Glimpses of Tibetan
Divination
Past and Present
Edited by
Petra Maurer
Donatella Rossi
Rolf Scheuermann
LEIDEN | BOSTON
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Contents
Preface vii
Background History of the Volume xxii
On the Contributions Contained in This Volume
List of Figures and Tables xxix
Notes on Contributors xxx
xxv
1
A Case of Prophecy in Post-imperial Tibet
Per Kværne
1
2
Three Dice, Four Faces, and Sixty-Four Combinations: Early Tibetan
Dice Divination by the Numbers 11
Brandon Dotson
3
A Preliminary Analysis of Old Tibetan Dice Divination Texts
Ai Nishida
4
Divinations Padampa Did or Did Not Do, or Did or Did Not Write
Dan Martin
5
Landscaping Time, Timing Landscapes: The Role of Time in the sa
dpyad Tradition 89
Petra Maurer
6
Signs and Portents in Nature and in Dreams: What They Mean
and What Can Be Done about Them 118
Charles Ramble
7
Identifying the Magical Displays of the Lords of the World:
The Oneiromancy of the gSal byed byang bu 136
Donatella Rossi
8
Vibhūticandra’s Svapnohana and the Examination of Dreams
Rolf Scheuermann
9
Prognosis, Prophylaxis, and Trumps: Comparative Remarks on Several
Common Forms of Tibetan Cleromancy 181
Alexander K. Smith
49
73
161
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contents
The Role of Lamyn Gegeen Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan in the
Dissemination of Tibetan Astrology, Divination and Prognostication
in Mongolia 198
Agata Bareja-Starzýnska
Index
213
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chapter 6
Signs and Portents in Nature and in Dreams: What
They Mean and What Can Be Done about Them
Charles Ramble
1
Introduction
Divination is a way of discovering the causes of events that would otherwise
remain unknown, and more generally to find out what lies in store for us. The
techniques that are used reveal the visible component of a constellation of
forces that underlie past and future events, thereby revealing to us the natural or supernatural agents of past incidents (such as death or theft) and also
enabling us to make provision for anticipated crises.
Tibet offers a wide range of techniques for revealing past causes and future
events. The purpose of all these methods is to establish a threshold at which the
boundary between the everyday world and the realm that holds this knowledge is infringed, and the information that we seek can be communicated to
us. More often than not, the technique entails an element of chance, since it
is through randomly generated numbers and configurations that the gods or
other powers convey their message, or whereby, in more impersonal schemes,
we may discern the general pattern of the nature of things by extrapolation
from the fragment that is revealed to us at this threshold. Such techniques
include the use of dice, sticks, pebbles—a method discussed in this volume
by Alexander K. Smith—and knotted strings, though others could be added to
this list. In most cases the answer sought is based on a succession of binary
oppositions—yes/no—whereas the outcome of certain other forms of divination requires interpretation; and such cases require either prior knowledge
or the use of sophisticated manuals. But thresholds do not always need to
be generated by artifice: There are, in fact, signs all around us that serve as
portals onto the knowledge we require, if only we knew how to recognize
and interpret them. These indications do not demand any preparation on our
part, but only careful observation and an understanding of the significance
of what it is we are perceiving. Certain types of divination that fall into this
category have already been the subject of fine scholarly studies. Perhaps the
best known of these are ornithomancy (Laufer 1914; Mortensen 2013) and geomancy (Maurer 2009, 2012), but there are others besides, and this contribu-
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signs and portents in nature and in dreams
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tion will briefly examine Tibetan procedures for the analysis of certain other
types of natural signs that have not yet been the subject of detailed studies.
2
Analyzing the Divination Environment
Certain observations may provide a ‘meta-divination’ associated with procedures that do require preparation and active intervention on the part of a
specialist. A case in point is the set of preliminary observations that must be
made before the performance of the type of divination known as ju thig, that
entails the interpretation of the patterns formed by knotted strings that are
cast onto a surface. The technique is described in several sources, among them
Zhang zhung gi ju thig, by the Bonpo scholar Kun grol grags pa (b. 1700). While
the technique itself does not concern us here, the preliminary observations are
worth consideration since they involve the analysis of the ambient environment of the divination.
The first thing to be examined, according to the author, is the condition of
the surface on which the strings are to be cast. This is referred to as the gzhi, the
‘base.’ This base has considerable importance in several ritual contexts: certain
rituals for summoning good fortune (g.yang ’gugs), for example, are accompanied by a charter myth (smrang) that explains the origin of the rite. One such
account, from a work entitled Mu ye pra phud, is set in the land of Phywa yul
snang ldan, which is experiencing hardships because the ruler, Phywa Yab lha
bdal drug, is bereft of a phya base (phya gzhi).1 Srid pa Sangs po explains that
the absence of the base is due to demons that dispersed the five srid pa gods.
The requisite base must be sought, and the hero who is charged with accomplishing this task is Prince sGam po, the son of ’Od de gung rgyal (sic) and Phywa
lcam lo ma. The goddess gNam phyi gung rgyal advises the prince that the phya
base should be made from a certain deer, which he then sets off to hunt. After
many adventures the deer is found, and it agrees to give its body to be used for
the ritual, and the goddess Srid pa’i lha mo explains how the various parts of its
body are transformed into the requisites. First of all, “from the hide of that deer
there came into being the white conch felt mat. First, that was the substance
1 Although the base is intended to serve for both phya and gzhi, it is only ever described as a
phya gzhi, and never g.yang gzhi, probably the latter term has been appropriated by tantric
vocabulary to denote a human skin.
