
Kyura (sKyur ra) clan. xii i. xix. xx. 264. 303n961.
304n972: lineage of, 278
Kyurbuchen. 202
L
Lachen Lotra Gyaltshen (Bia chen Blo gros rgyal
mtshan), 181
Lachi (La phyi). xvi
Lachiwa Namkha Gyaltshen (La phyi ba Nam
mkha' rgyal mtshan). 21
Ladakh (India): cave temples of. 284nl 12;
conservation activities in, 50; cultural siles
introduced by Snellgrow e and Skorupski,
21 - 22; Drigung Kagyu monasteries and
affiliate convents. 8. 238-47. 281; historical
background of, 17, 41-42; impact of Drigung
Kagyu art in, 33- 34; invitation to ChOje
Denma Kunga Drakpa, 7; Kashmiri rule of,
178; kings of, 276-79; lama representatives.
276-79: Luczanits's study of, 33- 34; in the
middle period of Drigung art, 101; mural
sites of. 9, 177: painting traditions of. 45.
47, 242: part of Ngari cultural province, ix;
peasant house in. / 96; Rechungpa lineage
from. 21 ; studied by Petech, 22; surviving
Drigung Kagyu artist in. 285n220; traditional
Buddhist painters in. 45: Tsangri Style of.
26. 27; wayside chorten and barley field in,
188-89; western and central Tibetan styles in,
238-42 . See also Alchi : Early Ladakhi Style:
Lamayuru: Phyang; Wanla
Ladakh Cboje (Lo dwags chos rje), 8, 184, 277
Lake Anavatapta. 236
~mil<:ara, 219,220
Lama Dampa S!lnam Gyaltshen (Bia rna Dam pa
bSod nams rgyal mtshan), 10 1- 2, 289n474
Lama Gyalwa Gotshangpa. See Gmshangpa
Lama Menyag (Bia rna Me nyag). xvi
lamas, with vibrant head and body nimbuses,
94-95, 95, 96
Lama)'Uru Monastery (Ladakh): Achikhang, 178.
186, 293n632; administrJtion of, 8; altars
of principal protectors, 178; ancient column
capital from Sengge Gang Temple, /5: branch
monasteries of. 281; Byams pa khang. 178;
Chenrezik Lhakhang, 44, 142, 177. 178-80,
179, 180-83. 293n642; dating of murals, 18086; damage and reconstruction at. 178, 185,
185; Dukhang. 178, 185. 189; Dukhang Sarpa.
177, 185. 194, /95,200, 200. 201.206. 207.
207; enlarged by Cboje Denma, I 06; Four
Great Guardian Kings. 194. 202. 206-7,206.
207: full name of. 13; gateway cMrten. 240;
general view of complex in the 1970s, 178;
Gokhang. 178: Gonkhang. 177. 178. 183-84.
184-85, 184, 187, 189. 190: guidebook to,
179; layout of. 177- 78: Maitreya Lakhang,
185-86, 185: murals of, 9, 15-16. / 6, 22,
177- 78. 182: murals by Yeshe Jamyang,
199,200, 201. 202, 203; murals possibly by
Tshewang Rigdzin, 190, /90; in the 1930s, 15;
Petech on, 22; photograph of, 22: possession
confirmed by King .Jamyang Namgyal, 106;
presented by Snellgrove and Skorupski . 2122, 177. 178; residence rooms, 178, 293n633;
restoration of, 13, 28, 284n 150; second most
prominent in Ladakh. 13- 14; Sengge Gang
Temple. 13-1 5. / 6, 17,33, 50, 183;Sengge
Lhakhang (Lion's Temple), 244-45, 246, 247,
252, 300n876, 30 I n909; site of, 14; statue
of Sak')'amuni, 190; Tshewang Rigdzin and,
189-90
Lama Zhang Yudrakpa (Bia rna Zhang g.Yu brag
pa). 63. 63
landscapes: Chinese. ix. 29, 110: Driri Style.
127: with hidden objects. 149: in Limi/
Phyang thangka set, 110-16: local features in.
290n534; in paintings of wrathful deities. 158.
See also clouds: mountains: rocky outcrops
lanterns. 177; at Cherezik Lhakang, Lamayuru.
182-83. /83; at Phyang, 186, 191, 191.
294n675; at Wanla. 245. 247- 50
Legden Dudjom (Legs ldan bdud 'joms), 18 1. 182
Legdrup Gyatsho, 208
PA I NT I NG TRA DITI ONS O F T HE O RI GUNG K AGYU SC H OOL
3 1,9
Leh Palace (L~dakh): eminent Nyingma Rigdzin
with lineal lamas, 130, 130; Jokhang shrine,
199,203
Lekden Yeshe. western Tibetan thangka of, from
Carlton Rochell, 227- 30, 230. 234
Lekpa Lotro (artist). 44
leprosy, xv
Lhachen Jopal (Lha chen Jo dpal). 289n476
Lhakhang Soma. See AI chi Monastery. LhakJ1ang
Soma
Lhochen Konchok Tendzin ChOk)•i Lotro. See
LhotrUI Konchok Tendzin Chokyi Lotro
(Dri 39)
Lho Lungkar Gon (Lho Lung Dkar dgon), 3-4
Lho Meyel Gonpa (Lho Mi g.yel dGon pa), 3, 4
LhotrUI, 133 . 278
Lhotrul Konchok Tendzin ChOkyi LotrO (Lho sprul
dKon mchog bstan ' dzin chos kyi blo gros:
Dri 39). 275
Lijiang (Yunnan), 3
Likir Monastery (Ladakh). I 96
Limi (Nepal): branch monasteries, 7: Drigung
Kagyu continues in. xi: as location of guru
lhangka set, 108, 109. 290n5JO: monasteries
of, 280; mural sites in, 9: part of Ngari cultural
provinc.e~ ix
Limi/Phyang r.hangka set. 108-17.///- /6,
290n510: landscapes in, I 10-16; stylistic
origin of. 116-17
Lineage of Profound View, 220,221
lineages, interpetation of, ix, 9, 37, 43 , 242,
301n935. See also Drigung Kagyu lineages;
guru lineages
Ling Repa, 143
Lingshed (Zangskar): Densa Thcl , xiv, xvi, xx.
50-54, 50,51 , 235. 238, 298n822,299n870:
Hidden Temple, 49-50, 241-42,242, 252;
home ofTshewang Rigdzin, 189
Linrothe, Rob: on conservation activities in
Ladakh, 50; Demonic Di••ine catalog, 167; on
footwear of protector deities, 302n950: and
r.he Hidden Lhakhang, 49- 50. 241, 299n859;
Holy Madness, 42, 300n888; mentioned.
30 I n926: Ruthless Compasswn, 292n612:
"Strengthening the Roots," 219
Lion-headed Oakini (Seng gdong can rna), I 73.
174, 175
lions. 59, 60, 87. 92, 130, 133, 144. 147
Little. Stephan. 29-30
Liu Yisi, 29
Lobpon (sLob dpon), 274
Lo Bue, Erberto: on Guru Lhakhang. I 0 I, I 02,
246, 300n884; mentioned, 203, 283n99,
295n713; on murals of r.he Tashi ChOdzong of
Ph yang, 45, I 06; review of Harris, 3 I; sketch
on Konchok Gyaltshan, 192; on traditional
Buddhist painters in Ladakh. 45; on Tshewang
Rigdzin ·s career, 189; on Tucci's Tibetan
Painted Scrolls, 283n 104
Lochen Dharmashri (Lo chen Dharma shrr), I 67
Loden Sherap Dagyab, I 67
Lokastotrapuja (Jigten CMto), as one of the Eight
Pronouncements, 121, 122, /66
Loke~vara, I 6
Lo Manthang, Maitreya temple at. 299n870
Longchen Nyingr.hik tradition, 144
Los Angeles County Museum: Tibetan Collection
catalog. 24-26; thangka wir.h white-haired
hierarch. 238
Lotsawa Lhakhang. See Alchi Monastery. Lorsawa
Lhakhang
torus flower. 147, 291n569
torus petals. 15 I , I53, I57. 162. I63, 165: as base
for flaming jewels. 62. 63
lotus sears, 133. 151, 156. 163
320
I NDEX
Lowo Khenchen. 289n462
Luczanirs, Christian: article reconsidering Ladakh.
41-42: article on Wanla, 34- 35, 44; Buddhist
Sculpture in Clay, 4 I: on dating methodology,
4 I: dating of Wanta, I6 ; on depictions of
Eight Great Adepts, 40, 87. 96; on r.he Guge
painting style, 48-49; on Guru Lhakhang,
I0 I; on Hayagrrva with consort and aspects
of Padmasambhava, 291n599; on Jigten
Sumgon as equal to a buddha mural, I I; on
lineage from Sumtsek Temple mural, I I: on
the Lorsawa Lakhang murals, 12; mentioned,
xviii, 47; paper on Ladakhi painting of 1998.
33- 34; on RRE Collection hierarch, 55; on
Tashi Gomang srupa of Densa Thel. 52- 54;
transcription of inscription from footprint
thangka. 288n428: on western Tibetan styles.
