Representations of Efficacy The Ritual Expulsion of Mongol Armies in the Consolidation and Expansion of the Tsang (Gtsang) Dynasty

Representations of Efficacy The Ritual Expulsion of Mongol Armies in the Consolidation and Expansion of the Tsang (Gtsang) Dynasty

james gentry

Most Tibetan Buddhist ritual is premised on the intimate contiguity between persons, landscapes, and hosts of landscape spirits of all kinds.1 Such contiguity assumes that human bodies, habitations, and settlements are impinged upon by the nonhuman forces that surround and inhabit them. Safeguarding the health and integrity of the corporate entities of human body, household, and community from the threats posed by contact with the capricious spirit world thus constitutes a major preoccupation for Tibetan Buddhist ritual specialists. Clergy have at their disposal a repertoire of ritual treatments to subjugate these threatening presences, exorcise them from the precincts of body, home, or territory, and restore internal health and cohesion.

Ritual exorcism, or dogpa (zlog pa), “that which turns back, out, or away,” is one of the most popular Tibetan Buddhist ritual forms enacted for this purpose.2 In addition to their performance for a single individual or community, the function of exorcism rites to protect against, or drive away, the dangerous impurities of contiguous entities, and to thereby consolidate corporate boundaries has had clear geopolitical ramifi cations as well. With the emergence of a shared Tibetan ethnic and cultural identity rooted in Tibet’s imperial past,3 foreign armies threatening Tibetan territories were often interpreted in terms analogous to demonic possession. To confront such martial threats, Tibet’s ritual specialists frequently performed countrywide exorcisms, thus giving rise to the ritual subgenre of army expelling rites, or magdog (dmag zlog).4

The ostensible reason for such rituals was to “protect the doctrine” (bstan srung), or in other words, to preserve the geopolitical integrity of Tibet so that Buddhist institutions could thrive there unabated. And in addition to such conservative, protective functions, the ritualized expulsion of armies entailed the clear demarcation of territorial boundaries, and consequently can also be understood as a factor that contributed to the formation of a strong sense of communal, corporate identity. The pervasiveness of army averting rites in Tibetan Buddhist polities from the period of the Tibetan empire to the present5 thus seems to indicate, among other things, that these rituals have performed a vital symbolic function in the construction and reaffi rmation of Tibetan Buddhist state confi gurations.

Since the thirteenth century, Mongol armies frequently posed the most dangerous military threat to Tibetan survival. Outnumbered and overpowered, Tibetan political leaders often commissioned ritual specialists to supplement more conventional means of national defense with the magical protection promised by magdog rites. It is well known, for instance, that the rulers of the Tsang (Gtsang) dynasty (1565–1642) maintained very close connections with a number of important sectarian leaders, most notably the lamas of the Kargyü (Bka’ brgyud), Jonang (Jo nang), and Sakya (Sa skya) schools, who regularly administered to the state’s ritual needs.6 The Nyingmapa fi gure Sogdogpa Lodrö Gyaltsen (Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan, 1552–1624) was also particularly active during this period in driving Mongol forces from Tibet via magdog rites, as his nickname, “the one who repelled” (bzlog pa) “Mongols” (sog7) attests. In his text, the History of How the Mongols Were Turned Back (Sog bzlog bgyis tshul gyi lo rgyus8), Sogdogpa narrates his own thirty-two-year endeavor to rid Tibet of Mongol forces based on his guru Tertön Zhigpo Lingpa’s (Gter ston Zhig po gling pa, 1524–83) treasure cycle, Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies (Dmag bzlog nyer lnga). In a style that is part autobiography and part history, Sogdogpa candidly relates his self-proclaimed ritual success story as the culmination of Tibet’s historic struggle with Mongol military intervention, and the many attempts of Tibet’s leading ritual specialists to address such threats. The existence of a history cum autobiography authored by a Buddhist cleric to demonstrate his successful performance of rituals intended to expel or kill invading foreign armies elicits a host of deeply perplexing questions that are not easy to resolve. Leaving aside for now a discussion of this text’s most striking feature, namely, its seeming advocacy of rituals that violate the fundamental Buddhist tenet of nonviolence, let us turn instead to the issue of how these kinds of rituals were believed to function. Sogdogpa narrates that his rituals actually “worked” to produce the desired “outcome” of ridding Tibet of Mongol invaders. But what were the notions of effi cacy underlying Sogdogpa’s account?

In other words, how, precisely, did Sogdogpa represent the workings of his rituals, what were the various effects that he attributed to them, and what, by promoting their effi cacy in writing, did he hope to achieve?

This chapter represents an initial foray into this set of questions through an analysis of Sogdogpa’s depiction of events in the History. An examination into issues related to ritual effi cacy is both amply rewarded and signifi cantly complicated by a close reading of Sogdogpa’s account. Sogdogpa is concerned throughout the History to present his rituals as powerful, magical manipulations of the cosmos done for tangible geopolitical ends. And as part of this presentation, Sogdogpa also obliquely implies a number of social and political functions for his rites, such as the power to consolidate and fragment resources, populations and territories, functions which seem to have more to do with the social, economic, and political power of ritual actions to produce a sense of solidarity among participants and patrons in the creation or affi rmation of a bounded corporate identity.

As a fi rst step toward determining how Sogdogpa might have understood all of these diverse elements as part and parcel of his ritual workings, I attempt to delineate the component features of the History’s ritual episodes. In particular, I hope to demonstrate how Sogdogpa represented the effi cacy of his rituals through an elaborate interpretative process in which he linked his ritual performances to geopolitical events, prophecy texts, meditation signs, and dreams. I argue that it is through the strategic combination of these public and private discourses of meaning on the pages of the History that Sogdogpa locates himself at the center of interpretive authority, thus enabling him to claim ultimate responsibility for some of the most pivotal political events that transpired during his lifetime, including the unifi cation of Tsang (west central Tibet) under the Tsang Desi (Gtsang sde srid)9 and the expansion of Tsang Desi power into Ü (Dbus, central Tibet) and beyond. I close with a presentation of fi ve of the most signifi cant ritual episodes related to the rise and spread of Tsang Desi rule, illustrating how Sogdogpa further develops his interpretative authority through the act of designating diverse social and political events as outcomes of his own ritual proceedings.

The Blurred Genre of Ritual Memoir: Personal Refl ections,

Collective Histories, Prophesied Lives

The Tibetan term logyü (lo rgyus),10 often translated as “history,” which appears in the title of The History of How the Mongols Were Turned Back (Sog bzlog bgyis tshul gyi lo rgyus), is a broad genre label for any narrative account of something’s or someone’s past. In this instance, however, Sogdogpa explicitly frames his narrative through its opening verses as though it is an autobiography, and indeed, the fi nal half of the History is Sogdogpa’s own autobiographical account of his thirty-two-year ritual career of expelling Mongol armies from Tibet through ritual sorcery.11 Moreover, given that the author’s popular nickname, Sogdogpa, “the one who turned back the Mongols,” was acquired through the execution of such rituals, the title self-refers to Sogdogpa the fi gure as much as it refers to the wider historical phenomenon of turning back Mongols through sorcery. The title thus resonates on the registers of personal autobiography and collective history with equal weight. The title might even alternatively be rendered as The Story of How I Turned Back the Mongols, or more loosely, The Story of How I Became Sogdogpa.

The fl uidity witnessed here between narratives of collective historical events (lo rgyus) and autobiographical records of personal past events (rang gi rnam thar) also refl ects an essential feature of Sogdogpa’s legitimacy as a ritual expert, namely, the role of prophesies in authenticating Sogdogpa’s personal role as the rightful heir to a military sorcery campaign foretold by Padmasambhava (b. eighth century) and enacted over the centuries in times of need.12 Prophecies that were presumably fi rst articulated and concealed by Padmasambhava and Yeshé Tsogyal (Ye shes mtsho rgyal) (b. eighth century) in the form of treasures (gter ma) were excavated and touted by later fi gures as guides for determining the proper times and places of foreign military invasions, and most importantly, the requisite persons and actions capable of preventing, or delaying such events, or at least mitigating damage.13 Thus, the proper interpretation and implementation of treasure prophecies is central to how Sogdogpa represents his army repelling rituals as doing what they are intended to do. The logic of how prophecies connect historical and personal events is explicit in the structure and content of the History. The only available edition of the text is divided into two main chapters: “previous lifetimes” (sngon byung ba yin pa’i skyes rabs: 206.1–217.3), and “stages of how it was done” (ji ltar bgyis pa’i rim pa: 217.3–259.6). Recounting past lives is a typical opening maneuver in Tibetan autobiographical writing. Here however, rather than relate elaborate details, Sogdogpa only makes cursory mention of his recognition as the speech incarnation of the translator Nyag (Gnyags) Jñānakumara (b. eighth century), who was in turn a reincarnation of king Songtsen Gampo’s (Srong btsan sgam po, seventh century) minister of internal affairs, Nachenpo (Sna chen po, seventh century).

Then, with little transition, he shifts into a detailed account (207.3–217.3) of his unwilling reception of treasure revealer Zhigpo Lingpa’s injunction to lead the ritual expulsion of prophesied Mongol military advances via Zhigpo Lingpa’s treasure ritual cycle, the Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies (Dmag bzlog nyer lnga). This ten-folio section presents a rich guru–disciple dialogue in which Zhigpo Lingpa relates several prophecies, personal visionary experiences, and arguments to counter Sogdogpa’s reluctance to shoulder the immense responsibility of confronting one of most ferocious military powers on earth.

This conversation with Sogdogpa, otherwise known as the healer (‘tsho byed) of Dongkar (Gdong mkhar/dkar),14 is set within the context of Sogdogpa’s medical and ritual treatment of Zhigpo Lingpa for what would prove to be a fatal illness. In the course of the treatment, Zhigpo Lingpa reveals through the presentation and interpretation of prophecy texts that Sogdogpa is none other than the reincarnation of Gewa Bum (Dge ba ‘bum, b. twelfth century),15 the famed physician whose reincarnation was prophesied by Padmasambhava to be an instrumental fi gure in repelling invading Mongol armies.16 Sogdogpa expresses some skepticism about his newfound identity, but upon realizing that Zhigpo Lingpa’s request is indeed his dying guru’s fi nal wish, he promises to fulfi ll the role of protector and departs. Zhigpo Lingpa dies shortly thereafter.

The second chapter, “Stages of How it Was Done,” consists of three subsections divided according to a threefold periodization of Mongol intervention in Tibet. Sogdogpa states that this threefold schema is based on a prophecy text which describes three occasions throughout the history of Tibet–Mongolia interactions in which Mongol armies attempt to invade Tibet.