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from which it was made. Next it was set up as a support for the phya. It is there
today for the sake of the phya and the g.yang” (Mu ye pra phud, cited in Ramble
2015: 514).
The gzhi that is usually used by diviners is a small white felt mat, but the
myth recounted here implies that the original item was a deerskin. Skins are
used in certain ritual procedures related to divination. Cassinelli and Ekvall,
for example, describe a murder investigation in Sakya in the 1940s, in which
the law officials ordered that a yak be killed and flayed, and the accuser and
the accused required to roll dice on the inner surface to determine the validity
of their respective claims (1969: 176). Freshly-flayed yak hides and goatskins are
also used in certain oath-swearing ceremonies. In the former case the parties
to the oath must be seated, naked, on the hide. The significance of using skins
in such contexts is nowhere clearly explained. However, a clue may be found
in the point made earlier, that divination entails the creation of a threshold
between the ordinary world and the divine or preternatural realm. It is also
worth noting that when oaths between adjacent communities are sworn, the
location for the ceremony is of crucial importance: The ritual must take place
at the boundary between the two communities, in a designated no-man’s-land.
In early Bon myths, it is at margins, and especially at the margin of dark and
light, being and non-being—as opposed to the void favored by the tantric Buddhist tradition—that things come into being. It may not be too far-fetched to
suggest that a hide is the liminal surface par excellence, insofar as it constitutes
the boundary between the interior of any creature and the outside world, and
therefore symbolic of both neutral territory and also the margin at which two
worlds meet.
According to Zhang zhung ju thig,2 before beginning his divination, the first
thing the diviner must assess is the appearance of the base. A white base is
ideal; the presence of darkness indicates that there will be harm from the
the’u rang; ruggedness indicates an empty center, a sign that there will be
a theft; a yellow tint is a presage of harm resulting from curses emitted by
Buddhist monks; red betokens defilement or a cerebral stroke (grib); if the
base is worn and threadbare, there is the likelihood of shortages in the community; and an eddy of wind on the surface of the base is also a sign of
grib.
The next thing the diviner must consider is the nature of the payment made
by the client for the divination (mo yon). An offering of butter is the best of
2 The text of the passage paraphrased here is provided at the end of this article, under “Texts
cited”. I am indebted to Alexander Smith for drawing my attention to this work.
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all; barley indicates an increase in people and livestock; wool is a sign of great
wealth; dairy products—milk and curd—mean long life, while a gift of meat
is a warning that livestock will be lost to disease. Worst of all is a presentation
of tea, which denotes malicious gossip and also warns that the country’s cattle
will be depleted.
Thirdly, close attention must be paid to the ‘divination barley’ (mo nas)
that is spread on the surface of the base. Fragments of bone are an indication that clouds will gather, while charcoal is a warning of impurity and incest.
White stones reveal a threat of obstructions and inauspicious death caused by
demonesses, and the presence of salt and coarse grass presages an epidemic
among cattle. Barley that cannot germinate is a sign of predators;3 metal shards
are a harbinger of enemies.
The fourth thing the diviner must observe is the body-language of the client,
and his or her self-presentation. This section is gender non-specific, and we
may assume that the following remarks refer to clients of either sex. If, when
the client first approaches the diviner, she first places her right knee on the
ground and presents her left cheek, this bodes ill for the elderly, whereas the
opposite—placing her left knee first and presenting her right cheek—is a bad
sign for the young generation. A covered head is an inauspicious sign, an indication of a contamination (mu khab) that veils the five divinities that surround
our bodies (’go ba’i lha). Reciting mantras is an inauspicious form of behavior, and singing songs indicates future suffering. A client who presents herself
square on, facing the diviner and showing respect, is a very favorable sign.
The text then proceeds to the divination itself, which is beyond the scope of
this article. All the phenomena listed above may be classified as ‘natural’ in the
sense that they entail observations of the environment surrounding the actual
rite of prognostication, and are not directly generated by the diviner.
3
The Meaning of Dreams
A particularly fertile arena for the observation of unprovoked signs is the realm
of dreams. The topic of dreaming in the Tibetan tradition is a vast one, not
least because any serious investigation of the subject must entail an examination of the probably even vaster Indic literature from which much of it
3 Translation tentative: rgyund [rgyun chad] byung na gcan ngo yin. The protasis of this clause
may also mean “if there is an interruption [in the presentation of the barley]”—for example,
if the client should break off the process of pouring it from her container into that of the
diviner and then resume after a pause.