49,50
Lukhang (Lhasa), 30 I n91 0
Lumbini, 209
Loyipa. 220. 220. 221,223 . 235
M
Machig Lapdron, 302n953, 303n968
Machig Zhama. 303n968
Mahakala: clay images of. 295n709; four-armed,
138.1 55./55, 158,/59, 167.200, 235,269;
iconography of, 304n983; in r.he McCormick
footprint thangka, 298n823; mentioned, 236.
237; raven-headed, 235, 298n822; six-armed
from the Ford Collection, I65; Taklung Kagyu
example of. 167
Maru1kala Bemagjen. I 53
Maru1mudra. xv. xvii. 59
mahasiddhas: from Alchi. 33, 220-21 : arrangement
of. I 10; distinctive in Drigung Kagyu. 219,
245. 257- 59: eighty-plus. 42. 244. 247- 50,
248, 2.59, 300nn887. 888: on r.he entry wall
of the Alchi Shangrong Temple. 245. 248; in
footpri ntthangkas. 75. n . 220. 220, 237; in
portraits of Jigten Sumgon, 84: in western
Himalayan murals, 230. See also Eight Great
Adepts: siddhas
Mahayoga,2 15, 295n743
Maitreya, 16. 48.233, 250
makaras, 200, 237
Maksorma,2/2, 2L3
Mala uf Lotuses (Padma' i 'phreng ba). 292n601
mandalas: colored-sand , 60; connected with
elimination of inferior rebirth, 245; fivedeity, 234: Guhyasamaja-Aksobhyavajra.
234. 296n754; at Hidden Temple, Lingshed
Monastery, 241; painted by Yeshe Jamyang.
I97, 200; Sarvadurgatipari§odhana, 244;
three-dimensionaL by Yeshe Jamyang, 203,
203, 2 12; Yogatantra, 7, 7, 14,84
Ma0ibhadra, xviii
MaiijiJSri: in Alchi Sumtsek. 221 ; dho/T of. 22 1.
259: flanking the Buddha. 233, 250: fourarmed Namasamgni. 23 I, 232; golden r.hangka
of. 144-47, /45: in guru lineage. 160. 227:
lineage of. 182: mentioned, 167: in painting of
Yamari, 292n619; Sakyamuni, Maitreya. and
ManjuSrr. 48
MailjiJSrr mitra, 160
M(uijuirruu71akalpa, 250. 256
ManjiJSrr-Yarnantaka, 37
ManjiJSriYamari, 169, 173. 292n614, 293n625
Marrcr, 227, 231, 234
Marpa: at AI chi Sumtsek Temple, 2 I 7; depicted
in lineage, I 7, 269, 297n803; gave teachings
to Five Long-Life Sisters. 267: on lantern at
Phyang, 19 1; in Limi/Phyang thangka set, I 10,
JJ 3; in lineage from early Drigung Kagyu
portrait set. 109; in lineage of Milarepa, 24:
long ..haired, I I; in main Drigung Kagyu
lineage. 274: mentioned, 24. I 43. 222; quoted
in A chi hagiography. 304n970; representation
of, 233; ' 'enerated guru footprints, 62
Martin, Dan, xiii- xvii, 49, 52
Martin. Nils, 300n886, 30 I n926
Maryul (dMar yul} region. 6. See also Ladakh
(India)
masked dance, 199-200
masks. 199-200. 202. 203
Matro Monastery (Ladakh). 289n474
McCormick Collection: footprintthangkas, 74.
79 223,226. 227,235, 236, 237. 298n818;
teaching buddha composition, 252. 252.257
Medicine Buddha (Bhaisajyaguru), 43, 53, 223,
233, 234, 298n818; with Avalokit.Svara at
Kanji Temple, 245; in iconographic scheme
at Alchi. 245: placement of. 234; row of, with
Sakyarnuni, 252 . 252- 53
medit.~tion hats. See gomslw
Mete. Pietro Francesco. 5 I
Melong Dolje. 129
Menta Dondrup. 30
Mcnri Srylc: artists. 187: Chinese landscape
background, ix; characterized by Wangchuk
of Ladakh, 284n 162: compared wir.h Drigung,
xii. 133, 203; of Gonkhang mural of protecti ve
deities, 184; mentione.d, 127; in the middle
periodofDrigungart, IOI;New Menri, 138;
Old and New, 72; synthesis with Karma
Gardri. 295n702: in r.hangka by Konchok
Gyahshan, 192: Yeshe Jarnyang and, 31. See
also Ori painting style
Mignucci, Aido, 167
Mikyo Dorje, I 05, 127
Milarepa: atAichi Sumrsek Temple. 217: in
Amitayos lineage. 106; depicted in lineage,
10. 17. 2 1, 231.269, 297n803; depicted
with Rechungpa and Gampopa, 18- 19. 20,
21 , 35. 106, 138; in Drigung Kagyu lineage,
109, 274; with episodes from his life, 24-26,
25:and Gampopa's hat, 63; on lantern at
Phyang. I 9 I: in Limi/Phyang lhangka set.
I 14. JJ4: wir.h lineage and surrounding
deities. 96. 99: in painting of Vajradhara. 143;
in portrait of Jigten Sumgon with rainbow
nimbus, 92: representation of, 233; revered
by Phagmotrupa, 49: thangka of. from Rubin
Museum. 227, 229, 230. 23 I. 235,236.
298n818: Twenty-five Main Disciples of. 59;
venerated guru footprints. 62
Mindroling Monastery, throne-holder's ha~ 71.71
Miyo Lozangma (Mi g.yo blo bzang rna), 267
Mongol empire. xx. See also Yuan dynasty
"Mongol !mages•· (hor sku). 38. 72. 87
monuments, chronology of, 238-47
mountains: characteristic of Drigung Style, 30,
144: Driri Sty le, ix, ! 9- 20, /24, 130. 131,
133, 135. I4 I; in paintings of peaceful deities,
123; in Penpa Tsering·s thangka of Jigten
Sumgon. 59
Mount Kaila5a. See Mount Kailash
Mount Kailash (1i se): depiction of, from
Chenrezik LhakJ1ang. L~mayuru, 180-81.
180-81; dortbn of, 221, 276-79, 285n 182;
Drigung School stronghold, 231; expeditions
to. xviii- xix: guide book to, 26: hermitages
and branch monasteries, 5-6: monasteries of.
280; mural sites in, 8-9; mlgas of. 75: from
the north. 5: photograph of, from Chenrezik
Lhakhang. I 80: place of retreat. xvi
Mount Kangchenjunga. 185
mural sites. 8-I 7
Mus6e Guimet: gilded bronzes, 255; poruait
statues of Jigten Sumgon, 38. 39
music. 122
or. 29-ln683: teachers of. 189. 191. 196: on
:-I
NngnrJuna: from Alchi Shangrong Temple. 248;
depicted among the Eight Great Adepts.
22()..21. 220. 297n778: with the first four
mahtlJiddhas, 246: Ill footprintthangka or
J1gt<n Sumgon. n : in guru lineage. 155. 157.
182: ponrayed in triad. 42, 75, 96. 220
nilgt1.1: characteristic of Drigung Kagyu. 40. 43;
depicted on backrests. 60: detail of head. 200.
20/: eight great. 51 : on footprintlhangkas.
n. 80: kings. 75.96: supporting throne base.
236.2.54
Nako Vi llage (Khunu), Gya Phakpn Temple.
45-47.4 5.46, 49.270, 270.271
Nalipa.thc Great AdepL 117- 18. 117. 118. 118
Nam gsong sPrul sku dKon mchog l>stan 'dzin.
283n41
Namgyal. Kllnchok. 179. 183. 186
Namgyal Drubpa. 2n
Namg)'al Dynasty, 276. 277- 79
Narnkha P:dgon (Nam mkha · dpal mgon). 20
Namkha Samdrup (Nam mkha 'l>sam 'grub). 20.21
Namkha Wangchuk (Nnm mkha • dbang phyug).
264
Namkhe Nyingpo (Nam mkha' snying po). 129
Namsa Bakshi (gNam sa dPa · shi). 17
Nanarn clan. 26-1. 302-3n957
Nanda and Upanda, 75
Nangchcn district (Kham): branch monasteries,
3-4. 280-81; Drigung Kagyu in. xi: monastic
seats or Kbochok Tendzin Chok~1 l...olro. 173.
Su also P:dme Goo Monastel)
Nangchen Gar Monastery. 3
Nanggakpa Sonam Pel (Nang dgag pn bsod nams
dpal). 264
Nangsi Silnon (Nang srid zil gnon), 131-33
Naropa: from AJchi Shangrong Temple. 248: at
Alchi Sumtsek Temple. 217: depicted in
lineage. 10. 24,268. 297n803; on luntem at
Phyang. 191: in Limi/Phyang ~•angka seL 110,
113: in main Drigung Kagyu lineagt. 109. 274;
mentioned. 49. 143. 155: representa~on or.