The fi rst subsection of this chapter (217.3–219.4) shifts from the autobiographical mode of the fi rst chapter to describe the history of the fi rst Mongol invasion of Tibet during the fi nal two decades of the thirteenth century, and how Tibet’s powerful ritual experts responded to the crisis.17 The second subsection, which describes the second Mongol threat to Tibet, relates events that purportedly transpired during the fi nal few years of treasure revealer Pema Lingpa’s (Padma gling pa, 1450–1521) lifetime and the decade following his passing. This brief section (219.6–228.3) provides much detail concerning Pema Lingpa’s instrumental role in interpreting various prophecy texts to warn of an impending Mongol invasion. Just prior to his death, Pema Lingpa passed the responsibility for preventing this disaster to his close disciple Chogden Gönpo (Mchog ldan mgon po, 1497–1557). The section goes on to describe Chogden Gönpo’s failure to garner the requisite support for success. Pema Lingpa’s injunction to repell the Mongols thus fell to Pema Lingpa’s son, Dawa Gyaltsen (Zla ba rgyal mtshan, 1499–1587), who managed to accomplish all the prophesied activities except for the fi nal, most important one—leaving his remains at Zabpu Lung (Zab bu lung).18 Alternatively, Sogdogpa narrates that another source reports the performance of rites by Ngari Pan·chen (Mnga’ ris pan·chen) and the Rigdzin Chenpo (Rigs ‘dzin chen po) brothers, students of Chogden Gönpo, thus pushing pack the arrival of Mongol forces several years.

The series of events reported in this second subsection, and especially the dates of the fi gures involved, enables Sogdogpa to seamlessly connect his chronological narrative with the third and fi nal period of Mongol threat, his own lifetime. In the third subsection, Sogdogpa switches back into a candid autobiographical style to relate his own thirty-two-year ritual endeavor dedicated to driving Mongol military forces from Tibet. This thirty-one-folio (228.3–259.6) memoir begins in 1583, when at 32 years of age Sogdogpa was fi rst charged with performing the Twenty-fi ve Army Ways of Averting Armies, and ends in 1614, when, at age 63, Sogdogpa led a group ritual which buried an entire army of Mongols under snow, and by Sogdogpa’s account, ended Mongol violence in Tibet for the time being.19 The memoir thus provides a chronological record of approximately twenty armyaverting ritual episodes that he performed between the years of 1583 and 1614. With some variation, each episode includes a date, prophecy, place, corresponding contemporary event, ritual response, names of ritual specialists, participants, and sponsors, as well as successes and/or failures. The text closes with a calculation of the resources and materials that Sogdogpa himself expended toward the project; a list of political and religious fi gures who either did not follow through with pledges to contribute, or rejected the project outright; and gratitude in the form of a list to everyone who contributed in various ways.

Turning briefl y to the rituals themselves, the ritual cycle that Sogdogpa performs in his autobiographical section of the History, the Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies, is said to have been revealed by Zhigpo Lingpa in 1544 at Eagle Nest Rock (Khyung tshang brag).20 The Twenty-fi ve Ways consists of twenty-fi ve techniques, each of which, when performed according to prophecies dictating who, where, and when to perform them, were thought to be capable of repelling advancing foreign armies from Tibet. To my knowledge, all that remains of this treasure cycle is a collection of fi ve texts now found in the Rinchen Terdzö (Rin chen gter mdzod) collection.21 Although these fi ve documents represent only a fraction of the textual materials that Sogdogpa is said to have received from Zhigpo Lingpa, they nonetheless offer valuable insight into the nature of the rituals concerned. The fi rst text in the collection, the Sequenced Classifi cation of Means for Averting a Whole Regiment, from the Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies (Dmag zlog nyi shu rtsa lnga las spyi ru zlog thabs kyi rim pa sde tshan du byas pa22), lists the twenty-fi ve means as follows:

1–3. Repelling by supplicating lamas, tutelary deities, and ḍākiṇīs

4. Repelling through white mustard seed

5. Repelling through spells

6. Repelling through construction (bcas)

7. Repelling through the practice of Yamāntaka and Vajrakīlāya

8. Repelling an army, compelling it with magical substances in water

(chu la rdzas kyis ngar blud de zlog pa)

9. Repelling an army with magical substances

10–13. Repelling through yé (yas)23 materials (zang zing yas), mdos rituals, burnt offerings, and magical torma weapons (gtor zor)

14. Repelling through controlling the elements

15. Repelling through three mantrins of degenerate tantric commitments24

16. Repelling through three [mantrins] of nondegenerate tantric commitments

17. Repelling through three monks of degenerate monastic discipline

18. Repelling through three [[[monks]]] of nondegenerate [[[monastic discipline]]]

19. Repelling with a wand of invisibility (sgrib shing) [over] the valley

20. Pith instruction for the regional guardian (yul ‘khor srung gi man ngag)

21. Protecting the country doing the practice of Hayagrīva (rta mgrin)

22. Subduing gods and demons in order to make them paralyze troops dmag dpung jag ‘ching) and cut off their route

23. Crumpling a paper effi gy of a general (dmag dpon yig gcu pa)

24. Repelling through resounding the enlightened speech of dharma

25. Repelling through enforcing a ban on hunting and fi shing, and through practicing.25

A detailed analysis of each item would lead us too far afi eld. At a glance it can be noticed that the list of twenty-fi ve ways consists of a variety of activities and ritual types, several of which—the supplication of lamas, tutelary deities, and ḍākiṇīs, and the propitiation of the fi erce Buddhist deities Yamāntaka, Vajrakīlāya, and Hayagrīva, for instance—are ordinary dharma practices yoked here to specifi cally martial ends. Indeed, the list seems to include anything and everything thought to be capable of successfully repelling armies, down to even the meritorious act of restoring and constructing sacred architecture. Yet, as we shall see, determining whether or not these rituals hit their intended mark was no simple matter.

The Logic of Effi cacy: Reading Events, Interpreting Signs, and Writing Outcomes

It is immediately clear from just the title of Sogdogpa’s text alone, The History of How the Mongols Were Turned Back, that a central concern in its authorship was to present a persuasive account of the effi cacy of the rituals concerned, and the power of the actors involved. The rhetorical thrust of Sogdogpa’s narrative is especially evident in his autobiographical account, where in episode after episode, he consistently attributes to his performance of the twenty-fi ve means, the destruction, rerouting, or impeding of Mongol armies and warlords encroaching upon Tibetan territories. Yet, when investigating such accounts further, Sogdogpa appears to be just as concerned with demonstrating his interpretative authority to adjudicate the matter of ritual effi cacy as he is with establishing the workings of the particular rituals concerned.

A closer look into the literary mechanisms by which Sogdogpa attempted to demonstrate that military events were the outcomes of his rites reveals a number of elements at work. First, as noted earlier, each episode in Sogdogpa’s autobiographical account includes a date, prophecy, place, corresponding geopolitical event, ritual response, names of ritual specialists, participants and sponsors, and the dreams and/or signs of success that occurred in the context of ritual performances. Second, Sogdogpa carefully structures all these elements into a fi vefold sequence that refl ects the complex interpretative procedure through which he gave literary expression to the effi cacy of his rites. This fi vefold sequence proceeds as follows: (1) interpretation of a passage from a prophecy text in light of contemporary events, (2) appropriate ritual performance, (3) resultant signs and/or dreams, or lack thereof, (4) interpretation of signs and/or dreams, and (5) coordination of signs, dreams and prophecies with geopolitical events as ritual outcomes. Clearly then, ritual effects do not unambiguously follow from ritual performances without mediation. Rather, such outcomes emerge from an intersection of textual interpretations, group ritual performances, communal sensory experiences, private dreams, and semiotic operations in which public and private, discursive and embodied practices converge to produce the gestalt of ritual success. Furthermore, it should be noted that this memoir is the principle medium through which Sogdogpa worked out the precise terms of these correspondences. Thus, the designation of events as “outcomes” has everything to do with Sogdogpa’s retrospective formulation and presentation of these events in writing.

Perhaps it is the function of prophecy texts in Sogdogpa’s memoir which best epitomizes the hybrid, intertextual quality of his narrative. Tibetan Buddhists often represent all of history as a sprawling narrative that unfolds according to the prophecies that the Indian Buddhist master Padmasambhava hid within Tibetan soil; these are found in texts left for destined disciples in future incarnations to uncover and interpret anew according to specifi c contextual exigencies. Tibetan prophecy texts are therefore marked by an equal measure of cultural authority and textual ambiguity, thus enabling successive generations of Tibetans to interpret diverse contemporary events and legitimate their specifi c reactions to them in light of an ever-compelling cultural script. Yet, since Tibetan Buddhist prophecies are also often rich in specifi c personal details and events concerning the lives and contexts of the “future” incarnations of individuals, they might be productively construed as biographical and autobiographical writings specifi cally concerned with future histories.26 Thus, as communal narratives (which nonetheless partake of an autobiographical and/ or biographical character) prophecies are an ideal medium through which to bring private lives into the public sphere and appropriate public discourses to serve personal ends. It is little wonder then that Sogdogpa consistently uses the forum of prophecy to articulate and legitimate his ritual actions, signs and dreams in the public arena of his memoir. Indeed, communal Tibetan prophecies serve for Sogdogpa as the cultural matrix of signifi cations through which he constructs the public ramifi cations of his personal actions, and in turn personalizes prophecies that concern the entire Tibetan public.

The importance of prophecies for Sogdogpa in legitimating the outcomes of his rituals is explicit in the opening episode of the History’s fi rst chapter, and in the opening passages of the autobiographical section of the History’s second chapter. In both sections, Sogdogpa narrates Zhigpo Lingpa’s lengthy explanations of personal prophetic visionary experiences along with his interpretations of the prophetic visions of Sangyé Lingpa (Sangs rgyas gling pa, 1340–96) and Pema Lingpa in demonstrating the urgency of turning back the Mongols during Sogdogpa’s generation, as well as Sogdogpa’s necessary role in this endeavor. These passages relate how Zhigpo Lingpa correlated his and others’ prophecies to refl ect a single coherent message, and thus offer considerable insight into the knotty process of prophecy interpretation. To give a taste of how these prophecies predict a general scenario of ritual effi cacy, here is a section of a prophecy from Pema Lingpa’s All-Illuminating Mirror (Kun gsal me long),27 which Zhigpo Lingpa cites to convince Sogdogpa of his necessary role in turning back Mongol armies:

At that time, by the power of the great merit of sentient beings and

The Buddha-dharma not being extinguished,

One with the name of Space (nam mkha’) will arouse the circumstancial cause, and

One with the name of Famous (grags pa) will act as patron.

An ārya, who is an emanation of Songtsen Yulzung (Srong btsan yul zung),

And a healer, who is the [re-]birth of the doctor Gebum (Dge ‘bum),

With an emanation of myself assisting them,

Will, having gathered all the materials, perform burnt offerings.