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is derived. The subject of dreaming in Tibet has been discussed at length by
Serinity Young (1999), and although the work is primarily concerned with the
Buddhist context, attention is also given to the more popular aspects of dream
divination (ibid.: 56–59). As the author notes, the pioneering—and indeed, as
so often, almost the only—treatment of the subject is to be found in NebeskyWojkowitz’s Oracles and Demons of Tibet (1956), and she cites parts of the
author’s translations. Nebesky-Wojkowitz’s source here is a work by Klong rdol
bla ma Ngag dbang blo bzang (1719–1794), entitled rMi ltas sna tshogs brtag
thabs, “Methods for interpreting a variety of signs in dreams”.4
Since this work has already been treated in some detail, it will be enough
here to give a brief outline of its contents. The night should be divided into
three periods: dusk, night proper, and dawn. The dreams that one has in these
periods fall into different categories. The first relates to experiences from past
lives, and the dreams will be about such things as food, conversation and
friends to whom one was attached. These are likely to be recurring dreams, with
many uncertain features. Dreams experienced in the middle of the night are the
result of illusions generated by the various demons—bdud and srin—that are
on the move at that time, and should not be taken seriously. It is the dreams
that one has at dawn that are to be given close attention, since it is these that
foretell the future. A few examples of these dreams and their significance may
be listed here:
– Climbing a high mountain: The dreamer will achieve greatness
– Cloudless day: Happiness
– Abundant harvest and fruits: Prosperity, cattle and grain, fine clothes
– Wearing fine clothes: Respect from others
– Wearing armor: Protection from illness and harm
– Carrying weapons: Absence of enemies
– Riding lions and dragons: The way to greatness
Other auspicious signs include sitting on a throne, eating well and enjoying
good company.
Inauspicious signs and their significance include the following:
– Walking through a storm or mud, being in a dirty place, eating poor food,
wearing shabby clothes: Various forms of pollution (grib and mi gtsang)
– Wearing clothes with a collar, crying, being hatless, looking in a mirror:
Future suffering
4 There are several published versions of this work. The version used here is from Mo dpe: 138–
144.
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– Being attacked by wolves, wearing rags, being infested by parasites: Illness
– Empty grain containers, bows and arrows: Malicious gossip
– Being struck with weapons or chased by soldiers; blood, lightning, hail:
Curses (phur ka) from others
– Being bound, being underground, being mutilated in prison: Attack by ’dre
demons
– Being naked and riding south on a donkey, or dreaming of all red flowers:
Obstructions to one’s life
Then follows a list of signs that are indicators of the presence and influence of
different demons:
– Snakes, blue women, meadows: Klu
– Rocks, trees, mounted soldiers: bTsan
– Monks, donkeys, monkeys, cats, horses, dogs: rGyal po
Dreams also provide an arena in which one might see portents of one’s own
impending death. These include: Black women with no belongings or food; riding a camel southward, a donkey eastward, or a monkey northward; wearing red
clothes and gathering red flowers; crossing a plateau wearing a turban; drinking
beer and dancing with the dead.
There is also a section about motifs that are likely to occur as an indication
that one’s spiritual practice is becoming effective, but since these belong rather
to the soteriological aspect of dreaming, they do not concern us here. Although
references to divinities such as the btsan are obviously a Tibetan inflection, it is
clear that this work owes a considerable debt to Indian Āyurvedic works, presumably via the chapter on dream prognosis in the rGyud bzhi.
Before leaving the topic of dream divination, it is worth considering one
short fourteenth-century work that provides instructions on how to determine
the whereabouts of one’s future rebirth through dreams. The work is by sGra
tshad pa Rin chen rnam rgyal (1318–1388), but the author traces the transmission through a succession of Tibetan scholars back to an Indian source whom
he names as Paṇḍita Bikhyu Ta de ba. The work is entitled simply rMi lam brtag
pa, “Dream analysis” (Mo dpe: 134–138).5 The work is divided into two parts:
The main text, and the author’s comments on how the procedure should be
performed (zin ris). The order of the activities is not quite the same in the two
sections, and the following paraphrase presents a synthesis of the work as a
whole.
5 Since this published work is quite readily available, the Tibetan text of the paraphrased and
translated passages is not provided here.
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The enquirer should go to an extremely remote place on the first day of a
given month, and thoroughly clean the place and purify himself. He should
give up such things as meat, alcohol, and garlic, and then on the second day, he
should desist from eating altogether. He should set up a mandala with an abundance of flowers, other offerings, and sacred relics, and in the middle of it, he
should place an image of one of the Buddhas. After praying that there should
be no obstructions, he should make offerings of tormas to the elemental spirits,
and then imagine that the sky is filled with the Buddha and his entourage. He
should recite the appropriate mantra ten thousand times (the zin ris increases
this figure considerably), and again 108 times before going to sleep. The procedure should be repeated the following day—indeed, the more times this
exercise is performed, the better the results will be. The zin ris adds that, just
before going to sleep, the enquirer should recite the mantras 108 times over a
vessel of clean water and then drink the contents. After performing ablutions,
reciting prayers and making torma offerings, and ensuring that nothing and no
one occupies the space between him and the shrine, he should wish for good
dreams and entreat the jinas to reveal to him where he will be reborn. With this
earnest wish in mind, he should assume the posture of the reclining lion and
then go to sleep. Having done this, if he does not receive the various auditory
and visual indications of his future rebirth, he should repeat the exercise until
the signs do appear. If, when they do manifest, they reveal that he is to be born
in one of the three lower realms, he should take appropriate action by abandoning unvirtuous actions. Although the text does mention that sounds and
tactile sensations experienced in dreams can provide a clue, the only specific
examples given relate to the colors of the visual images that may appear, corresponding to the future location of rebirth. White signifies rebirth in the divine
realm; green: human; yellow: asuras; blue: animals; red: pretas, and black: the
hell realms.
4
Portents of Death and Miscellaneous Portents
The collected works of Klong rdol contain a number of other short treatises on
divination that are worth our attention insofar as they involve the observation
and analysis of phenomena that have not been produced by the diviner. The
section on dream divination is immediately followed by one entitled ’Chi ba’i
mtshan ma brtag pa, “An analysis of portents of death.” The signs in question
are more redolent of medical symptoms, but we may briefly list a selection. In
each case the feature is followed by a rather precise indication of the period of
time after which death is likely to occur.