233: SIX yogas of. 57: "1th Tantric staff. 227:
vcnerJted guru footprints. 62
Naropa Tashi PhUntshok (Na ro bKra shis phun
tshogs: Dri 23). 72. 274. 2n
Narthang. murals of. 29-30
Natshok Rangdrbl (Rmchen PhUntshok). 156. See
a/.111 Rinchen PhUntshok
Nebesky -Wojkowitt. Rcn~ de, 269, 304nn979.980
Nenjor Dolje (Rnal 'byor rdo rje). 264
Nepal.43. 280
Nc.-ar. 48. 243
New Mcnri Style. 72, 138. See also Mcnri Style
New Schools. 41
New Translation Era (Sannapa) schools. 50. 165
Ngadak N)ang Ralpajen (mNga · bdag N~ang RaJ
pa can). 181
Ngadak Tsedc (mNga • bdag rTse Ide). 53
Ngari: branch monasteries. ~7: expeditions to,
xviii: rnap of, xxi,,: monasteries of. 280: muraJ
sites in. 8-9: spread of Drigung Kag) u in.
5. 35: sun·i,.ing Dngung murals m.1x. xiii:
undtr Yuan rule, 35. 44. See also Ladakh
Ngari Drnjom (mNga ris dGra •joms). S3
Ngawnng ChOphel (Ngag dbang chos 'phel). 194,
200.208 .208.29 5n722
Ngawang l:>olje. 210. 295n737
Nga"an g G)altshan. 211
Ngawang Jigme. xi
Ngawang Samten. 26. 118. 147
Ngawang Tshering: described sacred an of
Drigung Kag) u SchooL xi: intervie w" 1th
Yeshe Jamyang. 36. 1~95. 294n697: on
L<m11Phyang guru thangka set. 109: pupils
Tshewang Rigd:zin, 191-92. 29~n670: with
Yeshe Jamyang, 195
NgOdrup Gon (dNgos grub mgon), King. 15.28
Ngorchen KOnchok l..hUndrup (Ngor chen dKon
mchog I hun grub). 1~2
Ngor Monastery. 142
nimbuses: compound body. 151. 153, 156. 157:
Driri Style. 15 1: flame head. 13 1; head and
body. 9~96. 96-97: in murals at Rinchen
IJng. 213: pauems swtable for. /52: ra1nbow
bod).87.88.89-95.92.93.94-95 , 259
llirullamytJ/111. See Highest Yoga teachings
Nono (painter). 203
Norg)e (Nor rgyas) (painter). 198
Northern Trtasure (Byang gter) tradition. 130
Nub Chogo Dorje Yeshe (gNubs Chos sgo rOo rje
ye shes: Dri 8). 26, 110. 274. 276
Nubra, 299n862
Nub Sanggye Yeshe. 169. 293n625
N)enri {N)an ri). 5
N)erg)epa Dorje Gyalpo (N~er brg)ad pa rOo rje
rgyal po: Dri 10). II 0. 274. 276
Nyetag ChOying Namdrol. 293n632
Nyidzong Monastery (Gapa). 4. 4. 5, 283n41
N) id2ong Trichen Rigdzin L..otnl Gyaltshen (Nyin
rd2ong Khri eben R1g 'dzin blo gros rgyal
mtshan). 133
Nyima Gungpa. King. 276
Nyima NamgyaL King. 278
Nyingma school: assembly fields. 144;
distinguished from Kag)ll schools. 215:
Eminent Nyingma Rigd2in with Uncal lamas.
130, 130: hats of, 71. 72: iconography of.
19-20: mentioned, 52. s.l. 127; ritu.1l dance.
199-200: Tamdrin Sangdrup teaching cycle.
162. 292n601: Tantnc de1ties. 121: teach1ngs or
. 291n596. 295n743 ; trad1tions at Dngung. 138
fl)'ifiTium g (day-th angbs). 73. 125. 290n531
Nyo Chenpo. xix
Nyoma. 300n878
0
omega motif. 84
Onchen Sonam Drakpa (d8on chen or d8on Rin
po che bSod nams grags pa: Dri 3). 12. 24-26.
109.22 2.243-4 4.274.2 76.299 n869
Onpo Sonam Drakpa. 276. See also Onchcn
Sonam Drakpa
On Rinchen Gyntsho. 277
On Rinpoche ('On rio po che). See Onchen S!Snam
Drakpa
On SherabJungne (dBon Shes rab ·B)ung gnas).
See Shcrab Jungne
OntrUI (dBon sprul) Rinpoehe. 199
Orgyen (pure land). 303n964
Orgyen IJngpa (0 rgyan Gling pa). 133
Ornament or the World (' Dlaln gling rg)an)
srupa. A VII
I'
Padma Daki. 266
Padmapani rtfuge !Tee. 135. 136
Padmasambh3\ a: and AmHll) us as main figur<s.
/08; in black thangkn of lion-beaded OakiQL
173; in black lhangka of the Gya Shangtrom
Tradition. 292n619: at Bodkarbu. 202: with
consorts. from British Museum . 284n 136: with
deitites and hneage, 138. /38-39: depic~ons
of, at Wanla. 52- 53; Eight Manifestations of.
133. 153. 161 , 161, 290n550: with episodes
fromhi slife.I3 1 - 33./J2- 33.290 n551:m
episodes from the Se• en-Chapter Pra) er.
162: m golden lhangka. 143-W. /.J-1; m guru
lineage. 21. 160. 160n595. 169. 181; hats
or. 71. 72: ICOOOgr3ph) of. 235: lineage or.
162; linked to eighty-four s1ddhas . 301 n910:
manifesrmions of, 72; rncnlioncd. 19, 50: wilh
other emi ncnt gurus and lamas from Rinehen
!Jog. 2/2: in painting of Achi Cbolqi Drolma.
135: with refuge tree. 138. /40: revered b)
Pha.,omotrupa. 49. 54: statue of. 191: and
Tamdrin Sangdrup, 162, 292n60 I: thangka m
Bylakuppe by Yeshe Jamyang. 200: thangka
from Rubin Museum. 261.263 : in wrathful
fonn. 163. 163
Padmavajra. 210.22 L 223, 297n780
Pahlke. Michael. 21
P.ai nter Konchok Lhawang (Lha bris dKon me hog
lha dbang). 169
paintings. bcncfiaal qualities of. 256-57. 259
painting styles. 30.47. 59-60. 117- 18. 19~96.
231, 29-ln700
Pal. Pratapadityn: ArT ojTibeT ( 1969). 24; on black
tbangka of lion-headed Dakinr. 173: Buddllb r
Paradis~ ( 1982). 23-24: catalog or Los
Angeles Count) Museum Tobctan Collec11on
(1983). 24-26: dating of black thangb . 165: on
Drigung school hierarch from Zurich. 297n790:
Hima/ay ar: Afl Aesrlleric Advefllu re catalog.
37- 38.40: idea or Drigung Kag)1J expansion.
26: mentioned. 55: and pam~ng or Mi1an:pa.
24-26. 2~nl36: ··Sal-yap.• Style." 49
P:lla/Sena art styles. 33
Palden Garchenpa (dPalldan ·Gar chen pa), 155
P:dden l..hamo. 165
Pal;1n Konchol. Tnnlc Tendzin. 278
Palhs. Marco, 19. 180. 283n96: Peaks and LtmttJ>.
189, 192; study with Konchok Gyaltshan, 192:
visit to Lamayuru. 190-91
Pal me Goo (dP:ll med dgon) Monastery. 3. 135.
290nll5 ; mural from. 135. 135
Pal me Thubten Shedrup IJng (dP:d me Thub bstan
bshad sgrub gling) Monastery. 4
Pame River (Dpa' smad chu bo). 264
Panchen Salt} agr'lbbadra. hat of. 62. 287n395
Panchen Sonam G) altshen. 2n
Panchen Sonam G) atsho (Pan chtn chen bSod
narns rgya mtsho: Dri 20). 72. 274
Pa~daravasinr, 296n7.54
P..tnthaka. in late Driri Sixteen Arhat seL 149. 149
Par. ea•·e or. 301n937
pa/ll (cloth pamtmg). 250-52 .256
Path\\ ilh the Fruit (L.mn 'bra>). xv. 42. 52
peaceful deities: Bardo deities from Chenrezik
Ulakhang, Lamayuru, /76-77. 179. /80;
stylistic traits of. 123-24. 152
P.!ka Wangg)el (Ope ka dbang rg)al). 264
Perna Lingpa. 163
Pcme Gyaltshen. See Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
Penden l..hamo (Dpal ldan lha mo). 262. 302n949
Pcnpa Tsering: Jigten Sumgon with his Two Chief
Disciples Dngungpa Yabse Sum. 58. 59: set or
lhangkas for Rase Koneho~ Gyatsho. 59
Petc:ch. Luciano: anicle on Drigung of 1978.
22- 23, 26; dMing of Phyang. 45: dating of
Red Temple of Guge. ~7; hi>tory of Ladakh.
22: mentioned. 284nll4, 286n316: on Ph)ang.