They will focus intently on the tsen/gong (btsan/’gong) red Yamshü (Yam shud).28

Within the skulls of nine murdered Chinese generals

Will be inserted the effi gies (ling ga) of nine demon generals.29

These should be burried underneath Śākyamūni.30

This prophecy provides only the barest information in the form of general names and vague descriptions of events. And even when Zhigpo Lingpa consulted other prophecies to provide dates and more complete descriptions of places and events, the phrasing is, at best, ambiguous. In the end, Zhigpo Lingpa correlated this passage with other passages that specify dates and other temporal clues to interpret the “one with the name Famous” as the political leader of Bang-khar (Bang mkhar), which judging from descriptions in the History, was in Uyug (‘U yug) valley north of the Brahmaputra river; the “emanation of Songtsen Yulzung,” one of Srong btsan sgam po’s chief ministers, as Zhigpo Lingpa himself; and the “rebirth of Gebum,” the famed twelfth-century physician and protector of Lhasa from fl ood waters, as Sogdogpa—a triad that Zhigpo Lingpa insisted must work together to ensure the aversion of Mongol armies through sorcery. In this vein, the History reports that Zhigpo Lingpa’s authoritative, interpretative acumen, and visionary insight enabled his tersely phrased collection of prophecy texts to function for Sogdogpa as a loose discursive map that provided crucial guidance throughout his ritual career on when, where, with whom, and how to avert Mongol forces. It must be recalled, however, that in order for successive generation to use and reuse prophecies for divergent purposes within differing contexts, prophecy texts must retain a certain degree of ambiguity. Sogdogpa’s narration of Zhigpo Lingpa’s interpretative work thus leaves multiple lacunae that resist precise identifi cation.

Textual citations from relevant prophecy texts also appear in nearly every ritual episode within Sogdogpa’s autobiographical section. These passages are used in two primary ways. First, as just noted, they are presented as providing Sogdogpa with loose guidelines on when, where, with whom, and how to perform the appropriate rituals. In keeping with their nebulous character, passages here only give years according to the duodenary calendrical cycle, rather than the more specifi c years of the sexegenary cycle (i.e., dog year as opposed to iron dog year), and only include laconic descriptions of military and political events, and vague or general place names and geographical descriptions, thus allowing Sogdogpa signifi cant interpretive latitude.

The second major function of prophecies is to legitimate ritual outcomes, the ultimate litmus test of ritual effi cacy by Sogdogpa’s account being whether or not events corroborate authoritative prophecies—whether or not negative or positive events reported in prophecies “came to pass” (thog tu khel). Rituals therefore “work,” according to Sogdogpa, when they have been executed in accordance with specifi cations outlined in prophecies, and when later events corroborate those guiding prophecies.

Sogdogpa’s uses of prophecies can perhaps better be understood through turning to their occurrence in the ritual episodes themselves. The manner in which Sogdogpa cites prophecies in connection with ritual performances, signs and dreams, and geopolitical events to interpret ritual outcomes is wellillustrated in the following two episodes, which are reported as having occurred ten years apart: 1. It is stated in the prophecy of Gyalwa Düpa (Rgyal ba ‘dus pa):31 In the Fire-Female-Pig [year], a Hor32 army will come to Tibet. Initially, it will mete out suffering to Drigung (‘Bri[gung]) and Taglung (Stag[lung]).

Accordingly, when many Mongol troops led by one called Khathasu arrived that Pig year (1587), they rushed from Oyug33 up to Nyugda.34 At that time, I had no aquaintance with the one from Bangkhar (bang mkhar nas). [I] restored the stūpa at Dro (‘Bro) [and] threw several thread-cross tormas (mdos gtor). Having performed the fi nal rite of the lord of life,35 there was a positive sign (rtags mtshan bzang) and I had a dream vision (rmi lam mthong) that pleasant news would soon come. Autumn of that [year], according to the words of the leader (sde pa) Bönpö Lapa (Bon po’i La pa), who had returned [from the east]:

In China, several of the Mongol petty kings and ministers (sog po’i rgyal blon) were mass poisoned (dug yoms), had diarrhea (‘khrus) of several animals, such as frogs, snakes, scorpions, and so forth, then died. At Mang Kölwa (Mang bskol ba), several divine hand emblems, such as fl esh cutting blades, and so forth, emerged from within the boils of Gyagmi Rajang Wong’s (Rgyag mi=rgya mi? Ra byang’ong) body, and he died. There is a great commotion [there] that these [events] were due to the sorcery of Tibetan dharma communities.

Beyond this, nothing happened. However, in Nyidé Gyachen (Nyi zla’i rgya can)36 it is said: Then, in the Fire-Female-Pig year, Hor troops will burst forth. At that [time], one with the name of Rigdzin Trashi (Rigs’dzin Bkra shis), who abides on the [[[bodhisattva]]] levels, will appear in Uruzho (Dbu ru gzho). He will turn them back. Thus, accordingly, Drigung Zhabdrung37 gathered the choicest roasted barley in his jurisdiction, and yarn and sticks for thread-cross rites (mdos), and turned back [the army]. Thus,’Bri[gung] and Stag[lung] incurred no damage. Neither could [the army] severely harm the lands of Shangs,38 ‘O [yug] and so forth, as several men and horses died during their return journey.

2. Then, as related in the [prophetic] statement:

In the Fire-Monkey and Rooster [years] there will be fi ghting in Tö,39 Khathan’s army reached Mü,40 Purang,41 Karbum (Dkar dum), Lowo,42 Mya Shug Tro (Rmya shug khro), Tesé,43 Latö,44 Jang,45 and so forth. It sacked the [[[people]] of] Dolpo,46 Nagtsang,47 Pönpo (Dpon po) and so forth. That year (1596) I initiated the Great Means of Averting of Armies (Sog bzlog chen mo). Consequently, I dreamt that a voice ordered the Mongols who were advancing from Ngari in Tö48 up to Gyalmorong in Mé Dokham49 to turn back. Even though it had been prophecied that during that year Sakya,50 Ngari, Dzongkha,51 and Jang Ngamring52 would be destroyed, the ritual aversion seemed to help; the Hor Mongols then arrived in the vicinity of Drompa Gyang (Grom pa rgyang), and despite having rushed from Zangzang Lhadrag53 all the way to the upper end of Ngamring, no casualties were seen.54 A cursory analysis of these two passages reveals the following rationale at work in Sogdogpa’s representations of ritual outcomes: First, to establish the appropriate occasions to stage his rituals, Sogdogpa interprets contemporary events in light of the duodenary years mentioned in the relevant prophecy passages—the Pig year, and the Fire-Monkey and Rooster years, respectively—and the vague descriptions of events foretold there. Sogdogpa then mentions and sometimes describes the rituals he performed in response to such events. He then notes the occurence of auspicious signs and/or dreams in the context of his ritual performances as circumstantial evidence indicating ritual effi cacy. Finally, he returns once again to the prophecy passages and interprets contemporary events by their light to determine the fi nal success or failure of his ritual actions. To represent events as outcomes of rituals, he retrospectively connects these geopolitical events to their ostensive dreams, signs, and prophecies.

Here, and throughout the memoir, “signs” refer to auspicious events that occur in the context of ritual performances and function as indicators of ritual effi cacy. Far from unambiguous gauges of ritual success, signs require considerable interpretation. Sometimes sign interpretation takes the form of reading events in light of textual descriptions. On one occasion Sogdogpa notes that “signs emerged exactly in accordance with the text.”55 And elsewhere, he ended a ritual practice “once the signs explained in the text had appeared in full.”56 Often, however, the interpretation of signs is an event which gains legitimacy through the consensus of the group of ritual participants. In one episode, Sogdogpa and six others performed fumigation rites and burnt offerings and “the entire area was permeated with the stench of Mongols,” thus eliciting conviction among everyone present in the success of the ritual.57 In two other episodes, the appearance of a skull of a fallen Mongol general and the discovery of a geneaological record of leading Mongol warlords, both materials used in the performance of effi gy rites,58 are read by Sogdogpa as signs of the success of previous rituals. On more than one occasion, the public, consensual dimension of sign interpretation opens up the possibilities for alternate, competing interpretations from a wider demographic than ritual specialists alone. In one episode, Sogdogpa recounts the public denunctiation of the leader of Uyug by his citizens for the leader’s sponsorship of a stūpa just prior to the onset of a countrywide drought. The citizens of Uyug used the logic of sign interpretation against their leader through positing a deliberate causal relationship between the stūpa project and the natural disaster, and thereby accused their leader of black magic.59 During another ritual, the security guards of the ritual enclosure mistakenly interpreted a torma’s fl aming wick as a sign that the ritual was succesful in killing the Mongol warlord Khathan.60 In each instance of what he considers to be sign misinterpretation, Sogdogpa provides for his readers the “correct” interpretation. Thus, when sign interpretation becomes public domain, the text of the History itself serves as the medium through which Sogdogpa makes the connections and sets the records straight. And of course the “public domain” described in Sogdogpa’s narrative is none other than the textual domain of his memoir, in which he publicly narrativizes events through their careful selection and ordering, thereby affi rming once again his interpretive authority to adjudicate such matters. Like signs, auspicious dreams that occur in the context of ritual performances also serve as indicators of ritual effi cacy. Needless to say, however, Sogdogpa’s dreams differ from auspicious signs in being understood as entirely private experiences. Perhaps owing to their private character, Sogdogpa’s dreams prove to be slightly more elusive for him than signs. On more than one occasion, Sogdogpa struggles to make sense of his dreams in light of later events. Once, he even doubts the authenticity of a potent visionary dream when no event unfolds to corroborate it.61 More often than not, however, Sogdogpa reports and intreprets dreams to demonstrate the effi cacy of related rituals. Moreover, like signs, dream content in the memoir is drawn largely from communal cultural meanings, thus strategically enabling the discourse of private dream experiences to serve in authenticating the effi cacy of rituals in the public arena, and most signifi cantly perhaps, reaffi rm Sogdogpa’s personal role as a vital and authoritative intermediary and interpreter of events with public, and even statewide importance. To move full circle, signs and dreams, and indeed also the rituals that elicit them, gain signifi cance throughout Sogdogpa’s memoir within the context of an overarching vision of Tibetan history as an ever-unfolding drama foretold in prophetic revelations. Signs and dreams here provide the critical epistemological link between ritual performances and prophesied events, thus enabling geopolitical events to be interpreted as ritual effects. However, it should be noted that signs and dreams are common indicators of ritual effi cacy in Tibetan Buddhist ritual proceedings even when rituals have no explicit connection with prophecies. The memoir, which situates rituals and their outcomes within the prophetic narrative of Tibet’s ongoing struggles with Mongol violence, therefore casts signs and dreams in a slightly different light. In other words, Sogdogpa’s signs and dreams, as provisional suggestions of ritual success sensible to only himself or his immediate circle are meaningful indicators of ritual outcomes only in relation to the collective prophecies that concern the Tibetan populace as a whole. Linking signs and dreams with prophecies thus serves as an instrument enabling Sogdogpa to promote the authority of his personal experiences, and thereby read his private and interpersonal personae onto the communal prophetic record. The ultimate effect is a personalization, or rather, an “autobiographization” of communal prophecies, which works to locate Sogdogpa at the epicenter of interpretative authority over events and actions which impacted the fate of all Tibetans.