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signs and portents in nature and in dreams
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– Diarrhea and paralysis: One month
– Absence of blood beneath the fingernails: Six months
– Suffering paralysis during sexual intercourse: One month
– The appearance of a black spot in the middle of the tongue: Two days
– Loss of sense of taste: Five days
– Loss of sense of smell: Three days
As in the case of many such works, this one clearly has Indian antecedents. The
source here is likely to be one or another of the ‘death deception’ (’chi bslu) rituals that appear in the Buddhist bKa’ ’gyur, most of which, as Irmgard Mengele
points out, “are short versions of Vāgīśvarakīrti’s Mṛtyuvañcanopadeśa” (2010:
105).6
Klong rdol continues with a summary of another work from the bsTan ’gyur,
entitled lTas brtag pa rgyas pa, “An extensive analysis of signs”, a compilation
that he was encouraged to complete by the Seventh Dalai Lama.7 The first of
these deals with divinations based on the appearance of rainbows (Nam mkha’i
’ja’ ltas brtag pa). Each of the different forms and configurations carries a different message: Their significance is to be determined from their location, the
time at which they appear, and the shape they assume.
Generally, where there are many rainbows in a land, it will not endure long
but will be destroyed. When a town is surrounded by an army, if there is a rainbow at the same time as there is a circle around the sun, the two sides will
slaughter each other. When joining battle, if there are rainbows to both the right
and the left, that means the attackers will be destroyed. A rainbow just before
nightfall signifies that the king will die, the country will succumb to conflict,
and illness and famine will prevail. Regarding their shape: Rainbows that have
the form of a parasol, a victory banner, a chariot or a wheel are good omens,
indicating a good harvest and victory for the king. If they resemble a stake, a
spear or a bow, the town will be destroyed. If they look like crocodiles, turtles
and so forth, there is a danger from fire and water. The appearance of a rainbow
on an auspicious day signifies that the king will flourish and brigands will be
defeated.
The next section concerns “Methods of analyzing the occurrence of loud
noises” (sGra chen ’byung ba brtag pa bya tshul). The loud noises in question
are presumably a reference to thunder. The variables, in this case, relate to the
6 For a book-length study of this work see Schneider 2010.
7 This is indicated in the title of the work: bsTan ’gyur nang gi drang srong gharga’i ltas brtag pa
rgyas pa bskal bzang rgya mtshos legs pa yin gsungs pas de’i gces bsdus ’ga’ zhig, “A selection of
quotations from the ‘Extended analysis of signs’ by Ṛṣī Gharga, from the bsTan ’gyur, because
bsKal bzang rgya mtsho said this would be a good thing”.
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time, the direction and the quality of the sounds. A loud noise in the morning
foretells the destruction of the realm. In the morning, such a sound bodes ill
for Shudras, at noon for Brahmans, at sunset for Kshatriyas, and at dawn for
slaves.
A loud noise that comes from two different directions simultaneously presages the loss of cattle and goats, whereas a protracted sound from an unidentifiable direction is a sign that disaster will befall the army.
Klong rdol then adds a section entitled “The consequences of miscellaneous
signs” (sNa tshogs ltas kyi ’bras bu). Here, too, a selection of the omens listed—
all inauspicious, and all foreboding calamity for the king, his realm and his
subjects—will serve our purpose.
– Dogs and crows barking and cawing at a crossroads: An armed attack
– A crow building its nest in a beehive colony (bung ba grong): Imminent danger
– Rats, crows and other animals mating at inappropriate times: The destruction of the king and his realm
– Breech birth among animals: Internecine conflict and the death of the king
– A white crow: Inauspicious
– The sight of a murder of crows plunging their beaks into the ground, then
making a dreadful noise and flying off together: Thorough defeat of the army
– A piece of meat falling from the bill of a passing bird: The punishment of
that community by the king
– A vulture or other carrion bird sitting on top of the house and calling: The
death of the owner
– An owl calling from the midst of a herd of cows in broad daylight: Danger
for the king
– Crows frolicking in a wood or ducks frolicking on open ground: The destruction of that land
– Fruit growing on trees out of season: The death of the king and his entourage
– Leaves growing on a dead branch: Conflict among the people of that land
These miscellaneous signs include a list of unnatural or monstrous births. A
cow giving birth to a human baby signifies that harm will befall women; unborn
children speaking, crying or laughing from inside the womb signal the destruction of the land; babies born with one leg, or three or four legs, signify the death
of the king or famine in the land, and the same is true of hermaphrodite births.
Hatchlings with several beaks and heads herald the country’s demise; a land in
which a child is born with one body, two faces and three eyes will come to a
swift end—it is said that it will be overcome by an army; a land where a child
is born with the head of a pig, or with a set of teeth, or missing its head or an
arm will suffer extensive destruction.
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The work concludes with the following signs: Sap dripping from blossom or
fruit on trees indicates harm for the regent. If the fruits on a tree are constantly
of a color that indicates that they are ripe, or if they drip juice like blood, that
is a sign of impending illness and famine. Saplings that resemble humans forebode the destruction of that land. If earthly gods happen to speak or to smile
when offerings are being made to them, this means that the king will abandon
his realm, which will consequently come to grief.
