SA P I E N ZA , UN I VE R S I TÀ DI ROMA
DIPA RT I M E N TO D I S TUDI OR IE NTALI
T I B E TA N ART
BETWE EN PA ST A N D P R E S E N T:
S T UDI ES D EDI C AT E D
T O LUCI A N O P E T E C H
Proceedings of the Conference
held in Rome on the 3rd November 2010
EDITED BY
ELENA DE ROSSI FILIBECK
SUPPLEMENTO Nº 1
ALLA RIVISTA DEGLI STUDI ORIENTALI
NUOVA SERIE
VOLUME LXXXIV
PISA · ROMA
FABRIZIO SERRA EDITORE
2012
R IVIS TA DEGL I S T UDI ORI E NTALI
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CONT ENT S
9
11
Preface
Contributors
the art in traditional tibet
Alessandro Boesi, Preliminary report on the Art of representing Tibetan
Materia Medica
Erberto F. Lo Bue, Newar artistic inluence in Tibet and China between
the 7th and 15th century
Filippo Lunardo, The dGe lugs pa tshogs zhing: the diiculty in understanding the transmission lineage of the Bla ma mchod pa instructions
Donatella Rossi, A preliminary note on the mandalas of the Bonpo tradition
15
25
63
83
the tibetan art in himalayan plateau
Chiara Bellini, Examples of beauty at the court of Seng ge rNam rgyal:
the style of painting in Ladakh in the 17th and 18th centuries
Elena De Rossi Filibeck, From text to image: an example from Lamayuru (Ladakh)
Luigi Fieni, The art of Mustang and its conservation
95
117
135
the tibetan art 0f today
Filippo Salviati, Tibetan art between past and present. Dialogue with
the past: an overview of contemporary Tibetan artists
Livia Liverani, From master to student: continuity through a brush stroke
157
169
THE DGE LUGS PA TSHO G S Z HIN G:
THE DIF F ICULT Y IN UN D E RS TA N D ING
T HE TRANSMISSION L INE AG E
O F THE B LA MA MCHOD PA INS T RU C T IO N S
Filippo Lunardo
Tshogs zhing is a compound word indicating both the visualization of a spiritual ield of
masters and divinities gathered together, as well as speciic images which codify such
visualizations. In the dGe lugs pa tradition, the visualization and the images of the tshogs
zhing are connected to the liturgies and to the literatures of the Lam Rim and the Bla
mchod pa (the latter is a tantric practices linked to the igure of the guru).
The aim of this article is to present an analysis and reading of the lineages shown in
the diferent representations of the tshogs zhing linked to the liturgy of the Bla mchod
pa. In particular, this paper focuses on reading the lineage of the transmission of instructions of the Bla mchod pa ritual as represented in the oldest images, dating back to
the end of the eighteenth or early nineteenth century. For this lineage, the reading of
the spatial location of the various masters does not adhere to the general rule proposed
by David Jackson in his article “Lineages and Structure in Tibetan Buddhist Painting:
Principles and Practice of an Ancient Sacred Choreography” (2005, JIATS, 1, pp. 1-40)
wherein he states (with some exceptions) that for the images after the sixteenth
century, the main igure is located in the middle of the series of masters, followed by
the rest of the lineage holders who are placed alternately to the right and left of the
central igure.
However, it is not possible to use this method to determine the lineage of older
tshogs zhings. The alternating pattern of the igures does not follow the standard tradition and the placement of the various masters in their speciic spaces seems to be random, if not chaotic. This article presents a hypothesis for establishing a structured reading based on the degree of spiritual relationship between the diferent igures that are
represented.