Geopolitical Unifi cation, Expansion, and Other Outcomes

The thirty-two-year period of 1583–1614 during which Sogdogpa executed his army-averting ritual program was witness to signifi cant shifts in the sociopolitical climate of the Ü and Tsang provinces of Tibet.62 To begin with, the sixteenth century was perhaps one of the most tumultuous centuries in Tibetan history. It was a time of extreme political fragmentation and sectarian violence characterized by ongoing military confl icts between rival factions in Ü and Tsang over land and resources. A signifi cant change of affairs took place in 1565, when the fi rst Tsang ruler, Zhing Shagpa Karma Tseten (Zhing shag pa Karma tshe brtan), seized control of the strategic stronghold of Samdrubtse (Bsam grub rste) in Zhikatse (Gzhis ka rtse) from the Rinpungpa (Rin spungs pa) aristocracy, the family that had ruled much of Ü and Tsang from the year 1435. Zhing Shagpa then initiated a campaign to bring all of Ü and Tsang under his control, an endeavor that would only bear fruit with the concentrated efforts of his children and grandchildren several decades later. During this period, Mongol tribes were also mired in civil war,63 and hearing of the weakened state of Tibet’s frontiers, losing Mongol armies often fl ed southwest to try their luck in Tibet.64 The presence of Mongols in Tibet, and their sporadic show of military and fi nancial support for one or another of Tibet’s aristocratic families or religious schools, introduced a wildcard into local struggles over land and power. Focused as he was on ridding Tibet of Mongol military intervention, Sogdogpa was at cross purposes with several Tibetan factions, such as Ganden (Dga’ ldan) and Drepung (‘Bras spungs), who were actively courting Mongol favor to bolster their own fi nancial and sectarian interests.65 Moreover, Sogdogpa’s sorcery campaign entailed his involvement with diverse and sometimes competing geopolitical, sectarian, and clan formations, which made him a vortex for the whirlwind of forces vying for supremacy at this time. Consequently, Sogdogpa suffered harsh criticisms from those whose fortunes depended on Mongol warlords, or who saw in Sogdogpa’s ritual efforts selfi sh and careerist attempts to acquire wealth, power, and renown.66

Sogdogpa’s representation of ritual effi cacy outlined in the earlier section of this chapter portrays rites as magical techniques to manipulate the cosmos for tangible geopolitical results. According to this picture, rituals produce the real geopolitical outcome of repelling Mongol forces from Tibet, that is, when all the requisite conditions of prophecy are fulfi lled and these coincide with the occurrence of meaningful signs and/or dreams. Yet, when turning to the diversity of events that Sogdogpa designates as ritual outcomes, it becomes evident that Sogdogpa envisioned the magical effi cacy of his rituals as responsible not only for the direct expulsion of Mongol forces, but also for the creation of political and military circumstances within Tibet that would have facilitated their expulsion.

Indeed, one striking feature of Sogdogpa’s account is his consistent effort to co-opt internal Tibetan political and military developments by designating them as outcomes of his rituals. Almost every episode in the History illustrates in some way a concern to encapsulate diverse internal, political, military, and economic developments and events within the magical functionality of his army averting rites. Ritual outcomes in Sogdogpa’s account thus also include the consolidation of Tibetan polities, the increased infl uence and power of Tibetan rulers, and the increased authority and wealth of Sogdogpa and his colleagues, to name but a few.

Most signifi cantly, Sogdogpa’s narrative reveals that he was aware that the broad-based support necessary to execute his large-scale rites required disparate Tibetan polities to work together, perhaps resulting in a unifi ed front that might stand a better chance in military confrontations with Mongol forces. Participation in Sogdogpa’s ritual program would have therefore been a way to show support for the growth and reinforcement of a politico-military establishment that could successfully “protect the doctrine,” or more precisely, its institutions and patrons. In Sogdogpa’s time, such an establishment was none other than the Tsang Desi government based in Samdrubtse. Thus, Sogdogpa not only presents the effi cacy of his rites in terms of their power to magically kill, repel, or render helpless enemy Mongol troops, but he also frames them as instrumental in the formation of a unifi ed geopolitical entity centered on the Tsang Desi, which was committed to maintaining Mongol forces at a safe distance through a combination of diplomacy and martial force. Sogdogpa even goes so far as to lay claim to the gradual consolidation of Tsang and the subsequent expansion of Tsang Desi control into Ü and beyond.

Although several of the History’s passages refl ect the central role Sogdogpa assigns his rituals in the consolidation and growth of Tsang Desi power during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the present chapter allows space for only a few examples.67 In fi ve episodes interspersed throughout his accounts of ritual activities between the years 1590 and 1605, Sogdogpa directly links the political unifi cation of the Tsang region and the subsequent expansion of Tsang Desi rule with his army-averting rites. The fi rst of these episodes attributes a pivotal event in the rise of Tsang political power—the end of internal strife in Tsang—to the might and authority of Sogdogpa’s sorcery campaign.

At that time,68 most of the nobility and commoners of Rong were saying, “he (Sogdogpa) is perpetrating such boundless deceit.” The people of Tsang were telling all the aristocrats, such as Chugpo Adar (Phyug po a dar), Bongkarné (Bong mkhar nas), Kudün Mönkipa (Sku mdun smon skyid pa), and the like that the prophecies were fabricated.69 Even Nangtsené’s70 disciples were saying that things such as this do not exist at all in Nangtse’s treasure teachings and that it was totally fraudulent. Some of great experience stated that [the message] seemed to have been altered from having correlated several prophecies. No one came forth who would hold them as authentic.

At that [time], Kudün Mönkiné (Sku mdun smon skyid nas) told me to come to Gang Tsang.71 I showed him the text of Turning Back Armies (dmag zlog), and he thus gained confi dence in it and issued a request encouraging virtue to Tsedong.72 Thereupon, the restoration of the shrine (lha khang) on the bank of the Brahmaputra river in Yeru73 was accomplished. Then, just as the stream of earlier and later wars had become like water reaching a boil, [the prophecy] stating “the polity of Tsang will become a stable aliance” (gstang gi rgyal srid mdun ma gru bzhi ’ong) came to pass. Thus, since the peace and happiness within the Tsang region up to the present is due to his kindness, the benefi t [of that act] is obvious.74 Here, Rong and Tsang are shorthand for the Rinpungpa aristocracy based in the region of Rong75 in e astern Tsang and the Tsang Desi faction based due west of Rong in the citadel of Samdrubtse, Zhikatse, also in Tsang. This episode thus depicts the end of approximately twenty-fi ve years of warfare between the Rinpungpa aristocracy who ruled much of Ü and Tsang beginning from 1435, and the new Tsang leadership of the Desi that fi rst rose to power in 1565. The unifi cation of Tsang described here as having taken place in 1590 via the formation of a “stable alliance” was surely a major contributing factor in the Tsang Desi government’s eventual expansion of territory to include all of Ü and Tsang. Based on other episodes, Kudün Mönkiné seems to have been a leader with some infl uence in the court of the Tsang Desi. Tsedong refers to an infl uential Sakya monastery in Tsang that had close ties with the Tsang Desi government throughout this period.76

One of the greatest oppositions to Tsang rule over central Tibet came from Drepung and the burgeoning Ganden Potrang (Dga’ ldan pho brang) government, who had been courting Mongol military assistant since well before the Third Dalai Lama Sönam Gyatso’s (Bsod nams rgya mtsho) expedition to Mongolia in 1577 and 1578.77 It is not surprising then that in the wake of Tsang unifi cation Sogdogpa directed his rituals against divisions of Mongol forces which Drepuing had raised in retaliation for a previous attack on an affi liated faction. After providing extensive citations of relevant prophecy texts, Sogdogpa relates the following:

In short, effi gies were formed of the soldiers of the six Chakhar78 divisions (gzhung) and their horses. Through practicing for one month, an auspicious sign emerged. That year79 the Drepungpa had roused an army; in response to the western Hor having attacked the Sermyog (Ser myog),80 an army headed by the king of the three Thümed81 divisions had been approaching for about one month. They turned back.82

The year 1599 was particularly important for Sogdogpa; it marked his fi rst encounter with the Tsang Desi.83 Despite Sogdogpa’s reputation as a Rasputinesque charlatan responsible for poisoning his patron, the leader of Bongkhar, in the midst of promoting a sorcery campaign for the acquisition of wealth and fame, the Desi nonetheless offered Sogdogpa the venue and patronage necessary to continue his ritual program after the death of his patron. Through this connection with the Tsang Desi Sogdogpa seems to have risen to the level of a state-sponsored ritualist, one of many, no doubt, responsible for the performance of rites integral to the security of the kingdom. In the process, the prophecied rituals, which had been time, place, and event specifi c up to that point, became embedded within the annual ritual calendar of the state.

Then, in the Dog year (1598), the memorial service (dus mchod) for the leader [Bongkharné] came to pass and I was exiled from the land. Subsequently, in the Pig year (1599), the Ruler (sde srid) took possession of Lingkhar.84 At the behest of Kudün Mönkiné, [the Tsang Ruler] also gave me a monastery. So, even though some Hor and Tibetans had previously offered him slanderous rumors [about me], from that time on, he nurtured me with his kindness. He interrogated me much, stating the following:

I have been wondering whether you lamas of the Ancient school are only show-offs. But you are a humble, simple monk. Someone said that you built stūpas as means to turn back border troops. Where are they?

He told me:

Now that I have given you a monastery, by means of the monastic estate (bzhis=gzhis), you must henceforth take up the burden of turning back the Mongols. Thus, I performed each type (rig=rigs) of Mongol averting [[[ritual]]] annually, without interruption. There were also many stūpas, [[[protection]]] circles, and the like that were supposed to be placed at the upper end of each and every small valley (lung tshan), but the slander that I was employing malicious spells and poisoning [[[people]]] did not abate, [so I could not do these things].