5
Indigenous or Indigenized Interpretations
Whether or not they may be ultimately of Indian inspiration, like the examples
listed above, certain collections of natural portents have a large component of
distinctively Tibetan features, suggesting at least a considerable degree of indigenization. The most extensive such collection of which I am aware is to be
found embedded in the text of a ritual that is itself very probably an entirely
Tibetan development. This the “Three-Headed Man of the Black Rituals” (gTo
nag mgo gsum),8 an exorcistic rite that is widely performed by Buddhist and
Bonpo tantric lamas in the Himalayan region, as well as in parts of Tibet.
The background to the ritual is given in the myth (smrang) that precedes
the performance. In brief, the Old Man of the Sky (associated with the trigram
khen) and the Old Woman of the Earth (khon) couple, and in due course the
woman bears a child with the body of a human and three animal heads, those
of a bull, a tiger and a pig, as well as the attributes of other creatures. They
place it in a roasting pan that they then deposit at a crossroads, where it proceeds to devour everyone and everything it meets. It is eventually overcome
by Kong tse ’Phrul gyi rgyal po, who induces it to apply its powers against evil,
using each of its distinctive features to destroy a different category of demon
or misfortune. In this way, the creature becomes a sort of panacea against all
ills, including inauspicious signs, and we are informed at the very beginning
that “of all curses and maledictions or calamities, or of illnesses and epidemics
that might inflict the land, or of evil omens, there is nothing that cannot be
8 The full title of the text referred to here is Srid pa’i gto nag mgo gsum, the “Three-Headed Man
of the Black Srid pa Rituals” (short title gTo nag). The noun srid pa may denote the phenomenal world or a category of gods, and the term srid pa bon is sometimes used as an epithet of
the so-called ‘lower vehicles’ of Bon in the well-known nine-vehicle classification. Although it
is clear in many places in the text which of these particular meanings it carries, its application
to the gto category of rituals is more diffuse, and I have therefore left it untranslated.
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repulsed by this ritual” (fol. 1v).9 Later in the text we are given an extensive list
of the omens that the Three-Headed Man is able to repel, and this passage is
worth quoting at length.
“(fol. 13r) Repel evil signs and magical manifestations. Prevent us from [encountering] people carrying corpses. Keep us from having to eat tasteless
wretched fare; ward off sudden death; prevent disturbances from coming to
our communities. Keep us from the sight of stags locking antlers at the head of
the valley, of fish fighting with their tails in the valley floor, and crows fighting
with their claws in the middle. (fol. 13v) The horse whinnying at midnight; the
dog at the door howling at dawn; the cock crowing at dusk; these are dreadful omens for our patron, but these, too, are reversed by this ritual. The mouse
squeaking in its hole; the weasel carrying off a mouse in its mouth—these are
harbingers of drought, but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. A woman
behaving erratically, or missing her monthly period, are portents of the end of a
family line, but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. Wild birds descending onto the fields, or a cuckoo alighting at the top of a ladder, are omens of the
approach of different enemies, but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual.
The owl hooting or the owlet crying during the daytime foretell an epidemic,
but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. (fol. 14r) A cow with a prolapsed uterus10 is an omen of an impending epidemic, but this, too, is reversed
by this srid pa ritual. The wolf howling above, and the fox yelping below are
signs that vampires of decline are stirring, but they, too, are reversed by this
srid pa ritual. Black birds fighting with their talons, and a black snake entering
one’s house are omens that the demons of the rocks are active, but they, too,
are reversed by this srid pa ritual. The sight of stags locking antlers at the peak
of the high mountain is a sign that btsan of bad death are on the move, but
they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. The sight of fish fighting with their
tails in the Manasarovar[-like] lake down below is a warning of disease borne
by the serpent-spirits, but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. Seeing
a black bird attacking a striped tiger with its claws is a sign that demonesses
are stirring, but they, too, are reversed by this srid pa ritual. Whatever is summoned by this ritual will be repelled by it. Repelling the affliction of the btsan
can be accomplished by means of this ritual, which repels and diverts all inaus9
10
byad kha phur kha chag che nyams nga dang / yul du nad yam byung ba dang / ltas ngan
thaṃd (thams cad) gto ’di yi mi bzlog gang yang med / (fol. 1v).
The translation is highly tentative: ba la grod pa skyes pa would literally mean “a cow that
gives birth to its/a stomach,” which could possibly signify a uterine prolapse, as proposed
here, or some sort of teratoma. It might also mean “grod pa that appear(s) on a cow”, where
grod pa could be the name of a cattle disease (see the following footnote).
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signs and portents in nature and in dreams
129
picious signs. (fol. 14v) The owl that calls at dusk; the owlet that is ashamed
in front of the gods; untimely clashes between crows and between deer; deer
at the head of the valley locking antlers; fish down below fighting with their
tails; dead birds in the middle being carried away by the wind; the cock crowing at dusk; wormholes appearing in the fields; ro bkal appearing on sheep; dkar
chags appearing on goats; the she-wolf howling at midnight; sogs dkar appearing on livestock; drug phrom appearing on horses; gtsed pa appearing on dogs;11
a decaying bird’s-nest in the three summer months; a decaying mouse-nest in
the three winter months; the swollen (lit. pregnant) corpse of a bull in the three
spring months; the bloated corpse of a dead fox in the three autumn months;
the sight of ducklings leaving the nest; a large coiled serpent in the three winter
months—these evil portents and manifestations, too, are repelled by this srid
pa ritual.”