T
he compound word tshogs zhing consists of the terms tshogs (nouns
meaning assembly, mass, group, or verbs such as to gather, to collect etc.)
and zhing (ield, in the sense of a farmer’s ield).1
In the dGe lugs pa Tibetan Buddhist tradition, this compound identiies
both the visualization of a complex spiritual ield hosting gurus, masters of
lineages and deities2 and the images (and the subsequent iconographic varia-
1 Yablonsky 2000.
2 The tshogs zhing is also known as the “Merit ield” for the presence of gurus and deities at the beginning of meditations and practice who reassured the adept about issues such as blessings, transformation of bad attitude and inluences on the spiritual path and getting inspiration.
64
filippo lunardo
[2]
tions of them that developed over the centuries) that have been used to codify that visualization.
In particular, there are two liturgical traditions in which tshogs zhing is implied as an expression of the meditative practice: exoteric liturgy, linked to the
Lam rim literature (the gradual path to enlightenment) and esoteric liturgy,
linked to the traditional literature of the Bla ma mchod pa (tantric practices
having devotion for the guru as the central element) – the irst of these texts
appears to have been written by the First Pan chen Bla ma Blo bzang chos kyi
rgyal mtshan (1567-1662).3
To gain access to the Bla ma mchod pa literature and to be able to follow
the instructions and perform the meditative praxis of visualizing the tshogs
zhing, one needed to get the four principal empowerments as requested
by the tantric cycles of the anuttarayogatantra classes: oicially an image of
the Bla ma mchod pa’s tshogs zhing could not be seen by someone without
empowerments.
During our studies and research on the Bla ma mchod pa’s tshogs zhing, we
were able to identify at least three iconographic developments, owing to the
diferent formal developments of reference literature throughout the centuries. The oldest images can be traced back to the end of the 18th century or
the beginning of the 19th (Fig. 1), while later phases found a typical expression
in the period from the beginning of the 19th century until the beginning of
the 20th (Fig. 2).4 The last phase is inspired by the late Pha bong kha bDe chen
snying po (1878-1941) (Fig. 3).
It is important to remember that the diferent typologies of tshogs zhing
were also realized several centuries later than the texts the images related to.5
Moreover, very often the images tended to represent elements and details
that the linked literature didn’t include or express. This could testify to the
possible existence of inluences or oral traditions that ran parallel to the referential literature. In his writings, Pha bong kha himself6 stated that diferent
readings of the same instructions were due to diferent teachers – holders of
the lineage of the Bla ma mchod pa. He collected the instructions of three different gurus through the teachings and the instructions of his root teacher,
and starting with the irst years of the xx century, uniied the transmissions
of the instructions concerning the Bla ma mchod pa literature, specifying the
criterion for the iconographic representation of the tshogs zhing.
3 First Panchen Lama 2003.
4 We want here to thanks the antiquarian Renzo Freschi for his advices and for showing us his tshogs
zhing thang ka for our research.
5 For example, tradition states that the written literature of the Bla ma mchod pa started with the
root text of the First Pan chen Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1567-1662, and that the irst images of
the tshogs zhing are directly linked to this text. The oldest images of a tshogs zhing in the dGe lugs pa tradition date back to the period from the late 18th century to the early 19th century.
6 Pabongka 1997, pp. 194-195.
[3]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
65
Fig. 1.
The iconography of the tshogs zhing is of course the most complex among
the igures and images of gurus and deities worshipped in the dGe lugs pa tradition. In that iconography we notice a sort of chronicle of the most beloved
cults and gurus of the Dalai Lama tradition; for example, the three typologies
66
filippo lunardo
Fig. 2.
[4]
[5]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
Fig. 3.
67
68
filippo lunardo
[6]
Fig. 4.
we identiied show that over the centuries there was a development regarding the number of protector deities, dharmapalas, and gurus related to the different lineages of transmissions of diferent instructions.
In fact, while the number of igures representing Yamaraja and Mahakala
(two of the three main protector deities related to the three spiritual aims
of a practitioner) increased, the number of gurus of the Indian philosophical and tantric lineages and the number of Tibetan teachers of the Bla ma
mchod pa lineage also increased, undergoing an important development in
which symbolic value came close to fulilling particular historical and social
needs.
