ISYT Leipzig 2015 Program and Book of Abstracts

Lewis Doney; Joerg Heimbel; Franz Xaver Erhard

Dear Friends and Colleagues, It is a great honour for me to welcome you, on behalf of the Board, the Organizing Committee, and the Institute for Indology and Central Asian Studies, Leipzig, to the Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists (ISYT). The ISYT, which started off in London with some 40 young scholars of Tibetan Studies, has grown significantly. Two further conferences were held in Paris (2009) and Kobe (2012), and I am delighted to be able to host this fourth seminar here in Leipzig, with its august history of Tibetan Studies. The University of Leipzig has offered teaching in Asian Studies and subsequently Tibetology from the nineteenth century onwards. Today, the Institute for Central Asian Studies can look back on more than fifty years of research excellence. Tibetology at Leipzig is highly interdisciplinary. Its cooperation with numerous different disciplines has resulted in many research projects, a number of which will be presented at this conference. The seminar is thus also a fitting place to celebrate Per K. Sørensen, professor for Tibetology here in the Institute, who will later this year celebrate his 65th anniversary. Prof. Sørensen is a vibrant and inspiring force in Tibetan Studies, a model of rigour and passion for both his students and the field. 232 presentation proposals were submitted for the Leipzig seminar. Each submission was reviewed by a minimum of two reviewers and the committee eventually accepted one third of the applicants. As a result, the seminar developed into a considerable size, but I hope it remains small and informal enough to create a positive atmosphere for scholarly but also personal exchange; and thus create a community of young scholars with a strong shared interest in Tibet and her culture. This conference booklet will provide you with information on the academic and cultural program of the seminar, and contains all abstracts of research presented at the meeting. The conference was organized by a team of scholars based at the five different universities of Leipzig University, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhlems-Universität Bonn, Freie Universität Berlin and Universität Hamburg: Franz Xaver Erhard (Leipzig) Emilia Sulek (Berlin) Jeannine Bischoff (Bonn) Lewis Doney (Berlin) Jörg Heimbel (Hamburg) In addition, the organizing team wants to thank all those who helped with reviewing, editing, translating, and consulting and in countless other forms, for their invaluable support: Jean-Luc Achard, Amelie Bader, Piotr Balcerowicz, Agata Bareja-Starzynska, Jenny Bentley, Daniel Berounsky, Henk Blezer, Adelheid Buschner, Olaf Czaja, Yangdon Dhondup, Brandon Dotson, Barbara Gerke, Kalsang Norbu Gurung, Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy, Nathan Hill, David Holler, Theresia Hofer, Astrid Hovden, Lilian Iselin, Kazushi Iwao, Lama Japp, Berthe Jansen, Rudolf Kaschewsky, Seiji Kumagai, Dan Martin, Klaus-Dieter Mathes, Heinz Mürmel, Tim Myatt, Ai Nishida, Jann Ronis, Stefan Schley, Nicola Schneider, Mona Schrempf, Per K. Sørensen, Eva Sterzer, Gillian Tan, Lobsang Tenpa, Alice Travers, Sonam Tsering, Tashi Tsering, Maria Turek, Oxana Ukonew, Markus Viehbeck, Riika Virtanen, Daniel Wojahn, Antje Ziemer. The Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists received generous financial support from the international sponsors: • Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (Bonn, Germany) • Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation (Taipei, Taiwan) • Network for Co-operation Tibet Norway (Oslo, Norway) • Trace Foundation (New York, USA) • Foundation of the Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig (Leipzig, Germany) • University of Leipzig (Leipzig, Germany) We have now six days packed with presentations and events, and we hope all participants, over the week ahead, will be able to share their most recent findings, network and enjoy time in the company of other young scholars with a passion for Tibetan Studies. We wish you all a successful and pleasant conference! Leipzig, September 1, 2015 Franz Xaver Erhard Convener, 4th International Seminar of Young Tibetologists

Conference Program ཚ�གས་འ�འི་ལས་རིམ། Institute for Indology and Central Asian Studies Welcome to 4th International Seminar of Young Tibetologists.................................................8 Conference Program ................................................................................................................... 8 Cultural Events ......................................................................................................................... 13 Film and Music: Yartsa Rinpoche ........................................................................................ 15 What else to do in Leipzig? .................................................................................................. 16 Book of Abstracts ..................................................................................................................... 17 Tibetan wedding images as ethnographic source – a study of talking pictures and talking about pictures ....................................................................................................................... 18 Veronika Amelie Bader A Tibetan Protector Deity Theogony: Buddhist and Bon Syncretism in “The History of A bse.” ...................................................................................................................................... 19 Cameron Bailey The Possibilities and Limitations of Ecological Discourse on Tibetan Pastoral Life: The Case of the Three-River Headwaters Region ....................................................................... 20 Yosuke Bessho The Buzzing of a Bee Metaphors in legal documents and their implications for Social History .................................................................................................................................. 21 Jeannine Bischoff Authorship Lost in Transmission: Fallacious Attributions of Two Tibetan Sūtra Translations .......................................................................................................................... 22 Channa Li Lojong Component in Tokmé Zangpo’s Collected Works .................................................. 23 Gloria I-Ling Chien Summary of Tibetan women’s hair braiding ........................................................................ 24 Rinzin Chodon Abbreviations and Pictographs in Dolpo Manuscripts ......................................................... 25 Nyima Woser Choekhortshang Ancient Monpa People and their Lineage ............................................................................ 26 Tenzin Choephel and Jigme Wangyal Recognition of Lunisolar Month .......................................................................................... 27 Jampa Chopel Evil spirits, karma and ‘madness’: examining the relationship between religion and mental (ill-)health in the Tibetan context ......................................................................................... 28 Susannah Deane The history of mGon-po gur (Skt. Panjanata Mahakala) and its relation with Rong-bo shing-las-kha monastery ....................................................................................................... 29 Shonu Dhondup The Transformation of Guru Rinpoché: Redactions and Adaptations of the First Padmasambhava Biography ................................................................................................. 30 Lewis Doney bKa’ brgyud treasure and rNying ma revealer: the Sras mkhar ma of Mar pa Lo tsā ba ..... 31 Cecile Ducher How Tibetan People Cognize Yak― Study on Lexicons for cognizing Yaks in Amdo Tibet .............................................................................................................................................. 32 Shiho Ebihara On a Buddhist Polemical Exchange between Tibetan and Mongolian Scholars ................. 33 Erdenebaatar Erdene-Ochir 1 Paremia in Contemporary Tibetan Literature ....................................................................... 34 Franz Xaver Erhard The Dehua Inscription of 766 – a Reading into Tibetan diplomacy .................................... 35 Emanuela Garatti The Pachakshiri bca’ yig: rules and regulations for public guidance................................... 36 Kerstin Grothmann Taxation in Shel dkar District: Obligation, Collection and Administration......................... 37 Kalsang Norbu Gurung The analytic research and collection of archaic Tibetan terminologies from the different regions of Himalayan Ranges (Ladakh) ............................................................................... 38 Palden Gyamtso The Religious Controversy Between mKhas grub rJe and Ngor chen: Its Representation and Role in Tibetan Biographical Writing .................................................................................. 39 Jörg Heimbel ’Brug chen II rGya dbang Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (1428–1476) and His Activities in Bhutan .............................................................................................................................................. 40 Haoran Hou The Inner Autohagiographies as Understood by Karma Chags med ................................... 41 Miroslav Hrdina The Relationship between Monasteries in the Pājo Region (the eastern part of Amdo) and the Qing Dynasty in the early Qing Period ................................................................. 42 Yoko Ikejiri The Disciplinarian in Tibetan Monasteries: his Role and his Rules .................................... 43 Berthe Jansen Evolution and Philosophy of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana ....... 44 Jigme Lodoe Ladakhi and Tibetan Architecture: A Study......................................................................... 45 Kalsang Jinpa The Amdo Renaissance: statistical study of intellectual activities in 18–19th century Amdo .............................................................................................................................................. 46 Hanung Kim A Series of Dismissals in the Tibetan Government in 1790 ................................................ 47 Yuri Komatsubara Beautification of the Self in Lhasa– Body and Beauty Practices in Contemporary Tibet ... 48 Anne Kukuczka History and current state of Sakya school in Northern Bhutan ............................................ 49 Seiji Kumagai Contemporary Tibetan Funeral Rites ............................................................................... 50 Kunsel Palmo Dialogical Construction of Identities: Annual Commemorations and Celebrations in the Bonpo Settlement in India .................................................................................................... 51 Yu-Shan Liu A Consideration of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s Letters, Especially “Reply to the Questions of bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha’ ’bum” ....................................................................................... 52 Shoko Mekata Sketches of Contemporary Tibetan History in The Tibet Mirror (1949–1963) ................... 53 Mikhaylova Natalia 2 Salvation and its Implications: King Gesar’s Descent to Hell and the Construction of a Tantric Deity......................................................................................................................... 54 Natasha L. Mikles A Study on Old Tibetan Oracle Bone .................................................................................. 55 Ai Nishida A Study of nang zan: On the reality of Servant workers in Traditional Tibetan Society .... 56 Kensaku Okawa The music of ‘cham in Tibetan Buddhism: Examined by analyzing the ritualistic killing of the ling ga ............................................................................................................................. 57 Maja Preitz The process of initiation for ritual specialists in Western Bhutan – Case studies from Gasila village on vocation, training and examination ..................................................................... 58 Johanna Prien Back to pastoralism? ............................................................................................................ 59 Jarmila Ptackova The emblematic role of jag-pa in the contested past of Amdo: between vernacular beliefs and political resistance ......................................................................................................... 60 Valentina Punzi The Swift Path to Great Bliss: Pha bong kha Bde chen snying po and The Lhasa Aristocracy ........................................................................................................................... 61 Joona Repo Reconsidering Tibet’s Clan Past Distinguishing between idealisation and social organization in the Tibetan historical context ...................................................................... 62 Jonathan Samuels Study of rta gzhung dngul dkar me long ............................................................................ 63 Jiebu Sangde A newspaper for Tibet: the Self in contrast to the Other...................................................... 64 Anna Sawerthal Sgam po pa’s Doctrine: A Systematic Way of Coping with the Future for Beings of Varying Capacity, Both Gradual and Sudden? .................................................................... 65 Rolf Scheuermann Ta’i Situ Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan: Reorganization and Renewal of the Political and Social Structure in Medieval Tibet ...................................................................................... 66 Stefan Schley In Defense of the Mahāmudrā Doctrine: Developments in the ’Brug-pa-bka’-brgyud School in Bhutan from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century .................................................... 67 Dagmar Schwerk Searching for Tibetaness – Tenzing Rigdol's attempt to visualize Tibetan identity ............ 68 Eva Maria Seidel The First Chapter of Srid pa’i mdzod phug and the Debate on the Theory of the Universe Creator Shaho Tamding On the Possible Relation between the Eleventh century gter ma The Vase of Amrita of Immortality (’Chi med bdud rtsi bum pa) and the Ultimate Tantra (Phyi rgyud) of the Rgyud bzhi ........................................................................................................................... 70 Carmen Simioli 3 A critical genealogy of European and American scholarship on Tibetan divination ........... 71 Alexander Smith Both a Home and a History: The Black Tent of the Tibetan Plateau ................................... 72 Emilia Roza Sulek A New Found Old Version of Dag yig Li shi’i gur khang ................................................... 73 Sonam Dondrup Recognition of Karma Pakshi (1204–1283) as a Manifestation of Avalokitesvara ............. 74 Makoto Takahashi The life of Me rag Lama- Blo gros rgya mtsho (d. 1682) and his role in the foundation of the Tawang Monastery: Dga' ldan rnam rgyal lha rtse in 1680–81 ..................................... 75 Lobsang Tenpa Socio-cultural Transformations and Heritage Tourism Development in the Barkor, Lhasa (Tibet Autonomous Region) ................................................................................................. 76 Tenzin Dolkar Brief history of Maryul Ladakh Nyar Ma Tsulakhang and its disappearance in contemporary ........................................................................................................................ 77 Lobsang Thapka The progression of Modern Tibetan Music and its relation with the Tibetan society......... 78 Kunsang Thokmay ......................................................................................................................... 78 The Relationship between Representatives of Different Generations of Tibetan Immigrants in Northern India: A Case Study of Dharamsala Tibetans ................................................... 79 Viacheslav Toloknov Christian Conversion as an Alternative Path to Liberation? Reasons for the Spreading of Christianity in the Buxaduar Area of North Bengal ............................................................. 80 Azade Toygar Labtse construction and differentiation in Amdo ................................................................. 81 Rahel Tsering Marriage and its Related Traditional Cultures in Spiti ......................................................... 82 Bora Tashi Tsering Coming to Terms with Tibet: Scholarly Networks and the Production of Dictionaries in the Eastern Himalayas ................................................................................................................ 83 Markus Viehbeck Characters in Modern Tibetan Fiction set in pre-1950s Tibet: Aristocrats, Common Folk and Others............................................................................................................................. 84 Riika Virtanen The Collective Identity of Borderland Mongols in Amdo: The Mongols of Henan Mongol Autonomous County............................................................................................................. 85 Ute Wallenboeck Between Family and Transmission Lineage: Two Historical Works of the rNgog bKa'brgyud-pa.............................................................................................................................. 86 Marco Walther The Transmission of Cakrasaṃvara Cycle from Northwest to Northern China During the th 12th–15 Century І.: Focus on Related Multilingual Manuscripts of Utpattikrama ............ 87 Wei Wen Livelihood Strategies among Tibetan Pastoralists Before and After Resettlement ............. 88 Kawanamgyal Wenchangjia 4 Preservation and Continuity – the Ache Lhamo Tradition inside and outside the TAR ...... 89 Daniel Wojahn Are the ’Bum bzhi Secondary? A Comparison of the rLung-Disease Classification in the rGyud bzhi with its Bon Pendant in the ’Bum bzhi ............................................................. 90 Isabella Würthner When the post relay system set up in Tibet by the Mongol empire? Möngke qan and Tibet during 13thcentury ............................................................................................................... 91 Yamamoto Meishi Tracing the chol kha gsum: Reexamining a Sa skya-Yuan period administrative geography ... 92 Eveline Yang The Comparison of Fable Stories in Tibetan Buddhism and Bön ........................................ 93 Co-ne Yum Tshe-ring The City Image in Contemporary Tibetan Novels ............................................................... 94 Zengbao Dangzhou Taming History: Accommodating of Manchu-Qing History through Dharma Historiography ...................................................................................................................... 95 Fan Zhang The Footprints of Chan westwards ....................................................................................... 96 Linghui Zhang Statutes of the International Seminar of Young Tibetologists (ISYT) ..................................... 97 Englisch Version .................................................................................................................. 98 Tibetan Version .................................................................................................................. 101 Officials and Board of Advisers ......................................................................................... 105 5 Welcome to 4th International Seminar of Young Tibetologists held from September 7th to 12th 2015 at Leipzig University, Germany. Dear Friends and Colleagues, It is a great honour for me to welcome you, on behalf of the Board, the Organizing Committee, and the Institute for Indology and Central Asian Studies, Leipzig, to the Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists (ISYT). The ISYT, which started off in London with some 40 young scholars of Tibetan Studies, has grown significantly. Two further conferences were held in Paris (2009) and Kobe (2012), and I am delighted to be able to host this fourth seminar here in Leipzig, with its august history of Tibetan Studies. The University of Leipzig has offered teaching in Asian Studies and subsequently Tibetology from the nineteenth century onwards. Today, the Institute for Central Asian Studies can look back on more than fifty years of research excellence. Tibetology at Leipzig is highly interdisciplinary. Its cooperation with numerous different disciplines has resulted in many research projects, a number of which will be presented at this conference. The seminar is thus also a fitting place to celebrate Per K. Sørensen, professor for Tibetology here in the Institute, who will later this year celebrate his 65th anniversary. Prof. Sørensen is a vibrant and inspiring force in Tibetan Studies, a model of rigour and passion for both his students and the field. 232 presentation proposals were submitted for the Leipzig seminar. Each submission was reviewed by a minimum of two reviewers and the committee eventually accepted one third of the applicants. As a result, the seminar developed into a considerable size, but I hope it remains small and informal enough to create a positive atmosphere for scholarly but also personal exchange; and thus create a community of young scholars with a strong shared interest in Tibet and her culture. This conference booklet will provide you with information on the academic and cultural program of the seminar, and contains all abstracts of research presented at the meeting. The conference was organized by a team of scholars based at the five different universities of Alma Mater Lipsensis, Humboldt Universität zu Berlin, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhlems-Universität Bonn, Freie Universität Berlin and Universität Hamburg: Franz Xaver Erhard (Leipzig) Emilia Sulek (Berlin) Jeannine Bischoff (Bonn) Lewis Doney (Berlin) Jörg Heimbel (Hamburg) In addition, the organizing team wants to thank all those who helped with reviewing, editing, translating, and consulting and in countless other forms, for their invaluable support: Jean-Luc Achard, Amelie Bader, Piotr Balcerowicz, Agata Bareja-Starzynska, Jenny Bentley, Daniel Berounsky, Henk Blezer, Adelheid Buschner, Olaf Czaja, Yangdon Dhondup, Brandon Dotson, Barbara Gerke, Kalsang Norbu Gurung, Isabelle Henrion-Dourcy, Nathan Hill, David Holler, Theresia Hofer, Astrid Hovden, Lilian Iselin, Kazushi Iwao, Lama Japp, Berthe Jansen, Rudolf Kaschewsky, Seiji Kumagai, Dan Martin, Klaus-Dieter Mathes, Heinz Mürmel, Tim Myatt, Ai Nishida, Jann Ronis, Stefan Schley, Nicola Schneider, Mona Schrempf, Per K. Sørensen, Eva Sterzer, Gillian Tan, Lobsang Tenpa, Alice Travers, Sonam Tsering, Tashi Tsering, Maria Turek, Oxana Ukonew, Markus Viehbeck, Riika Virtanen, Daniel Wojahn, Antje Ziemer. 6 The Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists received generous financial support from thse international sponsors:       Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (Bonn, Germany) Chiang Ching-Kuo Foundation (Taipei, Taiwan) Network for Co-operation Tibet Norway (Oslo, Norway) Trace Foundation (New York, USA) Foundation of the Saxon Academy of Sciences in Leipzig (Leipzig, Germany) University of Leipzig (Leipzig, Germany) We have now six days packed with presentations and events, and we hope all participants, over the week ahead, will be able to share their most recent findings, network and enjoy time in the company of other young scholars with a passion for Tibetan Studies. We wish you all a successful and pleasant conference! Leipzig, September 1, 2015 Franz Xaver Erhard Convener, 4th International Seminar of Young Tibetologists 7 The Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་བཞྤྱི་པ། 7–12 September 2015, University of Leipzig, Germany Conference Program th MONDAY, September 7 , 2015 09.00 – 10.30 10.30 – 11.00 11.00 – 12.30 12.30 – 14.00 14.00 – 15.30 Registration at the Conference Venue (University of Leipzig, Hörsaalgebäude, Foyer) Coffee Break [HS8] Opening Ceremony Opening Speech: Dr. Kalsang Norbu Gurung (University of Bonn), President of the ISYT Welcome: Prof. Eli Franco (University of Leipzig), Director of the Institute for Indology and Central Asian Studies Information and Thanks: Franz Xaver Erhard (University of Leipzig), Head of the ISYT Leipzig Organizing Committee Keynote Speech: Prof. Per K. Sørensen (University of Leipzig), A True Story of Spiritual Fascination and Academic Curiosity: The Rise of Tibetology in Germany Lunch Break [HS8] Session 1, Himalaya Part 1 Chair: Seiji Kumagai 1. Lobsang Tenpa, The Life of Me rag Lama Blo gros rgya mtsho (d. 1682) and his Role in the Foundation of the Tawang Monastery 2. Nyima Woser Choekhortshang, Abbreviations and Pictographs in Dolpo Manuscripts 3. Tenzin Choephel and Jigme Wangyal, Ancient Monpa People and Their Lineage [HS20] Session 2, Tibet and the Mongols Chair: Emilia Roza Sulek 1. Ute Wallenböck, The Collective Identity of Borderland Mongols in Amdo: The Mongols of Henan Mongol Autonomous County 2. Erdenebaatar Erdene-Ochir, On a Buddhist Polemical Exchange between Tibetan and Mongolian Scholars 3. Meishi Yamamoto, When was the Post-Relay System set up in Tibet by the Mongol empire? Möngke Khan and Tibet during the 13th Century Free Afternoon 8 TUESDAY, September 8th, 2015 09.00 – 10.30 10.30 – 11.00 11.00 – 12.30 12.30 – 14.00 14.00 – 15.30 15.30 – 19.00 19.00 [HS8] Session 1, Himalaya Part 2 Chair: Yuri Komatsubara 1. Tashi Tsering, Marriage and its Related Traditional Cultures in Spiti 2. Lobsang Thapka, Brief History of Maryul Ladakh Nyar Ma Tsulakhang and its Disappearance 3. Kalsang Jinpa, Ladakhi and Tibetan Architecture: A Study [HS20] Session 2, Rules and Regulations Chair: Jeannine Bischoff 1. Berthe Jansen, The Disciplinarian in Tibetan Monasteries: his Role and his Rules 2. Kerstin Grothmann, The Pachakshiri bca’ yig: Rules and Regulations for Public Guidance 3. Kensaku Okawa, A Study of nang zan: On the Reality of Servant Workers in Traditional Tibetan Society Coffee Break [HS8] Session 3, Bhutan Chair: Jörg Heimbel 1. Haoran Hou, ’Brug chen II rGya dbang Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (1428-1476) and His Activities in Bhutan 2. Dagmar Schwerk, In Defense of the Mahāmudrā Doctrine: Developments in the ’Brug-pa-bka’-brgyud School in Bhutan from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century 3. Seiji Kumagai, History and Current State of Sakya School in Northern Bhutan [HS20] Session 4, History Part 1 Chair: Lewis Doney 1. Ai Nishida, A Study on Old Tibetan Oracle Bone 2. Emanuela Garatti, The Dehua Inscription of 766: A Reading into Tibetan Diplomacy 3. Shoko Mekata, A Consideration of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s Letters, Especially “Reply to the Questions of bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha' 'bum" Lunch Break [HS8] Session 5, Pastoralism in Contemporary Tibet. Chair: Lilian Iselin 1. Kawanamgyal Wenchangjia, Livelihood Strategies Among Tibetan Pastoralists Before and After Resettlement 2. Jarmila Ptackova, Back to Pastoralism? 