Starting from the Pig year (1599), in observation of the annual ritual calendar of the territory as a whole, I performed the seven day accomplishment [[[rite]]] in connection with the man·d·ala for accomplishing Vajrakīlāya, annually without interruption. In accordance with the [prophetic] statement: In the Earth Pig and Dog [years, they] will return to their own land,”

There was calm for those two years (1598–1599).85

Two years later, Sogdogpa used his new infl uence to restore stūpas along the northern frontier that were deemed capable of defending the Ü and Tsang provinces of Tibet against Mongol attacks. He was assisted in this project by a certain Garwangpa (Gar dbang pa). Given the exchange with the Ninth Karmapa Wangchug Dorje (Dbang phyug rdo rje, 1556–1603) that follows the restorations, Garwangpa probably refers to the Sixth Shamar Garwang Chöki Wangchug (Zhwa dmar Gar dbang Chos kyi dbang phyug, 1584–1630), whose biography relates his brokerage of a peace treaty between the Tsang Desi government and a group of unnamed Mongols just a year prior.86 Moreover, the Mongol warlord Kathan mentioned in this episode fi gures prominently in the Sixth Shamar’s biography, not as a foe, but as an infl uential patron who lavished great wealth on the Kargyu hierarch.87 In addition, the Sixth Shamar’s father was the twentieth hierarch of Drikung Til (‘Bri gung mthil) monastery, Tsungmé Chögyal Püntsog Trashi Pelzangpo (Mtshung med chos rgyal Phun tshogs bkra shis dpal bzang po, 1547–1602/1626), a close associate of Sogdogpa’s guru Zhigpo Lingpa,88 and as Sogdogpa’s fi rst autobiographical ritual episode bears witness, an active performer of Mongol averting rituals in his own right.

The Shamar’s role as political envoy to the Tsang Desi during this time,89 along with his ties to the Mongol warlord Khatan and his father’s participation in Mongol averting rites, all suggest that Sogdogpa conceived his ritual program to function in combination with the Tsang Desi government’s more conventional strategies of diplomacy and national defence. Moreover, given the role of the Karmapa incarnation series as preceptors to the Tsang royal family,90 Sogdogpa’s mention of the Ninth Karmapa Wangchug Dorje’s enthusiastic approval for his Mongol expelling ritual activities can be seen as a refl ection of, or even a further bid for, Tsang Desi support.

In the Ox year (1601), from Zabu91 I sent a letter via Drung Garwangpa (Drung Gar dbang pa) to the Nagtsangpa (Nag tshang pa)92 leaders (mi dpon), and to master Tropuwa (Khro phu ba) and his disciples in

Jang Dangra (Byang dang ra) [stating] the need to restore the northern stūpas. Thus, the master Tropuwa and his disciples, together with Garwang,

and with Kyedar (Skyes dar) acting as sponsor, restored the stūpa at Gurmo (Mgur mo). Garwang roused patronage and restored the 108 stūpas of Tsikü-khug (Rtsi skud khug). And overseen by the sponsor Trobo Dar (Khro bo dar), he restored the stūpas in both Rigu (Ri gu) and Sheltsa (Shel tsha). Along the way, [they] were also able to restore the 108 stūpas and [the stūpa] in Shurutso (Zhu ru ’tsho = mtsho). Consequently, while Khatan was deceiving the Nagtsangpa leaders and plotting to murder them by asphyxiation, a message (bya) leaked out and [they] were able to fl ee.

Later, a regional nomad council took place (mdun ma lding93 khel), due to which a letter from the Nagtsangpa leaders arrived, as well as their acceptance of me as a treasure revealer (gter byin = gter ’byin). Thereafter, both Karpo (Dkar po) and Lhatrug (Lha phrug) from among the Pönpowa (Dpon po ba); and Kyedar (Skyes dar), Lhachug (Lha phyug), and Serpo (Ser po) [from] among the Nagtsangpa were planning to restore the Kungkhung Tsal (Kung khung tshal) [[[temple]]?] as well as other stūpas. However, the community migrated to the east (smad), so it was not accomplished.

From that year until the Hare [year] (1601–03), I myself accomplished a little over 100,000 recitations of The Heart of Wisdom, Averter of Demons (shes snying bdud bzlog) with the aim of turning back the Mongols. At Namling, Garwangpa told Gyalwé Wangpo (Rgyal ba’i dbang po, the Ninth Karmapa Dbang phyug rdo rje) the story of how he had restored the northern stūpas. [The Karmapa] thus replied:

At the glorious copper colored mountain of Zabu, A temple for turning back the Mongols has also been made. You, Sogdogpa, and disciples seem to be of benefi t to Tibet.

You still have to go to the north and restore the stūpas that require restoration. I will provide (gter=ster) the materials and ritual supplies. Gyalwé Wangpo passed away soon thereafter (1603), so this was not done.94

Sogdogpa relates that just a few years later, his rituals played a role in enhancing the power and authority of the Tsang Desi considerably, such that the leader was capable of military success against an invading Mongol army. Note that in the following episode Sogdogpa also enlists the assistance of Bönpo ritualists, suggesting that the justifi cation of “protecting the dharma,” the stated motive for the performance of these violent rites, included more than Buddhist institutions alone. Indeed, the rites described in these episodes appear to be more about protecting Tibet’s frontiers and populace from the ravages of warfare than saving Buddhist monasteries, reliquaries, and shrines, although those two sets of concerns were no doubt seen as very much interrelated. Nevertheless, such inclusiveness suggests that rituals purportedly intended to “protect the dharma” were at times conceived more broadly as strategies for safeguarding Tibetan territorial, ethnic, and religious integrity, regardless of Bönpo or Buddhist affi liation. Also of note, the date of this episode, 1605, is roughly contemporaneous with Sogdogpa’s composition of the Thunder of Defi nitive Meaning (Nges don ’brug sgra) and Dispelling Mental Darkness (Yid kyi mun sel), his two lengthiest compositions, perhaps indicating that the paper he acquired on this occasion went for more than printed effi gy rites alone.

Now, that year (1605), I thought to once again start repelling [[[rites]]]. When there was not enough paper, this corresponded with when the Ruler had led a large army into Ü.95 [The ruler then said]: “Come to Panam Lhundrub Tse96 to [perform] the rites for my health and longevity (sku rim) and for turning back the Mongols!”97 An endless supply of paper was available there, so we printed about 150,000 effi gies (linga). Then, in the course of the nine day accomplishment rite, several signs (rtags mtshan) of [the accomplishment of] violent [[[activity]]] occurred for everyone involved in the practice, which seems to have been due to the auspicious circumstance that the Ruler’s power would expand (sde srid mtshan don rgyug pa).

At that [point], Zhabdrung Chen-nga Rinpoché (Zhabs drung Spyan snga rin po che)98 gave the order: “For accomplishment in this rite, it is very important to extend the session.” Once signs had emerged, I requested permission to end [the practice]. It is said within the document: “Bönpos are to hurl one third of the effi gies as magical weapons.” Thus, [I had] three skilled Bönpo from Rizhingpa (Ri zhing pa) hurl magical weapons (zor ’phang). I performed a burnt offering (sbyin bsregs). The skull of a Mongol [then] appeared as a vessel for suppression [[[rites]]] (mnan pa), which was an auspicious circumstance (rten ’brel bzang).

When (rtsa=tsa) considered afterwards, that was the day the Mongols were defeated in battle at Rama Gang (Ra ma sgang), and the following day they retreated from Gyang Tang Gang (Rgyang thang sgang). That our own health and longevity rites (sku rim) got the credit (ngo so) for the expansion of the Ruler’s authority (mtshan lung rgyug pa), which was due to his own exalted merit, seems to have been due to the compassion of the [three] jewels.99

Beyond the mere expulsion of Mongol armies from Tibet, the effects described in the aforementioned fi ve episodes range from the political unifi cation of Tsang, the defeat of armies with ties to rival Tibetan factions, the consolidation of borders, and the expansion of Tsang power, to Sogdogpa’s acquisition of a monastery, paper, skulls, and infamy. Implicit in Sogdogpa’s inclusion of these diverse outcomes in his ritual episodes, although not stated as such, is the notion that broad-based support for these rites functioned as a catalyst for the unifi cation of disparate polities and their material resources around a common cause. By thus subsuming these political and martial causes for Tsang Desi success within his ritual espisodes, Sogdogpa effectively credits to the magical functionality of rites a diversity of events that theoretically could have, in and of themselves and without the help of sorcery, contributed to the consolidation and expansion of Tsang Desi power, and the consequent expulsion of Mongol armies from Tibet.

Conclusions

Sogdogpa’s rhetorical strategy of representing ritual outcomes as events foretold and authenticated by prophecies, signs, and dreams allowed him the interpretative leverage and authority to retrospectively claim a signifi cant role for his rituals in the defi ning geopolitical events of his day. Indeed, when considering together the fi ve episodes outlined earlier, it becomes clear that Sogdogpa envisioned his sorcery program as a decisive factor behind the Tsang Desi government’s consolidation and expansion of power throughout Tsang and Ü. Associating ritual successes with the successes of the Tsang polity, and thereby reading the Tsang dynasty onto the prophetic record enabled Sogdogpa to legitimate Tsang rule and his own controversial ritual activities in a single stroke.

Although the History is without a colophon, its fi nal episode takes place in 1614, ten years prior to Sogdogpa’s death in 1624.100 Composed sometime during this ten-year window, the History emerged at the apex of Tsang Desi power.101 By 1614, the government of the Tsang Desi had made signifi cant headway in the consolidation of Tsang and Ü, was actively engaged in diplomatic missions with the neighboring polities of Nepal, China, and Yunnan,102 and was having some success in addressing Mongol threats with a combination of diplomacy and force.103 The political climate was ripe during the fi nal decade of Sogdogpa’s life for him to publicly promote his ritual career as having been the major force behind the rise of Tsang power.

We learn from the colophon of Sogdogpa’s correspondence, Abandoning Objections to “Buddhahood Without Meditation”: A Response to Lama Gojo’s Query (Bla ma go ‘jo’i zhu lan ma sgom sangs rgyas kyi btsod spong),104 that this short text was composed on the fi rst day (dga’ ba) of the seventh month of the Water Male Rat year, 1612, at Samdrubtse palace, the headquarters of Tsang Desi rule, thus indicating that Sogdogpa continued to nurture a relationship with the Tsang rulers during the years leading up to his composition of the History. Moreover, Sogdogpa’s many depictions of the malicious gossip that circulated about his ritual activities further demonstrates that the History was in part a strategy to legitimate his ritual career and clear his name in the eyes of infl uential peers, most notably the Tsang royalty. The candor and hesitancy with which Sogdogpa relates his interpretation of events as ritual outcomes, coupled with the descriptions of failed rituals and scandals, combine with the citation of prophecies and the accounts of dreams and signs to lend the History a persuasive air of authenticity and honesty. What could be more convincing as proof of altruistic intent than the positive implications each prophesied episode had for the legitimacy of Tsang rule, articulated with a rare combination of humility, audacity, and humor?