22. 102
Peter. Friedrich A.. 191, 294n672
Phadampa Sangye (Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas), 4950.219. 250.259 .300n90 7.301nn 937,938
Phagdru Kag}1l SchooL 51. 54
Phagmo Rinehen Namg}al (Phag mo Rin chen
mam rgyal: Dri 19): abbot of Drigung
Monastery. 2n: with his Drigung Kagyu
lineage. 105. 105: in main Drigung Kag~u
lineage. 274: in theoretical sequence from
IJmi/Ph}ang seL 109-10
Phagmolnlpa (Pbag mo gru pa): at AJchi Sumtsek
Temple. 28: depicted as minor figure, 115;
PAINT ING TRADI TIONS OF THE DRIGU NG KAGYU SCHOO L
Jl.l
depicted in lineage. 222, 269, 297n803;
depicted in Phyang mural, 35: depicted
with beard, 50, 221,223, 298n803;detail of.
wearing o range hat, 67; d isciples of, 40; in
Drigung Kagyu lineage. 2 1, 109. 216. 217.
218, 237: and Drigungpa from Wanla ThreeStoried Temple, 257; foo tprints of, 82; gomslw
of. 64, 65. 67; in ''Hidden Lhakhang" mural.
49: in the Kanji lineage, 244; in li neages
from Alchi 10-JJ. 12; in lineage of Milarepa,
24: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274:
manual on making guru footprints, 288n439;
memorial srupa fo r, xviii, 54; mentioned,
83 . 292n60 1; monastic seat at Densa Tbel,
50-51; painted image from Tashi Gomang
stupa, 52, 54; painLing of. from Sengge Gang
Temple. Lamayuru. /6, 50; in painting of
Vajradhara, 143; portrait of (bronze), xiv;
portraits of. 87: with previous lives and
episodes from saintly career. xv. 67. 68;
pupil of. 301n926: represented on footprint
thangkas. 75: reverence for Padmasambhava.
49, 54; schools descending from . 51, 54, 67.
82; teacher of Jigten Sumgon. xiii . xiv- xv:
teachings from Sachen. 42. 53; writings of. 52.
See also Densa The!
Phakpa Lotro Gyaltshen ('Phags ba Blo gros rgyal
mtshan), xx, 282n24
Pharping (Nepal), 295n741
Phyang Monastery (Ladakh}: Achi Chokyi
Drolma, /31,267, 268; Achi Chokyi Drolma
and Tashi Tseringma, 272, 272; base of
Ladakh CMje, 8: compared with Lamayuru
Monastery, 14; dating of murals, 186-S?;
decoration of lantern by Tshewang Rigdzin.
191. /91, 294n675: "Dorjechang," 186-S?,
294n662, 294n664; Dukhang Sarpa, Jn, 18687, /86. 187, 192; founding of, I02, 289n479:
Four Great Guardian Kings. 202, 202, 204.
207, 208; general view, 8; golden thangkas
(gser 1/umg), 26, 144-47; Gonkhang, 101,
102, 286n289; Gun1 Lhakhang, 33, 35, 45,
48, 101 - 2,102, 247.250, 252.255.289n476.
300n884: inscriptions. 45: large thangka of
Jigten Sumgon with chief disciples. 8; lineagemaster portraits. 36, 101: Mahakala chapel.
35. 45. 272. 272: middle period guru portrait
thangka set, 108-9. 289- 90n509: murals by
Yeshe Jamyang. 199: murals of, 9. 21, 35, 45.
/00-/01. 102, 103-4./03: in the 1930s. 102;
as presented by Snellgrove and Skorupski, 22;
resident artist, 19, In: Tshokkhang, 101. 102.
1n. 186. /86, 294n662; wooden staircase,
186, 186 See also Tashi Chi:idzong
Phoenix Art Museum, stone steles, 255. 298n813
Phuntshog San gpo, 153; Vuro<jhaka and
Dhrtarlis[ra in the Tsangri Style, 208.209
PhUntshok Narngyal, King, 278
Phyag dKon mchog Phur. 305n995
Poncar, J ., 26
Potala Palace. 121, 255, 30 I n924
Powa Chenpo (Pho ba chen po}, xix, 282n 13
pralyektlbuddbas (eight solitary buddhas), 250
Prit2ker Collection: Drigung hierarch succeeding
Drigungpa, 221 - 22.222, 223. 233,234,
237, 257. 298n8 12; footprint thangka on
embroidered silk, 222- 23. 225,227. 237,
297n797, 298n818: teaching buddha with
Seven Taras, 250-51. 250-52. 254
profiles. 233. 290n543: three-quarter. 33. 124, 127.
2 18
protector deities: in black thangkas, 165; in
Drigung Kagyu religious practice. xix~
Drigung Kagyu treatment of. 244, 245: fierce.
273; footwear of. 302n950; iconography of,
236; murals from Larnayuru Gt>nkhang,
322
I NDEX
183-84, 184, 185. /90; placement of. 235-36,
238. See tlfso Achi Chi:ikyi Drolma
Purang (Nga.ri): branch monasteries, 7. 280;
Drigung Kagyu continues in. xi; Drigung
Kagyu revival a~ 106: Gyazhing Monastery,
6 1: mural sites, 9; original Jigten Sumgl>n
hagiography vignettes. 103-4. /04-5. See also
Gw1gbur Gonpa
Q
Quagliotti , Anna Maria. 84
Qubilai Khan. xx. 282n21
Queen of Realization. 20, I 06
R
Rahula, in late Driri Sixteen Arhat set, /48, 149
Ralpachen, King, 303n961
Rangdrol Nyima: as Bakula Tulku, 293n637;
and Chenrezik Lakhang, Lamayuru. 178, 180,
183, 293n642; commissioned paintings and
statues, 178. 293n632; dares of, 179-80: head
lama of Kailash, 278; History of Lt1mayum
Moua.wery. 179
Rangjung Dorje (Rang byung rdo rje; Third
Karmapa). black hat of. 2 15: footprint of. 40.
299n844
Rase Kt>nchok Gyatsho: article on Drigung Kagyu
art. 57.59-62. 72, 87. 286n3 17; art historical
contributions of. 37, 57- 58: article on the
gom.<ha of Jigten Swngt>n. 62; commissioned
thangkas from Penpa Tsering. 58, 59, 59:
Drigung History~ 169: Drigung Kagyu lineage
from, 274-75; o n Driri and related styles
at Drigung, 60-61. 12 1, 124, 131; history
of Drigung Monastery. xi, 127: history of
women ofTibe~ 57. 58: history ofYangri
Gar, 125; life of. 57- 58. 287n375; on painting
of Padmasambhava with refuge tree, 138:
photograph of, 58; publications of. 57- 58;
Religious History of Driguug, 57. 58, 72,
287n389
Ratnasambhava, 234
Ratnasri, 237, 299n84 1
Rechungpa: depicted with Milarepa and Garnpopa,
20, 20, 21. 2/, I 06, !38; lineage of, 20- 21,
284n 109; in lineage of Amitayos, 106;
traditions of. 35
red. 62
Red Tar-a. 223, 227.236. 297n797
Red Temple (Gugel, 47
refuge trees. 135, /36, 138. 140
Remali, 227. 235-36. 27 1, 271; statue of. 189- 90
Rewalsar (Himachal-Pradesh), 199
Rhie. Marylin. 28- 30. 117. 138
Richardson. Hugh, 24-26. 272
Ridro Wangchuk Senge Yeshe (Ri khrod dbang
phyug Seng ge ye shes), 221
rigd:i11, 71. 147; bats of, 71 , 71. 124, 125. 126,
141 , 147, 183
Rigdzin Chodrak (Rigdzin Chokyi Drakpa,
Kunkhyen Rigdzin Chodrak. First
Chungtsang; Dri 25): abbot of Drigung
Monastery, 277; in black thangka of four·
armed Mahlikala, 167: dr<Jwing of, by
Yeshe Jarnyang, 290n538, 295n703; as First
ChungtsangTulku, 125- 26, /25;and the
flourishing of Driri at Drigung, 122, 124;
former existences of. 73, 125, 129. 290n529;
in gun~ lineage, 292n619 : hat wom by. 7 1,
72: with Jigten Sumgt>n, 127. 128; in main
Drigung Kagy u lineage, 275; mentioned. 109,
205 : misidentified, 126. 290n537; portrait of,
127- 30. /28: produced art in early period. 60,
61; thangkas depicting the life of, 122
Rigdzin Tshewang Norbu. 7 1. 130. 141
Rigpa Rangshar: an eminent lay rigd:inlineal guru
of Drigung, 126. 127; hat worn by, 71
Rinchen Chokle Narngyal (Rin chen phyogs las
rnam rgyal; Dri 21), 274, 277
Rinchen Chokyi Gyaltshen (Dri 15), 110, 274. 2n
Rinchen Gyalwa, 276
Rinchen Gyatsho, 277
Rinchen Ling (Nepal}: Four Great Kings at
main entrance, 211. 212; Lbakhang murals.
295n741; mandalas by Yeshe Jamyang at, 203,
212; murals in Driri-like style, 2 13 : painters
a~ 295n740, 295n741; paintings by Sanggye
from Bhutan, 2/2, 213; standing goddess Achi
Chokyi Drolma, 213
Rinchen Namgyal. See Phagmo Rinchen Namgyal
Rinchen Pal (Rin chen dpal}: as abbot of Drigung
Monastery, 276; jewels as symbol of. 42. 62.