3. Yusuke Bessho, The Possibilities and Limitations of Ecological Discourse on Tibetan Pastoral Life: The Case of the Three-River Headwaters Region [HS20] Session 6, History Part 2 Chair: Markus Viehbeck 1. Joona Repo, The Swift Path to Great Bliss: Pha bong kha Bde chen snying po and The Lhasa Aristocracy 2. Jonathan Samuels, Reconsidering Tibet’s Clan Past 3. Yoko Ikejiri, The Relationship between Monasteries in the Pājo Region (the Eastern Part of Amdo) and the Qing Dynasty in the Early Qing Period Break Welcome Dinner at Auerbachs Keller 9 WEDNESDAY, September 9th, 2015 09.00 – 10.30 10.30 – 11 11.00 – 12.30 12.30 – 14 14.00 – 15.00 15 – 15:30 15.30 – 17.00 19.00 [HS8] Session 1, Terms and Categories [HS20] Session 2, Tibetans in Exile Chair: Natasha Mikles Chair: Alexander Smith 1. Suonan Dongzhu, The Newly1. Viacheslav Toloknov, The Relationship Discovered Old Version of the between Representatives of Different Grammar Book Li shivi gur khang Generations of Tibetan Immigrants in 2. Palden Gyamtso, A Discussion About Northern India Archaic Colloquial Terms in Ladakh 2. Eva Maria Seidel, Searching for 3. Shiho Ebihara, How Tibetan People Tibetaness – Tenzing Rigdol's Attempt Cognize Yak – Study on Lexicons for to Visualize Tibetan Identity Cognizing Yaks in Amdo Coffee Break [HS8] Session 3, Cultural Traditions [HS20] Session 4, History Part 3 Chair: Dagmar Schwerk Chair: Anna Sawerthal 1. Rinzin Chodon, Summary of Tibetan 1. Yuri Komatsubara, A Series of Women’s Hair Braiding Dismissals in the Tibetan Government 2. Emilia Roza Sulek, Both a Home and in 1790 a History: The Black Tent of the 2. Jeannine Bischoff, The Buzzing of a Bee Tibetan Plateau – Metaphors in Legal Documents and 3. Valentina Punzi, The Emblematic Their Implications for Social History Role of jag-pa in the Contested Past 3. Kalsang Norbu Gurung, Taxation in Shel of Amdo: Between Vernacular dkar District: Obligation, Collection and Beliefs and Political Resistance Administration Lunch Break [Foyer] Session 5, Poster Presentations 1. Veronika Bader, Tibetan Wedding Images as Ethnographic Source 2. Anne Kukuczka, Beautification of the Self in Lhasa 3. Natalia Mikhaylova, Sketches of Contemporary Tibetan History in The Tibet Mirror (1949-1963) 4. Maja Preitz, The Music of ‘cham in Tibetan Buddhism: Examined by Analyzing the Ritualistic Killing of the ling ga 5. Johanna Prien, The Process of Initiation for Ritual Specialists in Western Bhutan 6. Shaho Tamding, The First Chapter of Srid pa’i mdzod phug and the Debate on the Theory of the Universe Creator 7. Azade Toygar, Christian Conversion as an Alternative Path to Liberation? 8. Rahel Tsering, Labtse Construction and Differentiation in Amdo Daniel Wojahn, Preservation and Continuity – The Ache Lhamo Tradition Inside and Outside the TAR Coffee Break [HS8] Session 6, Religious Traditions Chair: Jonathan Samuels 1. Cecile Ducher, bKa’ brgyud Treasure and rNying ma Revealer: the Sras mkhar ma of Mar pa Lo tsā ba 2. Rolf Scheuermann, Sgam po pa’s Doctrine: A Systematic Way of Coping with the Future for Beings of Varying Capacity, Both Gradual and Sudden? 3. Linghui Zhang, The Wholesome Stream (dGe ba’i chu rgyun): Kaḥ-thog-rig-’dzin Tshe-dbang-nor-bu’s (1698–1755) Account of the Origination and Transmission of Hwa-shang Mahāyāna’s Doctrine in China and Tibet Kneipentour – Leipzig Pub Crawl 10 THURSDAY, September 10th, 2015 09.00 – 10.30 10.30 – 11.00 11.00 – 12.30 12.30 – 14.00 14.00 – 15.30 15.30 – 19.00 19.00 [HS8] Session 1, Ruling and Re-organizing Medieval Tibet. Chair: Emanuela Garatti 1. Fan Zhang, Taming History: Accommodating of Manchu-Qing History through Dharma Historiography 2. Stefan Schley, Ta’i Situ Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan: Reorganization and Renewal of the Political and Social Structure in Medieval Tibet 3. Eveline Yang, Tracing the chol kha gsum: Reexamining a Sa skya-Yuan Period Administrative Geography [HS20] Session 2, Religious Institutions and Figures. Chair: Berthe Jansen 1. Shonu Dhondup, The History of mGonpo gur (Skt. Panjanata Mahakala) and its Relation with Rong-bo shing-las-kha Monastery 2. Hanung Kim, The Amdo Renaissance: Statistical Study of Intellectual Activities in the 18th-19th Century Amdo 3. Makoto Takahashi, Recognition of Karma Pakshi (1204–1283) as a Manifestation of Avalokitesvara Coffee Break [HS8] Session 3, Life-Writing Chair: Kalsang Norbu Gurung 1. Miroslav Hrdina, The Inner Autohagiographies as Understood by Karma Chags med 2. Lewis Doney, The Transformation of Guru Rinpoche: Redactions and Adaptations of the First Padmasambhava Biography 3. Joerg Heimbel, The Religious Controversy Between mKhas grub rJe and Ngor chen: Its Representation and Role in Tibetan Biographical Writing [HS20] Session 4, Traditional Tibetan Medicine. Chair: Cameron Bailey 1. Isabella Wuerthner, Are the ‘Bum bzhi Secondary? A Comparison of the rLungDisease Classification in the rGyud bzhi with its Bon Pendant in the ‘Bum bzhi 2. Susannah Deane, Evil Spirits, Karma and ‘Madness’ 3. Carmen Simioli, Some Speculations about the Possible Relations of the 11th Century gter ma The Vase of Amrita of Immortality Lunch Break [HS8] Session 5, Buddhist Literary Transmission. Chair: Rolf Scheuermann 1. Li Channa, Authorship Lost in Transmission: Fallacious Attributions of Two Tibetan Sūtra Translations 2. Wen Wei, The Transmission of Cakrasaṃvara Cycle from Northwest to Northern China During the 12-15th Century. 3. Jigme Lodoe, Evolution and Philosophy of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana [HS20] Session 6, Contemporary Literature Chair: Xaver Erhard 1. Zengbaodangzhou, The City Image in The Contemporary Tibetan Novels 2. Riika Virtanen, Characters in Modern Tibetan Fiction about pre-1950s Tibet: Aristocrats, Common Folk and Others 3. Co-ne Yum Tshe-ring, Comparison of Fable Stories in Tibetan Buddhism and Bön Religion Group Photo of ISYT Participants Break Cultural Program 11 FRIDAY, September 11th, 2015 09.00 – 10.30 10.30 – 11.00 11.00 – 12.30 12.30 – 13.30 13.30 – 15.30 15.30 – 16.00 16.00 [HS8] Session 1, Twentieth-Century Writings Chair: Riika Virtanen 1. Markus Viehbeck, Coming to Terms with Tibet: Scholastic Networks and the Production of Dictionaries in the Eastern Himalayas 2. Anna Sawerthal, A Newspaper for Tibet: the Self in Contrast to the Other 3. Xaver Erhard, Paremia in Contemporary Tibetan Literature [HS20] Session 2, Scholastic Works of Historiography Chair: Susannah Deane 1. Gloria I-Ling Chien, Reading Tokmé Zangpo’s Collected Works and His Presentation of the Lojong Teaching 2. Marco Walther, Between Family and Transmission Lineage: Two Historical Works of the rNgog bKa'-brgyud-pa 3. Jampa Chophel, Calendar Calculation in Tibetan Tradition Coffee Break [HS8] Session 3, Issues of Modernization. Chair: Valentina Punzi 1. Tenzin Dolkar, Socio-Cultural Transformations and Heritage Tourism Development in the Barkhor, Lhasa (TAR) 2. Kunsel Palmo, Contemporary Tibetan Funeral Rites 3. Kunsang Thokmay, The Progression of Modern Tibetan Music and its Relation with the Tibetan Society [HS20] Session 4, Rituals and Deities Chair: Ai Nishida 1. Alexander Smith, A Critical Genealogy of European and American Scholarship on Tibetan Divination 2. Cameron Bailey, A Tibetan Protector Deity Theogony: Buddhist and Bön Syncretism in The History of A bse 3. Natasha Mikles, Salvation and its Implications: King Gesar’s Descent to Hell and the Construction of a Tantric Deity Lunch Break [HS8] Business Meeting of the ISYT Coffee Break Sightseeing: ‘Peaceful Revolution’ Tour SATURDAY, September 12th, 2015 10.00 Visit of Völkerschlachtdenkmal Leipzig 12 Cultural Events (free for presenters and deluxe observers) MONDAY 7 September 17:00 City walk On the first afternoon we will take you on a walk through the inner city of Leipzig, to give you a first impression and a sense of orientation. During the walk you will also pass some of the most important sights of Leipzig, as well as locations where Buddhism first settled in Germany. We meet in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche TUESDAY 8 September 19:00–24:00 Welcome Dinner at Auerbachs Keller You are invited for a welcome banquet at perhaps the oldest and certainly the most famous restaurant of Leipzig. Here, where Faust and Mephisto played their tricks on students in Goethe’s famous drama, a buffet with typical Saxonian cuisine awaits you. For those who don’t know their way, someone will pick you up at 18:40 in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche and show you the way. WEDNESDAY 9 September 19:00 Leipzig Pub Crawl – Kneipentour You will be taken to typical and extraordinary Leipzig bars and pubs for a drink or two in small groups. We will set you on the path and hope to see you back at the conference the next morning on time … We will gather in small groups––according to the lots drawn at registration––in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche at 7 pm. THURSDAY 10 September 19:00 Cultural evening presented at occasion of the 4th ISYT by Tibethaus Deutschland e.V Tibetan Filmmaker Jangbu will show his latest film “Yartsa Günbu” and Dhondup and Gendün, two Tibetan musicians from Berlin, will play Tibetan folk songs, alongside poems read by Jangbu. The event will take place at the LURU-Kino at Spinnerei in Spinnereistr. You will be picked up at 18:00 in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche. 13 FRIDAY 11 September 16:00 Peaceful Liberation City Tour The Berlin Wall was torn down in Leipzig! Indeed, Leipzig was the center for this historical change and it started in the very city-center. In the end what started in Leipzig led to the fall of the Berlin Wall and ultimately to the unification of Germany. We have arranged for two tours guided in English and one tour guided in German language. Unfortunately, participation for each tour is limited to 30 people. We thus need to ask you to register for the tour at the registration in front of lecture hall 8 (HS8). We will meet at 15:50 in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche SATURDAY 12 September 10:00 Visit of Völkerschlachtdenkmal – Monument to the Battle of Nations As the closing event of the conference all participants are invited to visit the Völkerschlachtdenkmal. This monument commemorates the Battle of Nations fought here in 1813. In its end Napoleon’s troops were defeated and thus an important step towards the end of the War of the Sixth Coalition had been achieved. We will visit the top of the momument from which one has a great view over the city of Leipzig. Afterwards we will have a picknick in the park around the monument. You will be picked up after breakfast at 10:00 in front of Motel One – Nikolaikirche and taken to the Völkerschlachtdenkmal by public transport. 14 Film and Music: Yartsa Rinpoche On occasion of the Fourth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists in Leipzig presented by Tibethaus e.V Yartsa Rinpoche A film by Jangbu (or Dorjee Tsering Chenaktsang) and Taklha Gyal Produced by TTCC 2011/2014 France /Tibet This documentary is about a young Tibetan farmer called Tsondru. He is an ex-monk who lives in a remote mountainous farming area in Eastern Tibet. He has remained stubbornly single after failing to marry the girl he loves due to parental disapproval. In 2010 along with a group of famers from his village he decides to harvest yartsa gunbu (caterpillar fungus) once the spring sowing season is over. However, at the very last moment his companions change their mind, leaving Tsondru no option but to travel alone. An unpredictable tale of adventure begins as Tsondu´s journey takes unexpected twists and turns. During the short harvest season of yartsa gunbu, under the pretext of preventing social unrest, local authorities make a profit for themselves by mobilising security forces, including local police, to control the movement of people coming from outside the Golok region. Before the filming of this documentary and his trip to Golok it never occurred to Tsondru that there might be a similarity between him, yartsa gunbu, and the fate of his people. Greatly moved by his own remorse over the deaths he muses: “A unique living being shows the fate of its very existence through death or dying.” Jangbu (Dorje Tsering Chenaktsang), born 1963 in Tibet, is a writer, poet, and editor; he is one of the most outstanding contemporary representatives of modern Tibetan literature. In recent years, he also has produced a number of films. The evening will be framed by traditional Tibetan music performed by the Tibetan duo Dhondup Donka and Gendün Sangpo from Berlin, Germany. 15 What else to do in Leipzig? Besides the conference-related events, Leipzig has much to offer. Here is what we think is worth trying: MONDAY 07 September FRIDAY 11 September 11:00–15:00 Kustodie: The Exhibition “600 years of art in Leipzig” shows notable European art of the 14th – 20th century. 20:30 Jazzclub Live presents German jazz group Pablo Held Trio Telegraph, Leipzig Kunstsammlung im Rektoratsgebäude, Ritterstraße 26, 04109 Leipzig Dittrichring 18-20, 04109 18:00-19:00 Motet with St. Thomas Choir of Leipzig and Organist Ullrich Böhme 20:00 Excessive Visage Live: A Quintet based in Dresden and Berlin plays a mix of Rock, Psychedelic, and Jazz. Thomaskirche, Thomaskirchhof 18, 04109 Leipzig Tonelli's, Neumarkt 9, 04109 Leipzig SATURDAY 12 September TUESDAY 08 September GRASSI-Museum: The new exhibition “Cultures of the World in Leipzig” displays the poster collection of the GRASSI-Museum of ethnology. 11:00–20:00 Großer Herbstrundgang: The 10-hectare industrial site Leipzig Cotton Mill, which is used today by art galleries, studios and restaurants, displays works by international artists. Johannisplatz 5-11, 04103 Leipzig, 10:0018:00 Leipziger Baumwollspinnerei, Spinnerreistraße 7, 04179 Leipzig WEDNESDAY 09 September 15:00 Bach Motette: Bach concert in famous Thomaskirche, where J.S. Bach worked as a cantor for many years 10:00–18:00 GRASSI-Museum exhibits expressive tapestry by German artist Johanna Schütz-Wolff. Thomaskirche, Thomaskirchhof 18, 04109 Leipzig Johannisplatz 5-11, 04103 Leipzig, SUNDAY 13 September 18:00 (guided) Museum für bildende Künste displays works of one of the most significant German painters Lucas Cranach in its exhibition “Cranach in Leipzig”. www.mdbk.de 11:00–17:00 Großer Herbstrundgang: The 10-hectare industrial site Leipzig Cotton Mill, which is used today by art galleries, studios and restaurants, displays works by international artists. Katharinenstraße 10, 04109 Leipzig Leipziger Spinnereistraße 16 Baumwollspinnerei, 7, 04179 Leipzig Book of Abstracts 17 Tibetan wedding images as ethnographic source – a study of talking pictures and talking about pictures Veronika Amelie Bader (University of Leipzig) Within the Wise Collection, stored at the British Library, there is a set of ethnographic drawings not yet deciphered and analysed although they already sought the interest of Micheal Aris in the 1990s in connection to his intended comparative study of Tibetan wedding ceremonies. The collection consisting of 55 drawings contains beside picture maps of Tibet and ethnographic visual data of monastic life also six drawings on a Tibetan wedding ceremony respective on the founding of a new household. They are created by a local artist from Ladakh around 1860 for an English or Scottish commissioner. In this paper I will analyse the representation of a ‘typical’ Tibetan wedding and the several ritual steps. The visual analysis of the drawings will be supplemented by ethnographic oral and written texts, collected during fieldwork in Ladakh, in order to let them speak. The pictorial material promises not just to offer rich information on Tibetan marriage customs but also offers a possibility to a better understanding of the context of its creation, since the specific perspective taken by the artist shows what might be representative or of special interest for the commissioner. At the same time, data from image-elicitation interviews about the depicted scenes, then serves to reconsider a discursive field on the changing normative and practical implications of wedding customs today as well as on marriage in general, cultural change and personal or collective memory. 18 A Tibetan Protector Deity Theogony: Buddhist and Bon Syncretism in “The History of A bse.” Cameron Bailey (University of Oxford) Theogonies, or genealogic accounts of deities, are fairly common in Tibetan literature, especially in pre-Buddhist myths of divine descent, as well as ritual and demonological texts that discuss the origins of Tibet's various classes of spirits. Although such accounts tend to be far more common in Bön po texts than comparable Buddhist ones, in the mid-eighteenth century, two significant works were written containing comprehensive theogonic accounts of Buddhist dharma protectors. The first is Sle lung Bzhad pa'i rdo rje's (1697-1740) seminal Dam can bstan srung rgya mtsho'i rnam thar, or The Biographies of the Ocean of Oath-Bound Protectors. The second text, written by one of the main students of Sle lung, Kun dga' Mi 'gyur rdo rje (1721-1769), is the A bse'i byung khungs lo rgyus, The Brief History of A bse. This second text is much more condensed, streamlined, and primarily concerned with only a single deity, A bse, who is usually recognized as a Bön po protector. This paper will examine the opening theogonic account in the A bse'i lo rgyus, which I will argue is an interesting case of Bön/Buddhist syncretism. It is written in the style of Bön po theogonies, but applies this literary paradigm to a number of Buddhist deities, creating a family lineage of dharma protectors who are recognized as the ancestors of the Bön A bse. 19 The Possibilities and Limitations of Ecological Discourse on Tibetan Pastoral Life: The Case of the Three-River Headwaters Region Yosuke Bessho (Hiroshima University) Recently, the majority of Chinese have come to seriously consider the environmental damage caused by river disasters; environmental awareness of the Tibetan High Plateau has rapidly increased at the national level. The local government in the frontier district has set forth an extensive development strategy: of a 'regional economy centring on ecological prevention'. For this, two kinds of environmental policy have had profound impacts on local Tibetans. The first, 'eco-husbandry construction', pertains to the reorganisation of animal husbandry as per the demand for organic products in China’s modern domestic market economy. Now, 336 'eco-husbandry village' (mnyam las khang) units have been established in relocated clustered settlements in Qinghai Province. However, the main purpose of this policy is to mitigate environmental impact and to promote the social adaptation of pastoral people through their relocation and resettlement without the attempt to maintain their traditional, pastoral community life. By contrast, the ‘eco-cultural approach’ emphasizes the enhancement of the force of a community. As a basic stance, according to the eco-cultural approach, loss of the native culture causes deterioration of the ecological environment. In this conception, native culture supports the local village community and an ideal system of active participation and sustainable environmental management can be built on this natural foundation. In particular, outside groups such as Chinese scholars, politicians, and domestic NGOs have recognized in this approach elements of Buddhist thought such as the abstention from killing and altruism, as well as the so-called 'primitive religion' of Tibet, with its various taboos and aspects of nature worship. After describing the context, I examine these two kinds of policy according to the concept of national environmentalism; I investigate their practical value and meaning for local agents in the contemporary pastoral society while considering the impact of these policies in their daily life. 20 The Buzzing of a Bee Metaphors in legal documents and their implications for Social History Jeannine Bischoff (University of Bonn) Legal documents are means of memory in the first place: they create relationships of rationality and a causal past that is being legally referred to. As Tibetan jurisdiction is heavily relying on customary law and day-to-day experience the necessity of making legal documents generally understandable by all members of society arose. This becomes strikingly evident when we look at the threat of punishment that is a vital part of private legal documents. General phrases like ‘It’s not me, it’s him (nga min kho yin)’, or ‘At that time it was not so (de dus de min)’ are used to exemplify what a deviation from the legal agreement and a cause of punishment would be. There are, however, more picturesque descriptions to be found as well: ‘There shall not be any disturbances not even at the extent of the buzzing of a bee (snyan bsun rigs sbrang sgra tsam zhu rgyu med pa)’, or ‘to adopt the arrogant and imposing habit of a tiger (che brtsan stag ’khur)’. The phraseology under examination can be found in legal documents that originate from different Tibetan regions during the dGa’ ldan pho brang time (mid 17th to mid-20th centuries). The main text corpuses will be legal documents from and for Kun bde gling monastery (Digitized Tibetan Archives Material at the University of Bonn: www.dtab.unibonn.de), as well as edited and partly translated legal documents from South and South-West Tibet (published by Hanna Schneider in 2012). Metaphors in legal documents are used to explain the abstract fact of violating the contract in a symbolic way. Normative ideas about social and legal relationships are exemplified within the interpretative world-view of Tibetan society. The focal point of this paper is to present and analyse commonly accepted ways of expressing situations of social misconduct and thereby being able to conclude on concepts of reality and morality as they were created by Tibetan society. 21 Authorship Lost in Transmission: Fallacious Attributions of Two Tibetan Sūtra Translations Channa Li (Leiden University) The choice of translating from Sanskrit or Chinese is an option of cultural prestige for Tibetans. However, because much information about early Tibetan texts has been lost during transmission, the intricacies of early Tibetan written culture are still so elusive that modern scholars would sometimes confuse sūtras translated from Sanskrit with those from Chinese, especially when colophons carry no useful clues. Two sūtras, the Upāyakauśalya Sūtra and the Maitreyaparipṛcchā Sūtra, both of which are collected into the Tibetan and Chinese Ratnakūṭa collections, reveal such fallacies in identifying source. The Upāyakauśalya Sūtra survives in two Tibetan canonical versions (D.82 and D.261) and three Chinese (T.310-18, T.345 and T.346) versions, among which Tibetan D.261 is said to have been translated from Chinese by Chos grub. The Maitreyaparipṛcchā Sūtra exists in two Tibetan (D. 85 and newly identified Pelliot tibétain 89) and two Chinese (T.310-42 and T.349) versions; no one realized this sutra was once translated from Chinese. However, these test cases demonstrate how complex the situation really is. Philological work on the two sūtras indicates that, while both Tibetan versions of the Upāyakauśalya Sūtra, which are similar in high level, have little direct connection with the putative Chinese source, the Dunhuang text of the Maitreyaparipṛcchā Sūtra is a verbatim translation from Chinese text T.310-42. It might be open to argument that the Kanjur version D.85, credited to Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi and Ye shes sde, might also refer to Chinese. Moreover, that the Tibetan version of the Maitreyaparipṛcchā Sūtra translated from Chinese was not included into Kanjur, while the version translated from Sanskrit was preserved in Kanjur, suggests that Tibetans were inclined to preserve a translation from Sanskrit when multiple versions of the same sūtra were at hand, which can be seen as a strategy to raise the prestige of Tibetan Buddhism. 22 Lojong Component in Tokmé Zangpo’s Collected Works Gloria I-Ling Chien (Virginia Commonwealth University) Tibetan Lojong (blo sbyong), or ‘mind training,’ is arguably the most prominent meditation practice that helps devotees remove destructive emotions and develop compassion towards all sentient beings. Tibetan Master Tokmé Zangpo (thogs med bzang po, 1295-1369) composed Lojong texts, which were included in different editions of his collected works (gsung ‘bum). The first Lojong anthology was compiled soon after in the fifteenth century, implying that Tokmé Zangpo’s collected works were a critical point in the development of Lojong literature. In spite of their importance, his collected works have received little academic discussion. This paper will first clarify the structure and content of Tokmé Zangpo’s Lojong teachings in the two major editions of his collected works. I will show that the main difference between them is that the later edition includes Oral Transmission of Mind Training, the most important Lojong text of Tokmé Zangpo. The editors of this later edition describe the lineage of Lojong tradition and add Tokmé Zangpo’s lesser known commentary related to Lojong philosophy. This text has eighty-two folios, which comprise almost one-third of the collected works. As for the remaining texts, they can be categorized into different forms of writings and their content is both explicitly and implicitly related to Tokmé Zangpo’s Lojong interpretations. This paper will offer two conclusions. First, that through compiling this later edition, the editors construct their religious identities as the recipients of the Lojong tradition. Secondly, that the role of these two editions of collected works was a source that provides critical context for Tokmé Zangpo’s works in the Lojong tradition of Tibetan Buddhism. This project addresses the little recognized issue of the connection between different forms of Tokmé Zangpo’s writings and his contribution to the development of the Lojong tradition. 23 Summary of Tibetan women’s hair braiding Rinzin Chodon (College for Higher Tibetan Studies) The culture and custom of Tibet reflects the rich heritage of the country. Tibetan race represents vast variety in various styles and clothing. Especially Tibetan women’s hair braiding and dressing ranges from different places in Tibet having numerous different styles bearing many aspects of its origin. It is not just described in its background but still exists historically. Therefore I am doing research on Tibetan Women’s hair braiding. I urge the researchers at Tibetology to pay interest in the importance of this rich and unique custom. To embrace the topic into further details, the style of Tibetan women’s hair braiding from different provinces, within provinces thus from valleys, highland pastures, cities, towns and villages have their own unique and different styles. Particularly huge differences are seen between places where Tibetan culture had spreaded or not spreaded. The styles in the past and present, the basic disposition and its state ranging from the liveliness, traditions and religious systems show many changes over the years. I have compared, introduced and related the details elaborately. During the process of my research, I have interviewed about the styles of Tibetan women’s hair braiding from many old people who have come from different places in Tibet. I also referred to various reference books especially researched on the influences which has brought about from different neighbouring countries and its people. 