The structure and content of Sogdogpa’s ritual episodes—with their skillful combination of public prophecies, geopolitical events, signs, and dreams—gives thematic form to what is perhaps a necessary component of all storytelling, the retrospective structuring of experiences and events to conform to an authoritative, public discourse of meaning. And yet, as illustrated earlier, Sogdogpa does not narrate his story through simply organizing his private experiences according to the standards of a public, textual format. Rather, Sogdogpa crafts his story by strategically deploying a set of culturally signifi cant discourses inclusive of dreams, signs, prophecies, rituals, and geopolitical events, varying in terms of their respective private and public scopes of experience, so as to move the reader to accept the mutual interanimation and implication of these discourses, and in turn, the private and public domains of which they partake. The resultant text is a “hybrid construction,”105 which illustrates considerable fl uidity between private and public discourses of experience, knowledge, and authority.

Ultimately, this careful blending of public and private discourses works to legitimate Sogdogpa’s ritual actions, establish his interpretive authority over those actions, and thereby fashion him in the public image of the foremost state ritual specialist of his time (even if only in his own mind). The interpretative act of designating “outcomes” on its pages thus renders Sogdogpa’s History a magical text in its own right.106 It is, after all, Sogdogpa’s act of writing the History that makes his sorcery so powerful, creating the potency and effi cacy of his rites through the ritual act of instantiating these events within the public sphere of textual discourse.

notes

I thank Professors Ana Cristina Lopes and Janet Gyatso for their many insightful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this chapter and Yangga for his help in clarifying diffi cult Tibetan passages.

1. The material presented in this chapter forms part of my Ph.D. dissertation for the Committee on the Study of Religion at Harvard University.

2. For details on zlog pa and other similar types of protective rituals, see Beyer, The Cult of Tārā, 363–467; Donald S. Lopez, Elaborations on Emptiness: Uses of the Heart Sūtra (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996), 216–38; Stan Royal Mumford, Himalayan Dialogue: Tibetan Lamas and Gurung Shamans in Nepal (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press), 117–39; René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Demons and Oracles of Tibet (1956; reprint, Kathmandu, Nepal: Book Faith India, 1996), 507–37; and Sherry Ortner, Sherpas through their Rituals (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 91–127.

3. This confl uence of ethnic, religious, and state identity is perhaps most clearly expressed in the Man·i Bka’ bum, bKa’ thang literature, and other treasure narratives related to the Tibetan imperial period. Such treasure stories began to surface in the twelfth century. See Matthew Kapstein, The Tibetan Assimilation of Buddhism: Conversion, Contestation and Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 32–37, 38–50, 141–62, for insightful discussions of the rhetorical, literary dimensions of the Sba’ bzhed, Man·i Bka’ bum and other narratives of the imperial period.

4. For more on state rituals intended to protect against foreign armies, see NebeskyWojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet (1996), 493–500.

5. Perhaps the most notable example is the Dga’ ldan pho brang government’s performance of annual army-averting rites as an integral part of its state ritual apparatus from the time of its inception in 1642. For details concerning some of the dGa’ ldan pho brang government’s martial state rites, see Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet (1996), 493–500. Also of note is that Bhutanese ritual specialists down to the present commemorate the expulsion of Dga’ ldan pho brang government forces during the formation of the kingdom of Bhutan through the annual performance of army averting rites (Françoise Pommaret, personal communication, May 14, 2007). For a related discussion, see her article “Protectors of Bhutan: the Role of Guru Rinpoche and the Eight Categories of Gods and Demons (lHa srin sde brgyad),” in Written Treasures, Hidden Texts (Thimpu: National Library, forthcoming). There, Pommaret discusses the symbolic role of a wrathful form of Padmasambhava in the protection of the nation of Bhutan.

6. It should be noted that dmag bzlog rituals were by no means the sole preserve of lay Rnying ma ritual specialists. Sa skya, Bka’ brgyud, Jo nang, and Dge lugs ritual specialists of varying ordination statuses also engaged in rituals aimed at protection against bellicose neighbors. For ample evidence of pan-sectarian involvement in dmag zlog rites during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, see Kun dga’ blo gros, Sa skya gdung rabs ngo mtshar bang mdzod kyi kha skong (Chengdu: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1991); Che tshang sprul sku Bstan ‘dzin padma’i rgyal mtshan, Nges don bstan pa’i snying po ‘bri gung pa chen po’i gdan rabs chos kyi byung tshul gser gyi phreng ba, ed. Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs, Gangs can rig mdzod 8 (Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe skrun khang, 1989); and Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, Rje thams cad mkhyen pa Bsod nams rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dngos grub rgya mtsho’i shing rta, Collected Works of Vth Dalai Lama Ngag-dbang-blo-bzang-rgya-mtsho (Gangtok, Sikkim: Sikkim Research Institute of Tibetology, 1991–95) vol. 8, among countless other examples.

7. The term Sog was an abbreviated ethnonym for Sogdians (Sog dag) during the imperial period and became an ethnonym for Mongols (Sog po) after their rise to power in the thirteenth century. For a general discussion of Tibetan ethnonyms, see Rolf Alfred Stein, Tibetan Civilization (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 34.

8. Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan, Collected Works of Sog bzlog pa blo gros rgyal mtshan (New Delhi: Sanje Dorji), vol. 1, 203–59.

9. The Gtsang sde srid, or Gtsang rulers, featuring throughout Sog bzlog pa’s account, were most likely Karma bstan srung dbang po (d. 1611?), the third Gtsang sde srid and son of the fi rst Gtsang sde srid, Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje, and Karma bstan srung dbang po’s son, Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1586–1632?). Although Karma bstan srung dbang po’s exact dates remain unknown, Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ‘byor, Chos ‘byung dpag bsam ljon bzang (Lanzhou, PRC: Gansu Nationalities Publishing House, 1992), 893, records that the fourth Gtsang sde srid Karma phun tshog rnam rgyal assumed control in the Water Rat year of 1612, presumably following the death of his father. Gene Smith follows Bsod nams don grub’s Gangs can mi sna grags can gyi ‘khrungs ‘das lo tshigs re’u mig to give 1597 as the birth date for Karma phun tshogs rnam rgyal; see www.tbrc.org. The Gtsang sde srid law code, Gtsang pa sde srid dang karma bstan skyong dbang po’i ‘dus su gtan la phab pa’i khrims yig zhal lce bcu drug, recently republished in Bsod nams tshe ring, ed., Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims (Chengdu: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 2004), 165–219, gives (on p. 167) the Iron Dog year (lcags khyi lo) as this fi gure’s birth date. However, this year corresponds to 1550 or 1610, which are too early and late, respectively, for him to have ascended to the throne in 1612, seized Yar rgyab at age 25 (Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 167) and defeated Mongol armies shortly thereafter in the Earth Horse year (sa rta lo) of 1618 (Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 167). Given such inconsistencies, it is perhaps more likely, as concluded by Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 2 vols (Rome: Libreria dello Stato, 1949), 2: 697, that Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal was born some time around the Fire Dog year of 1586, twenty-fi ve years prior to his seizure of Yar rgyab in 1610.

10. Krang dbyi sun et al., Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo, 2807, defi nes lo rgyus as “a record of past events/circumstances” (gnas tshul byung rabs).

11. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 204.6–206.1. Here, Sog bzlog pa twice refers to his work as a biography (rnam thar). And it is clear from his opening remarks that he means autobiography (rang gi rnam thar).


12. Sog bzlog pa also attempts to illustrate the precedence for such rituals by including in his biography of Padmasambhava, Yid kyi mun sel, key episodes where Padmasambhava performs “army averting rites” (dmag zlog) for the Tibetan court, rites that resemble Sog bzlog pa’s own. For details, see Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan, Slob dpon sangs rgyas gnyis pa padma ‘byung gnas kyi rnam par thar pa yid kyi mun sel, in Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan, Slob dpon sangs rgyas gnyis pa’i rnam thar yig kyi mun sel (Delhi: Chos spyod Publications, 2005), 113–17.
1
3. For a notable nonmartial point of comparison, see the detailed discussion of the role of prophecy in the autobiographical account of the treasure revealer ‘Jigs med glingpa in Janet Gyatso, Apparitions of the Self: The Secret Biographies of a Tibetan Visionary (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991).

14. Sog bzlog refers to himself as the “healer of Gdong mkar” (gdong dkar/mkhar ‘tsho byed) in the colophon of Rdzogs chen pa sprul sku zhig po gling pa gar gyi dbang phyug rtsal gyi skyes rabs rags bsdus dang rnam thar, in Collected Works of Sog bzlog pa, vol. 1, 109; and in the colophon of Rig ‘dzin gyi rnam dbye, in Collected Works of Sog bzlog pa, vol. 2, 310. Gyurme Dorje and Kapstein locate Gdong mkhar in Gtsang along the northern bank of the Brahmaputra river, at the southern end of the Shangs valley due north of Gzhis ka rtse. For their map of Gtsang, see Dudjom Rinpoche, The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, tr. Gyurme Dorje and Matthew Kapstein (Boston, MA: Wisdom Publications, 1991), vol. 2, map 6.

15. Dge ba ‘bum was the twelfth-century physician and student of Bla ma Zhang Brtson grus grags pa responsible for restoring the dikes of the Brahmaputra river to prevent fl ooding in Lhasa. For more details on this fi gure, see Ko shul grags pa ‘byung gnas and Rgyal ba blo bzang mkhas grub, Gangs can mkhas grub rim byon ming mdzod (Lanzhou: Kan su’u mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1992), 1848.

16. Sog bzlog pa writes that Zhig po gling pa cited this prophecy from Padma gling pa’s treasure prophecy Illuminating Mirror (Kun gsal me long). This text can be found in Rig ‘dzin padma gling pa, Rig ‘dzin Padma gling pa yi zab gter chos mdzod rin po che (Thimphu: Kunsang Tobgay, 1975–76), vol. 1, 19–138.
17. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 218, describes that the Mongol invasion was presaged by the death of ‘Phags pa in 1281 and led to the destruction of ‘Bri gung in 1290. For historical details concerning the fi rst Mongol conquest of Tibet see Luciano Petech, Central Tibet and the Mongols: The Yüan-Sa skya Period of Tibetan History, Serie Orientale Roma 65. (Rome: Istituto Italiano Per il Medio ed Esremo Oriente, 1990); and Turell Wiley, “The First Mongol Conquest of Tibet Reinterpreted,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 37, Issue 1 (1977): 103–33.

18. Zab bu lung is a valley associated with Padmasambhava located in Shangs, a region in Gtsang, north of the Brahmaputra River from Myang. See Dudjom, Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, vol. 2, map 6.
19. These dates are based on the dates of Sog bzlog pa’s birth and death found in Lo chen Dharmaśrī’s (1654–1717) history of the Mdo dgongs ‘dus empowerment lineage, ‘Dus mdo dbang gi spyi don, in Rnying ma bka’ ma rgyas (Kalimpong, West Bengal:
Dupjung Lama, 1982–87), vol. pha, 130.