95: ordination name of Jigten Sumgon. xvxvi. 257. See also Jigten Sumgon (Drigungpa}
Rincben Pelzang (Rin chen dpal bzang), 246.277.
See also Chogyal Rinchen Palsang[pol (Dri
14)
Rinchen PhUntshok (Gyalwang Rinchen
Philntshok; Dri 18): as abbot of Drigung
Monastery, I 05, 284n 121 , 28911499: depicted
in thangka of the Lion-headed l)akiQT, 173;
depictions of previous rebirths, 73; founded
Yangri Gar, xii : and Guru Drakpo teachings .
163; in guru lineage, 46, 110, 133, 169, 274;
hat of, 7 1; and the Limi/Phyang thangka set,
109, 110. 116- 17. 290n509: in lineage of
the Fifth Dalai Lama, 161: in main Drigung
Kagyu lineage, 274; mentioned, 72, 167.
305n991; possible identification of, 126-27,
130, 138: and revival ofDrigung in Ngari,
6; sent Cboje Denma to Ladakh, I 06; Ierma
tradition of. 138. See also Je Ratna
Rinchen PhUntshok Namgyal, 277
Rinchen Sengge (Rin chen seng ge). See Thogawa
Rinchen Sengge (Dri 6}
Rinchen Zangpo: attribution of Ladakhi temples
to. 41-42; cross-identification with Drigungpa.
I I , 12- 13, 257; and dating ofWanla. 44;
identification of, at Alchi. 4 1; mentioned. 1.4.
16, 35; mural of. from Alchi Small Stupa,
33- 34.34
RitrO Wangchuk Sengc (Ri khrod dbang phyug
Seng ge ye shes}, 227
ritual dance. 199
ritual offerings. 197- 98
rivers. 30
Riwoche (Kharn). 42, 233. See tl!so Kham,
painting style of
Riwotsegye (Ri bo rtse brgyad), 5
rocky outcrops, 123, 124, 127, 129, 133. 148,254
RRE Collection. 55, 55
Rubin collection, catalog of thangkas, 29- 30
Rubin Museum of Art.: collection of, 89; footprint
thangka drawn on silk, 38- 39. 42, 43, 214-15,
215-17, 2/6.218. 219-20. 22 1, 222,233 ,
234, 235. 236, 255, 256; Padmasambhava
with deities and lineage, 262, 263; thangka of
Jigten Sumgon wilh two lamas of Drigung~
128, 262, 263; thangka ofMilarepa, 227. 229,
230, 231, 235, 236, 298n818
Rudra, subjugation of, 133
s
Sachen, 42,52,53
$ac:laksara Lokdvara, 218. 227, 234
Sudluma Col/ecliorr of I he Dharma Guardian Aclri,
265,266.267-68,269. 303n965,304n975
sadlwmls, 265
Sa gsum ma. 73, 125, 290n529
Sahaja Sanwara: with Drigung Kagyu lineage,
37, 153-55. /54; with Eght Drigung Kagyu
Masters, 156, !56
Saiva movements, 262, 302n951
Sakya, Drigung eonflict with. xx- xxi, 38, 282n23,
282n24
Sakya KhOn. 53, I 02
Slikyamuni: depicted in footprint thangka, n;
depicted with siddhas, 42. 75, 220. 220; earthtouching, 234, 235, 237, 242: earth-touching,
with seven medicine buddhas. 252, 252- 53;
in guru lineage, 160; images of, 16, 48. 108:
in lineage of Milarepa, 24; with Seven Ti!rli,
246, 254; statue at Lamayuru by Tshewang
Rigdzin, 190; in Taklungthangpa Chenpo
footprintlhangka. 83: in uiad, %, 191; wilh
two chief disciples from Sixteen Arhat set, 32,
36, 37 See also Buddha; teaching buddhas
Sakya Pandira, xx. 101
Sakyapa Style, 49. 236
Sakya School. 215. 236, 304n972
Sakya-Yuan imperial rule. xx, xxi, 23. 48. 102,
282n24
Samanrabhadra. 163
Samanrabhadri, 296n754
Samayatara. 296n754
Sambhogakaya buddhas. 152. 163
Sam,•ara. See Cakrasamvara; Sahaja Samvara
Samye Monastery, 53, 148
Sanggye from Bhutan: murals from Rinchen Ling,
2 13. 295n741 ; Padmasambhava at Rinchen
Ling. 212, Kalacakra and Maksorma, 212,
2 I3: standing goddess Achi Chllkyi Drlllma.
213
Sanggye Yeshe. 295n739
Sangye Onpo (Sangs rgyas dbon po), 233, 256
Sangye Rinchen (Sangs rgyas rin chen), 299n868
Sangye Yarjon, 256
Sanrarak$ita, 52- 53, 54
Saraha, 220,221 , 235, 297nn9
Sarmapa schools, 50, 165
Saspolcaves.33, 247,250,252
Schiller, Alexander, 53
SchneeWwe Thangka-Kalender, 135
Schoettle Asiatica catalogs. I35. 162
Schoettle Tibetica catalogs, 123. 127
scrollwork patterns. 151./52, 153, 291n579
sculpture: considered inferior to painting.
295n709: at Densa Thel. 50: of ··Kagyu
lamas'' at Wanla. 243. 244: mentioned. 60-61 .
255. See also statues
secondary deities. 233- 34, 298n818
Selig Brown. Kathryn. 40. 75, 77,215
Sehong Gompa (gSa! stong sGom pa}, 65
Selung Monastery (Mount Kai lash}, 8
semi wrathful deities, 151 - 53, 261 ; color paleue
for. 153- 55. See olso Cakrasa!jlvara;
Kalacakra
Semlhokha O?.ong (Bhutan), gomsha of, 64, 64
Sengge Namgyal. King, 49, 277
Seralung Retreat (Mount Kailash), 8
Sera Monastery, I 18
Serkhang Temple (Drigung The I), I
Seuecento Various Schools (Tucci), 19-20,47
Seven-Chapter Prayer (Gsol 'debs Je'u bdun ma),
162
Seven Taras, 246. 252, 301 n919; teaching buddha
with Seven Taras, 25~51. 254
Shabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, 147
SMkya Gyaltshen, 44
Shalu Monastery, 29- 30. 299n870
Shamar Tulku (Zhwa dmar sprul sku), 29. 147
Shang-rong hamlet (Aichi). 34. See also AI chi
Shangrong
ShangLOn Chtikyi Lama, 30 I n922
shapes (ls ugs ). 124
Shara Chumik Gonpa (Sha ra Chu mig dgon pa).
106
Sharchukhul Monastery {Ladakh}. 8, 197, 199200, 281
Shar khul Phun tshogs Chos gling dgon. 305n995
Sharpa Yeshe Rinchen. xxi
Sharri Style. 33 , 41 , 49; at Guru Lhakhang.
Phyang, I0 I; Mahakalas, 167; portrait in, 86,
87: rainbow body nimbus in, 90, 92; ritual
crown, 95
Shawam Gonpa {Sha wam dgon pah), I 06
Shaza Ukyi Khandro. 266, 27 I. 272
Shedrak {Shel brag), 133
Sherab Gyaltshen (Shes rab rgyal mtshan). 19 I
Sherab Jungne (Drigung Lingpa): built reliquary
for Jigten Sumgon. xvii; compiled docuinal
pronouncements, xvii; depicted wiLh Jigten
Sumgon. 35; description ofTashi Gomang
atuibuted to, 51 , 52; hagiography of Jigten
Sumgon. 1(}3: mentioned, 299n869; temple
renovated by, 15. 284n 150: visi t to western
Tibet. 13, 103: writings of. 60
Shi way Lotro (Dri 36). 61. 122. 138, I87. 275
Sichuan Province. monasteries of, 281
siddhas: of Alchi Small Stupa, 220-21.259,
297n781: dark-skinned. 231.232.233, 247.
249, 250.259: in Drigung painting, 217.