24 Abbreviations and Pictographs in Dolpo Manuscripts Nyima Woser Choekhortshang (Charles University, Prague) Generally, one frequently sees that many Tibetan manuscripts are full of abbreviations. The abbreviation styles of different regions in Tibet are mostly similar. However, the abbreviation system, which could be found in Dolpo manuscripts are exceptional. Several such abbreviations could be decoded only by the local scholars of Dolpo. In general, abbreviation forms of “dbu-med” (letters ‘without head’) are much more developed than that of “dbu-can” (letters ‘with head’). The ways of abbreviating of these two writing styles are distinct from each other in many cases. Among the number of “dbu med” styles, “'khyug-yig” (cursive letters) has its own ways of abbreviating and uses much less abbreviation forms than the rest of them. “Dbu-med” manuscripts of Dolpo contain several different abbreviation styles such as condensation of several words into one syllable (“tsheg bsdus” literally “condensing under a dot of the syllable”). The“sngon-'jug” (prefix) is often attached as “mgo-can” (super-scribed letter), for example dgon pa is abbreviated into rgon pa. The same could be done also with “rjes-'jug” (suffix letter), which becomes “'dogs-can” (subscribed) to the “ming-gzhi” (root letter), for example thugs is abbreviated into thyas ( ). A word consisting of several letters or syllables is denoted by a single symbolic letter or syllable. For example reversed letter ḍa used for yod, and reversed ṇa is used for med. Also numerals are used instead of words and these numerals even do not follow the strict orthography in such cases. It also employs symbols (as triangle, circle, swastika, etc.) in order to substitute words. Such symbols are often signs that several repetitive verses are not written in full, etc. This presentation will attempt to classify and explain some of the abbreviation techniques. It will also show how men of letters and scholars implement them as an art of writing and reading. In particular, it will be explained that the usage of abbreviations goes hand in hand with saving finances spent on expensive paper used for writing. 25 Ancient Monpa People and their Lineage Tenzin Choephel and Jigme Wangyal གནའ་བོའྤྱི་མོན་དང་མོན་པའྤྱི་རུས་ལ་དཔྱད་པ། དེང་སང་རྒྱལ་གར་གྤྱི་ཨ་རུ་ན་ཅལ(Arunachal)་མངའ་སེའྤྱི་ཁོངས་སུ་གཏོགས་པའྤྱི་མོན་པའྤྱི་རུས་ཚོགས་དང་དེའྤྱི་གནས་བབ་སོར་ བྤྱིས་པའྤྱི་དབྤྱིན་བོད་གཉྤྱིས་ཀའྤྱི་ཐོག་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དཔེ་དེབ་རེ་གཉྤྱིས་མཐོང་མོད། བོད་ཀྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ལས་གནའ་བོའྤྱི་རུས་རྒྱུད་མཆེད་ཚུལ་ཤོད་ སབས། ”མོན་རྫུ་ནག་པོ་ཁྤྱིའྤྱི་རྔ་ལྗང་ཅན་དང་། ཡེ་མོན་ནག་པོ་ཁོ་ཆུའྤྱི་ཕ་བོང་འདྲ་བ།” ཞེས་པ་སོགས་བྱུང་བ་ལྟར། གནའ་བོའྤྱི་མོན་ ནམ་ཁྤྱི་སོང་ཡར་སོན་གྤྱི་མོན་པའྤྱི་རུས་རྒྱུད་ཀྤྱི་མཆེད་ཁུངས་དང་མཆེད་ཚུལ། མངའ་མཛད་བཅུ་ལས་བདུན་པ་མ་སངས་སྤུན་དགུའྤྱི་ རྒྱལ་ས་མོན་ཡུལ་དུ་བས་པའྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཀྤྱི་ཁུངས་དང་།སོང་བཙན་སབས་སུ་མོན་པ་རྣམས་ཀྤྱིས་འབྲུ་རྤྱིགས་ཀྤྱི་ཁལ་ཕུལ་དགོས་པའྤྱི་ཁྤྱིམས་ སོལ།མོན་ནྤྱི་གནའ་བོའྤྱི་བོད་ཀྤྱི་གསོ་རྤྱིག་སྨན་གྤྱི་འབྱུང་ཁུངས་ཡྤྱིན་ཚུལ།ལྷག་པར་དུ་གནའ་བོའྤྱི་མོན་ཞེས་པ་དེ་བོད་ཀྤྱི་ལྷོ་ངོས་སུ་ ཆགས་པའྤྱི་ས་གནས་ཀུན་གྤྱི་སྤྱི་མྤྱིང་དུ་སོད་མོང་བའྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་སོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཐད་དཔྱད་རོམ་ཁ་གསལ་སེལ་མཁན་ཞྤྱིག་ད་ཕན་བྱུང་མོང་མེད་ པ་འདྲ་བས། ཕྲན་གྤྱི་ཕྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༡༢་ནས་དེ་དག་སོར་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དེབ་ཐེར་དང་གནའ་ཡྤྱིག གདན་རབས། མྤྱི་རབས་རྒན་པའྤྱི་ངག་རྒྱུན། གཞན་ ཡང་མོན་པ་རྣམས་ཀྤྱི་བཤད་སོལ་སོགས་ལ་ལྟ་ཞྤྱིབ་བས་བསད་པ་ལས་ད་ཆ་དེའྤྱི་སོར་དཔྱད་རོམ་ཁ་གསལ་ཞྤྱིག་བྤྱིས་ཐུབ་པ་བྱུང་། I have seen only a few books available both in Tibetan and English languages covering the topic of Monpa people residing nowadays in Arunachal, India, and their current situation in modern society. We can find diverse information on ancient Monpa people dispersed in many books. However, there is no single book of comprehensible history of Monpa people. Therefore in my thesis, I try to analyze where the Monpa people originated, where they migrated to, and why the southern region (today’s Nepal, Bhutan, Arunachal Pradesh etc.) was called Lho Mon. Moreover, I focus on seeking the reasons why the dynasty named “Nine Brothers of the Masan Dynasty” made Mon their capital city. The thesis also explains the importance of why Monpa people paid taxes in crops to the king Songtsen Gampo, the founder of the Tibetan Empire. Having been an important source of medicinal herbs in the past, the region of Mon has always played an essential role in the field of classical Tibetan medicine; nowadays, the herbs we could find in the ancient Mon region are still used, and they carry its name. Since there has not been done any profound research on this topic so far, I have been collecting information from various origins since 2012, in order to bring more light to the history of Ancient Monpa people. To achieve this, I have interviewed many Monpa people living in India as well as Tibetan historians, and searched through old Tibetan history books. I hope my thesis will clarify the topic of ancient Monpa people and their lineage. 26 Recognition of Lunisolar Month Jampa Chopel (Central University of Tibetan Studies, India) ༄།ཟླ་བའྤྱི་ངོས་འཛིན་ཐད་བོད་ཀྤྱི་མཁས་གྲུབ་རྣམས་ཀྤྱིས་བཞེད་སོལ་མྤྱི་མཐུན་པ་མང་ཞྤྱིང་། གནའ་བོ་བོད་མྤྱིས་ངོས་འཛིན་བེད་སྟངས། རྤྱིམ་བཞྤྱིན་རྒྱ་ནག་ནས་དར་བའྤྱི་འབྱུང་རྤྱིས་དང་འདྲེས་པའྤྱི་རྤྱིས་སོལ། ཕྤྱིས་རྒྱ་གར་ནས་ནང་ཆོས་དར་བ་དང་ལྷན་དུ་བྱུང་བའྤྱི་ལམ་ སོལ། མཇུག་ཏུ་སད་གསར་བཅད་སབས་སུ་བཀས་བཅད་མཛད་དེ་རྤྱིས་སྟངས། ཡང་དུས་འཁོར་དར་བ་ནས་ངོས་འཛིན་བེད་ལུགས། དེ་ བཞྤྱིན་ཡུལ་ལུང་ལ་གཞྤྱིགས་ཏེ་ཡེ་མཁེན་རྣམས་ཀྤྱིས་ངོས་འཛིན་བེད་ཕོགས་སོགས་མྤྱི་མཐུན་པ་མང་། འོན་ཏང་དེང་སང་འཛམ་གྤྱིང་ ཡོངས་གགས་ཀྤྱིས་བརྟན་སར་འཕོ་ཚུལ་ལ་བསྟུན་ཏེ་བརྤྱིས་ ཀྤྱི་ཡོད། ཟླ་བ་ལའང་ཁྤྱིམ་ཟླ་དང་། ཉྤྱིན་ཟླ། ཚེས་ཟླ་བཅས་ཡོད་པ་ལས་ཚེས་ཞག་གཙོ་བོར་མཛད་ཡོད། དེ་བཞྤྱིན་མར་ངོ་སོན་འགོ་འཛིན་པ་ འདུལ་མཛོད་དང་། ཡར་ངོ་སོན་འགོ་འཛིན་པ་སར་རྤྱིས་པའྤྱི་ལུགས་ཡྤྱིན། ལོ་ཆེན་དྷརྨཤྤྱིས་ཡར་ངོ་སོན་འགོའྤྱི་ལུགས་ནྤྱི་དུས་འཁོར་ བསྡུས་རྒྱུད་དང་། མར་ངོ་སོན་འགོ་ནྤྱི་དུས་འཁོར་ར་རྒྱུད་ཀྤྱི་ལུགས་ཡྤྱིན་པར་གསུངས། འོན་ཏང་དུས་འཁོར་བསྡུས་རྒྱུད་དེ་ཡང་ར་རྒྱུད་ བསྡུས་པ་ལས་བྱུང་སྟབས་དེ་ལའང་ དོགས་པའྤྱི་ཕུང་པོ་ཆེན་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་ཏུ་གྱུར། དེང་སང་འཛམ་གྤྱིང་ཡོངས་སུ་ས་ག་ཟླ་བ་ངོས་འཛིན་བས་ཀང་བོད་དང་བོད་ནས་ མཆེད་པའྤྱི་ཡུལ་ལུང་ནང་དུ་དེ་ལས་ཟླ་བ་གཅྤྱིག་གྤྱི་ རེས་སུ་རྤྱིས་སོལ་ཡོད། དེར་བརྟེན་༧གོང་ས་མཆོག་གྤྱིས་ ༢༠༡༡-༢༠༡༢ ལོའྤྱི་དུས་འཁོར་དབང་ཆེན་གནང་སབས་ཀང་ཟླ་བ་ངོས་འཛིན་ ཐད་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་བ་དགོས་བཀའ་ཕེབས་ལྟར་གུས་རང་སོབ་ཚན་འདྤྱི་ལ་འབེལ་འདྲྤྱིས་ཆེ་ཞྤྱིང་། རང་ཉྤྱིད་ཤེས་བ་ཞན་ཡང་བླ་མའྤྱི་བཀའ་ ཡྤྱི་ཆ་ཙམ་འགྲུབ་པའྤྱི་རེ་བ་དང་བཅས་ལོ་ངོ་གཉྤྱིས་ ཙམ་ནས་བརོད་གཞྤྱི་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་ཐོག་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་བས་པའྤྱི་འཁུལ་ཡྤྱིན།། My paper entitled “Recognition of Lunisolar Month” which plays very vital role in the community of Tibet and its adjourning regions. The present process of monthly recognition has minor error resulting delay in monthly name in Tibetan astronomical tradition. I hope my paper will help and create awareness to the people about the delay calculation of monthly name in the system, comparing to Indian modern astronomy aspects. In India, the seasonal names are affixed with the monthly name, whereas, Tibetan already have same application based on elementary astrology. But the same is also applied according to the twelve year signs where there is no relevance with animal signs. However, this creates delusion in one side as some Tibetan astrologers hypothetically apply the Indian tradition mentioned in the canonical texts as an equivalent to elementary astrology. And, on the second hand, there is no uniformity of such system in Tibet, because of several sub-sections of astronomy. Thereafter, there have been royal interference and made amendment of terminology as a part of dictionary and finally then royal proclaimed to change the monthly name accordingly. His Holiness the Dalai Lama emphasis on the recognition of month and further suggested to analysis it during His 2011-12 Kalchakra initiation bestowed at Bodhgaya. Consequently, I initiated minor research on the same through astronomical approach as well as theory references in kangyur, tengyur and Tibetan astronomical commentaries. It is clear that there is variation in calculating monthly recognition in Tibetan Astronomy viz., Solar month, Lunar month, and Zodiac month etc. Astronomy itself advocates several ways of recognition and the monthly names are given on the basis of lunar position around the mansion/constellation. There are two types of lunar mansions and one deals with the duration of Tibetan date (tithi) and other with weekday duration. 27 Evil spirits, karma and ‘madness’: examining the relationship between religion and mental (ill-)health in the Tibetan context Susannah Deane (Cardiff University) Previous research has highlighted some of the interrelationships between psychology, mental (ill-)health and Buddhism in the Tibetan context, both in the area of Tibetan Studies and in enterprises such as the Mind and Life Institute in Dharamsala. In Tibetan Studies, much of this research has focused on the fundamental notion of rlung (wind) – one of the three bodily ‘humours’ – and its role in the causation of various types of mental disorder – and the role of the ‘afflictive mental factors’ (Tib,: nyon mongs) in the manifestation of these ‘humours’. However, I would suggest that in practice, lay Tibetans’ views on the prevention, causation and treatment of mental illness are frequently much broader than these concepts, often taking in both Buddhist and pre-Buddhist notions of the mind and body, and the relationship of the individual to the wider world. Discussions around the causation of mental illness therefore encompass conceptions of individuals’ relationship to the environment and the deities which reside within it, notions of karma, ‘incorrect’ Tantric practice and even excessive religious study. As a consequence, the treatment of such conditions can include blessings from lamas, particular Buddhist practices such as gcod carried out on behalf of the patient or the ritual subjugation of spirits and deities involved through monastic or spirit-mediums’ rituals. In addition, sometimes patients and their families are themselves able to affect a cure through the conducting of particular practices, such as making of offerings to particular deities, or the reading of certain Buddhist texts. This paper, based upon ethnographic research conducted within a Tibetan exile community in Darjeeling, Northeast India during 2011 and 2012, uses a number of case studies to examine notions of the causation of mental illness in the Tibetan context, and how these are reflected in health-seeking behaviour for Tibetans in Darjeeling. 28 The history of mGon-po gur (Skt. Panjanata Mahakala) and its relation with Rong-bo shing-las-kha monastery Shonu Dhondup (Central University of Tibetan Studies, India) རོང་བོ་ཤྤྱིང་ལས་ཁ་བཀྲ་ཤྤྱིས་ཆོས་རོང་ནྤྱི་ས་སྐྱ་འཁོན་གྤྱི་གདོང་བརྒྱུད་རོང་ཆེན་མདོ་སེ་འབུམ་གྤྱི་སས་ཆེ་བ་རོང་བོ་བླ་མ་བསམ་གཏན་ རྤྱིན་ཆེན་གྤྱིས་ཕྤྱི་ལོ་༡༣༥༦ཡས་མོས་སུ་ཕག་བཏབ། ཀ་རྤྱིང་དཔལ་ལྡན་ཆོས་གགས་ཀྤྱིས་དགེ་ལུགས་འཆད་ཉན་བཙུགས་ནས་གདན་ རབས་༣༠ལྷག་བྱུང་ཤྤྱིང་། མར་ནང་ནང་སོ་བཙུགས་ནས་ནང་སོ་དཔོན་རབས་༦༠་ལྷག་བྱུང་ཡོད། ནང་སོ་མགོན་པོས་རང་དགོན་དུ་ ཆོས་སྐྱོང་གསོན་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་གདན་འདྲེན་ཞུ་ཆེད་ས་སྐྱའྤྱི་དབུ་རེ་རྤྱིང་མར་ཕེབས་ཏེ་གུར་མགོན་གདན་འདྲེན་ཞུས་ཤྤྱིང་ལམ་བར་དུ་སྲུང་མ་ བ་རོར་ཐྤྱིམ་པའྤྱི་གཏམ་རྒྱུད་སྙན་མོ་ཞྤྱིག་བྱུང་། རེས་སུ་དགོན་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་གུར་མགོན་སྐུ་བརན་བཞེངས་སབས་བ་རོ་དྲོན་མོ་དེ་ཐུགས་གར་ བཞག་པས་མགོན་ཁང་བཀའ་གཉན་ཤྤྱིང་ལྷ་གསོན་པོ་ཐུགས་ཀ་དྲོན་པོ་ཞེས་རླུང་ལྟར་གགས། གུར་མགོན་རོ་རེ་ནག་པོ་ནྤྱི་སོན་སངས་རྒྱས་གཙུག་ཏོར་གྤྱི་བསྟན་པར་དགེ་སོང་ལེགས་ལྡན་་ནག་པོ་ཞེས་པ་ཡྤྱིན་ལ། ཕྤྱིས་སུ་ནག་པོ་དྲག་ པོ་སྐྱེས་སབས་ཕག་ན་རོ་རེ་ནག་པོ་འཁོར་དང་བཅས་པ་དམ་ལ་བཏགས་ཏེ་བཅོམ་ལྡན་འདས་ཀྤྱི་སན་སར་ནས་བསྟན་པ་བསྲུང་བར་ སོག་གྤྱི་སྙྤྱིང་པོ་ཕུལ་ནས་ཕོ་རྒྱུད་སྲུང་མའྤྱི་སེ་དཔོན་དུ་མངའ་མཛད། འདྤྱི་ལ་བཀའ་གཏེར་གྤྱི་བརྒྱུད་པ་གཉྤྱིས་བྱུང་བ་ལས་རོ་རེ་འཆང་ དང༌། བམ་ཟེ་མཆོག་སེད་ནས་དད་བེད་གོ་ཆ་ཡྤྱིས་བརྒྱུད་པ་ལོ་ཙཱ་བ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་བཟང་པོ། སོབ་དཔོན་རྤྱིན་པོ་ཆེའྤྱི་བརྒྱུད་པ་གཏེར་མ་ བཅས་ཡྤྱིན། གོང་འཁོད་སྙྤྱིང་དོན་བཞྤྱིན་ཤྤྱིང་ལས་ཁའྤྱི་དགོན་པའྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དང་། མགོན་པོ་ས་སྐྱ་ནས་དགོན་པར་གདན་འདྲེན་ཞུ་ཚུལ། མགོན་པོ་ གུར་གྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དང་བོད་ལ་གདན་འདྲེན་ཞུ་ཚུལ། དེ་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་ཆོས་བརྒྱུད་ཁག་གྤྱི་བཞེད་པ་སོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཐད་ལ་དཔྱད་པར་བ་རྒྱུ་ ཡྤྱིན། Rong-bo shing-las-kha bkra-shis chos-rdzong monastery was founded around 1356 AD by Rong-bo bla ma bsam-gtan rin-chen elder son of the Sa skya ‘khon lineage holder Rongchen mdo sde 'bum. There were more than thirty abbot successors (Tib. gDan-rabs) since Karing dpal-ldan chos-grags had established the dGe-lugs learning center and there were sixty nangso rulers (Tib. dpon-rabs) since the establishment of lower nang-so. Nang-so mgon-po went to the Sakya centre dBu rtse rnying ma and he invited Dharma protector mGon-po gur (Skt. Panjanata Mahakala) to his monastery. There is a story about the Dharma Protector merged into a stone on the way. Later on, at the time of erecting the statue of mGon-po gur, that warm stone was placed on the statue’s heart and thus the monastery of mGon-po gur was famously known as very strict and the statue as the living god of warm heart. mGon-po gur (Panjanata Mahakala) was previously a monk named Legs ldan nag po at the time of the buddha Usnisa. Later on when Panjarnata Mahakala took birth in the form of a ferocious being, then Vajrapani bound him along with his followers under oath to protect the Dharma in front of the Buddha. Thus he became the master of the protector of the father Tantra (Tib. pho rgyud ). There emerged two lineages: the lineage of bKa’ (Buddha’s word) started from Vajrapani and Vararuchi Brahmam to Shankar Varman, Lotsawa Rinchen Sangpo, the lineage of gTer (Hidden Treasure) started from Padmasambhava. In brief, I will analyse the history of Rong-bo shing-las-kha monastery, how mGonpo gur was invited to Rong-bo shing-las-kha monastery from Sakya monastery, a history of mGon-po gur and how he was invited to Tibet and the related accounts on the various perspectives of Tibetan Buddhist traditions. 29 The Transformation of Guru Rinpoché: Redactions and Adaptations of the First Padmasambhava Biography Lewis Doney (Freie Universität Berlin, Germany) The earliest example of Padmasambhava’s full-length biography is the Zangs gling ma (ZL) by Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer (1124–1192). Previous analysis of ZL exemplars indicated that there were three recensions, ZL1, ZL2 and ZL3. Of these, ZL3 represents the earliest attested recension. This discovery sheds new light on the other recensions, which seem to have been redacted to mirror later trends of increasing piety in Buddhist historiography after the twelfth century. These trends necessitated the creation of altered images of Padmasambhava. Such transformations will be the focus of this presentation. ZL3 appears to be the basis for the famous Padma bka’ thang by O rgyan gling pa (b. 1323), but here the narrative is greatly expanded (especially the narrative preceding Padmasambhava’s invitation to Tibet). ZL2 is found word for word in a work by Ratna gling pa (Rin chen dpal bzang po, 1403–1478), which (as Anne-Marie Blondeau already suggested) raises the issue of why ZL was taken wholesale as the basis of this biography, why it was altered and by whom. Parts of ZL1 concur with the bKa’ thang gSer phreng by Sangs rgyas gling pa (1340–1396) against ZL2 and ZL3 (and the dependant Padma bka’ thang), whereas at other points the gSer phreng accords with the Padma bka’ thang. Did ZL1 influence the gSer phreng or vice versa, and why did Sangs rgyas gling pa choose to diverge from the Padma bka’ thang? This paper attempts to address these questions, and thereby fit newly discovered recensions of the ZL biography within a chronology of Tibetan historiography, assessing their varying impacts on fourteenth and fifteenth-century examples of the Padma-vita genre. 30 bKa’ brgyud treasure and rNying ma revealer: the Sras mkhar ma of Mar pa Lo tsā ba Cecile Ducher (EPHE, Paris) Among the writings of the founder of the bKa’ brgyud schools Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (11th century), one finds a mysterious collection of fifteen texts called the Cycles of the Six Doctrines from Sras mkhar. These so-called “scrolls” are representative of Mar pa’s teachings, as they are sādhanas of his major tantric transmissions and instructions on the six doctrines coming from Nāropā. What is remarkable about them is that they have been compiled by Kong sprul Blo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899) in his mammoth collection of gter ma, the Rin chen gter mdzod.1 The reason for this inclusion is that the fifteen scrolls are one of the rare cases of “bKa’ brgyud treasures”: They were hidden by Mar pa and retrieved five generations later, by Gu ru Chos dbang (1212–1270), who Kong sprul considers one of the five “treasurerevealer kings.” These texts are fascinating on various accounts. First, as gter mas hidden by Mar pa, they shed a different light on this tradition generally associated with the rNying ma school of Tibetan Buddhism. Second, the guide composed by Chos dbang and the index and autobiographical introduction by Mar pa provide rare first-hand information on Mar pa’s life and on the decades after his demise at Sras mkhar, his residence in Southern Tibet. Third, they prod interesting questions on transmission, as they did not play a large role in the bKa’ brgyud lineage, despite being Nāropā’s mind quintessence and Mar pa’s direct teachings. I will therefore explore in this presentation the bKa’ brgyud pa’s tradition of treasures, the history of this collection and its ramifications on our knowledge of the early bKa’ brgyud lineage. 1 “rJe btsun mar pa lo tsā’i gdams pa chos drug sras mkhar ma’i skor rnams.” 31 How Tibetan People Cognize Yak― Study on Lexicons for cognizing Yaks in Amdo Tibet Shiho Ebihara (ILCAA, TUFS, Japan) Generally, individual ethnic groups have folk vocabularies that are deeply related to their lives. For example, Inuit is known to have hundreds of words for categorizing snow, while Japanese is known to have different words for the same fish at different stages of its growth. These lexical categorizations reflect the field in which each ethnic group takes a great interest (see Sapir 1929). In the case of Tibet, Tibetan nomads have a systematic way of referring to livestock according to sex, age, and physical features (i.e., colors and patterns of fur, shapes of horns). Though Tibetan has an extensive vocabulary for livestock, as far as I know, no detailed studyhas yet been conducted on it. The current study applies linguistic analysis to data from Golok and Tsekok to reveal the systematic terminology for cognizing Yaks in Amdo Tibetan.Through this systematic terminology, we can begin to understand the cognition of Tibetan speakers, accumulated in a long time of the traditional nomadic life. Reference Sapir, E. "The Status of Linguistics as a Science,", Language 5:207–214, 1929. 32 On a Buddhist Polemical Exchange between Tibetan and Mongolian Scholars Erdenebaatar Erdene-Ochir (UCSB) This paper explores highlights from my broader research on a textual study of a serial polemical exchange carried out among Tibetan and Mongolian Geluk scholars who resided mainly in Labrang Monastery, the largest monastery in Tibetan Amdo region, and in Yeke Küriy-e or Urga, the largest monastic center in Mongolia, in the 18th and 19th centuries. What I find interesting about this particular inter-Geluk polemics, which in fact took place within one yigcha tradition, is that consecutive generations of Tibetan and Mongolian scholars took part in this exchange, attempting to defend the positions of previous generations within the frame of the Geluk interpretation of Madhyamaka. I also hope that this study will contribute to a broader understanding of how the Buddhism in Tibet and its philosophical discussions have influenced intellectual histories of its neighboring nations. Changkya Rölpé Dorjé (1717–1786), a famous scholar of the Geluk school, composed a short but influential work on a Buddhist Madhyamaka interpretation, namely A Song on the Profound View, Recognizing the Mother (Lta ba’i mgur zab mo a ma ngos ‘dzin). On this text, Reting Trülku Lozang Tenpa Rapgyé (1759–1815) composed an explanatory commentary, A Commentary of the Song on the View, the Sun Which Makes the Fortunate Lotus Blossom (Lta ba’i nyams mgur ’grel ba skal ldan pad ma bzhad pa’i nyin byed), in accordance with a Geluk Tantric interpretation of Madhyamaka, and this commentary became the basis for the polemical exchanges that I would like to explore. Criticisms of this commentary are said to have come out. 33 Paremia in Contemporary Tibetan Literature Franz Xaver Erhard (Universität Leipzig) “Proverbs are the palm-oil with which words are eaten.” 1 This expression by well-known Nigerian writer Chinua Achebe as well describes the appreciation of proverbs and sayings in Tibet. Throughout Tibetan literary history and across all genres, examples of Tibetan paremia can be identified. In contemporary literary texts, as well, proverbial expressions are frequently encountered. They fulfil a number of different functions on various levels of the text. In my presentation, I will first give a rough outlook on the genre of Tibetan proverbs and then present a selection of phraseologisms taken from the literary works of well-known Tibetan contemporary writers including Döndrub Gyel and Tsering Döndrub. In analysing a few examples, I will demonstrate some important functions of Tibetan paremia in contemporary literary texts, such as social guidance, actualization of tradition, ambiguation of nonconformist elements, and achievement of Tibetaness. 1 Chinua Achebe, Things Fall Apart (London: Heinemann, 1958), 5. 34 The Dehua Inscription of 766 – a Reading into Tibetan diplomacy Emanuela Garatti (Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München) In the international context of Central and East Asia in modern times, the Tibetan Empire maintained diplomatic relations with all its neighbours. One of these was the Nanzhao Kingdom (Ch. 南詔, Tib. 'Jang), a state formed in the first half of the 8th century located between the Tibetan Empire and the Chinese Tang dynasty. While the dates of embassies and the names of the parties involved are generally known, the modalities with which the Tibetans used to deal with foreigners remain quite obscure; this is the result of a lack of documents. In this context, the Dehua Stele (Ch. 德化碑) erected in 766, today in Dali, Yunnan, is an exceptionally useful epigraphic document, in particular in the understanding of how the Tibetans entertained their international correspondents during the imperial period. This inscription, written in Chinese, presents a series of interesting and valuable details concerning the relationship between the Tibetan Empire, under the reign of Khri Lde-gtsug-brtsan and the Nanzhao with its ruler, Geluofeng 閣羅鳳. The Dehua Inscription gives interesting details about titles and symbolic objects granted by the Tibetan btsan-po to the king of Yunnan that show the presence of practices that are generally not associated with Tibet. The goal of this paper is to show how Tibetan diplomatic practices integrated foreign elements, in particular those from Chinese culture. In serving this aim, I will examine the text of the Dehua Stele and combine this with a reading of Tibetan Dunhuang documents, particularly the Old Tibetan Chronicle which speaks about the relations between the Tibetan Empire and the Nanzhao ruler. Additionally I draw on passages from Chinese historiographical texts such as the old and new Book of Tang and the imperial Encyclopaedias, Cefu yuangui 冊府元龜 and Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑 in order to examine which typical Chinese diplomatic features were also applied within the Tibetan Empire. 35 The Pachakshiri bca’ yig: rules and regulations for public guidance. Kerstin Grothmann (Humboldt University Berlin) The paper will present an example of a non-monastic bca’ yig titled “The regulations for public guidance ‘What to adopt and discard by people’ or the new decree ‘Country filled with light’”. The text describes how the hidden land of Pachakshiri, situated on the southern slopes of the Eastern Himalaya, apparently from the mid-eighteenth century onwards was discovered and explored by Buddhist masters, who in their interaction with the landscape, the realm of non-human forces (such as demons, spirits, gods), and the indigenous people, transformed the natural environment into a dwelling place that thereafter gradually was colonised by various people from Eastern Bhutan and the Tibetan plateau. These migrants established a single society, known today as the Memba of Mechukha (Arunachal Pradesh, India). This quasiconstitutional text further formulates principles and guidelines by which the community should be organised and governed, or which each resident should adhere to, in order to conduct an appropriate lifestyle. By providing an overview of the bca’ yig’s content and an account of the circumstance of how the present copy of the text came into existence, the paper will demonstrate that, although the text conveys the impression, it should not be treated as an account providing accurate historical facts about Pachakshiri’s exploration and colonisation, as the Membas themselves and some local Indian publication do. The text, as I argue, rather is to think of as an account illustrating how today’s Memba community imagines the establishment of the political and cultural territory, and how they perceive their role as the idealised society entrusted with the task to preserve the values of Tibetan culture and pass them on to further generations. However, political changes during the second half of the 20th century made it increasingly harder for the Membas to maintain their role and the valley as a hidden land, and the paper will briefly discuss reasons, which prevent the Membas from using the bca’ yig as a document, in order to substantiate their territorial claims and assume their rights, thus being able to meet their obligations. 36 Taxation in Shel dkar District: Obligation, Collection and Administration Kalsang Norbu Gurung (University of Bonn) There are several publications (e.g. Surkhang 1966 & 1986; Goldstein 1971; Bod ljongs spyi bshad 1991; Levine 1992) which enlighten us with many important issues about the taxation system during the period of dGa’ ldan pho brang rule in Tibet. However, the comprehensive history of taxation in Tibet cannot be complete without studying archival materials. In this paper I therefore will explore archival materials (www.dtab.uni-bonn.de) of dGa’ ldan pho brang to investigate how the government taxation was administered and collected in Shel dkar district, then a part of gTsang in Tibet. As a primary source, I will look at the list of arable fields and nomad’s lands recorded in the Shel dkar land settlement (Shel dkar khul gyi zhib gzhung, Bonn archive ID 0013_SBB6636). This land settlement became the most important manual to be used for the dGa’ ldan pho brang government taxation since it was issued in 1830 as a part of the Iron-Tiger land settlement. I will examine the recorded list in comparison with other documents; for an instance, a record of tax payment cleared receipts “gtsang ’dzin” (see Bonn archive ID 0028_SBB6651). The gtsang ’dzin is a document that testifies the full payment of tax, lease, loan and so on, either issued to an individual taxpayer/leaseholder or kept in an authorised office of the tax administration. Through this presentation, I hope to clarify issues like how tax obligation in record may actually differ from the actual tax collection, and what was its influence upon the administration of taxation. The present study on taxation in Shel dkar district may also help to answer some historical questions like how the tax obligation and tax ratio were administered in other districts in Central Tibet. 