20. For an elaborate account of this event, which was Zhig po gling pa’s fi rst treasure revelation, see Sog bzlog pa, Zhig gling rnam thar, 48–53. There, Sog bzlog pa refers to this treasure cycle as Ways of Averting Border Armies (Mtha’ dmag bzlog byed). However, Kun bzang nges don klong yangs, Bod du byung ba’i gsang sngags snga ‘gyur gyi bstan ‘dzin skyes mchog rim byon gyi rnam thar nor bu’i do shal (Dalhousie, H.P.: Damchoe Sangpo, 1976), 297, calls it the Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies (Dmag zlog nyer lnga). Gu ru bkra shis ngag dbang blo gros, Gu bkra’i chos ‘byung (Beijing: China’s Tibetan Culture Publishing House, 1990), 447–48, recounts this treasure revelation episode but does not include the Twenty-fi ve Ways of Averting Armies among the treasures found on that occasion.

21. ‘Jam mgon Kong sprul, Rin chen gter mdzod (Paro, Bhutan: Ngrodrup and Sherab Drimay, 1978), vol. 44 (phi), 57–136. The titles of these fi ve texts are as follows: Spyi ru zlog thabs kyi rim pa sde tshan du byas pa gter gzhung (57–72), Rgyal chen sde bzhi’i mchod phreng gter gzhung (73–92), Sgo srung dang ‘phrang srung gi gtor chog gter gzhung (93–104), Drag bskul gter gzhung (105–22), Mgon po bdun bcu rtsa gnyis mdos bca’ thabs bskur pa dang bcas pa chog gter gzhung (123–36). Also under the heading of Dmag zlog nyer lnga are fi ve other ritual texts authored by later fi gures as addenda to Zhig po gling pa’s revelations. These include a skong gsol ritual reported to have been based on Sog bzlog pa’s own visionary experience (137–68); Rgyal chen mchod thabs gtor zlog mdos rnams kyi lag len, by Rin chen rnam rgyal (169–216); a srog dbang ritual, by ‘Jam mgon Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’ yas (217–46); Yul ‘khor srung gi mchod rten las ‘jug gter gzhung, by Klong gsal snying po (247–60); and Phyag rdor gtum po’i dmag zlog rgyal chen sde bzhi’i sgrub thabs gter gzhung, by Nag gi rdo rje (261–75).

22. ‘Jam mgon Kong sprul, Rin chen gter mdzod, vol. 44 (phi), 57–72.

23. Krang dbyi sun, Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo, 2561, defi nes yas as “the effi gy substance, thread-crosses, ritual cakes, and so forth, of Bon po” (bon po’i glud rdzad mdos gtor sogs). Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet (1993), 371, describes yas as symbolic treasures kept in the thread-cross (mdos) residence of a god or goddess, made from “small pieces of cloth, se
mi-precious stones, and small weapons and harnesses, the latter objects being made of dough with the help of zan par.”
24. Unfortunately, the obscurity of items 15–18 is not clarifi ed through separate descriptions in the body of this text. However, the following directions on how to repel “through resounding the enlightened speech of dharma” (62–63) may shed some light on what is intended by these items:
Those reciting the scriptures should be as follows:

11 monks (bande) with ethical discipline (khrims)

7 [[[monks]]] without ethical discipline

11 mantrins with tantric commitments

7 [mantrins] without tantric commitments

The row should be headed by a ruler whose dominion has not yet declined (btsad po mnga’ thang ma nyams pa gcig). At the head of them all should be a pure, fully ordained monk (dge slong). They should face the direction from which the army is coming and chant the scriptures. A spiritual friend with the view of enlightened mind should make the aspirations. (63)

25. Zhig po gling pa, Dmag zlog nyi shu rtsa lnga las spyi ru zlog thabs kyi rim pa sde tshan du byas pa, in ‘Jam mgon Kong sprul, Rin chen gter mdzod, vol. 44 (phi), 58.1–59.1.

26. For discussions of prophecy as autobiography in the Tibetan religious context, see Gyatso, Apparitions of the Self, 240–41; and Janet Gyatso, “Autobiography in Tibetan Religious Literature: Refl ections on its Modes of Self-Presentation,” in Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 5th International Association for Tibetan Studies, Narita 1989, ed. Shōren Ihara and Zuihō Yamaguchi, 2 vols. (Narita-shi, Chiba-Ken, Japan: Naritasan Shinshoji, 1992) 2: 473.
27. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 224.2–224.5, refers to the All-Illuminating Mirror (Kun gsal me long) as one of Padma gling pa’s treasure prophecies.

28. Btsan ‘gong yam shud dmar po is the name of a dharma protector, otherwise known as Yam shud dmar po, or red Yam shud. Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Oracles and Demons of Tibet (1996), 168–70, notes that some Tibetans regard this being to be a mixture between a bstan and a ‘gong po, two classes of spirits.
29. For a general discussion of the various functions of skulls in Tibetan rituals, including their use with effi gies in exorcism rites, see Andrea Loseries-Leick, “The Use of Human Skulls in Tibetan Rituals,” in Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 5th International Association for Tibetan Studies, Narita 1989, ed. Shōren Ihara and Zuihō Yamaguchi, 2 vols. (Narita-shi, Chiba-Ken, Japan: Naritasan Shinshoji, 1992) 1: 159–73.
30. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 228.6–229.2.

31. Rgyal ba ‘dus pa is the treasure cycle revealed by Sog bzlog pa’s guru Zhig po gling pa. The cycle of the Rgyal ba ‘dus pa appears in ‘Jam mgon Kong sprul, Rin chen gter mdzod (1978), vol. 8 (nya).
32. Hor, or Hor pa, a Tibetan ethnonym originally associated with the Uighurs during the imperial period, was later used to identify Mongols in general beginning from the thirteenth century. Later still the term was used to designate specifi c Mongol tribes that underwent varying degrees of Tibetanization and settled in the regions east and northeast of central Tibet (Stein, Tibetan Civilization, 34). Here, and throughout the prophecies cited in the History, the term Hor seems to refer to Mongols in general. However, in the autobiographical episodes composed by Sog bzlog pa, it is clear that he uses the ethnonym Hor to refer to Mongols in general and to the partially Tibetanized Mongol groups that settled in the frontier zones along the eastern and northeastern peripheries of central Tibet. Although deciphering the exact referents of the various ethnonyms appearing in Sog bzlog pa’s account is clearly a necessary step for a more complete appreciation of the dynamics described in the History, this lies beyond the scope of the present chapter.

33. ‘O yug, or ‘Od yug is an incorrect spelling for ‘U yug, in Gtsang. This is the river valley of the ‘U yug river tributary due north of the Brahmaputra from Rin spungs. For more details on this location, see Turrell Wiley, The Geography of Tibet According to the ‘Dzam gling rgyal bshad, Serie Orientale Roma 25 (Rome: Istituto Italiano Per il Medio ed Esremo Oriente, 1962), 71, 121, 140 and 141.

34. I could not locate Nyug mda’ in any of the three place name indexes at my disposal—Turrell Wiley’s The Geography of Tibet According to the ‘Dzam gling rgyal bshad; Turrell Wiley’s A Place Name Index to George N. Roerich’s Translation of ‘The Blue Annals, Serie Orientale Roma 15 (Rome: Istituto Italiano Per il Medio ed Esremo Oriente, 1958); and Alphonsa Ferrrari’s mK’yen brtse’s Guide to the Holy Places of Central Tibet, Serie Orientale Roma 14 (Rome: Instituto Italiano Per il Medio ed Esremo Oriente, 1958). The identifi cation of each place name that appears in the History is an especially challenging enterprise that will require a substantial research effort. Unfortunately, such an effort lies beyond the scope of the present chapter. Throughout the remainder of this chapter I attempt only to provide annotations for as many place names as time and resources allow.

35. Shes rab rdo rje, the head Mkhan po at Bka’ rnying bshad grub gling in Boudhanath, Nepal, informed me that this might refer to the tradition of ending a series of rites with a long-life ritual, specifi cally either a tshe dbang or tshe ‘gugs, because the performance of rites is believed to shorten the life span of ritual specialists.

36. I have yet to identify this text.
37. ‘Bri gung Zhabs drung is most likely the twentieth hierarch of ‘Bri gung mthil monastery, Mtshung med chos rgyal phun tshogs Bkra shis dpal bzang po (1547– 1602/1626), who was very close with Sog bzlog pa’s guru Zhig po gling pa, and the father of the Sixth Zhwa dmar incarnation, Gar dbang Chos kyi dbang phyug (1584–1630).

38. Shangs refers to the river valley of the Shangs tributary of the Brahmaputra river, which runs north of the Brahmaputra and due west of the ‘U yug river valley. For details see Wylie, The Geography of Tibet, 71, 129, 135, 140, and 141.
39. Stod. It should be noted that by itself Stod is highly ambiguous as a place name, but it can be taken to refer to far western Tibet, as Sog bzlog pa does in this episode.

40. Mus refers to the Mus valley, which is located north of the Brahmaputra river and upstream, or west of Shangs valley (Ferrari 1958: 68, 158).
41. Pu hrangs is a location in the far western region of Tibet known as Stod mnga’ ris. For more details see Wylie, The Geography of Tibet, xix, xxxii, xxxiv, 56–64, 81, 96, and 120–21.

42. Glo bo is Klo bo sman thang, otherwise known as Loh Manthang, or Mustang in northwestern Nepal. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 63 and 127.
43. Te se is probably an alternative spelling for Gangs ri Ti se, the popular pilgrimage destination more commonly known as Mount Kailash, located in far western Tibet. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 53–62, 114, 121, and 123.
44. La stod is western Gtsang extending from Glo bo. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 64.
45. Byang here probably refers to the Byang myriarchy, of which Ngam rings was the capital. See note 52 for more details.
46. Dol po most likely refers to contemporary Dolpo in northern Nepal.
47. Nag tshang is the region due north of Gtsang. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 88 and 164.
48. Mnga’ ris is a district in the far western region of Tibet known as Stod. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, xix, xxxii, xxxiv, 56, 60, 61, 63, 64, 81, 96, 120, 121, 126, 127, 130, 140, 145, 147, and 163.

49. Rgyal mo rong is a district in the far eastern region of Tibet known as Smad mdo khams. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, xix, 98, 102, 103, 105, 118, 163, and 184.
50. The area of Sa skya, which is the location of Sa skya monastery, is in western Gtsang south of the Brahmaputra river. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 66, 67, 127, 133, 134, 143, 145, and 187.
51. Given the mention of Rgyal mo rong in Sog bzlog pa’s dream, Rdzong kha here might possibly refer to Rdzong ‘ga, one of the eighteen kingdoms of Rgyal mo rong. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 102 and 184.
52. Byang Ngam ring, otherwise known as Ngam ring, was the capital of the old Byang myriarchy located in the northwestern edge of Gtsang along the northern bank of the Brahmaputra river. See Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 67, 131, 132, 135, and 145.
53. Zhang zhang lha brag is a locale bordering Byang Ngam ring on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra river in far western Gtsang. Ferrrari, mK’yen brtse’s Guide, 65 and 153.

54. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 244.6–245.3.
55. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 253.
56. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 254.
57. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 241.
58. Sog bzlog pa references the use of Mongol skulls and names in effi gy rites several times throughout the History. For more on the use of skulls and effi gies in rituals of black magic and exorcism, see Loseries-Leick, “The Use of Human Skulls in Tibetan Rituals,” 168–69.
59. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 241.
60. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 244.
61. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 233.

62. The following paragraph is paraphrased from Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 39–56.
63. Charles Bawden, The Modern History of Mongolia (London/New York: Kegan Paul International, 1989), 23–24.
64. This is according to Sog bzlog pa’s record in Sog bzlog lo rgyus of the reasons for the Mongol military presence in Tibet during this period.
65. See, for example, Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 251.1–251.3. Here, Sog bzlog pa cites a certain ‘Bras spungs sprul pa’i sku’i rnam thar that describes the Third Dalai Lama Bsod nams rgya mtsho’s death, and his subsequent rebirth among Mongol aristocracy. Sog bzlog pa then laments this fact in light of his mandate to turn back encroaching Mongol armies, stating: “I became discouraged thinking that if the birth of such a sublime being in Mongolia was due to sentient beings’ lack of merit, how could a single ordinary person like me, with the thought of turning back the Mongols, help them.”
66. There are multiple episodes in the History where Sog bzlog pa reports accusations to this effect. Such charges were later echoed more vehemently by the Fifth Dalai Lama throughout his autobiographical and biographical writings, thus indicating that these episodes in the History were not produced solely for literary effect.

67. I intend to elaborate on this fi nding in much greater detail in my Ph.D. dissertation on the life and times of Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan and his guru Zhig po gling pa.
68. The preceding passage gives 1590 as the date of this episode.
69. Thus far, I have been unable to identify the offi ces and locations of these three fi gures.
70. Snang rtse nas refers to Zhig po gling pa in his role as political leader of the region of Snang rtse, west of Lhasa.
71. I was unable to identify Gang tshang in the place name indexes available to me.
72. Rtse gdong is the famous Sa skya monastery located in Gtsang. Judging by descriptions in the Sa skya gdung rabs kha skong of trips made by the Rtse gdong hierarchs between there and Sa skya, the Gtsang rulers’ stronghold of Bsam grub rtse is located between the two Sa skya monasteries. Thus, we have no reason to doubt that the old location of Rtse gdong corresponds with its current location on the northern bank of the Brahmaputra River in the Rnam gling area of Gtsang.

73. G.yas ru is the “left,” or eastern quarter of the “four units” (ru bzhi), the old imperial military/administrative divisions of Dbus and Gtsang. G.yas ru corresponds to a segment of eastern Gtsang. See G. Uray “The Four Horns of Tibet According to the Royal Annals,” Acta Orientalia (Hungarica) (1960): 31–57, for a discussion of the ru bzhi:
g.yon ru, dbu ru, g.yas ru, ru lag. Uray (55) concludes that “the horns were the units of both military and economic (fi nancial) administration as early as the 7th century and the beginning of the 8th,” with ru lag added as an ancillary unit (yan lag) in the year 733.
74. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 233.3–234.2.
75. Wylie, Geography of Tibet, 72.
76. For details concerning this relationship, see the biographies of the Rtse gdong hierarchs active between 1565 and 1642 in Kun dga’ blo gros, Sa skya gdung rabs kha skong.
77. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 1: 39–56. For an ana
lysis of Tibetan and Mongolian records of Bsod nams rgya mtsho’s visit to Mongolia in 1577 and 1578, see Hidehiro Okada, “The Third Dalai Lama and Altan Khan of the Tümed,” Journal of International Association of Tibetan Studies 5 (1989): 645–52. Okada concludes, based on Mongolian sources, that the Fifth Dalai Lama fabricated and omitted details pertaining to this visit.
78. The “six Chakhar divisions” are an eastern-Mongolian socio-political structure that was first established by Dayan Khan in the early sixteenth century. Johan Elverskog, The Jewel Translucent Sūtra: Altan Khan and the Mongols in the 16th Century (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2003), 3–11, for a discussion of the relevant historiographical issues.
79. Earlier in this episode the Iron Female Rabbit year of 1591 is mentioned.
80. Evinced by the usage of the term in another passage, Ser myog appears to be an ethnonym.
81. The Thümed was a Mongol tribe whose prince, Altan Khan, is said to have been converted by the Third Dalai Lama Bsod nams rgya mtsho during a trip to Mongolia in 1577 and 1578. For more details, see Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 1: 39–56; and Smith, Among Tibetan Texts, 121.
82. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 239.5–239.6.

83. The Gtsang sde srid referred to in this and the following episodes are most likely Karma bstan srung dbang po.
84. Gling mkhar rdzong was the traditional stronghold of the ‘U yug region north of the Brahmaputra river. It is listed as one of the thirteen myriarchies (khri skor), or constituencies consisting of 10,000 household-units. For a detailed account of the Mongol administrative division of Tibet into thirteen myriarchies, and a full list of these thirteen, see Petech, Central Tibet and the Mongols, 50–61.
85. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 246.3–247.2.
86. Si tu pan· chen Chos kyi ‘byung gnas, Sgrub brgyud karma kam· tshang brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam par thar pa rab ‘byams nor bu zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba (New Delhi: D. Gyaltsan and Kesang Legshay, 1971), 259.4.
87. Si tu pan· chen, Gser phreng, 260–63.


88. Mtshung med chos rgyal Phun tshogs bkra shis dpal bzang po’s biography in Che tshang sprul sku, ‘Bri gung gdan rabs, 219–31, describes this fi gure’s birth as having been prophesied by Zhig po gling pa. Moreover, both the biography in ‘Bri gung gdan rabs and Zhig po gling pa’s biography describe a close student/disciple relationship between these two fi gures.
89. The Sixth Zhwa dmar’s biography (Si tu pan· chen, Gser phreng, 255–99) provides copious details concerning the Sixth Zhwa dmar’s trips to neighboring states as diplomatic envoy for the Gtsang rulers.
90. Bsod nams tshe ring, ed., Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 167.
91. For the location of Zab bu valley see note 18.

92. Nag tshang is known as one of the “Four Communities of Northern Tribes” (byang rigs sde bzhi) situated north of Dbus and Gtsang. More specifi cally, it is the region due north of ‘U yug and Shangs in northern Gtsang. For details on this region see Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 88 and 166.
93. Krang dbyi sun, Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo, 1453, defi nes lding as “a community in a nomadic herding region” (yul ‘brog tsho pa).
94. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 248.4–249.5.

95. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 252. This is the fi rst instance when Sog bzlog pa recognizes a wholly new political authority on the scale of the Gtsang sde srid government described in later sources. Sog bzlog pa’s depiction of the Gtsang sde srid government’s gradual expansion of power is confi rmed in the Gtsang sde srid law code Gtsang pa sde srid dang ka.rma bstan skyong dbang po’i ‘dus su gtan la phab pa’i khrims yig zhal lce bcu drug (Bsod nams tshe ring, ed., Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 164–219). It is reported there that the Gtsang sde srid defeat of opposition in western Gtsang (gtsang stod) occurred only under the leadership of the third Gtsang sde srid (Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 167). It further states that it was not until the fourth Gtsang sde srid, Karma Phun tshogs phyogs las rnam rgyal (1586–1632?), that this line was successful in bringing all of Dbus Gtsang under its control (Snga rabs bod kyi srid khrims, 168–69). Gtsang sde srid rule over all of Gtsang and Dbus was therefore not fully actualized until several decades after the fi rst Gtsang sde srid Zhing shag pa Karma tshe brtan rdo rje’s seizure of Bsam grub rtse in 1565.
96. Spa rnam lhun grub rtse citadel is situated in Gtsang, east of Gzhis ka rtse and west of Myang stod. For more details see Wiley, The Geography of Tibet, 70.

97. This episode happened one or two years after the son of Zhing shag pa Karma tshe brtan rdo rje, Sde srid Gtsang pa Karma bstan srung dbang po’s seizure of Spa rnams in 1605 during the Gtsang ruler’s gradual march toward Dbus to consolidate the Tibetan territories east of Gzhis ka rtse. For more details on this event, see Gene Smith’s entry (www.tbrc.org) for Sde srid Gtsang pa Karma bstan srung dbang po.
98. I am unable to identify this fi gure with any certainty, but based on his title, Spyan snga, we can perhaps assume he was a ‘Bri gung Bka’ brgyud lama.
99. Sog bzlog pa, Sog bzlog lo rgyus, 252.4–253.3.


100. The date of 1624 for Sog bzlog pa’s death is based on Lo chen Dharmaśrī’s (1654–1717) history of the Mdo dgongs ‘dus empowerment lineage, ‘Dus mdo dbang gi spyi don. There, Lochen states that he passed away sometime after his seventy-third birthday, in the Wood Rat year of 1624, based on the colophon of Sog bzlog pa’s text ‘Chi ba brtags bslu’i yi ge composed that year. Unfortunately, this text is no longer extant.

101. The biographies of Padma dkar po and Rje btsun Tāranātha, along with the biographies of their contemporaries found in Kun dga’ blo gros’s Sa skya gdung rabs kha skong and Si tu pan· chen Chos kyi ‘byung gnas’s Gser phreng, offer substantial evidence that during the reign of Gtsang sde srid Phun tshogs rnam rgyal, who probably died sometime after 1623 (Si tu pan· chen, Gser phreng, 282.6), Gtsang rule was secure enough domestically to allow for increased diplomatic relations with neighboring states. Despite the continued presence of separatist elements within Tibet, this nonetheless suggests that by the middle of the second decade of the seventeenth century, the Gtsang rulers had more or less successfully consolidated control throughout most of Dbus and Gtsang.
102. See the Sixth Zhwa dmar’s biography (Si tu pan· chen, Gser phreng, 255–99) for more details concerning these diplomatic missions.
103. See also the Sixth Zhwa dmar’s biography for specifi c details concerning Gtsang diplomacy with Mongol warlords during this period.
104. Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan, Ma sgom sangs rgyas kyi rtsod spong bla ma go ‘jo’i dris lan, in Collected Works of Sog bzlog pa Blo gros rgyal mtshan (New Delhi: Sanje Dorji, 1975) vol. 2, 191–212.

105. The term “hybrid construction” I draw from Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogical Imagination: Four Essays, tr. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1981), 358. There, Bakhtin defi nes a “hybrid construction” as “a mixture of two social languages within the limits of a single utterance, an encounter, within the arena of an utterance, between two different linguistic consciousnesses, separated from one another by an epoch, by social differentiation or by some other factor.” 106. For the notion of “history as sorcery” I am indebted to Michael Taussig’s discussion in Shamanism, Colonialism and the Wild Man: A Study in Terror and Healing (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1986) 366–92.