Although the root text relates to the Bla ma mchod pa, the Pan chen Bla ma
text doesn’t identify each single teacher of the linage: for example, it only
gives indications of the gurus of direct lineage of the main igure of Tsong
[7]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
69
Fig. 5.
kha pa in their respective order. From the very irst images it is evident that
there was the need to separate the diferent philosophical and tantric lineages in their representations, while later developments distinctly manifest the
diferent teachers attended by other gurus related to the same lineage.
The dGe lugs pa tradition adopts the Madhyamaka Prasangika as a main
philosophical view and model of interpretation of the Prajñaparamita literature, also utilizing it as the code of behavior and path of the bodhisattva, the
Yogacara tradition.
Though this is not indicated in the root text, it can be seen in the oldest
tshogs zhing through the igures of the bodhisattva Mañju®ri and Maitreya
surrounded by three Indian Madhyamaka gurus, beginning with Nagarjuna
(Fig. 4), and by three other Indian Yogacara gurus, beginning with Asanga
(Fig. 5).
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filippo lunardo
[8]
Fig. 6.
In the images of the second typology, the number of teachers related to
the Indian lineages increased and the typology underwent an important
development manifested by the presence of Indian masters depicted with
[9]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
71
Tibetan monks of the bKa’gdams pa and dGe lugs pa traditions. We used a
text on Bla ma mchod pa of the yongs ‘dzin Ye shes rgyal mtshan (1716-1793)7
as a reference for this phase, but once again, it doesn’t give any details for
this development, it only repeats the instructions previously given by the
First Pan chen Bla ma.
We can observe the need to represent the two lineages through the most
important igures in the irst images and in those of later tshogs zhings: the
bKa’ gdams pa tradition uniied the instructions of the two Indian lineages
through the work of Ati®a, and the dGe lugs pa order inherited this Tibetan
lineage. This topic has been underlined in the tshogs zhing of the third typology (Fig. 6), where, below the representations of the teachers of the Indian
lineages we found three bKa’ gdams pa sublineages and one of dGe lugs pa
masters. Both of the Tibetan lineages are symmetrically represented through
the same igures below the Madhyamaka and the Yogacara teachers. This
would also testify to the dGe lugs pa concept of idelity to the pure preservation of the transmissions coming from India and the concept of maintenance
of a real spiritual authority from a long, uninterrupted transmission linked to
a line of demonstrated spiritual authority masters, a line accepted by all Tibetan Buddhist orders and schools.
An analogous situation can be observed in the representation of the tantric
praxis transmission lineage. Texts do not specify which gurus to visualize, but
the oldest images clearly deine the reference igures, in addition to Buddha
Vajradhara with consort or alone, as the siddhas Tilopa, Naropa, ‡ombhi
Heruka and Ati®a (Fig. 7). These igures are always represented above the
head of the main subject of the tshogs zhing, the root guru Tsong kha pa. In
tshogs zhing of the second typology in the xix century, this representation became more complicated with the addition of a large number of other siddhas,
including Mar pa and Mi la ras pa, but without the presence of Ati®a (Fig. 8).
Gene Smith8 tells us that since the 18th century the mahasiddha cult has increased and improved in the dGe lugs pa tradition: he quoted the klong rdol
bla ma Ngag dbang blo bzang (1719-1794), who also lived in Lho brag on the
site of the tradition in the famous nine – storey tower of Mi la ras pa. The
klong rdol bla ma wrote a list with the names of seventy-two siddhas’s and to
those he added another thirty names of siddhas all coming from the dGe lugs
pa tradition, using the title of smyon pa (mad) for one of them. Probably, the
inclusion of a greater number of siddhas in such a context as the tshogs zhing
tells us that, in a particular historical phase, the dGe lugs pa practitioners felt
that it was important (or necessary) to consider (or relate to) a larger number
of teachers (especially Indians who were considered as real vajra holders, ful7 Bla ma lha’i rnal ‘byor gyi khrid dmigs kyi bsdus don rsnyan rguyd gter mdzod ‘byed pa’i lde mig ces bya ba
bzhugs pa. See De Rossi Filibeck 1994, p. 189 (n. 188/2).