37 The analytic research and collection of archaic Tibetan terminologies from the different regions of Himalayan Ranges (Ladakh) Palden Gyamtso (Specialized Researcher at the Department of education, CTA) འདས་པའྤྱི་ལོ་ངོ་བཞྤྱིའྤྱི་རྤྱིང་བདག་ལ་དགས་ཕོགས་ཀྤྱི་གེ་དང་།ཟངས་དཀར།བང་ཐང་། ནུབ་རྭ། སལ་ཏྤྱི། ཀུ་ལུ་སོགས་བོད་ཀྤྱི་ཡྤྱིག་སོད་ བཞྤྱིན་པའྤྱི་ས་ཁུལ་མྤྱི་འདྲ་བ་བརྒྱ་ལྷག་ལ་དངོས་སུ་བསྐྱོད་ནས་ངག་ཐོག་གྤྱི་བར་རྤྱིང་མྤྱིང་ཚིག་ལྔ་སྟོང་ལྷག་འཚོལ་བསྡུ་དང་དེ་དག་རེ་ རེ་བཞྤྱིན་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བས་ཡོད། ལ་དགས་ཕོགས་ཀྤྱི་དམངས་ཁོད་དུ་གནའ་བོའྤྱི་བན་བོན་གཉྤྱིས་ཀྤྱི་ཆོས་ལུགས་དང་ཡུལ་སོལ་གོམས་གཤྤྱིས་མཐའ་ཡས་པ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡོད་པ་ མ་ཟད།ད་དུང་སྟོན་བཤད་དང་གྤྱིང་སྒྲུང་། མདའ་བཤད། ཁ་ཤགས། གཏམ་དཔེ་སོགས་བར་རྤྱིང་གྤྱི་འབྱུང་ཁུངས་ཀང་མཐའ་ཡས་པ་ ཞྤྱིག་ཡོད། བར་རྤྱིང་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བརྒྱུད་ནས་དམངས་ཁོད་ངག་ཐོག་རོམ་རྤྱིག་གྤྱི་རྤྱིན་ཐང་དང་སྒྱུ་རལ་མཐའ་ཡས་པ་ཞྤྱིག་ལ་ཡང་རྒྱུས་ ལོན་དང་གོ་བ་ཟབ་མོ་ལེན་ཐུབ། ངས་བར་རྤྱིང་ལྔ་སྟོང་ལྷག་འདུས་པའྤྱི་ཚིག་མཛོད་ཅྤྱིག་འབྤྱི་བཞྤྱིན་ཡོད་ལ་བར་རྤྱིང་གྤྱི་མྤྱིང་ཚིག་རེ་རེར་དམངས་ཁོད་ཀྤྱི་གོ་བ་ལེན་ སྟངས་མྤྱི་འདྲ་བ་ཁག་ལ་འགེལ་བཤད་བས་ཡོད། དེ་བཞྤྱིན་བར་རྤྱིང་རེ་རེས་ངག་ཐོག་རོམ་རྤྱིག་ཁོད་དུ་ཤུགས་རེན་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་ཐེབས་མྤྱིན་ སོགས་ཀྤྱི་སོར་ལའང་ཁ་གསལ་དང་ཞྤྱིབ་ཚགས་ངང་བྤྱིས་བཞྤྱིན་ཡོད། ཐ་མར་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་གྤྱི་ལས་གཞྤྱི་འདྤྱི་ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་སད་བར་རྤྱིག་པ་དང་འབེལ་ནས་སྤྱི་ཡོངས་ལ་གཤྤྱིབ་བསྡུར་དང་དོགས་སོང་མཉམ་དུ་ བས་ཡོད།ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱི་རྒྱུད་དུ་བོད་ཀྤྱི་སད་ཡྤྱིག་བཀོད་སོད་བེད་མཁན་གྤྱི་ས་ཁུལ་དང་མྤྱི་རྤྱིགས་འདྲ་མྤྱིན་སུམ་བརྒྱ་ལ་ཉེ་བ་ཡོད་ལ། དེ་ནྤྱི་ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་སད་བར་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིག་འཇུག་གྤྱི་ཁབ་ཁོངས་ཆེ་ཤོས་ཤྤྱིག་ཡྤྱིན་པའྤྱི་སོར་གསལ་བོར་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བས་ཡོད། དེར་ བརྟེན། བདག་གྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་འདྤྱིས་གཞོན་སྐྱེས་བོད་ཀྤྱི་སད་བར་རྤྱིག་པ་བ་དག་ལ་ཐུགས་ཕན་སོས་པའྤྱི་རེ་བ་ཡོད། For the past four years, I have travelled extensively and collected more than five thousands raw oral archaic terminologies from the different regions of Himalayan Ranges (Ladakh). I had had public and personal interaction with few thousands of people from these regions (Leh, Zanskar, Baltistan,Lahaul, Spiti, Ngari, Nubra valley, Kulu and etc.) with different social backgrounds and closely observed their Tibetan originated spoken language and its hidden terminologies and other special archaic words. As a result, I came to know that there are huge number of oral Tibetan literature sources like the epic of king Gesar, folk stories, old proverbs, comedies and even wedding and archery folk songs are also purely preserved and kept on passing from generation to generation. Moreover, in these regions, Tibetan Buddhism and Bon religion took a crucial role to preserve religious terminologies throughout the centuries. This study of Tibetan old terminologies in these regions will help to build the comprehensive understanding of past oral literature and its visible and invisible changes. 38 The Religious Controversy Between mKhas grub rJe and Ngor chen: Its Representation and Role in Tibetan Biographical Writing Jörg Heimbel (University of Hamburg) In the first half of the 15th century, religious controversies emerged over the authenticity of the Hevajra body maṇḍala practice between Tsong kha pa’s disciple mKhas grub rJe dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) and adherents of the Sa skya pa order such as the famous tantric expert and founder of Ngor monastery, Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456). One direct outcome of these heated controversies was a travel ban issued by Sa skya for her own scholars. However, the impact of these controversies was to have even more far-reaching consequences, as they contributed to the widening sectarian division between followers of the Sa skya pa on the one hand and the emerging dGe lugs pa on the other. For instance, for enthusiasts of the latter, Ngor chen became a beloved target for heavy critic and so it is not surprising to find disparaging portrayals of him in the related dGe lugs pa literature. Against this background, I like to sketch the hisorical context in which those controversies took place, look at their representation in Tibetan literature, and show that Tibetan biographical writing played an important role in the process of sectarian formation and identity building. 39 ’Brug chen II rGya dbang Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (1428–1476) and His Activities in Bhutan Haoran Hou (University of Leipzig) This paper is a study of an eminent 15th century ’Brug pa master rGya dbang Kun dga’ dpal ’byor. He was born to the tenth generation of rGya clan and held the 13th chief hierarch of the Rwa lung monastery. He was identified as the rebirth of gTsang pa rgyas ras ye shes rdo rje (1161–1211), the founder of the ’Brug pa bka’ brgyud tradition, of the Indian Mahāsiddha Nāropa and ultimately of Avalokiteśvara. It is upon his model that the 5th Dalai Lama constructed the theory that the Dalai Lamas were the incarnations of that bodhisattva. During his tenure, Bhutan or more precisely the “Southern Land” (lho yul) arose to be an important source of patronage for Tibetan Buddhist entities. The throne holder visited Bhutan for at least three times and traveled widely from Bum thang in the west to sPa gro in the east. In cooperation with his chief follower Drung drung from the powerful aristocratic clan Hum ral descended from Pha jo ’Brug sgom Zhig po (1184–1251) of the rGya clan, he established a great number of religious centers in that country and involved himself in the secular affairs of the local ruling families. By this means, Kun dga’ dpal ’byor played a pivotal role in disseminating the ’Brug pa teachings, extending the holdings of the sect and expanding its political influence in Bhutan. His activities was in many ways the prerequisite for the successful implementation of the ’Brug pa rulership during the unification effort of the great Zhabs drung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (1594–1651), which led to the emergence of Bhutan as a nation state in the 17th century. 40 The Inner Autohagiographies as Understood by Karma Chags med Miroslav Hrdina (University of Bonn) The genre of hagiography (rnam thar) plays a significant role in the corpus of the Tibetan literature. Despite the schematic pathos frequently shaping the structure of the rnam thars, they remain diverse in both frame and content. While the hagiographical texts generally tend to be classified as outer (phyi), inner (nang) secret (gsang) and very secret (yang gsang), the distinction is not utterly rigid. One of the advanced life writers elaborating on this structure was a prominent 17th century Karma bKa’ brgyud lama, Karma Chags med (1608–1678). Working with his hagiographical corpus as part of my on‐going dissertation, I will focus here on some of his previously unstudied inner autohagiographies. The biographical section of the most recent edition of Chags med’s gsung ’bum consists of 24 texts covering almost his entire life. The majority of the texts are executed in meticulous yet vivid style and the authorship is often ascribed to Chags med himself. The hagiographies were assorted already by the author into the above‐mentioned categories of outer, inner, secret and very secret. However, Chags med classified some of his texts as conduct (spyod), and suchness (de kho na nyid) hagiographies as well. My paper will examine two of the inner autohagiographies, which cover 13 years of the later part of Chags med’s life. The scrutinized texts are complemented in the gsung ’bum by outer autohagiographies narrating about the same time period. Comparing the frame and content of both pairs, I will explore the dividing line between outer and inner hagiography as understood by Chags med. Juxtaposing the text with the classical rnam thar topoi, the paper will further underline some of the distinguishing features of Chags med’s life writing. 41 The Relationship between Monasteries in the Pājo Region (the eastern part of Amdo) and the Qing Dynasty in the early Qing Period Yoko Ikejiri (Toyo Bunko) [Background] Tibet and the Qing dynasty had already contacted each other at the very beginning of the Qing dynasty when its headquaters still existed in Manchuria. As many preceding studies have already pointed out, the Emperor Hongtaiji erected several Tibetan Buddhist temples in the capital (Mukden) and attempted to invite the 5th Dalai Lama there. The persons in charge of such activities were Tibetan Buddhist monks who enjoyed the confidence of Hongtaiji. As a matter of course, it is significant to clarify the influence of these monks upon the policies of the Qing dynasty concerning Tibetan Buddhism during the crucial period as the dawning of the Qing-Tibet relation. However, even the background of these monks still remains unclarified. [Aim and Method] This paper aims to clarify the background of the monks who took active parts in policies of the Qing dynasty and analyze their roles in the Qing-Tibet relation in the early Qing period. To attain these objectives, this paper mainly uses the following three types of historical document: [1] official documents written in Manchu such as Lifanyuan Tiben, [2] history books on Amdo such as sKu 'bum gdan rabs, mDo smad chos 'byung and dPag sams ljon bzang, and [3] biographies of Tibetan Buddhist lamas which were written by the early 18th century at the latest. Especially some contemporaneous Manchu official documents published in recent years are remarkably beneficial to this study. [Result] This paper proves that the monks, who took active parts in policies of Qing dynasty concerning Tibetan Buddhism, had an intimate relationship with some monasteries in Pājo region (the eastern part of Amdo), i.e., some of them were founders of these monasteries, and others were from there. They played a leading role in the Qing's Tibetan Buddhist society until the end of the 17th century (i.e., until the appearance of lCang skya Ⅱ Nga dbang blo bzang chos ldan). As a result of the valuable activities of the previous Pājo monkshood, the Qing dynasty continued to emphasize the importance of Amdo monks like reincarnations of lCang skya. 42 The Disciplinarian in Tibetan Monasteries: his Role and his Rules Berthe Jansen (Leiden University, Heidelberg University) I never saw a master of discipline in the lamaseries wearing a delightful smile. More often they seemed to be the type of tormentors that might step out of a picture of the Eighteen Buddhist Hells (Schram, 1954: 374) The word dge skos, most commonly translated ‘disciplinaria’, occurs in the Kṣudrakavastu of the Mūlasarvāstivāda vinaya, the Vinayasūtra, and the Mahāvyutpatti as a translation for the Sanskrit upadhivārika. The Tibetan term, which is not a literal translation from the Sanskrit, may be short for dge bar skos pa; he who establishes [others] in virtue, or he who is established in virtue. In the Indic context, the term is translated as ‘supervisor’ or ‘provost’ of the monastery. He is in charge of the material possessions of the Sangha and in the Kṣudrakavastu his task is to beat the dust out of cloth seats. In Tibetan-ruled Dunhuang, the dge skos appears to have been in charge of loaning out grains from the temple granary against interest. The connection of the dge skos to the maintenance of discipline appears exclusively in later Tibetan sources. The disciplinarian (dge skos/dge bskos/ chos khrims pa/ zhal ngo) plays an important role in the monastic guidelines (bca’ yig) as in most cases he is the one who implements the rules described in these works. This paper is an exploration of the role of this crucial figure in Tibetan monasteries and the way he is described in various sources, mostly stemming from between the 14th and the 20th centuries. 43 Evolution and Philosophy of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana Jigme Lodoe (Institute of Buddhist Dialectics, Dharamsala, India) 1. Evolution of the philosophy of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana. 2. Where did this term originate, India or Tibet? Which scholar coined it? 3. What is the meaning of the term ‘Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana’? The Crossed Lion Necks and the Four Tibetan Buddhist Traditions: 4. 5. 6. 7. Nyingma School’s concept of the Crossed Lion Neck Madhyamaka and Pramana. Kagyu School’s concept of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana. Sakya School’s concept of Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana. Geluk School’s concept of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana. Characteristics of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana: 8. What are the characteristics of the philosophy of the Crossed Lion Necks of Madhyamaka and Pramana or the union of the Madhyamaka and Pramana? 9. Do other Buddhist Schools of Thought other than Tibetan Buddhism (such as Japan, China, or Korea) also have the tradition of the Crossed Lion Necks? There is probably no one who carried out thorough research on these topics in the past. Tibetan scholars often use the term and speak about its great importance during their daily lecture and teaching sessions. However, the general public not only rarely understands its real meaning, but mostly is unfamiliar with this term. Thus, I consider it very important to conduct comprehensive research on this subject. ༡། དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་ཞེས་པའྤྱི་ལྟ་གྲུབ་ཀྤྱི་བྱུང་རྤྱིམ། ༢། དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་ཞེས་པའྤྱི་ཐ་སྙད་འདྤྱི་ཉྤྱིད་རྒྱ་བོད་གང་ནས་གགས་སོལ་བྱུང་བ་དང་མཁས་པ་སུས་གསར་བཟོ་མཛད་པ། ༣། དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་ཞེས་པའྤྱི་ཐ་ད་དེའྤྱི་གོ་དནོ ་ཇྤྱི་ཡྤྱིན། དབུ་ཚད་སེང་ེ མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་དང་བོད་ཀྤྱི་ཆོས་བརྒྱུད་ཆེན་པོ་བཞྤྱི། ༤། དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་དུ་འགོ་ཚུལ་ལ་ས་འགྱུར་རྤྱིང་མ་བས་འགེལ་བཤད་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་བེད་ཚུལ། ༥། ་་་ མཉམ་མེད་བཀའ་བརྒྱུད་པས་འགེལ་བཤད་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་བེད་ཚུལ། ༦། ་་་ དཔལ་ས་སྐྱ་པས་འགེལ་བཤད་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་བེད་ཚུལ། ༧། ་་་ རྤྱི་བོ་དགེ་ལྡན་པས་འགེལ་བཤད་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་བེད་ཚུལ། དབུ་ཚད་སེང་ེ མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་གྤྱི་ཁད་ཆོས། ༨། དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་ལམ་དབུ་ཚད་ཟུང་སེལ་གྤྱི་ལྟ་གྲུབ་ལ་ཁད་ཆོས་ཅྤྱི་ཞྤྱིག་ཡོད་མེད། ༩། མཁན་ཆེན་ཞྤྱི་འཚོ་ཡབ་སརས་ཀྤྱིས་སོལ་གཏོད་མཛད་པའྤྱི་དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་གྤྱི་ལམ་སོལ་དེ་བོད་བརྒྱུད་སངས་རྒྱས་ཆོས་ ལུགས་ལས་ གཞན་པའྤྱི་ནང་ཆོས་བརྒྱུད་ [ཉྤྱི་ཧོང་དང་རྒྱ་ནག ཀོ་རྤྱི་ཡ་སོགས།] འཛན་པའྤྱི་བ་མཐའ་གཞན་ལ་ཡོད་མེད། གོང་གསལ་བརོད་གཞྤྱིའྤྱི་ཐད་སོན་ཆད་ཞྤྱིབ་ཚགས་ཀྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བེད་མཁན་ཕལ་ཆེར་མ་བྱུང་བར་སང་ཞྤྱིང་། བོད་ཀྤྱི་མཁས་པ་ཕལ་མོ་ ཆེས་རྒྱུན་ལྡན་ གཏམ་བཤད་དང་བཀའ་ཁྤྱི་སོགས་ཀྤྱི་སབས་སུ་དབུ་ཚད་སེངེ་མཇྤྱིང་བསོལ་ཞེས་པའྤྱི་ཐ་སྙད་འདྤྱི་ཉྤྱིད་ཡང་ཡང་བེད་ སོད་ཀྤྱིས་ལྟ་གྲུབ་འདྤྱི་གལ་ཆེན་ཡྤྱིན་པའྤྱི་སོར་རྒྱུན་དུ་གསུང་བཞྤྱིན་ཡོད་མོད། མྤྱི་མང་སྤྱི་ཡོངས་ཁོད་ལྟ་གྲུབ་ཀྤྱི་ནང་དོན་ཤེས་མཁན་ དཀོན་པ་ཙམ་མ་ཟད་ཐ་སྙད་ཙམ་ཡང་རྒྱུས་ཡོད་ མཁན་དཀོན་པར་སང་བས་བརོད་དོན་འདྤྱིར་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བ་རྒྱུ་ཤྤྱིན་ཏུ་གལ་ཆེར་ མཐོང་བཞྤྱིན་ཡོད། 44 Ladakhi and Tibetan Architecture: A Study Kalsang Jinpa (The Dalai Lama Institute) This study is primarily about architectural genesis of dwellings and temples in Ladakh and Tibet, and the changes that shaped the use of material, color and design due to historical, cultural and environmental issues that emerged over time. The study deals with the subject from eight different angles in an effort to give a comprehensive picture to the reader. They are: I. Similarities and differences of using stone in construction of dwelling in Ladakh and Tibet; II. A historical perspective between these two countries regarding their architectural background and how each influenced the other over time; III. The choice of place, function and safely issues and how these considerations were influenced by their way of life, religion and culture; IV. The choice of material and changes that took place in the construction of dwellings and places of worship in olden times to the present; V. The shape and design of buildings and their symbolism based on religion and culture which were major considerations for constructions; VI. VII. The use of color within and without buildings and their significance; The purpose and function of buildings and forts on the border areas for defense and protection; VIII. The study, through analysis, gives a proper picture of the architectural development of Ladakh and Tibet-down the ages-underlining the similarities and differences. In conclusion, the writer, in order to provide a true picture on the subject, did a lot of research going through documents and materials available in libraries, monasteries and offices of these places; met and consulted with various scholars in Ladakh and other places in India. And most importantly, spent considerable time visiting and observing as many dwelling, monasteries, temples and other buildings as possible in Ladakh and Tibet, and systematically noting down observations and experiences for study. 45 The Amdo Renaissance: statistical study of intellectual activities in 18–19th century Amdo Hanung Kim (Harvard University) Amdo has been an important entity for keeping the Tibetan culture flourishing and its transmission to the outside world since very earlier periods. Tibetan empire’s occupation of Amdo made imperial power to be felt and checked by other polities in Asia of the time. After demise of the empire, Amdo became one of sources for revival of Tibetan Buddhism by preserving one of vinaya lineages. Amdo also played a role of a meeting place between Tibetans and Mongols in the times of the Mongolian empire, and the region had always been involved in Tibetan-Mongolian relations since then. However, no other period has witnessed evolution of Amdo’s own cultural and intellectual initiations in a greater scale than development experienced by Amdo in 17th-19th Centuries. This paper deals with one aspect of this development: compilations of “collected works (Tib. gsung ‘bum)” as an intellectual activity. An argument of this study is rather simple: Amdo began to produce more gsung ‘bums than other culturally Tibetan areas did from a certain time during the 18th Century and finally took a leading role of it in the 19th Century. It is certain that the development involved a variety of other socio-cultural phenomena such as economic development and burgeoning of monasticism of the area. However, as a preliminary work for my further project of Amdo studies, this paper is only focusing on statistical studies of numerical data of extant gsung ‘bums of as many culturally Tibetan areas as possible to corroborate my argument. The study also sheds light on a structural transformation of the arrangement of volumes inside each gsung ‘bum by diachronic comparison of subjects of gsung ‘bums along with the transition to the Amdo region. In so doing, this study highlights significance of Amdo not only as a cultural successor of Tibetan civilization but also as an initiator of its own cultural evolution under the particular circumstance of the 18-19th Centuries, all the developments of which I would like to call “the Amdo Renaissance.” 46 A Series of Dismissals in the Tibetan Government in 1790 Yuri Komatsubara (Meiji University) In 1790, after Tibet had made peace with the Nepalese Gurkha kingdom, which had attacked the Gtsang-district of Tibet in 1788 (the first Tibet-Gurkha war),five administration officials were dismissed from their posts in theTibetan government: two Ambans (the Qing ambassadors), the brothers of the eighth Dalai Lama, and Rje-drung hothogtu. Although these dismissals occurred aroundthe same period, previous studieshave not recognized their relatedness. What was the basis for them? Why did the Emperor Qianlong dismiss these individuals? I contend that the dismissals were strongly connected. In addition, these political events took place in the period between the first and second Tibet-Gurkha wars, that is, in a period of transition during which the Qing reconsidered its policy towards Tibet. I suspect that these dismissals had a dramatic effect on the Qing’s new policy towards Tibet. The purpose of this study is to analyze these dismissals by examining correspondences in the form of Manchu letters between the Ambans and the emperor,and to clarify the state of Tibetan politics. I also examine the expected role of the Ambans under the emperor at that time. Three points become clear from these analyses. First, there were competing power circles in Tibetan politics, including not only the rivalry between the Ambans but also between the Ambans and others. Second, the Emperor Qianlong dismissed the five administration officials because they did not respect and get along with the Dalai Lama. However, the emperor also cautioned them not to follow the Dalai Lama’s teachings blindly. Third, the emperor required the Ambans to maintain a balance between their two roles―as deputies of the Qing emperor, who was the guardian of dgelug-pa, and as delegates of the Qing in charge of implementing policy across Tibet. 47 Beautification of the Self in Lhasa– Body and Beauty Practices in Contemporary Tibet Anne Kukuczka (Free University Berlin) During the last two decades shopping malls, gyms, beauty parlours, nail studios, and lately a plastic surgery clinic have turned into highly visible places in Lhasa’s urban cityscape. Their rise indicates a growing beauty industry, which can be conceptualised as part of an emerging distinct leisure culture as well as new cultures of consumption. These developments are embedded in broader state‐driven processes of economic transformation and urbanisation that continue to shape the experiences of Tibetans in the TAR. With an associated growing industry, beauty is increasingly available in Lhasa as a commodity ready to be purchased. Simultaneously, at places where new lifestyle options are put into practice, the body and its modification are at centre stage. Following Koo and Reischer (2004) who define the body as a socio‐cultural and historical phenomenon, a site for resistance as well as the performance of gender, I argue that the body is crucial in the construction of modern Tibetan selves. Based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out in 2011–12 and 2014–15 I explore how Tibetan women in contemporary Lhasa engage in crafting (new) desired selves through the adoption, rejection and modification of certain body and beauty practices. By asking: How do urban women engage in (new) beauty practices and what do they consider beautiful? Who makes use of new facilities and why? And, who is providing services in these places? I aim to shed light on complex and at times contradictory processes of subject formation. Special attention is paid to the interplay of beauty, body, gender and consumption. One central aspiration is to show how individuals exercise agency through their choices and meaningful interpretations of beauty and body practices. Thus, Tibetans are agents of socio‐cultural changes, rather than mere receivers. This research contributes towards a more nuanced understanding of the complexities and ambivalences encountered by Tibetan residents of Lhasa in negotiations of multiple and contested desires and interests. 48 History and current state of Sakya school in Northern Bhutan Seiji Kumagai (Kyoto University) [Background] The leading Buddhist schools in Bhutan now areundoubtedly the 'Brug pa bka' brgyud school and the Rnying ma pa school. However, we must not forget that various schools such as the Sa skya pa school and Dge lugs pa school also existed from around the 13thcentury, i.e., during the “second missionary period” (bstan pa phyi dar) in Tibetan Cultural Area. So, what happened to the other schools' influences in Bhutan which are now seemingly absent? I already introduced the history and current situation of Sa skya pa school in western Bhutan in relation to Tibetan Sa skya pa. And recently I recovered unmistable remnants of medieval Sa skya pa establishments in northern Bhutan. [Aim] The objective of this paper is to clarify the history and current situation of the Sa skya pa school in Bhutan by based on the evidence of their existence in Western Bhutan and Northern Bhutan. [Method] The paper analyzes historical descriptions of Bhutanese Sa skya pa school in traditional Bhutanese chronicles. The paper also introduces the current situation of the following three old Sa skya pa monasteries in Northern Bhutan which I have investigatedsince2013using both textual and oral sources of information. 1. Ri tshog dgon pa (Goenshari district in Punakha prefecture) 2. Dol ma can (Goenshari district in Punakha prefecture) 3. Thed chos sding dgon pa (Damji district in Gasa prefecture) [Result] This paper proves that the tradition of the Sa skya pa school continued to exist until recently in several monasteries in Bhutan. However, the Sa skya pa monks returned to Tibet during or just after the Tibet Rebellion (1959), and with that the entire Sa skya pa tradition ended in Bhutan, leaving only the physical remains of the monasteries themselves .I also found the fact that there were several root Sa skya pa temples in Bhutan with each of them having several branch temples. 49 Contemporary Tibetan Funeral Rites Kunsel Palmo (University of Oslo) Rituals are repeated because they are expected to have transformative power.1 This presentation intends to present the forming of contemporary Tibetan funeral rites is a process of transition. Among Tibetan communities in contemporary Lhasa, standardized mortuary traditions are accepted and voluntarily practiced by ordinary Tibetans. A proper performance of a funeral according to the prescribed tradition is considered to be of paramount importance in Lhasa. Buddhist concepts of reincarnation, causation and merit transference are accepted by most Tibetans, and they are the fundamental theoretical basis of the funeral conduct. However, the mortuary traditions in Lhasa and people’s concepts of death do not constitute static, coherent, Buddhist unity. Rituals and practices grounded in some ancient notions are preserved and other rituals are bestowed with Buddhist meanings. Differences exist of the interpretation of Buddhist norms and people’s understanding of the initiation of the rituals. Modifications and variations are allowed in the actual funeral practices. The presentation aimed to indicate the adaptation and reinvention of religious expression have become keys to the survival of Tibetan Buddhist faith in contemporary Tibet. 