6
Conclusion: More Than Just Signs?
In the examples considered before gTo nag, the signs that are analyzed are
precisely that—indications of the events they betoken, and not the predicted
blessings or afflictions themselves. In the case of the procedures for foretelling one’s future birth through dreams, for instance, the prognosis of incarnation in the lower realms can be addressed by engagement in virtuous acts.
This is also true of astrological and divination manuals, which recommend
measures—such as the recitation of specified texts or the performance of particular rituals—to counteract any likely consequences.
In the gTo nag, by contrast, it is not just the calamities presaged by the
signs but the signs themselves that are to be repelled. It seems that the distinction between the signifiers and what they signify has been erased, and that
the omens are conflated with what they portend. In the passage cited above,
it is sometimes uncertain whether it is the signs that the Three-Headed Man
is being entreated to repel, or the afflictions that they warn of, but there are
enough unambiguous passages to leave no doubt that, more often than not, it
is the former, the portents themselves, that are the target. This is made explicit
in several places. In addition to the very first citation from the text at the beginning of the last section, there are assertions such as: “Continually repulse evil
11
The terms ro bkal, dkar chags, sogs dkar and drug phrom are unknown to me. The first
could conceivably mean “a corpse being carried on a sheep”, which is possible but unlikely;
the context suggests rather that they are all types of diseases to which the respective animals are susceptible.
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130
ramble
omens that may come” (rtag tu ltas ngan yong ba bsgyur, fol. 12v); “divert inauspicious prognostications and bad dreams” (mo ngan rmi ngan bsgyur du gsol,
fol. 8v), and numerous other examples that might be cited. The signs that the
gTo nag is exhorted to repel are not confined to inauspicious sights in the natural world, but also include adverse configurations belonging to the realm of
elemental divination. This is to be seen in an earlier section that gives a list of
thirteen specific targets: “… Fourth, repel bzhi gshed; fifth, repel bye bral (recte:
bye brag); … seventh, repel bdun zur; … tenth, repel dur mig; twelfth, repel lag
sbrel (recte: lag ’bres) …”.12 In this excerpt, the terms bzhi gshed, bye bral, bdun
zur, dur mig and lag ’bres are all inauspicious configurations of years and trigrams. Although the precise nature of these combinations does not concern us
here, explanations of each can be found in Tseng 2005.13
A significant feature of many of the natural signs is that they involve combinations of components. All the examples in the last set, by their very nature,
entail inauspicious associations; but even in the case of signs from the world
of animals, it is not the animal itself that is inauspicious but the fact of the
animal being in a particular place or engaging in a particular activity, often at a
specified time. In gTo nag, this includes owls calling during the daytime; wolves
howling above the hearer’s location, and foxes yelping below it; horses whinnying at midnight, dogs howling at dawn, a cuckoo alighting on a ladder; and in
rMi ltas sna tshogs, certain animals mating at unusual moments, owls calling
from the midst of a herd of cows in broad daylight, and so on. It is worth considering these coincidences in the light of another ritual that is not ostensibly
concerned with the interpretation of signs. The text in question, entitled Kong
rtse bla glud, is concerned with the procedure for the retrieval and restoration
of lost souls. The passage of the text that is of particular relevance to the present
study is a section that lists a series of causes that might have led to the loss of
the patient’s soul. Each of the eight causes listed is a combination of three factors: one of the eight trigrams, a particular activity, and the circumstance in
which the activity occurred. The structure of this passage may be illustrated by
two examples:
“Kyai! Upon the zon trigram of the southeast, if you, rgyal po and ’gong po
demons and demons of madness acting in unison, accused [the patient] of
sleeping in a frightening place and, at the time of the solstice, when the sun
12
13
bzhi pa bzhi gshed [bsgyur du gsol] / lnga pa bye brag (< bye bral) [bsgyur du gsol] … bdun
pa bdun zur [bsgyur du gsol] / … bcu pa dur mig gto [yis bsgyur] / … bcuis (bcu gnyis) lag
sbrel (< lag ’bres) [bsgyur du gsol] / (fol. 8v).
For each of the configurations, see respectively pp. 122 (for bzhi gshed), 130 (for bye bral),
109 (for bdun zur) and 118 (for dur mig) and 243 (for lag ’bres).
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signs and portents in nature and in dreams
131
had reached its limit and was turning back, you stole or harmed the soul of
this little one, our precious patron, I offer you this soul-ransom that is [as vast
as] the glorious sky, as well as these precious splints and fine pendant banners,
these ransom effigies (ngar mi) with their adorned human forms, the effigies
of males and females, this beer and food and these dough buttons (theb kyu),
these tormas and this food—these things I offer you as a ransom. Free your
captive! (fol. 6v) Kyai! Upon the li trigram in the south, if you, btsan and sorcerers, acting in unison, accused her of [polluting] the stove and producing a
smell of scorching, and, while she was on a meadow with a yellow surface, you
stole or harmed the soul of this little one, our precious patron, I offer you this
soul-ransom … (etc.).”