8 See Linrothe 2006, pp. 67-69.
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[10]
Fig. 7.
ly enlightened and essential for blessings, inspirations and spiritual realizations) in order to remove the interferences to the spiritual path and achieve
the inal goal.
[11]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
73
Fig. 8.
It is also important not to forget that beginning in the 19th century, a new
spiritual and cultural movement (the ris med non-sectarian movement)9 afirmed itself (particularly on the eastern side of Tibet) which included all the
most important spiritual Tibetan traditions (excluding the dGe lugs pa tradition). The importance of a siddhas cult in the dGe lugs pa tradition, a cult that
from the beginning was more renowned in other traditions such as the bKa’rgyud pa, could lead one to think of it as a further attempt to legitimate and
reairm both the political and the spiritual authority by the tradition of the
Dalai Lamas through a sort of legacy linked to an uninterrupted lineage of
Indian and Tibetan masters, this time exclusively ailiated to the tantric path;
a sort of a new airmation of religious orthodoxy which was superior to that
of the other traditions through elements as the siddhas cult, which was also
quite important for the other traditions.
Starting in the 20th century, through the instructions of Pha bong kha,10 the
members of the tantric lineage as represented in the tshogs zhing were then
represented through their ailiation to the diferent annuttarayogatantra cycles as the Guhyasamaja, Vajrabhairava, the bKa’ gdams pa’s sixteen drops
and the Cakrasamvara (Fig. 9). These representations depict all of the gurus
of a single lineage, piled up one above the other and structured in four verti9 Samuel 1993.
10 Pabongka, op. cit.
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filippo lunardo
[12]
Fig. 9.
cal columns surrounding a central column directly above the head of the
main tshogs zhing igure, the Tsong kha pa one. Pha bong kha justiied such
an image, deining it as the result of unifying three diferent tshogs zhing vi-
[13]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
75
Fig. 10.
sualization traditions: Blo bzang sgom chung (1672-1749), Ngag dbang byams
pa (1682-1762) and bla ma, known by the title of yongs ‘dzin rin po che which is
probably the same as Ye shes rgyal mtshan.
The direct transmission lineage of the Bla ma mchod pa
The transmission lineage of the Bla ma mchod pa is known in the dGe lugs pa
tradition as the dGa’ ldan snyan rgyud, lineage11 of tantric adepts who, starting with Tsong kha pa himself, orally transmitted instructions related to the
Mahamudra, gCod and the Bla ma mchod pa. In the tshogs zhings, all of these
gurus are always depicted in the sky in the second most important area of the
image, the irst being the area where the main central igure of Tsong kha pa
is depicted (Fig. 10).
In the images of the irst typology, all of these igures are represented surrounding the Vajradhara igure; those in the second typology are represented around the siddhas group, as well as in a column in the centre of this group;
and the images of the third typology are depicted as the central column in the
middle of the four lineages of the annutarayogatantra cycle – each guru is depicted with the bodhisattva Mañju®ri features.
Here we’ll analyze the images related to the irst typology.
In general, as delineated by David Jackson12 in the article «Lineages and
Structure in Tibetan Buddhist Painting: Principles and Practice of an Ancient
Sacred Choreography», the representation of a lineage by Tibetan art denotes a certain historical concreteness, both in practice and in the religious
literature, and although there are some roots in the Indian experience, here
the particular cultural aspects of Tibet are manifested.
The depiction of a lineage and the names of the single gurus allow for
chronological identiication that is often more trustworthy than purely sty11 Willis 1995, pp. xiv-xv.