50 Dialogical Construction of Identities: Annual Commemorations and Celebrations in the Bonpo Settlement in India Yu-Shan Liu (National Chiao Tung University, Taiwan) This article focuses on the recurrent commemorations and celebrations in Dolanji, the only Bonpo settlement in India, in order to understand the connection between Tibetan national events and the official discourse of Tibetan nationalism, and how the Bonpo articulate their regional, religious and national identities in these ceremonies. Taking up annual ceremonies as a display of narratives and as ritual performance, this study explores how national commemorations and celebrations in Dolanji reflect, and also try to resolve, the tension between regional identities and a Tibetan national identity, and the contradictions embedded in the relationship between the Bonpo and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. It argues that the negotiation of the marginalised for recognition of their identity is never a one-way process of self-defined inclusion and exclusion. Rather, it should be understood as a constant dialogue, in which the narratives of inclusion and exclusion from both the national power and the marginalised are continuously contested, negotiated and redefined in response to one another. The findings of this study suggest that annual ceremonies not only represent what the community should remember and what has changed in its social needs; more importantly, they also seek to negotiate and modify the relationships between individuals and communities, and between the marginalised and the dominant. 51 A Consideration of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s Letters, Especially “Reply to the Questions of bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha’ ’bum” Shoko Mekata (Harvard University) This presentation will provide an overview of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s (1182–1251) letters, with partic- ular attention given to "Reply to the Questions of bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha’ ’bum (bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha' 'bum gyi zhus lan)”. This document is especially important among his letters be- cause of Sa skya Paṇḍita’s discussion of both historical and religious issues with bKa' gdams pa Nam mkha’ ’bum. I will present a detailed analysis of this letter and will discuss each of the questions and responses in depth. 52 Sketches of Contemporary Tibetan History in The Tibet Mirror (1949–1963) Mikhaylova Natalia (Saint-Petersburg State University) In September, 1950 The Singapore Free Press featured an article entitled “A Lone Battle with Mao” about a lonely Tibetan fighter standing against the Communist regime and Chinese advancement in Tibet. It was Dorje Tharchin (1890–1976), a prominent Tibetan public figure and political activist, an advocate for the modernization of Tibet and Tibetan independence. In his attempts to introduce Tibetan society to the latest developments in the modern world beyond the Tibetan borders Tharchin launched the first ever Tibetan periodical issued by a Tibetan editor. The Tibet Mirror (or Yul phyogs so so’i gsar ‘gyur me long ) was published in 1925–1963 in Kalimpong, India. Tharchin exerted every effort in his practically unprofitable, but enthusiasm-charged undertaking of newspaper issuing and its distribution among representatives of the Tibetan society. The range of topics for the news coverage was extensively diverse and the editor surely could not have kept silent about the events in Tibet, especially after the official establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 and the Communists’ announcement of their goal to liberate Tibet. Publications of The Tibet Mirror remain largely unexplored by tibetologists throughout the world, therefore, considering the stance of Tharchin who long before the 1950s warned his compatriots against the Communist takeover, it seems particularly interesting to see what kind of topics he chose to cover, to observe his interpretation of historical events in Tibet and compare the new discoveries with the general history facts that have been available up to now from other sources. The study is conducted on the basis of the selection of the original materials from The Tibet Mirror issues dated from 1949 (the Communist rise to power in China) to 1963 (the last year of the newspaper publication) and presents a comparative factual analysis of the contemporary Tibetan history. 53 Salvation and its Implications: King Gesar’s Descent to Hell and the Construction of a Tantric Deity Natasha L. Mikles (University of Virginia) Building on the recent work of Solomon George Fitzherbert and Gregory Forgues, as well as Matthew Kapstein’s work on the relationship of the epic hero Gesar of Ling to filial Buddhist disciple Mulian, this paper examines the Conquest of Hell episode of the Gesar epic. The most popular version of this episode was revealed by Gling tshang gter ston Rig ‘dzin drag rtsal rdo rje in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century and widely published since its discovery across Eastern Tibet and Bhutan as the culminating narrative of the Gesar epic. In particular, I examine the narrative’s positioning of Gesar as the primary engine of salvation for his mother and hell’s other denizens. The Rig ‘dzin drag rtsal rdo rje episode features an epic folk hero doing specifically soteriological work, which situates Gesar as an actor within Buddhist cosmology, while also raising questions as to the hero’s ontological and spiritual status within the Buddhist tradition as a whole. This paper argues that Gesar’s nineteenthcentury transformation from Eastern Tibetan folk hero to tantric deity rests upon this reconceptualization of Gesar as a powerful spiritual savior within Buddhist cosmology. Positioning Gesar as a specifically Buddhist savior through the Conquest of Hell episode both constructs Gesar as a spiritually-agentive figure in the Tibetan Buddhist imagination and situates the epic as a whole within a Buddhist cosmological framework. Beyond this exploration of Gesar’s specific role in the text and its effects on his status in the larger Buddhist tradition, this paper begins to put the Rig ‘dzin drag rtsal rdo rje episode into conversation with other significant Tibetan hell literature—including the thirteenth-century biographical narrative of Gu ru chos dwang and indigenous Tibetan narratives of ‘das log— which promote Avalokiteśvara and his six syllable mantra as the sole foundation of salvation from hell. Comparing these competing Buddhist saviors within the larger political situation of nineteenth-century Tibet can begin to reveal the forces which were potentially driving Gesar’s sudden promotion to tantric deity in Eastern Tibet circles. 54 A Study on Old Tibetan Oracle Bone Ai Nishida (Kobe University of Foreign Studies) Oracle bone, a kind of divination method through the analysis of shoulder blades, must be subsumed in the tradition of extremely ancient origine throughout the world. In Tibet, this practice should had long been practiced and is still preserved in literary form such as the text found in the Collected Works of Sum-pa Mkhan-po. By examining several oracle bones which were brought from Miran site in East Turkestan along with the old Tibetan paper manuscripts and woodenslips, we also have evidence of its practice during the old Tibetan empire period. Although I have ever introduced transliteration and translation for five lines of Tibetan texts recorded on one of these oracle bones, extensive study still remains undone. In this paper I hope to offer the opportunity to move the study on old Tibetan oracle bone forward by pressing some new sources from wooden slips discovered from Miran which are clearly relevant to the oracle bone, and showing who performed this divination method, to whom divinatory queries were posed. 55 A Study of nang zan: On the reality of Servant workers in Traditional Tibetan Society Kensaku Okawa (University of Tokyo) This study attempts to shed new light on the reality of nang zan, a category of people that were often translated and interpreted as ‘house slave’ in the historiographies on the traditional Tibet published in contemporary China. Although there have been studies on the Tibetan social system in the U.S. and Europe, there is little reference to the existence of nang zan. On the other hand, in the studies on the Tibetan social history in China, nang zan is represented as one of the most basic social stratum that constitutes Tibetan status system. In those studies, nang zan is described as representative of poor and oppressed people who were totally powerless and have no freedom. However, does this understand always valid? This study tries to answer this question by searching the reality of nang zan. In this study, the author uses firsthand Tibetan documents, oral historical sources, and the field reports by Chinese ethnographers written in 1950’s and attempts to analyze the situation and nature of the work and life condition of nang zan prior to 1959 when traditional Tibetan social life was collapsed. The research concludes that nang zan did not refer to a slave or any such innate status but rather implied the characteristics of their work as servant labor. This study concludes that the disorder in the studies on the Tibetan social system in China will be explained that they confused the concept of nang zan or a servant type of occupation with an innate category of status. 56 The music of ‘cham in Tibetan Buddhism: Examined by analyzing the ritualistic killing of the ling ga Maja Preitz (Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg) Music is an integral part of Tibetan Buddhist rituals. The ’cham performances in particular are dependent on the rhythms of the sbug chal cymbals, the tones of the dung chen and other ceremonial musical instruments which are part of this religious occasion. The development of Buddhist lineages entailed various musical traditions that were examined by means of ’cham performances and the ling ga ritual in particular. Certain musical characteristics were found in all of the visited monasteries, but most obvious differences existed among those belonging to different sects. However these peculiarities were only discovered on top of many commonalities. The ’cham performance climaxes in the ritualistic killing of a dough effigy called ling ga. The dances connected with this liberating killing vary, depending on the branch of Buddhism which the monastery belongs to. Video- and sound recordings that were collected during field studies in Ladakh, provided the foundation for the analysis of the musical structures during the symbolic killing of the ling ga. The attendance of five different ’cham performances at monasteries of the 'Bri gung bKa' brgyud pa, the 'Brug pa bKa' brgyud pa and rNying ma pa, made it possible to compare the diverse processes of ling ga rituals and its instrumental accompaniment. The religious deities that were linked to killing the dough effigy varied as much as the dance ritual itself. While zhva nag dancers played an important role in most ’cham performances, they executed the killing only at the 'Bri gung bKa' brgyud monasteries. Other characters involved with the ling ga were the deer, mGon po ma ning and skeleton dancers (dur khrod bdag po), all dancing to various rhythmic patterns that fitted their characteristics. A musical phenomenon distinctive to the 'Bri gung bKa' brgyud in Ladakh was found to be lha rnga. Although not played by monks but musicians of the village it wa s part of the ’cham performance and therefore taken into account. But not only were the musical structures discovered and outlined, but also the various functions of participating musical instruments regarding the ’cham ritual as a whole. 57 The process of initiation for ritual specialists in Western Bhutan – Case studies from Gasila village on vocation, training and examination Johanna Prien (Humboldt University Berlin) The paper is based on research data which I will collect during my fieldwork conducted between January and June 2015 with a neyjom, a female ritual specialist in Gasila, Western Bhutan. I will analyze the process of initation of new ritual specialists, their training and background. The neyjom who I will work with is not only active as a healer and oracle using methods of divination and spirit possession, but acts also as an identifier and instructor of future ritual specialists, which makes her an influential figure in her local and wider community. Using anthropological research methods such as participant observation and interviews, I will investigate methods of identifying and training future neyjom-s in the studied area. With the help of autobiographical interviews with the novices I will collect data about their background and life history and analyze their path to being ‘discovered’ and initiated to their new role. Since this is always an extremely individual process I decided to present my data in the form of case studies. The MA research in Gasila is a development of my BA thesis “The importance of suffering for the initiation of oracles in areas influenced by Tibetan Buddhism” written in the Central Asian Seminar, Institute of Asian and African Studies, Humboldt University in Berlin. In this thesis I analyzed the tropes of suffering visible in the biographies of oracles in the Tibetan cultural world and found out that many of them – if not all – shared difficult life experiences including domestic violence and gender discrimination. My hypothesis was that their personal background could have triggered the process of becoming a ritual specialist. I argued that by becoming a ritual specialist, the person could find her/his place within society which met her/his special demands. 58 Back to pastoralism? Jarmila Ptackova (Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic) Following the modernization efforts in western China and the extending urbanization in rural areas in provinces, such as Qinghai, increasing number of Tibetan farmers and pastoralists started to turn the focus of their livelihoods towards alternative employments. Being either encouraged by an environmental or socioeconomic project promoted by the state or eager to participate on the new opportunities, created by the infrastructural extensions and urban development, numerous Tibetan pastoralists reduced the size of their herds and started to get engaged into urban livelihoods. However, in the majority of cases, where an abrupt change from rural to urban environment and from established to alternative livelihoods takes place, the transition seems not to be particularly successful. The reasons are usually insufficient knowledge and experience with sustainable urban occupations. The most common available alternatives of getting hired as labor on construction sites or harvesting medicinal plants are only temporary and unsustainable. The state subsidy granted to some households in order to ease the transformation from rural to urban is low and insecure. Even after several years, the majority of affected population is not able to adapt to the new environment and create a sustainable life and livelihood base. This situation causes that increasing number of Tibetan pastoral households start to consider a return to animal husbandry. A change of thinking is visible also in the state policy. Recently, under fulfillment of certain conditions, the state offers funding to pastoralists, who decide to restate herding activity. However, can this strategy be successful and can this kind of livelihood, with or without state help, secure enough income for a household in the current modernizing China, where the importance of cash economy keeps increasing? 59 The emblematic role of jag-pa in the contested past of Amdo: between vernacular beliefs and political resistance Valentina Punzi (independent researcher) This presentation focuses on oral narratives concerning the local resistance, engaged by jagpa in Amdo against the Red Army in the 1950s. Departing from different standpoints, the official discourses of both the Chinese nation-state and the Tibetan Buddhist orthodoxy relegated jag-pa at the margins, respectively, of political power and religious practice. Jag-pa were in fact at once associated with adverse political resistance and heterodox worship of mountain gods. The paper juxtaposes these official discourses, aimed at disregarding and removing their historical agency, with those of the local Tibetan sympathizing countermemories. Drawing on oral interviews recorded in Khri-ka, Mang-ra and Rtse-khog Counties in 2012 and 2014, I will focus on the ways vernacular beliefs and political tension have intermingled and emerged into pieces of narration about the 1950s’ events in Amdo. The paper will particularly look at how the creative adaptation of vernacular beliefs elaborated the distress of the political situation and opposed an array of alternative local accounts to the state-imposed monolithic history. 60 The Swift Path to Great Bliss: Pha bong kha Bde chen snying po and The Lhasa Aristocracy Joona Repo (University of Helsinki / Heidelberg University) This paper will present and discuss the Lhasa-based patronage and student networks of the Tibetan Buddhist teacher, Pha bong kha Bde chen snying po (1878–1941). Pha bong kha is undoubtedly a highly contested historical figure. As an important lineage holder of the Rdo rje shugs ldan cycle of teachings within the Dge lugs tradition, he has been reviled as a sectarian spirit-worshipper by some and held up as a guardian and interpreter of Tsong kha pa’s lineage by others. It is, however, not the aim of this paper to discuss this contemporary controversy, but instead to augment our understanding of this important figure on whom very little actual research has been undertaken, save for only several brief or superficial accounts or mentions. Based on fieldwork, interviews and a number of textual sources, such as Pha bong kha's biography and Collected Works, as well as the writings of his teachers and students, this paper will discuss Pha bong kha's connection to the Lhasa aristocracy and the role of this relationship in the creation of a complex religious, social, economic and political web in the Lhasa Valley. These networks were closely intertwined and diffused with Pha bong kha's doctrinal views and teachings that grew in popularity due to factors such as an eagerly receptive audience, a wealthy and influential patronage base and the accessibility of Pha bong kha's discourses. The paper will focus on one aristocratic family in particular- the high-ranking Lha klu family, who were amongst Pha bong kha's most important sponsors and lay students. Although similar networks grew around many important Tibetan Buddhist teachers, this specific example is in many ways unique due to the specific and far reaching consequences which emerged from it in the forms of sectarian discord and the Shugs ldan controversy. 61 Reconsidering Tibet’s Clan Past Distinguishing between idealisation and social organization in the Tibetan historical context Jonathan Samuels (University of Heidelberg) Tibetan Studies is familiar with contrasting images of Tibetan clans. Legend presents a relatively harmonious vision, featuring four or six founder, or ancestral clans. Conversely, those writing about political history often present various clans both during and subsequent to the imperial era as bitter rivals, vying with one another for influence in relation to political and religious institutions. The term “clan” continues to be employed in a loose fashion, making it difficult to judge the extent to which recurring terminology and purported clannames actually represent historical continuities. Vagueness of definition and stereotypical portrayals are far less evident in examinations of clan within anthropological studies. Some anthropologists have indeed discussed clan within a specifically Tibetan context, and have speculated about the role of clan in Tibet’s past. Such studies have, however, rarely given sufficient consideration to Tibetan historical sources. My own recent research has focussed upon the Tamang people, an ethnic group mainly resident in Nepal. Tamang culture shows numerous signs of Tibetan influence. Most importantly, the Tamangs follow a strict clan-based system, many aspects of which appear to be derived from Tibet. I shall argue that Tibetan Studies can benefit from an anthropological perspective with respect to clan, but that exploration of the topic, and particularly speculation about the past, needs to rooted, as far as possible, in an investigation of historical sources. I shall illustrate my case by discussing the usage of indigenous terminology, such as, rigs, rus, and cho’brang, in a specific textual domain, to consider what insights these might yield, and whether these can contribute towards developing a clearer historical picture of social organisation in Tibet. 62 Study of rta gzhung dngul dkar me long Jiebu Sangde There are plenty of records and documentations related to horses in many of the ancient Tibetan archives, such as a five-volume-long text of horse is clearly shown between the pages of P.T.1062 to P.T.1066 in the Dunhuang Tibetan literary documents. Another key source is bod kyi rtvi gso dpyad gzhung luks bdams bsgarigs, a series of six books relating horses were published by the Tibet Tibetan Ancient Scriptures Press in 1990. According to the publisher, all the original texts of bod kyi rtvi gso dpyad gzhung luks bdams bsgarigs were all remained as handwritten copies, and we can learn that some of the ancient texts were written under the royal command of the king khri srong lde'u btsan. I have not got the opportunity to actually read those handwritten copies myself, but after comparing those published rare texts with other documentations on horses recorded in the Dunhuang documentations, I have discovered that those ancient scriptures of horses are with very long history. This paper mainly discusses the methods and knowledge about how Tibetans distinguish their horses, sort good and bad horses, train horses, and breed horses based on the text of bod kyi rtvi gso dpyad gzhung luks bdams bsgarigs. A brief study on the features of the content and the words of bod kyi rtvi gso dpyad gzhung luks bdams bsgarigs was carried out additionally, I sincerely wish such motivation can be a little contribution for the research of Tibetan horse history, folk horse data collection, and Tibetan veterinary development. 63 A newspaper for Tibet: the Self in contrast to the Other Anna Sawerthal (University of Heidelberg) When the Tibetan language newspaper yul phyogs so so’i gsar ‘gyur me long, was founded in 1925 in Kalimpong, newspapers had been part of life in most parts of the world for a while. Before that, Tibetan language newspapers were published by the Moravians (Ladakh, 1904) and Chinese Imperial Ambans (Lhasa, 1907), but their editors were of a background other than of the Tibetan cultural sphere. The Melong was published until 1963 by Babu Tharchin who deliberately included himself as somebody of the Tibetan cultural sphere. More than simply transporting political or religious ideas through the means of a newspaper, he saw value in the existence of a newspaper itself: a sign of a progressed nation, a means of connecting elites and subordinates, a mirror of the world – the newspaper had a “publicistic” value for Tibet. But how is the imagined Tibetan community in the Melong constructed? Based on the premise that “Tibet” is not a solid entity, but a process of constant negotiation versus fixation, this paper sheds light on mechanisms of identity construction. Specifically, how is the foreign concept of “newspaper” used by the Melong’s producers to construct “Tibet”? This paper juxtaposes a) editorial notes in the Melong on what a newspaper should be for the “Tibetans” and the Tibetan rgyal khab, with b) documents of the editorial office and c) interview material conducted in 2014–15 with Tharchin’s contemporaries. Analyzing this material shows that a newspaper needs to be conceptualized as both producer as well as product of cultural identity. In this way, the paper wants to show how media studies- and cultural studies-perspectives can contribute to the field of Tibetan Studies theoretically, and, on the social function of newspapers for Tibet, empirically. 64 Sgam po pa’s Doctrine: A Systematic Way of Coping with the Future for Beings of Varying Capacity, Both Gradual and Sudden? Rolf Scheuermann (International Consortium for Research in the Humanities, FriedrichAlexander-University Erlangen-Nürnberg) Tibetan Buddhist soteriology is well-known for systematic descriptions that lay out the path to Buddhahood in a gradual, structured manner. Being generally in line with Atiśa Dīpaṃkāra Śrījñāna’s (980–1054) conception of three types of persons (skyes bu gsum), the inclusivist system of Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen (1079–1153) harmonizes and merges sūtra, tantra and mahāmudrā within a single syncretic doctrine. Each of these approaches is thereby assigned a place of increasing valence in a soteriological scheme that lays out an individual’s gradual development along the Buddhist path. Depending on the assumed capacity of an individual and the approach employed, the Tibetan Buddhist tradition commonly accepts that a practitioner can thereby reach the goal either within this lifetime, within a few lifetimes or in a remote future. Still, Sgam po pa is also known for advocating a Self-Sufficient White Remedy (dkar po chig thub) that is said to bring about results instantaneously. This approach was strongly criticized by Sa skya Paṇḍita (1182–1251) who rejected the idea that a single method could suffice to achieve fruition, suspecting the influence of earlier Sino-Tibetan ‘instantaneist’ (cig car ba) traditions. This paper will first present Sgam po pa’s largely gradual doctrinal system with the help of Four Dharmas of Sgam po pa (Dwags po chos bzhi), four short summarizing slogans that can be understood as a religious road map toward Buddhahood. Presenting different approaches for beings of varying capacity, they aim to improve both this and future lifetimes. It will be shown why Sgam po pa’s specific gradual system is not necessarily at odds with a sudden or instantaneous approach, examining also the type of individual who is considered capable of applying this approach as well as related implications for differences between the education of religious practitioners. 