Other combinations include: the trigram khon together with the activity of
incest and the circumstance of sitting on a green hill or in a green valley; the
trigram kham, the activity of fratricide and the state of widowhood, and the
circumstance of opening an irrigation channel.14
In a sense, this text is the opposite of a divination manual: Instead of analyzing combinations of events in the human and natural world to determine what
they portend, it takes the outcome as the point of departure and looks back to
the signs that could possibly have presaged it. But if the combinations listed
are not exactly the causes of soul loss, neither are they merely passive indications; they are, rather, the set of conditions necessary to enable a particular
category of demons to capture souls. These conditions are ambiguous concepts
that are neither purely neutral signs nor unequivocal agents. It may be that, on
entering the cultural arena represented by works such as gTo nag, the Indian
science of signs underwent a process of indigenization whereby signs came to
lose their neutrality and were assimilated into a pre-existing hybrid category of
secondary causes.
Texts Cited
Note: In the following transliterations, the original texts have not been edited.
Contractions (bskungs yig) are represented by an approximate representation of the form that appears in the text, followed by the expanded form in
brackets. In gTo nag mgo gsum and Kong rtse bla glud, the punctuation “=/”
stands for the shad that signifies “etc.”; in the former, the missing text is usually
14
For the other combinations, see Ramble 2009: 210. The text of the extract cited here is
given below in the final section, “Texts cited”.
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ramble
bsgyur du gsol, and in a few cases bzlog; in the latter, the missing text is supplied
in the first example.
Zhang zhung gi ju thig
(p. 473) Zhang zhung gi ju thig bsdus pa mo bya drug ’phrul gyi lde mig bzhugs
pa legso (legs so) / (p. 474) […] dang po mo gzhi brtags pa ni / dkar po byung na
bzang / nag po byung na the’u rang gdon / bug ral byung na snying stong yin /
rkun ngo yin / ser po byung na ben dhe’i gdon / byad ngo yin / dmar po byung
na grib ngo yin / zad pa byung na nor zas yul bud ’ong / mo gzhi’i steng du rlung
dmar bu yug byung na grib ngo yin / mo yon mar byung na shin tu bzang / nas
byung na mi nor ’phel / bal byung na longs spyod che / ’o zho phruṃ gsuṃ byung
na tshe ring / sha byung na yang god kha ’ong / ja byung na mi (p. 475) kha ’ong /
sa la god kha ’ong ngo yin / da ni mo nas spyad pa la / rus pa byung na mug ’dus
pa’i ngo / sol ba byung na rtsog nal yong / mkhar rgong byung na ’dre mo ’gag gri
gdon / tsha dang ram pa byung na god kha ’ong / nas ’bru bzang na mi ’bru bzang
/ gro byung na bu mo mang / rgyund (rgyun chad) byung na gcan ngo med / byad
ngo yin / lcags rigs byung na dgra ngo yin / da ni mo rmod mi spyad la / pus mo
g.yas btsug na ’graṃ pa g.yon bstan na che rgyud la ngan / pus g.yon btsug ’graṃ
pa g.yas bstan na chung rgyud la ngan / stong pa khum nas stong pa yin pas dbul
po ’ong / mgo btuṃ na ngan / zha gyon na dmu gab yin / yang na ’og la rkyen ngo
(p. 476) yin / sngags pa bsgrang na ngan / glu blang na mya ngan ’ong / mdun
bstan na gus tshul byung na bzang /
gTo nag mgo gsum
(fol. 13r) lhas (< ltas) ngan cho ’phrul yong ba =/ mi theg ro khur byed pa =/ mi
zhim sdug zas za ba =/ blo bur shi chad yong ba =/ yul la phog ’chug yong ba =/
phu yi sha ba ru ’dzing bsgyur/ mda’ yi nya mo rnga ’dzing =/ bar gyi nag mo’i
sder ’dzing =/ (fol. 13v) ’og rta nam phyed ’tsher ba =/ tho rangs sgo khyi ngu ba
da =/ srod la bya pho ’tshe ba ’di/ bdag po ’jigs pa’i ltas ngan yin/ de yang srid pa
gto ’dis bzlog/ phugsu (phugs su) byi ba mkhun pa dang/ sri mong kha nas byi
khyer yang/ than ngan yong ba’i ltas ngan yin/ de yang srid pa gto yi =/ bumed
(bu med) smyo spyod byed pa dang/ zla zhig khrag ral byed pa de/ rab chad yong
ba’i ltas ngan yin/ de yang srid =/ ri bya sno^gs (sna tshogs) klung du ’babs/ khu
byug skras mgo bab pa ’di/ dgra sna yong ba’i ltas ngan yin/ de yang srid pa =/
’ug pa nyin mo rgod pa dang/ srin bya nyi mo kus ’debs des/ dal yam yong ba’i ltas
ngan yin/ de yang sri =/ khyi la sgo nga skyes pa dang/ ba la (fol. 14r) grod pa
skyes pa de/ god kha yong ba’i ltas =/ de yang srid =/ gong du spyang ku ngu ba
dang/ ’og tu wa mo brgyal ba de/ phung sri g.yos pa’i =/ de yang srid =/ bya nag