218- 19,234. 296n762. 2%n768: in footprint
thangka 216: iconography of, 233; Luczanits
on, 42, 43. 54;. See also Eght Great Adepts;
malu1s iddlras ; Naropa; Tilopa
siddlti (spiritual achievements), 264, 265, 303n963
Simbiling Monastery (Purang), 106
Singer, Jane Casey, 33
·'Single Jntentionsn (dGongs gcig) teachings. xvii,
xix
Siren. Os,•ald, 29
Six Perfections (plwr plryin dmg), 288n423
SiXlcenArhats: theArhatAngaja, 118-19; in
Drigung iconography, 50; Four of the Sixteen
Arbats. 27; noted in pilgrimage records of
Kalhok Situ, 72; set from late phase of Driri ,
147-49; thangka sets, 36. I 18, 200; by Yeshe
Jamyang, In
Six Yogas of Naropa. 57
Skilling, Peter. 84
Skorupski , Tadeusz: Cull/Ira/ Heritage of Lodaklr,
21 - 22, I 91 , 294n675; mentioned. 41: travels
of. 21 - 22, 284n I 12, 284n I 15
skull cups, 110, 227,233. 235.262.269
sky: in Driri painting, 124. 127:Tsangri Style. 36
sky-burial ground. I. 58
Skyiap (painter), 35
sKyob pa yab sras gsum (Trio of the Lord
Protector-Father and His Two Spiritual Sons),
35,305n995
snakes. See m1gas
Snellgrove, David: As ian Commitment, 22;
Cu/wro/ Heritage of L1.1daklr. 2 I - 22. 191 ,
294n675; description of Lamayuru, 14, 177,
178; description of Wanla, 16; on Lamayuru
assembly hall murals, 207; mentioned , 41;
rravels of, 21 - 22, 284nll5
Soma Temple (Lakhang). 33
Sllnam Bagdro. 57
Sllnam Dorje. I96
Sllnam Drakpa. See Onchen Sllnam Drakpa (Dri 3)
Sllnam Gyatsho {Dri 20). 72, 274, 2n
Sllnam Kalzang (bSod narns skal bzang), 191,
294n683
Sllnam Lhai Wangpo (bSod nams Lha ' i dbang
po), 26
Son am Stan2.in. 210
Sllnam Tashi of Nyurla. I96-97
Sllnam Tshewang Rabten, King. 278
Songtsen Gampo. King. 84. 289n452
Sperling. Elliot. XX, 286n317
''Spiti Style school,'' 2 I 0
Spiti val ley. See Khunu
Spituk Monastery, 191, 199. 293n637; New
Assembly Hall, 200, 200, 208
Spolden Tsering (painter), 35
Stampa {painter), 35
statues: base and backrest. 9/; commissioned by
Jigten Sumgon, 72; of Jigten Sumgtin, 38, 39.
72, 87-89,89,90.255. 285n215; early statue
portraits. 87- 89; Mongolian, 72. 87
Stein. R. A., 53- 54
Stoddard, Heather, 38. 49, 72
Stod Hor (sTod hor; Upper Mongoi/Chagatai)
khanate. xx, 44, 282nn21. 24
Sumda Chung: early Drigung mural, 230. 231;
ruined srupa at, 231
superior cloth painting (pa{a), 25(}..52, 256
T
Tabo: cave paintings. 47-48. 49; Golden Temple
of, 47; main temple. 256; renovation of, 33;
Slikyamuni. Maitreya, and MaiijuSrr, 48
Tag! a Kar (Purang). I06
Taglung Tashipel, 256
Tai Situ Changchup Gyaltshen, 51
Takla Khar Mountain (Purang). 7
''Taklung" corpus. 33
Taklung Kagyu: bodhisauvas in, 233: footprint
thangkas, 82-84; identification of, 215;
Mahlikala painting. I 67; meditation hats,
67; memioned, 50,301 n926; painting of
Phagmotrupa, 68; portraits. 87
Takl ung Monastery, 82
Taklungpa Ngawang Drakpa. 2n
Taklungthangpa Tashi Pal (Taklungthangpa
Chenpo): wilh footprints. lineage, and
manifestations. 83: in footprintlhangkas.
82-84: iconography of, 82-84; identified in
painting of lamas, 37. 54-55: portraits of, 87
Tamdrin Sangdrup (rTa mgrin gsang sgrub), 162
Tanaka, Kirniaki. 14 1. 144. 250-52
Tanuic imagery. 151
Tamric rituals. 265
Tara. iconography of. 28. See also Five Taras;
Green Tara; Red Tara; Seven Taras; White
Tara
Tashi ChMzong (Ladakh): Chllje Denma with his
Amitayos lineage, 106, 107, 107: depiction
of Chc:ije Denma. 46; founding of. 22, 35,
102, 106; Jigten Sumgon with life scenes of
the ten directions and three times. 100- 101.
103, /03; Mahakala temple. 35; middle period
mural site, 101: mural depicting Milarepa
with Gampopa and Rechungpa, I 06; murals
documented by Lo Bue. 45; painters at, 35,
284nl90; Rinchen Namgyal with his Drigung
Kagyulineage. 105. 105
Tashi from Pharkhelhang. Lama, 197
Tashigang. 191
Tashi Gomang stupas, xviii. 50-52, 52- 54, 60-61 ,
95
Tashilhunpo Monastery, 36, 149, Jn . 189. 192
Tashi Namgyal, King. 12, 22. 102. 2n
Tashi Obar reliquary srupa, 51
Tashi Odbar Lhakhang, 49
Tashi Phuntshok (Naropa Tashi Phumshok: Dri
23), 72, 274, 277
Tashi RJnchen, 277
Tashi Tsering, 64
Tashi Tseringma (Bkra shis Tshe ring ma), 262.
265, 267, 268, 272, 304n979: riding a snow
lion. 184
Tashi Wanggyal , 196
teachers, representation of. 219
teaching buddhas, 250-54, 254,257. 399n913;
Jight-emiuing. accompanied by the Five
Buddhas. 257, 258-59: from McCormick
Collection. 252: from Pri12ker Collection,
25~51
teaching gesture, 250, 252, 254, 256
teaching lineages. See guru lineages
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF THE ORIGUNG KAGY U SC HOOL
323
T6kar Drozangma (Gtad dkar ·gro bzang rna), 267,
268
Tendzin Chokyi Gyaltshen (Jarnyang ChOkyi
Gyaltshen; 4th Chungtsang; Dri 3 1). 36, 123,
13 I. 178, 182.268, 275: in main Drigung
Kagyu lineage, 278; period of. 60, 6 I. I 2 I
Tendzin ChOkyi Jungne, 7th Chungtsang (bsTan
'dzin chos kyi ' byung gnas: Dri 37). 183, 187;
abbot of Drigung Monastery, 279; in main
Drigw1g Kagyu lineage. 275
Tendzin Chokyi Lotro, 6th Chungtsang (bsTan
' dzin chos kyi blo gros; Dri 35), 138-40. 173,
183, 186, 187, 279; in main Drigung Kagyu
lineage, 275; pilgrimage guide books of, 26
Tendzin Chokyi Nangwa, 8th Chungtsang (bsTan
'dzin chos kyi snang ba; Dri 39). 279; as
Chungtsang Rinpoche, 198. 29Sn208: in main
Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275
Tendzin Chokyi Nyima. 3rd Chungtsang (bsTan
' dzin chos kyi nyi rna: Dri 29), 169. 173;
abbot of Drigung Monastery. 278; in main
Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275
Tendzin Gyaltsen (3rd Balog Tulku). 278, 293n632
Tendzin Kunkhyab (3rd Norbu), 278
Tendzin Ngawag Geleg (7th Togdan}, 278
Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen, 4th Chetsang (bsTan
'dzin pad ma'i rgyal mtshan; Dri 30): abbatial
history by. 36, 38, 117, ISS. 285n2 I 2; abbot of
Drigung Monastery, 278; depictions of, 131.
182; disciples of, IS3: and the ftourishing of
Driri at Drigung, 122; identified in painting.
268: in main Drigung Kagyu lineage. 275;
paintings from his time, 122- 23; period of, 30,
121: teachings of, 292n603; writings of. 107
Tendzin PhUntshok (2nd Gyalse), 278
Tendzin Shiwe Lotro, 6th Chetsang (bsTan 'dzin
zhi ba'i blo gros; Dri 36), 6 1. 122, 138. 187,
27S
Tendzin Trinle LhUndrup. 7th Chetsang (bsTan
'dzin 'phrin las !hun grub; Dri 40), 57, 279; in
main Drigung Kagyu lineage, 275
Tendzin Zhibai Lotro (6th Chetsang). 279
Tenpai Gyaltshen, 279. 293n633
Tenpa Rabten. xi
Ten Wrathful Ones (klrro bo bcu). 292n612
Terdak Ungpa (gTer bdag Gling pa}. 167
Terdrorn Nunnery, I. 2. 138. 282n27
/ert/Ju. hat of. 7 1. 7/, 183
Terton Gya Shangtrom (Gter ston rGya Zhang
khrorn), 16 1, J6S. 169, 292n619
Terton Nyang RaL 181
Terton Pema Lingpa. 163
Tes/ameul of Pema (bKa' thang Shel brag ma). 133
thangkas, repainting of, 227, 297n206, 297n805
Thangtong Gyalpo, 135
Tharlam Dezhung Lungrik Tull-u, 5
Thinggi Zhalzangma (Mthing gi z.hal bz.ang rna).
267.269
Thingo, T., 37, I 35, 162. 165, 169, 173, 285n215
Third Karmapa (Rangjung Dorje): black hat of.
2 15; footprint of, 40, 299n844
thirteen fw1damental treatises (g:lumg clreu bcu
gsum), 58
Thogawa Rinchen Sengge (Thog kha ba Rin chen
seng ge; Dri 6). 17, 26, 44, I 10. 244; abbot
of Drigung Monastery, 276: in Limi/Phyang
thangl<a set. I 15-16. //6: in main Drigung
Kagyu lineage, 274
Tholing, 47, 48
three bodies of Buddhahood. 66
Three Men of Kham (Kiwms p<t mi gswn), 65
three-quarter profile, 33, 124. 127. 2 I8
tluone: base, 59. 87, 89, 9/. 95. 96. 144, 147, 2 16.