65 Ta’i Situ Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan: Reorganization and Renewal of the Political and Social Structure in Medieval Tibet Stefan Schley (University of Leipzig) I will investigate the politics of a major political figure in Tibetan history – Byang-chub rgyalmtshan – and the impact of his political reorganization of Central Tibet in the 14th century. Few, if any, historical figures of Tibet’s past have been powerful, charismatic, and resourceful enough to alter the course of history, Byang-chub rgyal-mtshan is undoubtedly one of these. After a century of Mongol rule, his primary objective was to lift Tibet from the yoke of Yuan supremacy. He established the first post-imperial de-facto sovereignty, pacified internal struggles, and was largely successful in reconstructing not only the political system but also to generate a new Tibetan political identity. The topic is of major interest not least due to the idiosyncratic nature of Tibetan medieval society. Although his interest in the golden heydays of imperial Tibet is a well-known fact, such as his codification of a law-code that to some extent resembled imperial law-making and his keen revival of ancient customs and traditional national values, still the overall political and cultural renewal of Tibet largely rests in shadow. In my paper I shall attempt to highlight some of the more unknown and little-studied aspects of Tibetan proto-nationalism, the institutions and techniques to create legitimacy and to establish an imagined identity in what at that point was a fragile, segmentary political landscape. I will describe how he managed not only to gain hegemony and to reorganize the administrative structure of Central Tibet, but also to overcome fragmentary forces by obtaining loyalty and alliances even beyond clan-borders, and in the end was successful in creating a proto-national consciousness. Many of his achievements have been deeply efficacious in Tibet and lasted until the Chinese invasion. His strategies were also important elements of the Tibetan culture of remembrance and have been, for example, incorporated by the Fifth Dalai Lama. Nonetheless, this period remains a relatively neglected area of study. My paper will provide a further understanding and reconsideration of medieval Tibetan history, marked by significant upheavals and the renewal of old traditions. 66 In Defense of the Mahāmudrā Doctrine: Developments in the ’Brug-pa-bka’brgyud School in Bhutan from the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century Dagmar Schwerk (Universität Hamburg) The current paper provides an overview of the genesis, structure and content of the Phyag rgya chen po las brtsams pa’i dri tshig grub pa’i mdung rnon and one of ist commentaries, the Phyag rgya chen po las brtsams pa’i dri tshig grub pa’i mdung rnon zhes bya ba’i gsung lan dus kyi pho nya, composed by two authors of the ’Brug-pa-bka’-brgyud school in Bhutan (lho ’brug), the ninth rJe mKhan-po Shākya-rin-chen (1710–1759) and the sixty-ninth rJe mKhan-po dGe-’dun-rin-chen (1926–1997) respectively. In my thesis I examine which approaches of inclusivism, exclusivism and harmonism were used by the authors and their predecessors to defend their interpretation of the Mahāmudrā doctrine, considered the paramount doctrine of the bKa’-brgyud schools. By doing so, I wish to point out trends in the development of the intellectual history of Buddhism in Bhutan from the eighteenth to the twentieth century in response to the critique that was first articulated in a systematized way by Sa-skya Paṇḍita Kun-dga’-rgyal-mtshan (1182–1252). Additionally, I focus on the remarkable lives of the two authors, especially the sixtyninth rJe mKhan-po dGe-’dun-rin-chen, who immensely influenced the religious landscape of twentieth century Bhutan. Relevant aspects of his life are presented on the basis of the hagiography rTogs brjod mdor bsdus dwangs shel me long, composed by his direct disciple gZhung-rdo-rje-slob-dpon Kun-legs, which I discovered during my field research in Bhutan. I attempt to show that his extensive authorial activities were motivated by his intention to establish a newly adjusted and reasoned interpretation of the ’Brug-pa-bka’-brgyud school in Bhutan with regard to all relevant topics of Tibetan scholasticism and debate. 67 Searching for Tibetaness – Tenzing Rigdol's attempt to visualize Tibetan identity Eva Maria Seidel (Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn) The New York based contemporary Tibetan artist Tenzing Rigdol tries to extract the “Tibetan” elements of traditional Tibetan art, by leaving all Chinese, Indian or Nepalese influences, like landscapes or jewellery, behind. All what is left, is his so called “Tibetaness”. He fills the gaps with other elements of the traditional Tibetan life, like the rug production or the Tibetan script. In his eyes the Tibetan script has a very important role in bringing the Tibetans together. Apart from that he also tries to deal with Tibet's current situation, for example the self-immolations and oppression by China. Although his works seem to be like Traditional Tibetan religious art, if you look closer they are a collage of what it means to be a Tibetan (in Tenzing Rigdol's case in exile) in the modern world. The results of this paper are based on the author's Master's thesis, titled “The examination of tradition and modernity in contemporary Tibetan art”, with special focus on an Interview with the artist and a visit of the exhibition “Darkness into Beauty”at Rossi&Rossi in London. 68 The First Chapter of Srid pa’i mdzod phug and the Debate on the Theory of the Universe Creator Shaho Tamding (Central University of Tibetan Studies) The First Chapter of Srid pa’i mdzod phug and Views of other Buddhist Scholars In this paper, I will first present the result of my research on the mDzod phug, an old Bon text of cosmology, and I will reexamine the views of other scholars. This paper will be presented in three sections. Firstly, I will explain various definitions of the term srid pa along with its examples. Secondly, I will discuss the first chapter of the mDzod phug in particular. This chapter contains explanation of three existences (primordial existence, created existence and causal existence), which according to Bon tradition are the source of all phenomena. This reference of the three existences is found exclusively in Bon cosmology, and it is this reference that some Buddhist scholars had criticized the Bonpos being a believer of the universe creator. Thirdly, I will analyze how such criticism was spread among Kagyupa Buddhist masters, who seemed to trace their source to a work of Drigung Jigten Gonpo. However, a careful study of the textual evidence reveals how that view was in fact originated from Onpo Sherab Jungnay. In addition, a number of historical sources also testify such theory of universe creator being an old theory known long ago in Tibet. 69 On the Possible Relation between the Eleventh century gter ma The Vase of Amrita of Immortality (’Chi med bdud rtsi bum pa) and the Ultimate Tantra (Phyi rgyud) of the Rgyud bzhi Carmen Simioli (University of Naples) Mercury based remedies play a significant role in Tibetan medico-alchemical systems. Tibetan purification of black mercurial medicine, otherwise called tsothel, has ancient alchemical origins and is characterised by a very complex and not unitary development process. Fourteenth and fifteenth centuries Tibetan authoritative medical collections such as the Great Measure of Gold (Gser bre chen mo) and the Ten Million Relics Instructions (Bye bya ring srel) describe the sublimation of mercury-sulphide in terms of subjugation (’dul ba’i thabs), a method that is been ascribed to O rgyan pa rin chen dpal (1230–1309). However, the idea of these pharmacological procedures as subduing process goes back to the eleventh chapter of the Ultimate Tantra (Phyi rgyud) of the Four Tantras wherein the forceful countermeasure to pacify all the diseases (nad kun zhi byed gyi log gnon) is formulated. The term countermeasure (differently spelled as log gnon or log non) indicates particular suppressive ritual associated with the elimination of pandemic and infective diseases caused by gnyan spirits. An account of this ritual is preserved in the eleventh century gter ma the Vase of Amrita of Immortality (’Chi med bdud rtsi bum pa). The root tantra of this cycle seems to have had a noteworthy influence on the compilation of the eleventh chapter of the Ultimate Tantra since it describes an identical “cold” detoxification of mercury (grang ’dul). Starting with an outline of the contents and the contexts of the two cited scriptural sources, I will examine the possible connections between the two texts. I will focus on the concept of log gnon and its multidimensional significance. 70 A critical genealogy of European and American scholarship on Tibetan divination Alexander Smith (Ecole pratique des hautes études, France) Relative to the prevalence and diversity of divination practices in Tibetan cultures, the study of divination remains grossly underrepresented in Tibetological literature. Though there are a number of excellent publications on the subject, the majority of these have tended towards explorations of Imperial history and the origins of Tibetan divination traditions. There are, of course, several valuable ethnographic works in which divination has been discussed; however, a reflexive anthropology of divination has not taken root under the aegis of Tibetan Studies. This disciplinary lacuna remains pronounced and, in my opinion, has restricted the development of the broader interdisciplinary discourse on Tibetan ritual practices. With these issues in mind, this paper will address the representation and study of Tibetan divination in European and American scholarship, ranging from the first appearance of the word mo in a Western language publication through to the present day. Having sketched the contours of the field as it exists today, I will discuss some of the roles played by the study of divination in broader discourses on religion and social theory. Here I intend nothing as ambitious as an intellectual history, but will instead focus upon several theoretical leitmotifs in the anthropology of divination as it has been advanced, generally speaking, in the study of witchcraft and sorcery in African societies. It is hoped that this will help to demonstrate how certain interpretive hurdles in Tibetological literature have been surmounted in broader ethnographic writing, as well as to highlight some of the avenues that future research into Tibetan divination practices might take. 71 Both a Home and a History: The Black Tent of the Tibetan Plateau Emilia Roza Sulek (Humboldt University in Berlin) This paper examines the black tent used by pastoralists inhabiting the Tibetan plateau. The tent, its characteristic shape and colour being due to the yak hair from which it is made, attracted the attention of olden-day travellers as well as contemporary artists, but relatively little is written about it in academic literature. This paper looks at the black tent as a material artefact endowed with a certain biography. In this sense, the black tent is a particularly striking case of the actual history of an object conflicting with the one that its users inscribe it with. This paper also looks at transformations of the tent and shows the fluidity of its formations: while one can analyse Tibetan tents according to their typological classifications, individual specimens may escape these frames. Thus, this paper sheds light not only upon a different understanding of the object’s biography by its users, but also changes of typological status during the tent’s lifetime. This paper is based on material gathered during anthropological research conducted among Golok and Wranakh pastoralists of North-eastern Tibet (today Qinghai Province, China), 2007–2014. 72 A New Found Old Version of Dag yig Li shi’i gur khang Sonam Dondrup (Suonan Dongzhu) (Qinghai Normal University, China) The new found old version of Dag yig Lishi’i gur khang is named as gSar rnying gi brda’irnam dbyelegs par bshad pa gsung rab kunla lta ba’isgron ma zhesbya ba bzhugsso, which has been found in both block printing and type-printing of Sakya Collection, and its author has been known as Sakya a mes Kun dga’ bsod nams. Although the Lishi’i gur khang ranks probably among the well-knownlexicons in Tibetan philology, its author’s date has been disputed. In this paper, I attempted to make a comparison ofskyogs ston lotsawa’s Lishi’i gur khang and the new found one above-mentioned,and as a result, I found thatsa skya a mes’s one is actually another version ofskyogs ston’s Li shi’i gur khang. Accoding to the new found version, there are various versions of Li shi’i gur khang. Forthis reason,this paper had concentrated on the relationship between Sa skya a mes and sKyogs ston, in particular with sKyogs ston’s date through historiographical perspectives. Meantime,this paper possesses a fairly good understandingof Li shi’i gur khang’s date of writing, and tried to remark on the formerrelated studies. In addition,this paper also traced the original Tibetan equivalentsfor Sanskritterms on the basis of gSar rnying gi brda’irnam dbyelegs par bshad pa gsung rab kunla lta ba’isgron ma zhes bya ba bzhugsso, and how the Tibetan equivalentsfor Sanskrit Buddhistterms had varieties afterthe three decreed revisions of Tibetan language. གསར་དུ་རེད་པའྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་ལྤྱི་ཤྤྱིའྤྱི་གུར་ཁང་གྤྱི་བསྟན་བཅོས་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་མཚན་ལ་གསར་རྤྱིང་གྤྱི་བརའྤྱི་རྣམ་དབེ་ལེགས་པར་བཤད་པ་ གསུང་རབ་ཀུན་ལ་ལྟ་བའྤྱི་སོན་མ་ཞེས་བ་བ་བཞུགས་སོ་ཞེས་ཟེར་ལ། དུས་ད་རེག་གྤྱི་བར་དུ་ས་སྐྱ་ཨ་མེས་ཀུན་དགའ་བསོད་ནམས་ཡྤྱིན་ ཞེས་རྤྱིག་གཞུང་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་གྤྱི་ཁམས་སུ་གགས་ཡོད་པར་མ་ཟད། ད་དུང་ས་སྐྱའྤྱི་དཔེ་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་གས་སུ་བཞག་ནས་ཤྤྱིང་པར་དང་ལྕགས་ པར་ཅྤྱི་རྤྱིགས་མཆྤྱིས། ད་ཐེངས་ཁོ་བོས་ཡྤྱིག་རྤྱིང་འཚོལ་ཞྤྱིབ་ཀྤྱི་གོ་རྤྱིམ་ཁོད་སྐྱོགས་སྟོན་ལོ་ཙཱ་བའྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་ལྤྱི་ཤྤྱིའྤྱི་གུར་ཁང་དང་ས་སྐྱ་ ཨ་མེས་ཀུན་དགའ་བསོད་ནམས་ཀྤྱིས་བརམས་པར་གགས་པའྤྱི་གོང་གསལ་གྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་དེ་གཉྤྱིས་དཔྱད་བསྡུར་བས་པའྤྱི་མཐའ་འབས་ སུ་ས་སྐྱ་ཨ་མེས་ཀུན་དགའ་བསོད་ནམས་ཀྤྱིས་བརམས་པའྤྱི“གསར་རྤྱིང་གྤྱི་བརའྤྱི་རྣམ་དབེ་ལེགས་པར་བཤད་པ་གསུང་རབ་ཀུན་ལ་ལྟ་ བའྤྱི་སོན་མ“ཞེས་པ་ནྤྱི་དོན་དམ་པའྤྱི་སྐྱོགས་སྟོན་ལོ་ཙཱ་བ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་བཀྲ་ཤྤྱིས་ཀྤྱིས་བརམས་པའྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་ལྤྱི་ཤྤྱིའྤྱི་གུར་ཁང་གྤྱི་པར་གཞྤྱི་ གཞན་ཞྤྱིག་ཡྤྱིན་པ་རད་འཚོལ་བྱུང་། དཔྱད་རོམ་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་ནང་དུ་ས་སྐྱ་ཨ་མེས་ཀུན་དགའ་བསོད་ནམས་དང་སྐྱོགས་སྟོན་གྤྱི་འབེལ་བར་ དཔྱད་ཞྤྱིབ་བས་ཤྤྱིང་། ས་རབས་མཁས་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་ལ་སྤྱི་སོམ་དང་། གསར་རེད་ཀྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་འདྤྱི་ལས་ཐོན་པའྤྱི་བར་འཕྲྤྱིན་གལ་ ཆེན་སོར་ལ་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་དང་། ལྷག་པར་དུ་གསར་རེད་ཀྤྱི་དག་ཡྤྱིག་འདྤྱི་ལས་ཐོན་པའྤྱི་སཾ་སྐྲྀ་ཏའྤྱི་སད་ཀྤྱི་ཆོས་ལུགས་ཀྤྱི་མྤྱིང་བར་དེ་དག་ ཆེས་ཐོག་མར་བོད་ཡྤྱིག་ལ་བསྒྱུར་དུས་ཀྤྱི་མྤྱིང་དང་། དེ་ནས་རྤྱིམ་གྤྱིས་ཇྤྱི་ལྟར་འཕེལ་འགྱུར་བྱུང་བ་སོགས་ལ་དཔྱད་བསྡུར་བས་ཡོད།། 73 Recognition of Karma Pakshi (1204–1283) as a Manifestation of Avalokitesvara Makoto Takahashi (Waseda University, Japan) This paper will analyze the recognition of Karma Pakshi (1204–1283), the second Karmapa, as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara. Karma Pakshi restored the Karma Kagyu school, and established the foundations for the tulku tradition of the Gyalwang Karmapa, which is the oldest reincarnating lineage in Tibet. The Gyalwang Karmapa has long been recognized as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara, and Karma Pakshi notably spread the six-syllabled mantra Om Mani Padme Hum to people by singing. His unique propagation strategy was assumed to be effective when he obtained patrons for the revival of Karma Kagyu school, and gained the position of religious advisor in the court of Mongke Khan (1209–1259). The histories of the previous lives of the Dalai Lama include historical figures such as Songtsen Gampo, who is regarded as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara in the Mani kabum, which was discovered by Nyang Ral Nyima Ozer (1136–1204). Here we must consider what kind of figures the histories of the previous lives of the Gyalwang Karmapa contain, as well as the degree to which Mani Kabum influenced Karma Pakshi’s thoughts. We will first analyze the history of the Gyalwang Karmapa’s previous lives, which Karma Pakshi wrote. The Gyalwang Karmapa has two types of previous lives: one originates from the prophecy of Dusum Khyenpa (1110–1193), the first Karmapa; the other comes from Karma Pakshi. The latter contains many masters who received supernatural powers by practicing Avalokitesvara Sadhanas. We will thereafter analyze the transmission of the Jinasagara’s (Gyalwa Gyatso, Red Chenrezig) lineage in the Karma Kagyu school. Karma Pakshi especially regards Jinasagara as his protective deity, and the transmission of Jinasagara has three streams. The first originated from Padma Vajra, one of the eighty-four Mahasiddhas, and was passed down to Rechungpa (1083/4–1161). The other two came from Padmasambavha, before they were divided into Kama, the oral transmission, and Terma, the hidden text. In conclusion, Karma Pakshi regards himself as a practitioner of Avalokitesvara Sadhanas, and mainly practiced one of the streams of the transmission of Jinasagara, which Mani Kabum influenced. 74 The life of Me rag Lama- Blo gros rgya mtsho (d. 1682) and his role in the foundation of the Tawang Monastery: Dga' ldan rnam rgyal lha rtse in 1680–81 Lobsang Tenpa (University of Leipzig) In the presentation, I will outline the life and activities of the Me rag Lama- Blo gros rgya mtsho (d. 1682) and his role in the foundation of the Tawang monastery: Dga’ ldan rnam rgyal lha rtse in 1680–81. It will be illuminated by textual sources since 17th century. I will try to observe the activities of the Lama in the cross-border contacts between Tibet and Bhutan at then. The paper will also attempt to investigate the origin of the Me rag Lama’s title, some of the historical documents related to the question and succession of the Me rag Lamas and their attribution to the development of Tibetan Buddhism in the region. Me rag Lama title being posthumously applied to some of the preceding Lamas, like Blo bzang bstan pa’i sgron me, Blo bzang bstan pa’i ’od zer and Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshen, respectively will also be conversed. Some of the important sequence left out in the secondary sources will be covered up through the primary sources on the life of the Me rag Lama. 75 Socio-cultural Transformations and Heritage Tourism Development in the Barkor, Lhasa (Tibet Autonomous Region) Tenzin Dolkar (University of Tromso) In 1994 tourism became one of three key industries for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as proclaimed by Chen Kui Yuan at the momentous ‘Third Forum on Work in Tibet’. Since then, the TAR government has been emphasizing the development of tourism in the area, and most recently is set to make Lhasa a “World Tourism Destination”. Tourism destination development generally involves the development and transformation of a place as well as its people. This presentation will discuss findings on the Barkor in Lhasa and more specifically on how Barkor residents, business people and local Buddhists experience and negotiate tourism related changes. While many Tibetologists have covered the place-related issues regarding the Barkor and Lhasa in relation to religion, architecture, politics and the state, we know very little about contemporary social life in the Barkor in relation to tourism. It is well known that the Barkor is a sacred place, a residential and business area as well as the most important tourist site in Tibet. It seems that tourism development is increasingly prioritized at the detriment of many Tibetans’ ideas, practices and habits related to the Barkor and the quality of life of local residents. In this paper, I will present first findings about local people’s perceptions and changes to their ways of life in relation to tourism developments since the 2000, when the Jokhang was listed as Word Heritage site, along with the Barkor as its “bufferzone”. 76 Brief history of Maryul Ladakh Nyar Ma Tsulakhang and its disappearance in contemporary Lobsang Thapka Part I: Historical Background Mar yul Ladakh Nyar Ma Tsulagkhang was first Tsulagkhang in Ladakh being established by Lotsava Rinchen sangpo under sponsorship of Maryul ladakh king Dogon in later part of 10th century or beginning of latter Buddhist prosperity period. Later due to the increasing number of monks, the monastery was relocated to ‘Nang’ which is below the lake, a few kilometers away from Eastern part of contemporary Nyar Ma Tsulakhang and it’s ruined walls. Another perspective Gerald Kozicz’ presentation in “The Architecture of The Empty Shells of Nyar ma. Part II During the rein of Zorawar Singh, external enemies and burglars did destroyed the monastery. I tried to clarify some issues by comparing related Tibetan and English documents Part III: With researching on the ground In present time, of Nyar Ma Tsulakhang a few ruined walls are left, besides major historical documents and particularly its name only in Tibetan language. I will present my findings from on site field research such as related histories and the present situation ༡) མར་ཡུལ་ལ་དགས་ཉར་མའྤྱི་གཙུག་ལག་ཁང་ཞེས་བ་བ་འདྤྱི་ནྤྱི་སྤྱི་ལོ་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་པའྤྱི་སྨད་དང་བསྟན་པ་ཕྤྱི་དར་གྤྱི་འགོ་ཙམ་དུ། མར་ཡུལ་ལ་དགས་ཀྤྱི་རྒྱལ་པོ་འགོ་མགོན་གྤྱིས་སྤྱིན་བདག་གནང་སྟེ་བླ་མ་ལོ་ཙཱ་བ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་བཟང་པོས་བཞེངས་པའྤྱི་ལ་དགས་ཕོགས་ཀྤྱི་ ལྷ་ཁང་ཐོག་མ་དེ་ཡྤྱིན་ལ། དེ་དང་གུ་གེར་མཐོ་ལྤྱིང་། པུ་རངས་ཀྤྱི་ཁོར་ཆགས་ལྷ་ཁང་གསུམ་དུས་གཅྤྱིག་ལ་རྨང་བཏང་ཞྤྱིང་དུས་གཅྤྱིག་ ལ་གྲུབ་སྟེ་(སྤྱི་ལོ་༡༩༩༦ ལོར་)རབ་གནས་མཛད་པའྤྱི་སོར་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཀུན་ལ་ཡོངས་གགས་སུ་གསལ་ནའང་། ཉར་མའྤྱི་གཙུག་ལག་ཁང་ དེར་ལྷ་ཁང་དང་ཆོས་ཁང། འདུ་ཁང་། ལྷ་རྟེན་ཆོས་གསུམ་ལྡེབས་རྤྱིས་གང་ཡོད་སོགས་སོན་ནས་ད་ལྟའྤྱི་བར་དུ་བོད་ཡྤྱིག་གྤྱི་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ རྣམས་སུ་མྤྱི་གསལ་བ་མ་ཟད། དེང་སབས་གང་ཆག་གྤྱི་ཤུལ་ཙམ་ལས་ལྷག་མེད་ཀང་། ཡྤྱིག་རྤྱིང་རེ་ལས་བྱུང་བའྤྱི་གཙུག་ལག་ཁང་དེ་ཇྤྱི་ ལྟར་གང་དུ་བཞེངས་ཚུལ་དང་། གཞན་ཨོས་ཐྤྱི་རྤྱི་ཡའྤྱི་མཁས་དབང་སྐུ་ཞབས་གྷེརོལ་ཁོ་ཟེཁས་(Gerald Kozicz) མཆོག་གྤྱིས་བྤྱིས་པའྤྱི་ ཉར་མའྤྱི་མཁར་ཤུལ་གྤྱི་ཨར་ལས་ལག་རལ་ལ་བལྟ་བ་(the Architecture of the Empty Shells of Nyar Ma) ཞེས་པའྤྱི་རོམ་ཡྤྱིག་༼རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་ བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་དེབ་ཕྲེང་ Discoveries in Western Tibet and Western Himalaya ཞེས་པར་བཀོད་འདུག༽དེར་ལྷ་ཁང་དང་འདུ་ ཁང་ཅྤྱི་འདྲ་ཡྤྱིན་མྤྱིན་ཕོགས་ཙམ་དབྤྱིབས་རྤྱིས་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ལམ་ནས་དཔྱད་ཞྤྱིབ་ཅུང་ཙམ་གནང་འདུག་མོད་ནའང་ལྷ་རྟེན་ཆོས་གསུམ་ཅྤྱི་ ཡོད་མྤྱི་གསལ་བའྤྱི་དེའྤྱི་སོར་ལ་རོབ་ཙམ་དཔྱད་རྒྱུ་དང་༢) དུས་རབས་བཅུ་པའྤྱི་མཇུག་ནས་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་དགུའྤྱི་སྨད་ཙམ་བར་ ཆགས་འཇྤྱིག་ཅུ་བྱུང་གྤྱི་སོར་དང་ལོ་ཙཱ་བས་ཉར་མའྤྱི་སྲུང་མ་རོ་རེ་ཆེན་མོ་ཐོག་མར་མ་ག་དྷ་ནས་གདན་དྲངས་པ་དང་ཉར་མའྤྱི་གཙུག་ ལག་ཁང་གྤྱི་སྲུང་མར་བསོས་པ་དུས་རབས་བཅུ་དྲུག་ནང་ལ་དགས་རྒྱལ་པོ་ཕུན་ཚོགས་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་གྤྱིས་བཙན་གྤྱིས་ཤེལ་ཞོལ་མར་གདན་ དྲངས་པའྤྱི་སོར་ཡྤྱིག་ཆ་དང་ངག་རྒྱུན་ལོ་རྒྱུས་དང་འབེལ་ནས་དབེ་ཞྤྱིབ་བས་ཡོད། ༣) ད་ལྟའྤྱི་ཉར་མའྤྱི་གཙུག་ལག་ཁང་ནྤྱི་རེས་ཤུལ་ གང་གོག་འགའ་ལས་ལྷག་མེད་ཁར་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཡྤྱིག་ཆ་སྤྱི་དང་ལྷག་པར་དུ་བོད་ཡྤྱིག་ནང་དུ་མྤྱིང་ཐོ་ཙམ་ལས་ལྷག་མེད་པས་རང་ནུས་གང་ ལྕོགས་དཔྱད་པ་བ་རྒྱུ་སོགས། གོང་བཀོད་དོན་གནད་རེ་རེ་ལ་ས་གནས་ས་ཐོག་གྤྱི་འབེལ་ཡོད་འདྲ་པར་གང་མང་གྤྱིས་ཟུར་བརྒྱན་བས་ ཡོད་པ་བཅས། 77 The progression of Modern Tibetan Music and its relation with the Tibetan society Kunsang Thokmay (Cambridge University) As all other music histories of the world, Tibetan music culture was also flourished with the civilization of Tibetan society. The multi-featured progression of Tibetan music reflected the social, cultural and political changes of Tibetan society throughout the past history. In each century, Tibetan music has been genuinely flowed with the phenomenal rhythm of Tibet’s geographic location, climate change, cultural pace and religious practices. Tibetan music began as a primitive form of communication that later practiced for social ceremonies, religious worships and even for self- introduction in the battlefields. Two major Tibetan religious schools (Bon & Buddhism) had the greatest influence on Tibetan music and its rhythms, melodies and even its theme of lyrics too. Due to the taste and style of different musicians, Tibetan music art gradually developed into various genres such as classic, folk, country, comic, opera and pop etc. Cultural revolution and Tibetan political dilemma shook the rigid structure of traditional Tibetan music and it slowly re-emerged as a modern Tibetan popular music genre. Despite the challenges of political repression and economic hindrance, modern Tibetan music has been blooming from the very grassroots level and it built a very deep impression in common people’s hearts. With the swinging changes of Tibetan political, social and economic situations, modern Tibetan music has also progressed in a distinguished way that is worthy to be observed intellectually. Textual resources have to be combined with oral interviews (both musicians and mass audiences) to draw a comprehensive picture of modern Tibetan music and its relation with the Tibetan society. Only then it is possible to draw some concise conclusions on this topic with the help of some social scientific theories. 78 The Relationship between Representatives of Different Generations of Tibetan Immigrants in Northern India: A Case Study of Dharamsala Tibetans Viacheslav Toloknov (Russian Academy of Sciences) Every newly arrived immigrants is invariably faced with both assistance by earlier arrived and settled compatriots, and lack of understanding of them (sometimes even with opposition, most notably in the field of interpersonal communication). Such the state of things is often contradicts the expectations of refugees, which dreaming of a new home. Indeed, if they are ready for counteraction and conflicts, they waiting it most likely from the local inhabitants (in this case – Indians), but not from the compatriots. How it is manifested itself in everyday life among the Tibetans of different waves of immigration in Northern India? In this paper I want to examine through the example of Tibetan refugees in Dharamsala and surrounding areas of Himachal Pradesh the various aspects of communication and interaction between Tibetans living in Dharamsala for many years or just a few years and Tibetans, who recently fled to India from historical and geographical Tibet. I try to show the areas of common interests and points of divergence of these two parts. My research is based on materials obtained by using the method of participant observation, as well as a series of interviews conducted by me with representatives of both parts. Interviews cover groups of different age, gender, social strata, educational level and stage of involvement in politics. To make the picture complete I also use secondary sources and Internet resources. This makes it possible to study the issue on the move and give some predictions for the future in the light of changing socio-political situation in the region. This problem is closely related with other outstanding issues such as the lack of understanding between old and young tibetan refugees, problem of linguistic communication between Tibetans from different regions of Tibet; problem of limited resources within Tibetan community. I am also trying to understand why some of newly arrived Tibetan refugees have to return to Tibetan areas of China and how the Central Tibetan Administration attempts to find a universal solution for all Tibetans? 