12 Jackson 2005, pp. 14, 38.
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filippo lunardo
[14]
listic references from an artistic point of view. Identifying a single guru leads
to identifying a correct temporal sequence, where the last depicted master of
the lineage indicates the chronological terms with which we can date the image. In fact, without any other contrary inscriptions, we may hypothesize that
the image was realized during the lifetime of the last teacher represented, or
shortly after his death.
The literature pertaining to the realization of the image and any inscriptions found on the image itself also contribute to further identiication and
knowledge of each individual guru and his speciic position within the structure of the lineage. The order of the disposition of each igure can be established by the spiritual seniority status (and this has nothing to do with the concept of chronological seniority), doctrinal superiority and by the status of
spiritual equality between two guru.
In Tibetan art, the depiction of lineages, in particular those related to tantric
experiences, need to undermine a fundamental concept typical of the Vajrayana, the important topic of the guru-disciple relationship. As one can notice by the depiction presented in the tshogs zhing, this relationship has its root
in a context that transcends historical reality: the irst guru is Vajradhara, hypostasis of ±akyamuni in the act of teaching tantras, a symbolic experience of
the Sambhogakaya condition and adhibuddha for the gsar ma traditions. He is
the holder of the vajra and therefore, a real symbol of the undiferentiated
state that uniies the condition of meditative equipoise on the extension of
“suchness” and the nature of that extension, to quote Tsong kha pa. Vajradhara is the union of the truth, body and the nature of a Buddha. From such an
experience the following expression is Mañju®ri, expression of enlightened
wisdom, and from such a matrix come all the gurus of the lineage. The relation between a practitioner and the transmission lineage transcends simple
reference to historical data: the power of its roots is intrinsic to the lineage only because it comes from a transcendental reality not a historical reality.
In the tshogs zhings of the irst typology, identiication of the dGa’ ldan
snyan rgyud masters as the gurus of the transmission of the Bla ma mchod pa
was facilitated by inding a number of contracted names (in a form of word
contraction called sdus yig) in a block print we studied in the library of the
Is.I.A.O. in Rome. Note: until now, the occasional descriptions of tshogs zhings
that we found in the catalogues of Tibetan art dealt with the topic in a very
mediocre and banal way: for example, igures gathered together were mistakenly described as being the Dalai and Pan chen Lama, and in another case,
the bodhisattva Mañju®ri was identiied as the bodhisattva Maitreya, evidence
of very poor knowledge of the tradition, history and literature of the Bla ma
mchod pa-Gurupujavidi.
The main diiculty in identifying the lineage is in understanding the spatial disposition of the individual igures, necessary for comprehending the
structure of the complex grouping of all the igures together.
[15]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
77
Fig. 11.
The spatial disposition of the igures analyzed here show two deities and a
series of gurus divided into three groups: the central group with three igures
and the other two groups placed on the sides, on three diferent levels.
Theoretically, the reading scheme for this particular way of representing a
lineage should follow the rules suggested by Jackson for images after the sixteenth century: a main igure, usually Vajradhara for the gsar ma traditions,
placed centrally above, and all the other igures, both gurus and deities, placed
in alternating order to the right and left of the main igure. This pattern of
alternation follows for the other levels or rows if present in the image. However, an exception to this way of reading can be observed in the sKu ‘bum of
rGyan rtse, in the lam ‘bras lha khang realized in the year 1425,13 where there’s
a plastic representation of the Lam ‘bras lineage waiting for the placement of
its gurus, similar to the reading we are discussing here.
The reading of the dGa’ ldan snyan rgyud igures in their temporal sequence delineates a basically diferent placement structure in respect to the
one presented by Jackson14 for images from the same period of our tshogs
zhings (Fig. 11). In fact, while Jackson’s order is respected for the irst three igures (Vajradhara Mañju®ri and the master dbu ma pa dPa bo rdo rje, 14th century), the fourth igure, Tsong kha pa, is placed on the row below these igures, in particular below the igure of Mañju®ri, and the ifth, representing the
Master ‘Jam dpal rgya mtsho, is on the irst row directly to the right of the
bodhisattva. As we can note from the numbering of the single igures as
showed in ig. n. 11, this anomaly also relates to the depictions of other lineage holders.