236, 254: four oman1ents, 60: six ornaments,
60. 298n836. See also backrests
Thubten Tendzin. See Pallis. Marco
Thubten Tenpai Gyaltshen, 279, 293n633
324
I NDEX
Thukje Nyima. See Konchok Thukje Nyima
Thundup Lagspa (pai nrer), 35
"Tirun jogs·· instructions. 53
Thurman, Robert, 28-29. 29- 30, 138
Tibet Museum (Gruyere). footprint drawing on
silk. 237, 238
Til Kunzom Dongak Ling (Limi ). 7, 9
Tilopa: at Alchi Sumtsek Temple, 217; depicted in
lineage, 10. 24, 268, 297n803; in iconography
at Wanla, 52; on Jantem at Phyang, 19 1; in
Limi/Phyang thangka set, 110, //2; in main
Drigung Kagyu lineage, I 09, 274; mentioned,
49, 143, 155; representation of, 233; with
Tantric staff, 227
Tingmogang Monastery, 202
T.se Karclrag, 15
Togdan ChoktrUI Ngawang Lotro Gyaltshan (rTogs
ldan mchog sprul Ngag dbang Blo gros rGyal
rntshan). 178
Togdan Ngawang Lodro Gyalrsen. 293n632
Togdan Rinpoches. 22. I 99, 293n633
Topa Rabten (sTod pa Rab brtan), 199
romw (gtor ma) sacrificial cakes. 22. I n . 197.
198, 200: rirualof.265
Tral<thok Monastery (Sakti), 191; Dungkar Yekhyi l
(Dung dkar g.yas 'khyil} Temple. 191
Translator's Temple (Aichi}. See Alchi Monastery,
Lotsawa Lhakhang Temple
tree leaves, 124, 144
Trinle Dondrub (second Chungtsang). See Chogyal
Trinle Dondrup
Trinle Zangpo (Konchok Trinle Zangpo, 2.n d
Chetsang : Dri 26): abbot of Drigung
Monastery, 278; day-thangkas by, 73. 125-26;
depicted in thangka of Padmasambhava,
163; and the early phase of later Drigung
painting. 121. 127: established the Khyenri
Style at Drigung, I 17: and the ftourishing of
Driri at Drigung, 122. 124; in guru lineage,
167; with Jigten Sumgon, 127, 128; in main
Drigung Kagyu lineage, 275: painted Lhangkas
depicting his own life story, 122: period of.
59, 6 1, 167: students of. 30
Trio of the Lord Protector-Father and His Two
Spiritual Sons (sKyob pa yab sras gsum). 35.
305n995
triple jewel: anribute of bodhisauva, 233: on back
of thangka. 238: characteristic of Drigung
painting. 43, 238. 250. 254: decorating the
dress of the hierarch. 237, 299n840; depicted
at center of throne, 96, 237, 298n837; in early
Drigung painting, 237; emerging from moulh
of maktml, 237. 298n838: with enthroned
footprint from Tibet Museum, Gruyere, 237,
238- 39; on footprint thangkas. 75. 238:
in hand of Jigten SumgOn, 55; reference
to Drigungpa, 95. 237; on statue of Jigten
Sumgon, 89, 90; in reaching buddha painting,
257; in throne base, 95. 95; among tree leaves,
144;
triralna. See triple jewel
Trisong Dersen, 53, 303n957
TritsUn. Princess, 84
Tropper, Kun. I6, 43-44, 44, 4S, 243
Tsang: Gyantse Stupaof, 101; patronage of
Khyenri painters. 116
Tsangpa Gyare. 143
Tsangri Style: clouds. 208-9,211; colors of.
196: contrasted with Menri. 284nl62: in
enumeration of styles. 30. 195; Four Great
Kings. 208- JO, 208. 209; influence on
Drigung Style. 203.205: inftuence on murals
ofYeshe Jamyang, 206. 206-S; in Ladakh.
177: in lantem at Chenrezik Lhakhang,
Lamayuru. 182: mentioned. 127: in painting
of arhars, 26. 27, 36, 37; at Tashilhunhpo, 192
Tsaparang. 47, 48-49
Tsari (Tsa ri). xvi . xviii . 52; Pure Crystal Mountain
of, xixfig
Tsatsapuri (Aichi Village), 50, 246-47.252.257,
300n886; Lhato Lhakhang, 247. See also
Alchi Monastery
Tsechoklir (Tse mchog gling) Monastery. 148
Tsegu Gonpa. See Gungbur Gonpa
Tsering Narngyal, 196
Tsering Wangdu. 199, 205; Vaisravat)a and
Virupak$a in the Tsangri Style. 208.209
Tsewa Tratshang (rTse ba Grwa tshang)
Monastery. I
Tshamje Drakpa Sonam (sPyan snga mTshams
bead pa Grags pa bsod nams; Dri 7). 26, I 10;
abbot of Drigung Monastery, 276; in main
Drigung Kagyu lineage, 274
Tshenshab Rinpoche, 40
Tshering of Phenpo, Two Great Kings, 2// . 212I3 . 2/2.295n740
Tshering Rinchen. 118
Tshetan Narngyal. King, 278
Tsheten. Lama, I 97
Tshewang Narngyal, King. 277, 278
Tshewang Rigdzin: clay statues at Lamayuru,
189-90: decoration of lantem at Ph yang.
191 , 191. 294n675: life story of. 189- 92;
murals at Larnayuru, 190, /90; murals by,
184, 187, 189; photograph of, in the 1940s,
189, /89; pupils of, 192; statue of Sakyarnuni,
190; statues by. 191: style of. 191- 92; works
of, 191 , 294n68 I. 294n682; year of death,
294n670
Tshuldrim Dorje (Tshul khrims rdo rje), 244
Tshulri n. Master Artist (dPon chen po Tshul rin}.
xviii
Tshultrim Gyaltshen (3rd Rongdo), 278
Tshultrim Nyingpo (sGom pa Tshul l<hrims snying
po), I 0
Tshungme ChOgyal PhUntshok, I 09, 2n, 289n509
Tshurphu Monastery, 64
Tshurri (Tshurphu) Style, 30. 195. 203. See also
Karma Gardri Style
Tsiluogpa. xv, 42
Tsongkhapa. 47, 247
TsUidrirn Dorje (Tshul khrims rdo rje), 22 1- 22
TsUidrirn 0 (Tshul khrims 'od), 2 18
TsUitrim Nyima, 179
TsUnpa Kyab (bTsun pa sKyabs), xiii- xv. See also
Jigten Sumgon: Rinchen Pal
Tucci, Giuseppe: on black thangkas, 165; dating of
Red Temple of Guge. 47: history of Wesrem
Tibetan school, 49; mentioned, 41; possible
reference to Tshewang Rigdzin, 19 1: on
rigd~i11 hat, 7 1; stylistic categories of, 20 ;
thangka with mttlu1siddhas from the collection
of, 247, 249. 2SO: Tibeum Pai111ed Scrolls. 19,
20. 24, 138, 16J, 283nl04
lulku, xix . 280
Twelve Tenma Goddesses (Bstan ma bcu gnyis),
262, 265.266,267- 68. 304n980
Two Gyaltshens, 13 I. 138. See a/sa Tendzin
Chokyi Gyaltshen: Tendzin Peme Gyaltshen
u
Uchenmo masters. 2 I 0
Udayana, King 256
0 Province: cloth of, for hats, 62; Drigung painting
of, 37; in the middle period of Drigung art,
101; mountains of, 30; painti ng traditions,
195, 284n l62 . See also Drigung Monastery;
Yangri Gar Monastery
Uri Style, 30. 192. I 93
Uru Katshal (dBu ru sKa tshel) Monastery. I, /98,
295n713; Four Great Guardian Kings mural,
199
U$nT$3vijaya, 222, 234
0 -Tsang provinces, map of. xxiii
v
Vairocana: among the Five Buddhas. 257:
ctntral image at Weltse Rincheng Ung. 7:
cmphasozed on western Homala)an painting.
242: odentificallon of. 399o1913: as main deity
at S<:nge Gane. lama}uru. 14. 15: mentioned.
53.256: in panel from a ntual crown. 95
Vw~ra' ana: iden!Jfied '"th Jambhala. 236: from
Jangchubhng Monasttl). 200-202. 202:
pamtcd b) Ycshc Jam)ang. 210. 211: at
Ronchcn Ung. 2//: in the Tsangn St) lc.
207. 208. 209-10. 209 Su ubo Four Great
Guardoan Kin&s
\ajra. 59. 87. 89. Sec also o·iSmmjru
Vajrabhaira,a. xiii. lliv. 165. 191
Vajmdhara: wolh deities and lineage. 143. /43:
depoctcd in lineage. 10. 24.217.268.
297n803: in guru lineage. 77: hat spoons
representing. 66: heading Kagyu lamas. 3435; in iconography at Wanla. 52: iconography
or, 233: with iconography of Vajrasauva.