79 Christian Conversion as an Alternative Path to Liberation? Reasons for the Spreading of Christianity in the Buxaduar Area of North Bengal Azade Toygar (Humboldt University Berlin) The Buxaduar Area in North Bengal borders on Bhutan. It includes four villages, a total population of 326 families with a Drukpa majority. The history of Christianity in the Buxaduar area of North Bengal traces back to 1895, when the Finland Mission established the first Free Church in the village Chunabhatti. However, Christianity did not take strong hold until half a century later Finish missionary Arnold Hythney lived and taught among the people of Chunnabhatti for more than a decade. After Reverend Hythney’s death in 1945, other missionaries have followed in his footsteps and left a strong Christian legacy: at present, almost 50% of families are Christian, closely followed by a Buddhist minority. Hindus account for approximately 12% of Buxaduar’s population. While missionaries from the Finland Mission haven’t maintained a physical presence in the region since the 1980’s, the Christian community is experiencing continuous growth. For one, a Faith-Based Organisation has been providing community services, such as health trainings and adult literacy classes and with that a supporting Christian presence for the last decade. My research findings reveal that combined with factors that are intrinsically linked to prevalent cultural, religious and traditional structures, which have built around the notion of liberation in an often undefined time or realm after this present life, a new dynamic has emerged. In a context where the social framework ensures people keep their assigned place in the community and where disobedience triggered repercussions, such as expulsion from the community, this Christian presence has introduced a new alternative to existing structures: conversion to Christianity allows people to step out of these firm hierarchies without having to leave their community. By becoming Christians, people may bypass certain traditions, such as inter-caste marriage without having to fear being exiled. Thus, rather than having to adhere to existing cultural or religious norms in the hope of more freedom in an uncertain future life, Christianity allows for lifestyle changes in this life without being deemed as an outcast. While several documented cases have shown that mere conversion to Christianity can lead to debarment from a community, I argue that there are cases which on the contrary allow for inclusion through circumvention of previously dictated behaviours. 80 Labtse construction and differentiation in Amdo Rahel Tsering (Humboldt University) Labtse constructions, built for the veneration of the local mountain deities, are found in different appearances all over the Northeastern Tibetan plateau. Despite their very prominent appearances and frequent reference in travel literature, very little is scholarly known about their actual architectural structure and their relevance for the respective communities in Amdo. Starting with a general introduction of labtse and similar constructions observed in Amdo, I will explain the architectural and conceptual differences between different structures. These differentiations are not made yet in the literature on labtse. I will argue that besides naming difficulties two main concepts can be distinguished. One structure is built for the residents’ exclusive veneration of their local deity and the other structure is erected for everyone who wants to pay homage to mountain deities or to make Buddhist prayers. One main point is to show that labtse constructions are much more then “heap of stones”, which they are often defined as in the literature and that they can have an unseen elaborates basement structures. I will give an example of an elaborate labtse construction in a village in the vicinity of the renown Labrang monastery. I will use photographs and Tibetan texts to demonstrate the characteristics of labtse constructions in Amdo. 81 Marriage and its Related Traditional Cultures in Spiti Bora Tashi Tsering (Tabo Serkong School) རྤྱིགས་རུས། གཉེན་སོལ། རོང་བ། མོ་ལ། རེ་ཆང་། ཡུལ་སོལ། ཁྤྱིམས་ལུགས། ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱི་རྒྱུད་ནྤྱི། གནའ་བོའྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་མང་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་རྒྱུན་ཉར་ཐུབ་ཡོད་པའྤྱི་ཡུལ་ལུང་ཞྤྱིག་ཆགས་ཡོད། ཡྤྱིན་ནའང་། ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱི་རྒྱུད་ཀྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་འཚོལ་ཞྤྱིབ་ནྤྱི། ད་ྲྭ ལམ་དང་གསར་ལམ། དཔེ་དེབ་སོགས་ནས་ཆ་ཚང་བ་ཞྤྱིབ་ཐོབ་རྒྱུ་ཁག་པོ་ཡྤྱིན། ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་འཚོལ་དགོས་ན། སྤྱི་ཚོགས་དེར་དངོས་སུ་ཞུགས་ནས་ནམ་རྒྱུན་གྤྱི་འཚོ་བའྤྱི་ཟ་དང་ཟུར་རེ་རེ་བཞྤྱིན་བསོགས་ནས་ འཚོལ་ཞྤྱིབ་བ་དགོས་པ་ལས། ཁོར་ཡུག་དེ་དང་ཁ་བལ་བའྤྱི་འཚོལ་ཞྤྱིབ་ཀྤྱིས་ང་ཚོས་འཚོལ་བཞྤྱིན་པའྤྱི་ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་ཀྤྱི་ མཐྤྱིལ་བསོགས་ཐུབ་ཐབས་མེད། གུས་པའྤྱི་ངོས་ནས། རྤྱིག་གནས་ར་ཆེ་བ་འདྤྱི་འཚོལ་ཞྤྱིབ་ཆེད། ལོ་ངོ་བཞྤྱིའྤྱི་རྤྱིང་གྤྱི་དུས་ཚོད་དེ་ཧྤྱི་མ་ལ་ཡའྤྱི་རྤྱི་རྒྱུད་རང་གྤྱི་སྤྱི་ཚོགས་ ནང་བཏང་སྟེ། སྤྱི་ཚོགས་ལས་རྤྱིགས་མང་པོ་དང་བེད་སོ་མང་པོར་དངོས་སུ་མཉམ་ཞུགས་བེད་པ་བརྒྱུད། ད་ྲྭ ལམ་དང་ཡྤྱིག་ཐོག་ནས་ རེད་དཀའ་བ་སྟེ། ཉྤྱིན་རེའྤྱི་འཚོ་བའྤྱི་ནང་གྤྱི་ལག་ལེན་བེད་སོ་དངོས་དང་། མྤྱི་རབས་རྒན་པ་ཚོའྤྱི་ངག་རྒྱུན་ན་ཡོད་པའྤྱི་གཏམ་དཔེ་དང་ གཏམ་རྒྱུད། བསམ་བློའྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས། ཡུལ་སོལ་གོམས་གཤྤྱིས་སོགས་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་དཔྱད་གཞྤྱིའྤྱི་རྒྱུ་ཆ་འཚོལ་སྒྲུབ་བེད་པ་ནྤྱི་ ཕོན་ཆེན་ པོ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡོད་པ་ལས། ད་ལམ། ཡོངས་གགས་མ་ཡྤྱིན་པའྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་གས། མོ་ལ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་ཕྲེང་བ་མཚམས་སོར། མོ་ལ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་ཕྲེང་བའྤྱི་ བསྟན་དོན་སོར། མོ་ལ་རྤྱིན་ཆེན་ཕྲེང་བ་དང་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རྒྱལ་རབས། རོང་བའྤྱི་མོ་ལའྤྱི་སོརསོགས་ཀྤྱིས་མཚོན་སྦལ་ཏྤྱི་ཡུལ་གྤྱི་ཡུལ་སོལ་བེ་ བག་པ་གཅྤྱིག་ལ་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་མཐྤྱིལ་ཕྤྱིན་བགྤྱིས་དང་བགྤྱི་མུས་ཀྤྱི་ཆེད་རོམ་༼སྦལ་ཏྤྱི་ཡུལ་གྤྱི་གཉེན་སྤྱིག་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་སོལ་རྒྱུན་རྤྱིག་ གནས་སོར་ལ་དཔྱད་པ༽ཞེས་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་འདུའྤྱི་བརོད་གཞྤྱིའྤྱི་ནང་འབུལ་གྤྱི་ཡོད། Himalayan region is a place where many ancient traditions kept alive. However, it is diﬃcult to do a complete research on Himalayan culture from website, media, and books. To find out the true nature of the Himalayan culture, a field research to look every nook and corner of everyday life is needed and a research departed fro the field experiences cannot bring out the depth of their culture. With this reason, I have spent past four years in Himalayan region, participating in diﬀerent works and events in their communities, to compile resources from every day activities, quotations and stories from elderly people, their ideology and custom which cannot be found online. This time, from the unpopular customs, I will be discussing the introduction and meaning of Mo-la Rinchen Trangba, its relationship to Tibetan history and Mo-la of marriage gifts in this research paper which will be presented at the International Seminar of Young Tibetologists. 82 Coming to Terms with Tibet: Scholarly Networks and the Production of Dictionaries in the Eastern Himalayas Markus Viehbeck (University of Heidelberg) A staple item in the beginning engagement with foreign cultures is the production of dictionaries, aimed to enable intellectual understanding as well as political conquest of “the other.” In the field of Tibetan Studies, many early dictionaries were produced in a specific historical and political setting in the contact zones between various agents that the Eastern Himalayas in the early 20th century provided. Fuelled by developments in trade, places like Darjeeling or Kalimpong had also turned into important nodes for the exchange of general knowledge, and many Tibetophiles had used the proximity to information on Tibet these places provided. Depending on each other as well as local research assistants, they had formed complex networks in their attempts to understand and put down Tibet on paper. In this talk I would like to investigate the entanglements between individual agents and the knowledge that was produced in this setting by analyzing Tibetan language dictionaries from a threefold perspective: agents involved in the production process, sources on which individual dictionaries were based, and structures of presenting the acquired knowledge. 83 Characters in Modern Tibetan Fiction set in pre-1950s Tibet: Aristocrats, Common Folk and Others Riika Virtanen (University of Helsinki) Literary characters play a central role in fictional stories and examining characters in modern Tibetan literary works is both productive and revealing. This paper examines characters in fiction which depict life in Tibetan society before Tibet was invaded by the Chinese in the 1950s. The literary works discussed include dPal 'byor's gTsug g.yu (1985) and Brag gdong bkras gling dbang rdor's bKras zur tshang gi gsang ba'i gtam rgyud (1997). The latter novel has also appeared in English translated by the author himself under the title The Secret Tale of Tesur House. A Tibetan Novel. A Chronicle of Old Tibet (1998). In these works it is evident that characters from different social classes and of different status are represented. There are aristocrats, businessmen, ordinary people and servants and also characters whose family background was considered socially low, such as coming from a family of blacksmiths. Attention will be paid to how the characters from different social classes and the relations between them are depicted. The notion of types will be discussed making use of Tibetan critical writings about characters and also attention will be paid to the influence on characterization of the use of different narrating techniques. It is suggested that there are significant differences in characterization which can be perceived in the degree of typicality or individuality with which the characters are represented. 84 The Collective Identity of Borderland Mongols in Amdo: The Mongols of Henan Mongol Autonomous County Ute Wallenboeck (University of Vienna) In my paper I will analyze borderland Mongols’ intertwinement with other official nationalities such as Tibetans and Hans in terms of power and resources in the Tibetan ethnogeographic and cultural area of Amdo. In fact, Amdo consists of a mosaic of numerous territorial ethnic groups whose historic homelands have been incorporated into the modern Chinese state after 1949. This process has been accompanied by the replacement of the former local tribal identity framework by the “Ethnic Classification Policy” (minzu shebie gongzuo) (1950-1980). This policy classified these various ethnic groups into 56 official “nationalities” (minzu). As a result, the various ethnic groups are positioned vis-à-vis each other as well as other official nationalities in competition for power and resources. I will reflect on the impact of the Ethnic Classification policy on the self-identity of the Mongol community in Henan Mongolian Autonomous County. This county is located within the territory of the Huangnan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in the northeastern part of present-day Qinghai Province. Henan Mongols depend on the central and local governments’ policies and their economic subsidies, but they avoid being incorporated into the central government’s power though at the same time they confirm with the state. Based on findings of several field researches in that area between 1995 and 2010 as well as spring 2014, this paper will contribute to the interdisciplinary discourse on identity on the northeastern Tibetan plateau at China’s multiethnic frontier. 85 Between Family and Transmission Lineage: Two Historical Works of the rNgog bKa'-brgyud-pa Marco Walther (LMU Munich) This study shall focus on two works of the rNgog bKa'-brgyud-pa tradition, namely; The Garland of Gems of Spiritual Biographies of the Teachers of rNgog from gZhung, Fathers and Sons, who themselves stem from the Venerable Marpa (rJe mar pa nas brgyud pa'i rngog gzhung pa yab sras kyi bla ma'i rnam thar nor bu'i phreng ba) by rNgog Byang-chub dpal-ba (c. 14th–15th century) and The Jewel Garland of Spiritual Biographies of the Teachers of rNgog, Fathers and Sons, who appeared successively (Bla ma rngog pa yab sras rim par byon pa'i rnam thar rin po che'i rgyan gyi phreng ba) by bSod-nams dpal-ba, most likely a disciple of the former. Both texts have recently resurfaced as reprints of the original manuscripts that were preserved in the library of the 'Bras-spungs monastery, Tibet. In light of the fact that no alternative editions have manifested elsewhere, their discovery is particuarly significant as these manuscripts currently represent the earliest and most comprehensive records of this tradition and hence give insight into the functioning of a unique transmission lineage. First, the works detail the geneaology of the rNgog-family, which second, is further connected to the different transmission lineages of tantric Buddhist teachings, held by the family members in succession. Therefore, these texts present a fusion of genetic and spiritual descendance. They commence with a narrative legend portraying the lives of the forefathers of rNgog-Family, who served as high priests and army officials at the royal court during the time of the early Tibetan kings. Following this is a short description of the different transmission lineages of teachings and initiations, along with a collection of short biographies of the family members between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. Some biographies are also extant in slightly altered forms within other works, mostly of the Chos 'byung genre, however, all known biographies are based upon the material presented herein. The works conclude with distinct chapters outlining the buddha-qualities of the teachers, their translations and authored works, their dates of birth and their close disciples. 86 The Transmission of Cakrasaṃvara Cycle from Northwest to th Northern China During the 12th–15 Century І.: Focus on Related Multilingual Manuscripts of Utpattikrama Wei Wen (China Tibetology Research Center) Cakrasaṃvara Cycle (bDe mchog skor), as the newly-imported yoginī-tantra to Tibet in circa 10th Century, was almost simultaneously prevalent in the territories of Xixia kingdom and spread to North China afterwards. Even in the early 15th Century, it was still popular in the Ming court. Quite a number of texts regarding Cakrasaṃvara cycle have been found among the excavated and extent Tangut, Chinese and Uyghur manuscripts translated from Tibetan found in this region. It is pretty particular that, based on my studies, most of them could be identified as instructors of utpattikrama practice (bsKyed rim). These materials and some Tibetan historical sources such as bDe mchog chos ’byungs by Bu ston reveal an evidence that how the Cakrasaṃvara,specially its utpattikrama, was initially introduced into Xixia as well as the related linages and figures. Furthermore, through the textual studies on the respective content, structure, feature and function of these texts about utpattikrama, I have discovered that there are at least two main factors could explain why the utpattikrama of Cakrasaṃvara kept in lasting popularity in this rgion for several centuries. Firstly, in early time, utpattikrama of Cakrasaṃvara played an essential role in the system of six yogas(Chos drug) practice which also once quite featured in Xixia Era. Their close relationship on meditation procedure in early period of later diffusion still have not been attached sufficient emphasis by scholars. Secondly, through the textual rifacimento by local Buddhists, the practice that originally for self-inner cultivation in Tibetan Tantric Buddhism were transformed into the open mode of confessional ritual(deśana) specially flourishing in Chinese Buddhism after the 10th Century. This adaptation or innovation for Tibetan Esoteric Buddhism in this vast region mainly dominated by Chinese Buddhism was an endeavor to meet the religious sense and practice of natives. Beside this two points, it was another potential reason that the practice has been attracting royal’s interests since Xixia time. The works above seek to uncover a long-ignored but significant case of the advancing SinoTibetan Buddhism during the 12th–15th Century and also shed more light on early situation of Tantric Buddhism in Tibet and China. 87 Livelihood Strategies among Tibetan Pastoralists Before and After Resettlement Kawanamgyal Wenchangjia For the past decades, Tibet has been undergoing rapid changes, especially with regard to the policy of resettling its nomads/pastoralists. Tibetan pastoralists' way of life has shifted from a subsistence economy to cash economy since the privatization of their properties in early 1980s, and some other subsequent policies such as pastureland division and resettlement. Accordingly, resettlement/ecological migration is a prerequisite for environmental restoration and Tibetan pastoralist modernization as the Chinese government encouraged it. Since, the pastureland division and resettlement have significant influences on pastoralists' livelihoods. This study examined the patterns of livelihood strategies among resettled Tibetan pastoralists and focuses on how these were shaped by their different livelihood assets/abilities. Six resettled pastoralist households have been carefully chosen as representatives from its seventy interviewed households among six hundred and seventy four resettled pastoralist households in Mgo-Mang Town of Qinghai Province are described prior to resettlement and post resettlement vis a vis their five household assets e.g., natural capital, human capital, social capital, physical capital and financial capital (DFID, 1997). The primary data of the study were gathered employing research methodologies such as life history, face-to-face interview, and participant observation with secondary data. Data is analyzed both qualitatively and descriptively based on the processes and patterns of adaptations of pastoralists in resettlement. 88 Preservation and Continuity – the Ache Lhamo Tradition inside and outside the TAR Daniel Wojahn (University of Leipzig) The Tibetan form of theatre (or opera), known as A-che lha-mo, has been continuously performed, probably since the yogin Thang-stong rgyal-po, developed this institution in the 15th century. After the annexation of Tibet, the Chinese government, especially following the Cultural Revolution (1967–76), but also the Tibetan Government-in-Exile have attempted to promote and redefine some of the aspects of Tibetan culture, not least the Tibetan A-che lha-mo Tradition. The Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts (TIPA) in Dharamsala was established to preserve this culture. When in 2009 the PRC handed in a Nomination List to the Committee for intangible Cultural Heritage, Ache Lhamo (listed as Tibetan Opera) amongst other was included. As Robert Shepherd argues, the “UNESCO marks sites as worthy of protection because of their cultural and historical value, while Chinese authorities then transform these sites into elements in the state narrative of Chinese culture and civilization.” (Shepherd 2009:65) Moreover Shepherd points out that “[…] the preservation of cultural heritage paradoxically stimulates the (re)creation of this heritage.” (Shepherd 2009:71) Based on data collected during field research in India between 2011 and 2014, it is the intention of the present paper delivered at the ISYT 2015 Conference, to shed light on the two diverging interpretations and modes of preservation of A-che lha-mo as represented by the institutions in TAR and in Dharamsala, highlighting the conceptual and theoretical differences in representing the A-che lha-mo Drama format. 89 Are the ’Bum bzhi Secondary? A Comparison of the rLung-Disease Classification in the rGyud bzhi with its Bon Pendant in the ’Bum bzhi Isabella Würthner (LMU Munich) This talk deals with the explanation of rlung-diseases in the rGyud bzhi (presumably written by gYu thog yon tan mgon po in the 12th century), the main work of the Tibetan science of healing. There rlung is seen as the wind or air element in the human body. During my research I concentrated on translations from the chapter about the healing of rlung-diseases, which is described in the second chapter of the third transmission (man ngag rgyud). These sources have been compared with the counterpart in the Bon tradition, the ’Bum bzhi of dPyad bu khri shes. In contrast to the rGyud bzhi, this work is part of the Bon Kanjur whose formation occurred between the 11th and the 14th century. I will present the distinctions which emerged in the course of my translations. Main focus will lie on a passage devoted to the classification of rlung-diseases according to their localisation. It appears strange in both works, but raises the question whether the ’Bum bzhi are secondary as there are two parts which are obviously incorrect compared to the equivalent section in the rGyud bzhi. There the ’Bum bzhi read an explicit numeration of the five sense faculties as head, eyes, ears, nose, teeth, tongue and the whole body. Firstly they count seven points instead of five and secondly head and teeth are not sense faculties. Therefore this seems to be a transcription mistake. This text passage appears to be curious in the Vaiḍūrya sngon po, the famous commentary to the rGyud bzhi of sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (17th century), too. These striking differences will be analysed and completed by the opinions of Tibetan and Bon doctors gained through oral interviews. 90 When the post relay system set up in Tibet by the Mongol empire? Möngke qan and Tibet during 13thcentury Yamamoto Meishi (Osaka International University) 1239–1240, Köden (the second son of Ögödei qaɤan) started to invade Central Tibet, and after that, Saskya Pandita and his two nephews went to the Köden’s headquarters. As we know the relationship of Mongol and Tibet practically started from this time. But our Tibetan historical sources keep silent before the enthronement of the fifth Qaɤan Qibilai, so we almost know nothing about the history of Tibet during Fourth Qan Möngke’s era.(The reign of third qan Güyük was very short.) J. Serb discussed that the first census of Tibet was carried out from 1252 to 1253(i.e. Möngke’s era), and after that, the post relay system was established in Tibet by Mongols (Serb 1980). But now, almost all researchersrecognizethat the post relay system of Tibet was established in Qubilai’s era (e.g. Petech1980, Luo-sang-qun-jiao / Chen Jinying1984, Otosaka1990, Zhang Yun1993 etc.). Their main source is Rgya bod yig tshang. So we can say that this problem have not yet solved. In this paper, firstly I will briefly introduce the history of the Möngke’s era and will analyse the parts of Rgya bod yig tshang which describe the post relay system of Tibet. Secondly I will discuss the features and problems of Rgya bod yig thang, and will examine why our Tibetan sources ignore the age of Möngke. Lastly I will discuss the political situation of Tibet during Möngke’s era. 91 Tracing the chol kha gsum: Reexamining a Sa skya-Yuan period administrative geography Eveline Yang (Indiana University) A common understanding of the geo-political divisions of the chol kha gsum (i.e. Dbus gtsang, Mdo smad, and Mdo stod) is that they were introduced during the Mongol Yuan administration of Tibet. The geographic divisions of Dbus gtsang, Mdo smad, and Mdo stod are in fact attested in Tibetan literature in the period prior to the Mongol Yuan rule.1 The geoadministrative term, chol kha, on the other hand, can be understood as being introduced during the Mongol Yuan period. However, its precise meaning in the Tibetan context of this period remains elusive: How did it fit into the broader Mongol Yuan administrative system? What other uses and meanings may have developed from it specific to the Tibetan context? The Tibetan word chol kha is a transcription of the Mongol word cölge, a geoadministrative unit based on the Mongol military decimal structure that was in turn determined by population units counted by the Mongol census. The Chinese equivalent for cölge was lu (路; Eng. “route”) as attested in Sino-Mongolian inscriptions dating to the 14th century. 2 However, Petech has argued that while cölge corresponded to the Chinese lu in China proper, chol kha in the Tibetan context was equivalent to the Chinese dao ( 道； Eng. “circuit”), which supervised two or more lu.3 Indeed, a Tibetan transcription for the Chinese lu (i.e. glu or lu) exists in distinction from chol kha in sources such as the Rgya Bod Yig Tshang.4 Yet the usage of chol kha in Tibetan sources of this period seems to indicate meanings beyond a simple correlation to the administrative unit of dao. This paper will trace the etymology of this geoadministrative term through a study of Tibetan, Chinese, and Mongol sources from the Yuan and Ming periods. mKhas pa lDe’u. mKhas pa lDe’u mdzad pa’i rgya bod kyi chos ’byung rgyas pa. Lhasa: Bod ljong mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, 1987. See also: Ne’u pandita grags pa smon lam blo gros. sNgon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba. In Bod gyi lo rgyud deb ther khag snga. Lhasa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe snying dpe skrun khang, 1989. 2 Cleaves, Francis Woodman. “The Sino-Mongolian Inscription of 1346.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 15, No. 1/2 (June 1952), pp. 20, 114. 3 Petech, Luciano. Central Tibet and the Mongols: the Yüan-Sa-skya period of Tibetan history. Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1990, p. 39. 4 dPal ’byor bzang po. rGya bod yig tshang. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1985. See for example, pp. 271–272 for instances of both spellings. 