Even if the reading suggested by Jackson resumes from guru n. 5 to n. 8, in
the lower row, n. 9 and 10 are placed exactly at the opposite sides of the image; n. 12 is placed below n. 11, and n. 14 and 15 below n. 13 and 10. This is an
13 Lo Bue & Ricca 1990, pp. 433-442.
14 Jackson, op.cit.
78
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[16]
attractive hypothesis with foundations on historical reality, but the grade of
spiritual relationship linking all the teachers appears to be better.
For example, guru n. 12 represents dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1612-1687),
indicated by tradition as the main disciple of the First Pan chen and he
himself the guru of the Second Paa chen. In the tshogs zhing this master is
placed directly below the depiction of the First Pan chen, igure n. 11 in the
image. This line of succession has been conirmed by the names of the
masters of the transmission lineage of the Lam rim, and it is not surprising that we ind the depiction of the Second Pan chen in the tshogs zhing
as teacher n. 13.
Masters n. 14 and 15 depict Ngag dbang ‘jams pa (1682-1762) and Blo bzang
bsod nam pa (xviii century). These igures seem to be placed on an oblique
line, directly below n. 13, the Second Pan chen. Both Ngag dbang ‘jams pa and
Blo bzang bsod nam pa were disciples of Pan chen and then gurus of the Third
Pan chen, Blo zang dpal ldan ye shes (1738-1780), n. 16, direct guru of the Eighth
Dalai Lama Blo bzang ‘jams dpal rgya mtsho (1758-1804), the last igure of the
lineage as depicted in the tshogs zhings of this typology and n. 17 of the series.
This unique depiction of a Dalai Lama give us the chronological term for dating the images of this typology or at least for formulating this iconography,
placing it between the late 18th century and early19th century.
Through the elements analyzed here we can thus delineate a particular
convention for reading a lineage that would otherwise be somewhat indeinite and chaotic. In this context, the historical data prove to be a necessary
tool for comprehending what must be observed in a lineage: a historical experience articulated through criterion underlining religious needs and the
need of the person who commissioned the work to be able to immediately
and easily recognize the lineage. The historical concreteness quoted by Jackson is manifested, but for scientiic investigation to be carried out, the context
of the analysis of an image like that of the irst typology, the continuous reference to the texts which generated the image, consideration of the time that
passed between the writing of the reference texts and the genesis of the related images, and knowledge of the moment in history when a particular
iconography was created, all appear to be necessary tools for analysis and
study. To identify a single igure is no longer enough; both the religious and
historical reasons for these kinds of depictions have to be understood. An example can be observed in the siddhas group iconography as seen in the 19th
century images: an ever-changing iconography, implying social-political elements (as seen above) which at the same time faithfully reproduces developments correlating to reference literature or shows concepts and external elements which are probably related to oral reality running parallel to the
traditional literature.
In addition, the historical data itself and the dates of the Eighth Dalai Lama
lead us to quite certain dating of the image, surely more than the sman bris
[17]
the dge lugs pa tshogs zhing
79
gsar ma style, a style primarily used for identifying these images which was
particularly adopted in central Tibet at the beginning of the 18th century.
Therefore, when approaching the study of Tibetan art, it is important to
remember that at the genesis of religious images such as the tshogs zhings,
very often we encounter social and historical aspects that afect the developments of an iconography; aspects that may be suggested in the image
through elements and details but that may not really be present in the reference texts. In Tibet, although art is almost always considered as a purely direct religious experience, it is also a symbolic and intuitive manifestation of
events that extend beyond mere religious context.
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