296n761: with lamas. 163: in Limi/Phyang
thangka set. 109. 110. ///:in main Drigung
Kagyulineage. 274: mentioned. 155. 191:
over Yajrasattva. 298n812: surrounded by
muhl1.oilidhll.<. from Phyang Guru Lhakhang.
250,30in9 12
Vajralna. 53
Vajrapao)i. 158. 15/J. 233. 292n6 19. 296n761.
298n824
Vajrasanva. 217. 234. 296n761: golden thangka of.
146: iconography of. 233. 298n812. 298n813
VajravarahT. 83.234. 269
Vajra)oginT. 221-22.227.231.234.262. 265:Achi
Chol}i Drolma as emanation of. 26-1. 268
Vana,asm (Nags naenas). the arhat. from late
Dri ri SCI. 148. /48
Vcmacitra. 153
Vi1wya (Buddhist Dosciplonc). 62
Vir11dhala. Great Kong. 200. 201. 202. 203-1. 2Q.l.
207. Su 11bo Four Great Guardoan Kinos
e
Virnpa: among siddhas at Alctu Shanghroog.
220-21. 250: in Driaung Kanu iconograph)'.
235. 297n781: m carl) Dngung Kagyu
paintmgs. 42: csotcnc instructions relating to.
52: mentioned. 297n799: from three-storied
temple at Wanla. 231. 232
Vir0pa4a: as one of the Four Great Guardian
Kings. 149. 149. 206. 207-41. 207. 209:
painted by Yeshe Jamyang. 2/0: in the Tsangri
Style. 208. 209
viJvao•tyrtt. 43. 84. 217. 236-37. 298n827
Vitali. Robeno: dnting of Guru Lhakhang. 101- 2:
dating of Red Temple of Guge. 47: dating of
\Vani a. 16-17.35.44: on Drigung Kagyu.
xviii : on the kingdom of Gugc. 48: mentioned.
13; on Sengge Gang Temple. 15-16: on the
Wnnla inscription. 44
VurOdhaka. 201. 206.208. 212 See lli>o Four Great
Gunrdi:m Kings
w
Wangchuk (d8ang phyug) of ladakh. 284n 162
Wang Rinchen Chok)i G)alpo (dBang Rio chen
chos kyi rgyal po: Dri 16). 46. 110.274. 277
\Vania Monastery (Ladakh): dallng of. 16-17.
35. 44. 52. 243. 246: deities of. contrasted
\\ olh Tashi Gonung. 52-53: Early ladakbi
St) k at. 34-35. 42: fifteen-figure lineage in
Maotre)a·s niche. 243. 299n865: oconograph)
of. 244. 299n870: inscnptJon from. 34-35.
36.42.43-44.243.299n871.300n873:
JuJoksh:ll (bCu gcig :thai) Temple. 33. 196:
Jujollhal statue. 41: Ia) out of. 29911871:
lineage depoctions at. 34. 44. 50. 242. 243-44.
285nl82: mahi/siddba5 from ground noor and
lantern, 245, 24(,, 247-50, 300nn809. 900.
903.905: mentioned. 22, 47; murals of. 9. 16.
17. /7.36. 44. 231,232. 233.234.236.237:
paJ»er-milcM sculptures of lineage gurus. 44:
Pbagm01.rupa and Origungpa in a thancen·
figure teaching lineage. 257: sculptures of
thirteen-figure Kag)U lineage. 243.2-14:
statues of. 44: ..Sumtsek Temple.. described b)
Vitali. 17: teaching Buddha compoSlllOn "ith
Se,·en Taras. 252. 254; three-storied temple
(Chuchiglhel). 231. 232, 243, 2-13. 257:
visited b) Snellgrove. 16. 22; woodcarvongs.
243
Wan, Jeff. 300n888
weallh deities. 235-36
WelharTar (dBal 'bar thar). xiii. See tli.w Jig ten
Sumg()n
Weltse (Halji) Village (Limi). 7. 7
Weltse Rinchen Ling (dBal rtse Rin chen gli ng).
7,7. 9
Wencheng, princess of. 84
western Himalayan murals, 230-32, 242
West Tibetan Style, 33
Wheel of Existence. 202. 207
White Amitayus, 20
white complexion. 255-56
White Tara, 223. 227
Wiebenga. Marieue. 7
wind-horse. 263.264, 302n955, 303n965
women in thangkas. 302n947
wrathful deities (khro bo): Bardo, /79; in blacl
thangkas. 159. 165-73; fierce protectors. 151.
273: llamcs surrounding. I54, 155. /55. 15860. /58. /59. 184. 185: in full~lor painting>.
157-65: iconography of. 236; Kanna Gardri.
158./58: in Kh)enri thangka. 121: Unrothc's
\\ork on. 167. 292n612; and semo" nnhful
deities. lSI: threerypesof.I52-53.Seealso
Hayagn-va: Yamliri
Wutai Shan. 277
y
yak$as. 152- 53
Yamantaka. 167. 236,250. 298n824: trachings.
161
Yamliri: black thangka of the Gya Shangtrom
Tradition with Drigung Kagyu lineage.
167-69,170. 171, /72, 173.292n61 4;entry
from HAR. 291n597; of the Gya Shangtrorn
Tradition. 163-65, 164, 2Q.l, 205. 205: red and
black-faced, of the Gyn Shangtromtradition.
150-51. 159-61, /60
Yangdakdzongwa Gongma (Yang dag rdzong ba
gong ma), 227, 297n808
Yangdak Heruka (Yang dag Heruka), 53
Yangri D6n (Yang ri gdon), 272-73
Yangri Gar (Yang ri sgar) Monastery:
appointments from. 8; Cakrasao11vara mandala
at. 203; chief among branches in 0. xiii. I:
early Drigung paintings at. 284nl60: history
of. by Rase Kllnchok Gyatsho. 125: lamas
of. 283n28: main temple, 3; mentioned. 178.
290n509: in 1948, 3; thangka sets at. 73:
visited by Kathok Situ. xii, 72-73: Yeshe
Jam yang ·s sacrificial cakes at, 198
Yangri G6n Monastery, 22. 59, 73
Yangzab (dGongs pa )ang zab). 138
Yasi Ponton (Ya zi Bon ston), 53-54
Yazang Choje Cho Moo lam (g.Ya · bzang chos rje
Cbos smon lam). 215
Yazang School. 215
Yechung (dBye chung). x•
Yeri St)1c. Su Eri St)lc
Yeshe Dorje (Ye shes rdo rjc). 24-1
YcshC Drolma Tsugna Norbu, 266
Yt!>he Jamyang: classification of styles by. 30-31.
47. 194-96. 203.204-5: clouds of. 205. 207:
documented by Lo Bue. 193-94: drawing
of RigdLin Chodrak. 290n538. 295n703: on
Drigung painting tradition. 122. 290n529:
Four Great Guardian Kings. 194.202-3. 204.
205. 206-10. 206. 207. 208: interview with.
203. 285n220: inte•iew by N•awano Tserin•
e•
194-95.29-111697: late Sl)le of. 203-6: life
stOI) of. 196-203: on Umi/Phyang guru
thangla set I 09: mandalas b). 200. 203. 203.
212: masks b). 199-200.202. 203: murals
and torn111 at lamayuru. 22. 177. 203: murals
of. 199-203. 201.202. 204: wilh Ngawang
Tsering. /95: painting from larnayuru New
Dulhang. 194. /95: with a painting of two
Great Kings in progress. 203. 204: painting
style of. 30-3 1. 37. 203. 206. 210-11:
preparing offerings. /99. 200: in recent days,
211: remaining Drigung master. 30. 177.
194. 211-12. 285n220: role in recent history
of Drigung Kagyu. 36-37: standing before
Lumbini murals. 209: standing before temple
entrance in Lumbini , 209: thangkas of, 198,
199, 200. 295n715: Tsangri inftuence on. 206.
207-41: use of term ·'Driri.'' xi: at work on
Guru·dian King mural. 200. 20/; on wrathful
deities. 158: Yamari of the Gya Shangtrorn
Tradition. 204. 205. 205
Yeshe Tshogyal (Ye I sh ies mtsho rgyal), 163
yidam. 151. 153.234. 261
Yogacara tradition. 182
Yogatantra Mandalas. 7. 7. 14. 84
Yuan d) nasi). 4-1. 48. 282n21. Su al>o SakyaYuan imperial government
Yuma Monastery. and Drigung Dzong Monaster).
2
Yunnan Pro\ince. monasteries of. 281
Yushu. ~e Gapa district (Kham)
Yu Tsho (g.Yu mTsho: Turquoise lake), 52
~
~
z
Zangdo Khama (monastery). 149
Zang Phelg)e Ung (Limi). 7
Zangpopa famil) of'Jimisgang. 199
Zangzang Palri Goopa (Zang zang dPal ri dgon
pa). 106
Zhigpo Dutsi. 54
Zla ba (painter). 284n 164
Zorawar Singh. Wazir. 178
PAINTING TRADITIONS OF T>IE DRICUNC KACY U SC HOOL
325
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