sdero (sder mo) ’dzing ba dang/ khyim du sbrul nag sleb pa de/ drag srin g.yos
pa’i ltas =/ de yang srid =/ phu’i lha ri rtse mtho la/ sha pho ru ’dzing mthong ba
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signs and portents in nature and in dreams
133
de/ gri btsan g.yos pa’i =/ de yang =/ mda’i ma phang g.yu mtsho/ nya mo rnga
’dzing mthong ba de/ klu nad yong pa’i =/ de yang srid =/ bar gyi stag ri khra bo
la/ nag mo’i sder ’dzing mthong ba de/ bdud mo g.yos pa’i ltas =/ de yang srid =/
gto ’dis ’bod pa gto ’dis bsgyur/ btsan khram bsgyur byed gto ’dis bsgyur/ ltas ngan
thaṃd (thams cad) bzlog cing bsgyur/ btsan khram (fol. 14v) ’ug pa srod la rgod
pa bzlog/ srin bya lha la gnong pa =/ dus min pho rog sha ’dzing =/ phu ru sho
pho ru ’dzing =/ mda’ ru nya mo rnga ’dzing/ bar gyi bya ro rlung khyer =/ srod pa
bya pho ’tshe ba =/ tho rang sgo khyi ngu ba =/ zhing la ’bu khung byung ba =/ lug
la ro bkal byung =/ ra la dkar chags byung ba =/ rnam gung spyang mo ngu ba =/
nor la sogs dkar byung =/ rta la drug phrom byung ba =/ khyi la gtsed pa byung
ba =/ dbyar gsum bya tshang rul ba =/ dgun gsum byi’u tshang rul =/ dpyid gsum
glang ro sbrum pa =/ ston gsum wa ro bam pa =/ ngang phrug tshang nas gyes
mthong =/ dgun gsum sbrul chen ’khyil =/ ltas ngan than dang cho ’phrul rnams/
de yang srid pa gto’dis (gto ’dis) bzlog //
Kong rtse bla glud
kyai lhogs (lho phyogs) spar kha zon steng na / rgyal ’gong bsnyo ’dre bsdong pa
yin / ’jigs par nyal ba snyad btags nas / rdod cig nyi ma log ’tshaṃs na / yon+g
( yon bdag) mi’u rien (rin chen) la / bla la brkuṃs (brkus sam) bzhoms srid na
// bla glud naṃkha’ (nam mkha’) rien (rin chen) dang / rien (rin chen) rgyang
bu ’phan bzang dang / ngar gyi mi mo rgyan dang / pho tho mo thong bshos [bu
dang] / ’thib brkyu chang zan rnaṃs ni glud du [’bul] / bzung ba thong la bcings
pa khrol// mnan pa theg la bsdam pa slod / zhi ba cheo’i (chen po’i) ngang la
bzhugs / kyai lho phyogs spar kha li steng na / btsan dang dri po bsdongs pa yi /
thabs gzhob gnyis la snyad btag nas / rtod cig spang po kha ser la / yon+g ( yon
bdag) mi’u =/ bla la brkuṃs (brkus sam) =/ naṃkha’ (nam mkha’) rien (rin chen)
=/ naṃkha’ (nam mkha’) rien (rin chen) rgyang bu =/ ngar gyi mi mo rgyan =/
pho thong mo thong =/ ’theb brkyu chang zas rnams ni =/ bzung pa thong la =/
mnan pa theg la bsdam =/ zhi ba cheo’i (chen po’i) =/
References
Works in Tibetan (listed by short title)
gTo nag
Srid pa’i gto nag mgo gsum bzhugs pa legs+hō. Anonymous manuscript in dbu med, 31
folios, owned by Lama Tshultrim of Lubrak, Mustang, Nepal.
Kong rtse bla glud
Kong rtse ’phrul rgyal gyis mdzad pa’i bla glud dbus phyogs. Anonymous manuscript in
dbu med, 8 folios, owned by Lama Tshultrim of Lubrak, Mustang, Nepal.
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lTas brtag pa rgyas pa
bsTan ’gyur nang gi drang srong gharga’i ltas brtag pa rgyas pa bskal bzang rgya mtshos
legs pa yin gsungs pas de’i gces bsdus ’ga’ zhig, by Klong rdol bla ma Ngag dbang blo
bzang (1719–1794). In Mo dpe, pp. 144–150.
Mo dpe
Mo dpe dang sa dpyad rmi lam brtag thabs bzhugs so, compiled by Tshe ring and ’Brug
mkhar. Kan su’u mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1997.
Mu ye pra phud
Mu ye pra phud phya’i mthar thug bzhugs s+ho. dBu med manuscript, 36 fols, transcribed
in dbu can in Karmay and Nagano (eds.) 2002, The Call of the Blue Cuckoo: An Anthology of Nine Bonpo Texts of Myths and Rituals. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology,
pp. 35–90.
rMi lam brtag pa
rMi lam brtag pa bzhugs so, by sGra tshad pa Rin chen rnam rgyal (1318–1388). In Mo
dpe, pp. 134–137.
rMi ltas sna tshogs
rMi ltas sna tshogs brtag thabs bzhugs so, by Klong rdol bla ma Ngag dbang blo bzang
(1719–1794). In Mo dpe, pp. 138–144.
Srid pa yab lha bdal drug gis phya gzhung chen mo gzhugs s+ho. Anonymous manuscript, owned by Lama Tshultrim of Lubrak, Mustang, Nepal.
Zhang zhung gi ju thig
Zhang zhung gi ju thig bsdus pa mo bya drug ’phrul gyi lde mig bzhugs pa legs so, by Kun
grol grags pa (b. 1700). In ’Chi med mgon po tshe dpag med daṅ ma gśin gñis kyi sgrub
chog mo yig sna tshogs bcas kyi gsuṅ pod. A collection of ritual and divinational texts
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Koṅ-po by Tenzin Namdak. New Thobgyal, P.O. Ochghat (via Solan): Tibetan Bonpo
Monastic Centre, 1973, pp. 473–520.
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