1 92 The Comparison of Fable Stories in Tibetan Buddhism and Bön Co-ne Yum Tshe-ring (South-West Nationalities University, China) Fable story held very important position in ancient Tibetan literature, but under the influence of Tibetan Buddhism, fable stories written by Buddhist masters attracted great attention and well-received. On the contrary, very few fable stories written by Bön masters appeared in the history of Tibetan literature. Even if few stories appeared, they were mentioned lightly with underestimation. By using Comparative Theory research, the paper analyzes the similarities and differences between Tibetan Buddhist fable stories and Bön Religion fable stories, with objective evaluation, by pointing out the holistic significance of fable stories for Tibetan literature. བོད་ཀྤྱི་རབ་བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་གྤྱིས་བོད་ཀྤྱི་སོལ་རྒྱུན་རོམ་རྤྱིག་ཁོད་གོ་གནས་ངེས་ཅན་ཞྤྱིག་ཟྤྱིན་ཡོད་མོད།འོན་ཀང་བོད་བརྒྱུད་ནང་ བསྟན་གྤྱི་ཤུགས་རེན་འོག་ཏུ་བོད་རྒྱུད་ནང་བསྟན་གྤྱི་བླ་བཙུན་གྤྱིས་བརམས་པའྤྱི་སོལ་རྒྱུན་རབ་བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་ལ་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རོམ་ རྤྱིག་ལོ་རྒྱུས་སུ་གདེང་འཇོག་དང་བཟང་བསྟོད་མྤྱི་དམན་པ་ཞྤྱིག་ཐོབ་ཀང་། བོན་པོའྤྱི་བླ་བཙུན་གྤྱིས་བརམས་པའྤྱི་སོལ་རྒྱུན་རབ་ བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་མང་པོ་ཡོད་པ་དག་ནྤྱི་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རོམ་རྤྱིག་ལོ་རྒྱུས་ཁོད་དུ་ཆེད་དམྤྱིགས་སུ་བརོད་མཁན་ཤྤྱིན་ཏུ་དཀོན་པས། བོད་ཀྤྱི་ རོམ་རྤྱིག་གྤྱི་སེ་དང་སྤྱི་ཚོགས་སུ་ཤུགས་རེན་ཟབ་མོ་ཞྤྱིག་ཐེབས་ཐུབ་མེད། དེའྤྱི་ཕྤྱིར་དཔྱད་རོམ་འདྤྱི་ཡྤྱིས་ཞྤྱིབ་སྡུར་རང་བཞྤྱིན་གྤྱི་བེད་ ཐབས་སད་ནས་བོད་བརྒྱུད་ནང་བསྟན་གྤྱི་རབ་བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་དང་བོན་པོའྤྱི་རབ་བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་གཉྤྱིས་ཀྤྱི་འདྲ་ས་དང་ མྤྱི་འདྲ་སའྤྱི་ཆ་ཉྤྱིད་དང་དགེ་མཚན་ལ་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་བས་པ་བརྒྱུད། བོད་ཀྤྱི་སོལ་རྒྱུན་རབ་བཏགས་བརམས་སྒྲུང་གྤྱིས་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རོམ་རྤྱིག་ ཧྤྱིལ་བོ་ལ་ཐོན་པའྤྱི་དོན་སྙྤྱིང་ཧྤྱིལ་བརོད་བས་ཡོད། 93 The City Image in Contemporary Tibetan Novels Zengbao Dangzhou (Minzu University of China) It is common to see the content of city image in the Tibetan contemporary novels. There are a variety of city images in those fictions. While the most important is the city image which made in terms of literature and ideology through a certain criterion. And there are some images also from the aspects of materials and spirituals, which is commonly obvious to see in writings with background of city. The contemporary city is the main part in these kinds of writings. What is the city in contemporary Tibetan novels? And how it is described? So this paper will be based on several novels composed from the year of 1980 to analyze the realistic city and its image in the novel. And it will give an analysis on the following aspects: What is the city like in Tibetan contemporary novels? And how it is depicted? What are the general ideas about it? བོད་ཀྤྱི་དེང་རབས་སྒྲུང་གཏམ་གྤྱི་ནང་དུ་གོང་ཁེར་བརོད་གཞྤྱིར་བས་པ་མང་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་འདུག་ལ། དེ་དག་གྤྱི་ནང་དུ་གོང་ཁེར་གྤྱི་རྣམ་པ་ འདྲ་མྤྱིན་མངོན་འདུགདེ་ལས་ཀང་གལ་ཆེ་བ་ཞྤྱིག་ནྤྱི་སྒྲུང་གཏམ་ཁོད་ཀྤྱི་གོང་ཁེར་གྤྱི་སང་བརན་དེས་ཚད་ངེས་ཅན་ཞྤྱིག་གྤྱི་སྟེང་ནས་ རོམ་རྤྱིག་གྤྱི་ཡུལ་རྣམ་ཞྤྱིག་གམ་འདུ་ཤེས་ཁོད་ཀྤྱི་ཡུལ་རྣམ་ཞྤྱིག་གྲུབ་པར་བས་ཡོད་ཅྤྱིང་། དེ་དག་གྤྱི་ནང་དུ་བསམ་བློ་འདུ་ཤེས་ལས་ འཕྲོས་པའྤྱི་ཆ་དང་། ཡང་དངོས་ཡོད་འཚོ་བ་ལ་གཞྤྱིར་བས་པ་ཆ་བཅས་མང་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡོད། དེ་ལས་ཀང་གོང་ཁེར་རྒྱབ་ལྗོངས་སུ་བཀོད་ པའྤྱི་བརམས་ཆོས་དག་ལས་ཐུན་མོང་གྤྱི་ཆ་ཞྤྱིག་མངོན་ལ། དེས་དེང་རབས་སྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་གྲུབ་ཆ་གལ་ཆེ་སྟེ།གོང་ཁེར་ཞེས་པ་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རོམ་ རྤྱིག་ནང་ཇྤྱི་འདྲ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡྤྱིན་པ་མཚོན་ཡོད།དཔྱད་རོམ་འདྤྱིར1980ལོའྤྱི་ཚུན་ནས་བྱུང་བའྤྱི་བོད་ཀྤྱི་སྒྲུང་གཏམ་ཁག་ཅྤྱིག་གཞྤྱིར་བཟུང་ ནས་གོང་ཁེར་ཞེས་པའྤྱི་ཡུལ་དང་དེ་རོམ་རྤྱིག་ནང་བཀོད་རེས་ཀྤྱི་རྣམ་པ་ལ་དབེ་ཞྤྱིབ་བས་པ་བརྒྱུད། བོད་ཀྤྱི་དེང་རབས་སྒྲུང་གཏམ་ ཁོད་ཀྤྱི་གོང་ཁེར་ནྤྱི་གང་འདྲ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡྤྱིན་ཚུལ་དང་། དེས་ཅྤྱི་ཞྤྱིག་མཚོན་ཡོད་ཚུལ།དེ་མཚོན་པ་ལ་ཐབས་ཅྤྱི་ཞྤྱིག་སད་ཚུལ་དང་། དེའྤྱི་རྒྱབ་ རོལ་ན་ཐུན་མོང་གྤྱི་ལྟ་སྟངས་ག་འདྲ་ཡོད་ཚུལ་བཅས་ཀྤྱི་སོར་ལ་དཔྱད་པ་བཏང་ཡོད་དོ། ། 94 Taming History: Accommodating of Manchu-Qing History through Dharma Historiography Fan Zhang (Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology) The stereotype of Buddhist historical texts inevitably falls in the cliché of anti-historicity and ethical-religious doctrines. If we only take Buddhist historical texts at face value to restore “historical facts”, we would be disappointed at the duplicated life stories of Buddha, Bodhisattvas and gurus as well as their mythical achievements. Nevertheless, a close reading of Tibetan literature reveals “the intense preoccupation of Tibet’s men of letters with history and historiography” (van der Kuijp 1996, 40). Therefore, instead of treating Tibetan historiography as plagiarism of Indian Buddhist historiography, I stand in line with the assumption that “degree of Indian influence on literary forms was directly proportional to the social and religious status of the Tibetan literati in question” (Cabezón and Jackson 1996, 15). In this paper, I move beyond text itself, look at the agents in the process of “writing the text”, read Buddhist historical texts as fashioning social subjectivities from within a cultural field formed by discourses and institutions, and moreover, as forging new knowledge through transforming concepts and narratives to accommodate the alterity and affinity of different cultural orders. I argue, in the writing and rewriting process, the past, the Buddhist teachings, national-ethnic belongings, as well as the locus of cosmopolitanism all were agentive factors coming into play to construct the new Sino- Tibetan political structure of the eighteenth century, when Tibet was a constituting part of the political territory and the cultural imagination of the Qing Empire. This paper is organized into four sections. In the first section I illustrate the dominating approaches to history among the Manchu-Han intellectuals in the eighteenth century through which the frontier was narrated in general and Tibet was portrayed in particular. In the second section I introduce the basic frame of Tibetan historiographical accounts which opened space for manipulation in the eighteenth century. These two sections set up the background for the comparative analysis in the third section. The forth section concludes this chapter with answers to the questions how different historiographical traditions were adopted and transformed by Tibetan intellectuals to generate new forms of historical narratives throughout the eighteenth century to the first half of the nineteenth century, how Tibetan intellectuals historicize China in relation to Tibet through Buddhist vocabularies, and what role historiographical writings played in the political encroachment of the Qing Empire in Tibet. 95 The Footprints of Chan westwards Linghui Zhang (Department of Religious Studies, University of Virginia) This article will attempt to delineate stages of Tibetans’ perception of the Chan teaching represented by Hwa-shang Mahāyāna, and draw on both textual and iconographical sources for insights into how Tibetan Buddhists reacted to both external and internal challenges to the cultural networks they endeavored to maintain in different historical scenarios: 1. The Chan teaching made its way in Dunhuang through the medium of Bao-tang school based in Sichuan, and fitted well into the Tibetan tantric circle due to the doctrinal resemblance. Thus, the Chan-tantric complex formed a community definable as a “percolating vulnerable cluster” which allows for the “information cascade” with the effect of blurring the boundary between the identities of two discourses. 2. The event of the Great Debate marks the failure of a further transmission of Chan teaching through a long distance, from periphery to center, and reflects the authority’s choice of excluding Chinese Chan elements from the hard core of Central Tibetan network since the movement lacked sufficient sympathies with the target circle a successful connectivity entailed. 3. Later the figure Hwa-shang turned into a polemical symbol people used to label rival traditions. Parallel to the mainstream narrative was an alternative line of evaluation borne by traditions usually under attack. The boundary between two “clusters” of competing doctrinal orientations shifted with the act of conversion. For instance, People converted to the powerful dGe-lugs-pa force to avoid the polemical label. As a response, many scholars on the suppressed side strived for the sustenance of their own “cluster”, among whom Tshe-dbang-nor-bu went so far as to have cut the ground from under the rebuttals by directly clearing Hwa-shang’s name. 4. However, the addition of both Bodhidharma and Hwa-shang into the mainstream Tibetan iconographical tradition of arhat painting tells a different story regarding Tibetans’ perception of Hwa-shang as well as the Chan teaching. 96 Statutes of the International Seminar of Young Tibetologists (ISYT) 97 English Version At the first business meeting of the ISYT a set of statutes was adopted in order to take the organisation forward. A president, secretary general and a board of advisors was also elected. At the second meeting of the ISYT, the president and secretary general proposed a set of amendments that were voted on and subsequently adopted according to a majority consensus. STATUTES OF THE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR OF YOUNG TIBETOLOGISTS The first conference of the Seminar of Young Tibetologists was held in Zürich in 1977. The Seminar was reinaugurated in London in 2007 as the International Seminar of Young Tibetologists (hereinafter ISYT). The following statutes were passed during the business meeting held at London, 12th August, 2007 and revised at subsequent business meetings. (1) Objectives The objectives of the ISYT shall be to develop the study of Tibetan culture in all its aspects and to provide a venue for scholarly exchange among early-career scholars and postgraduate students through international cooperation between academic institutions and individual scholars. The primary means of achieving these aims shall be the organization of an international conference that shall take place every two or three years. (2) Organization The ISYT shall consist of Members, a Board of Advisors, a Secretary General and a President. A Convener or Conveners shall be appointed to host each conference. (3) Membership Those who have presented a paper at an ISYT conference will be entitled to full membership. Full members have the right to vote on any resolution. Membership expires at the end of one’s status as a ‘Young Tibetologist’—that is, one for whom no more than six years have passed since one’s final degree or one’s first academic appointment. Members of the IATS who also qualify as ‘Young Tibetologists’ also enjoy full ISYT membership. Full membership can also be granted by President’s action, requested by the members in a vote. (4) Board of Advisors Composition: Any ISYT member is eligible for membership on the Board of Advisors. Membership on the Board is restricted to nine, and there may be no more than two members from the same country, defined as either place of birth or place of residence. Duties: the Board of Advisors shall assist the President and the Convener(s) in all matters concerning the ISYT. The Board of Advisors shall elect the Secretary General and make recommendations to the President for a Convener of the conference. 98 Election: The Board of Advisors shall be elected by full members at the business meeting of the ISYT on the occasion of the conference and they shall hold office for the period covering two successive conferences. Should a Board member’s status as a Young Tibetologist end during this term, a replacement shall be elected at the first conference following his/her election. If Board members fail to attend both the conference and the business meeting, and do not give the Secretary General a good reason for their absence, they shall be replaced in a by-election held at the business meeting from which they are absent. (5) President Duties: It shall be the duty of the President to represent the ISYT and to oversee the implementation of the Statutes. The business meeting is to be chaired by the President. The President shall appoint the Convener of the conference recommended by the Board of Advisors to host the conference. If the President for any reason is unable to act, the Secretary General shall temporarily execute the duties of the President. Election: The President is elected to hold office for the period covering two successive conferences. Should a President’s status as a Young Tibetologist end during this term, a replacement shall be elected at the first conference following his/her election. If the President fails to attend both the conference and the business meeting, he or she shall be replaced in a by-election held at the business meeting from which he or she is absent. Members who have presented a paper at an ISYT conference shall be eligible to stand as President. Nominations must be seconded, and should be passed to the Convener(s) before the business meeting. The President shall be elected by full members of the ISYT in a secret ballot during the business meeting. The candidate who obtains a majority of the votes cast shall be declared elected. If no candidate obtains a simple majority, a second ballot will be held to decide between the two candidates who obtained most votes in the first ballot. (6) Secretary General Duties: The Secretary General shall co-ordinate the work of the Board of Advisors. The permanent office of the ISYT shall be established at the institution to which the Secretary General is attached for the period of his time in office. Communications from this office should be released in both English and Tibetan Election: The Board of Advisors shall elect the Secretary General from among their number. The Secretary General’s term in office shall be the same as in the case of the Board of Advisors. (7) Conferences Organization: The ISYT shall organize international conferences which shall take place every two or three years. The conferences held under the auspices of the ISYT shall be arranged by the Convener appointed by the Board of Advisors. The final programme of the Seminar should be determined by close consultation between the Convener and the President. There shall be no more than two parallel concurrently running panels. 99 Convener: The President shall appoint the Convener recommended by the Board of Advisors to host the conference. The Convener shall have full responsibility for the practical organization of the conference and the publication of its proceedings. Participants: the conferences shall be open to all bona fide scholars with an established interest in Tibet. All participants must be no more than six years out of their final degree, or no more than six years shall have passed since their first academic appointment. All participants of the conference are expected to deliver a paper on the subject of their choice. The invitation of observers shall be at the discretion of the President and of the convener of the conference. Business meeting: A business meeting shall be held at each conference. A quorum shall be deemed to be present at a business meeting if at least fifteen full members as well as the President and/or the Secretary General are participating. The President and the Secretary General may authorize the Convener(s) to represent them. (8) Affiliation with the IATS In recognition of the close relationship between the ISYT and the IATS, Members of the ISYT shall endeavour to ensure a formal affiliation between the two research associations. This will take the form of an amendment to the statutes of the IATS granting IATS membership to ISYT members who have presented at two ISYT conferences. This will be proposed by ISYT members in attendance at the next business meeting of the IATS. (9) Amendments and Dissolution Statutory Amendment: The statutes of the ISYT can only be ratified or changed by a two-third majority of the full members present at a conference business meeting. Amendments to the statutes can be adopted by a two-third majority of the full members present at a conference business meeting. Dissolution: The ISYT shall declare itself dissolved if two-thirds of the full members present at the business meeting of a conference should so vote, if the Board of Advisors unanimously declares it dissolved or if on two successive occasions it proves impossible to convene a conference. 100 Tibetan Version ༅། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་རྤྱིན་པོ་ཆེ། སྤྱིར་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་གྤྱི་ཚོགས་འདུ་ཐེངས་དང་པོ་དེ་སྤྱི་ལོ་༡༩༧༧ ལོར་སུ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་འཛུ་རྤྱིག་རྒྱལ་སར་འཚོགས་བསོང་ གནང་ནའང་། དེ་སབས་ཀྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་དེ་རྤྱིམས་པར་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ངོ་བོར་བསྒྱུར་ཏེ་ གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་མེད་པར་འགྱུར། སར་ཡང་སྤྱི་ལོ་༢༠༠༧ ལོར་དབྤྱིན་ཇྤྱིའྤྱི་རྒྱལ་ས་ལོན་ཌོན་དུ་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དང་པོ་དེ་བསོང་འཚོགས་གནང་ཡོད། ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དེའྤྱི་སབས་སྤྱི་ཟླ་༨ པའྤྱི་ཚེས་༡༢ ཉྤྱིན་ལས་ རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་ཞྤྱིག་ཀང་བསོང་འཚོགས་གནང་སྟེ་གཤམ་གསལ་བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་དོན་ཚན་ཁག་གཏན་འབེབས་གནང་བ་མ་ཟད་མང་མོས་ མོས་མཐུན་ཀང་བྱུང་ཡོད། དེ་ནས་དེ་ཕྤྱིན་གྤྱི་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་སབས་མང་མོས་མོས་མཐུན་ཐོག་སྐྱར་བཅོས་ཕྲན་བུ་བས་ཡོད། ༡༽ གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་དམྤྱིགས་ཡུལ། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་དམྤྱིགས་ཡུལ་ནྤྱི་བོད་ཀྤྱི་རྤྱིག་གནས་དང་རྤྱིག་གཞུང་ཀུན་ལ་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་ཀྤྱིས་སོ་ ནས་གོ་རྟོགས་སེལ་རྒྱུ་དང་། གཞོན་སྐྱེས་སོབ་མ་དང་འབུམ་རམས་པ་ཐོན་མ་ཐག་པའྤྱི་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་སོབ་མ་རྣམས་བགོས་གེང་གནང་སའྤྱི་ སྤྱིངས་ཆ་མཐུན་རེན་བསྐྲུན་རྒྱུ། དེ་ཡང་ཆེས་མཐོའྤྱི་སོབ་གྲྭ་དང་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་གནང་མཁན་སོགས་བརྒྱུད་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་འབེལ་ལམ་བསྐྲུན་རྒྱུ་ དེ་ཡྤྱིན། དམྤྱིགས་ཡུལ་འདྤྱི་སྒྲུབ་ཐབས་སུ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་གཙོ་བོ་ཞྤྱིག་ནྤྱི་ལོ་གཉྤྱིས་སམ་གསུམ་ནས་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ ཚོགས་ཚོགས་འདུ་བསོང་འཚོགས་གནང་རྒྱུ་དེ་ཡྤྱིན། ༢༽ གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ངོ་བོ། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་འདྤྱི་ནྤྱི། སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི། སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་དང་། གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ ཚོགས་གཙོ་བཅས་ལས་གྲུབ་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་པ་ཞྤྱིག་ཡྤྱིན། དེ་མ་ཚད་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་རེར་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་པ་བཅས་བཀོད་ དགོས། ༣༽ སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གང་རུང་ཞྤྱིག་ཏུ་དཔྱད་རོམ་སེལ་ཡོད་ཚེ་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་ཁོངས་ སུ་ཚུད་པ་ཡྤྱིན། སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ཡྤྱིན་ན་ཚོགས་པ་འདྤྱི་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་གནད་དོན་ཐག་གཅོད་བེད་སོ་ཀུན་ལ་འོས་འཕེན་པའྤྱི་ཐོབ་ ཐང་ཆ་ཚང་ཡོད། གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་ནྤྱི། རང་ཉྤྱིད་ཀྤྱི་སོབ་ཐོན་ཕག་ཁེར་ཐ་མའམ་འབུམ་རམས་པའྤྱི་ལག་ ཁེར་ཐོབ་ནས་ལོ་དྲུག་ལས་མ་བརྒལ་བ། ཡང་ན་མཐོ་སོབ་དུ་ཤེས་རྤྱིག་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་གཏན་འཇག་གོ་གནས་ཐོབ་ནས་ལོ་དྲུག་ལས་མ་ བརྒལ་བ་དགོས། གཞན་ཡང་དམྤྱིགས་བསལ་ཞྤྱིག་ནྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཞུགས་ཞྤྱིག་ལ་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་སྙན་སེང་དང་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་ཡོད་ ཚེ་ཚོགས་ཞུགས་གང་ཡྤྱིན་པ་དེར་ཚོགས་གཙོས་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱིར་ངོས་ལེན་ཐད་ཀར་གནང་ཆོག ༤༽ སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི། གྲུབ་ཆ་ངོ་བོ། སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ཡྤྱིན་ཕྤྱིན་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིར་འོས་འདེམས་ཆོག་པའྤྱི་འོས་ཆོས་ཚང་ཡོད། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་ གངས་ཚད་མྤྱི་གངས་དགུ་ལས་མང་མྤྱི་རུང་ཞྤྱིང་། རྒྱལ་ཁབ་གཅྤྱིག་ནས་མྤྱི་གངས་གཉྤྱིས་ལས་མང་བ་འདེམས་བཀོད་མྤྱི་ཆོག རང་ཉྤྱིད་ རྒྱལ་ཁབ་གང་གྤྱི་ཁོངས་སུ་གཏོགས་མྤྱི་གཏོགས་དེ་འོས་གཞྤྱི་འདོན་སབས་རང་ཉྤྱིད་ཀྤྱི་འཁྲུངས་ཡུལ་ལམ་ད་ལྟའྤྱི་སོད་གནས་གང་ཡྤྱིན་ གདམས་ག་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། 101 ལས་འགན། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་ལས་འགན་ནྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་གྤྱི་ཚོགས་གཙོ་དང་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་རྣམས་ལ་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་ གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་ལས་དོན་གང་ཡོད་ལ་མཐུན་སོར་གནང་རྒྱུ་དེ་ཡྤྱིན། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ ནས་སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས་པ་དང་། ཚོགས་འདུ་རྤྱིམ་བཞྤྱིན་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་འདེམས་བཀོད་ཐད་ ཚོགས་གཙོ་ལ་སོབ་སྟོན་ཡང་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་འོས་འདེམས། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ནྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་མཇུག་ཏུ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་འདུ་འཛོམས་སབས་ སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས་པ་དང་། དེ་ནས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གཉྤྱིས་རྤྱིང་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་ལས་འགན་ བཞེས་གནང་དགོས། གལ་ཏེ་དུས་ཡུན་དེའྤྱི་རྤྱིང་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་སུ་རུང་བ་ཞྤྱིག་གྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་དེ་ རོགས་ཚེ། དེ་ནས་རྤྱིས་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དང་པོའྤྱི་སབས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དེའྤྱི་ཚབ་ཞྤྱིག་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིར་འོས་འདེམས་གནང་དགོས། ཡང་ གལ་ཏེ་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་སུ་རུང་བ་ཞྤྱིག་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དང་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་གཉྤྱིས་ཀའྤྱི་ནང་ངོ་བཅར་མ་ཐུབ་པ་མ་ཚད། དེའྤྱི་རྒྱུ་ མཚན་གསལ་པོ་ཞྤྱིག་སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེར་སྙན་སེང་མ་ཞུ་བ་བྱུང་ཚེ། ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེ་གའྤྱི་ནང་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དེའྤྱི་ཚབ་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་ མྤྱི་གཞན་ཞྤྱིག་ཕྲལ་དུ་མང་མོས་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། ༥༽ གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་གཙོ། ཚོགས་གཙོའ་ྤྱི ལས་འགན། ཚོགས་གཙོའྤྱི་ལས་འགན་ནྤྱི་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་གཙོ་སྐྱོང་གནང་རྒྱུ་དང་གོས་ ཚོགས་འདྤྱིའྤྱི་བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་དོན་གནད་ཁག་ལ་སྟངས་འཛིན་གནང་རྒྱུ་དེ་ཡྤྱིན། ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུའྤྱི་སབས་ལས་རྤྱིམ་གཙོ་སྐྱོང་ཡང་ ཚོགས་གཙོས་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་འདུ་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་ཡང་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིས་སོབ་སྟོན་ལྟར་ ཚོགས་གཙོས་བཀོད་བཞག་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། གལ་ཏེ་རྒྱུ་མཚན་གང་རུང་ཞྤྱིག་གྤྱི་རེན་ལས་ཚོགས་གཙོས་ལས་འཁུར་ཞུ་མ་ཐུབ་ཚེ། སྤྱི་ ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་ནས་དུས་ཚོད་དེའྤྱི་རྤྱིང་ཚོགས་གཙོའྤྱི་ལས་འཁུར་གང་ཡོད་བསྒྲུབ་དགོས། ཚོགས་གཙོའ་ྤྱི འོས་འདེམས། ཚོགས་གཙོ་ནྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་མཇུག་ཏུ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་འདུ་འཛོམས་སབས་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས་པ་དང་། དེ་ནས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གཉྤྱིས་རྤྱིང་ཚོགས་གཙོའྤྱི་ལས་འགན་བཞེས་གནང་ དགོས། གལ་ཏེ་ཚོགས་གཙོ་རང་ཉྤྱིད་ཀྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་དེ་དེའྤྱི་རྤྱིང་རོགས་ཚེ། དེ་ནས་རྤྱིས་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་ ཐེངས་དང་པོའྤྱི་སབས་ཚོགས་གཙོ་གསར་པ་ཞྤྱིག་འོས་འདེམས་གནང་དགོས། ཡང་གལ་ཏེ་ཚོགས་གཙོ་ཉྤྱིད་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དང་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ ཚོགས་འདུ་གཉྤྱིས་ཀའྤྱི་ནང་ངོ་བཅར་མ་ཐུབ་ཚེ་ཕྲལ་དུ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེ་གའྤྱི་ནང་ཚོགས་གཙོ་གསར་པ་ཞྤྱིག་མང་མོས་འདེམས་ སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གང་རུང་ཞྤྱིག་ཏུ་དཔྱད་རོམ་འབུལ་ཞུས་ཡོད་ཚེ་ཚོགས་གཙོའྤྱི་འོས་མྤྱིག་ ཏུ་ཞུགས་ཆོག འོན་ཀང་འོས་མྤྱིག་དུ་འདོན་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དེར་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་གཉྤྱིས་པ་ཞྤྱིག་ནས་ཀང་རྒྱབ་སྐྱོར་ཞུ་དགོས་པ་དང་། འོས་མྤྱིག་ དེ་ཡང་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེའྤྱི་གོང་དུ་གོ་སྤྱིག་ཚོགས་ཆུང་ལ་ཕུལ་ཟྤྱིན་པ་དགོས། ཚོགས་གཙོ་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་ཕོགས་ནྤྱི་གོས་ ཚོགས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་མཇུག་ཏུ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་འདུ་འཛོམས་སབས་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་གསང་བའྤྱི་འོས་འཕེན་ཏེ་ འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་དགོས། འོས་མྤྱིག་ཁོད་འོས་གངས་མང་ཤོས་ཐོབ་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དེར་ཚོགས་གཙོའྤྱི་ལས་འཁུར་ཞུ་ཆེད་མང་མོས་འོས་ ཐོན་བྱུང་བ་བརྤྱི་དགོས། གལ་ཏེ་འོས་མྤྱིག་ནང་འཁོད་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་སུས་ཀང་འོས་གངས་མང་མོས་མ་ཐོབ་ཚེ། སར་ཡང་འོས་གངས་ མང་ཤོས་ཐོབ་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དབར་འོས་འཕེན་ཏེ་འོས་གངས་མང་ཤོས་ཐོབ་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་དེར་ཚོགས་གཙོར་འདེམས་སྒྲུག་གནང་ དགོས། 102 ༦༽ སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ། ལས་འགན། སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེའྤྱི་ལས་འགན་ནྤྱི་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ཀྤྱི་ལས་དོན་ཐད་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་དང་མཉམ་འབེལ་ གནང་རྒྱུ་དང་། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ལས་ཁུངས་ནྤྱི་ཚོགས་པའྤྱི་སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་གང་དུ་བཞུགས་པའྤྱི་མཐོ་ སོབ་དེར་གནས་བཅའ་དགོས་པ་དེ་ཡང་སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་མ་རོགས་བར་ཡྤྱིན། ལས་ཁུངས་འདྤྱི་ནས་གནས་འཕྲྤྱིན་ཡྤྱིག་འབེལ་ སོགས་གང་བེད་དགོས་ཚང་མ་དབྤྱིན་བོད་སད་གཉྤྱིས་ནང་གནང་དགོས། སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེའ་ྤྱི འོས་འདེམས། སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་ནྤྱི་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ནང་ནས་སུ་རུང་བ་ཞྤྱིག་ལ་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་བཀོད་བཞག་གནང་དགོས། སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ ཆེའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་དེ་ཡང་གོང་ལྟར་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་དང་གཅྤྱིག་མཚུངས་ཡྤྱིན། ༧༽ ཚོགས་ཐེངས་འདུ་འཛོམས། གོ་སྤྱིག་ལྷན་ཚོགས། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་འདྤྱི་ནྤྱི་ལོ་གཉྤྱིས་སམ་གསུམ་ནང་ཐེངས་རེ་བསོང་ དགོས། ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དེ་བཞྤྱིན་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་བཀོད་འདེམས་གནང་བའྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་ནས་གོ་ སྤྱིག་ཞུ་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དེའྤྱི་མཛད་རྤྱིམ་ཁག་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་དང་ཚོགས་གཙོ་ཟུང་གྤྱིས་གོས་བསྡུར་ཐོག་ཐ་མའྤྱི་ གཏན་འབེབས་གནང་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན། གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་ནྤྱི་སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ནས་འོས་འདོན་གནང་བ་ལྟར་ཚོགས་གཙོས་བཀོད་བཞག་ གནང་རྒྱུ་དང་། གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་ནས་སབས་བབས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དེའྤྱི་ལས་རྤྱིམ་གང་ཡོད་ཀུན་ལ་འགན་ཆ་ཚང་བཞེས་གནང་རྒྱུ་ དང་། ཚོགས་ཐེངས་དེ་རེས་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེར་སོག་སང་ཞུས་པའྤྱི་དཔྱད་རོམ་རྣམས་དཔར་བསྐྲུན་ཞུ་རྒྱུའྤྱི་འགན་ཆ་ཚང་ཡོད། ཚོགས་ཞུགས་པ། གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེ་ནང་བོད་རྤྱིག་པར་ཉམས་ཞྤྱིབ་གནང་མཁན་མཁས་དབང་ཚང་མ་ བཅར་ཆོག་ནའང་། ཚོགས་མྤྱིའྤྱི་དུས་ཡུན་ནྤྱི་རང་ཉྤྱིད་ཀྤྱི་སོབ་ཐོན་ཕག་ཁེར་ཐ་མའམ་འབུམ་རམས་པའྤྱི་ལག་ཁེར་བཞེས་ནས་ལོ་དྲུག་ ལས་མ་བརྒལ་བ། ཡང་ན་མཐོ་སོབ་དུ་ཤེས་རྤྱིག་དང་འབེལ་བའྤྱི་གཏན་འཇག་གོ་གནས་ཐོབ་ནས་ལོ་དྲུག་ལས་མ་བརྒལ་བ་དགོས། ཚོགས་བཅར་བ་རྣམས་ནས་ཚོགས་འདུ་དེར་རང་རང་གང་འདོད་ཀྤྱི་དཔྱད་རོམ་ཞྤྱིག་སོག་སང་གནང་དགོས་པ་གལ་ཆེ། ཚོགས་འདུར་ ཟུར་ཉན་པ་ཕེབས་ཆོག་མྤྱི་ཆོག་ནྤྱི་གཙོ་བོ་ཚོགས་གཙོ་དང་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་མཉམ་འབེལ་གྤྱིས་ཐག་གཅོད་གནང་དགོས། དཔྱད་ རོམ་བགོས་གེང་གྤྱི་ཚོགས་དུས་གཅྤྱིག་ལ་ཚོགས་ཆུང་གཉྤྱིས་ལས་མང་བ་འདུ་བསོང་མྤྱི་བ་རྒྱུ། ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་རེར་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་ཚར་རེ་འདུ་འཛོམས་ གནང་དགོས། ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུའྤྱི་བརྒྱ་ཆ་ལོན་པར་དེ་ནང་ཉུང་མཐར་སྤྱིར་སྟངས་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་གངས་བཅོ་ལྔ་དང་། ཚོགས་གཙོ་དང་སྤྱི་ ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེ་བཅས་ངེས་པར་དུ་འཛོམས་དགོས་པ་ཡྤྱིན། ཚོགས་གཙོ་དང་སྤྱི་ཁབ་དྲུང་ཆེས་མོས་མཐུན་ཐོག་གོ་སྤྱིག་འགན་འཛིན་ལའང་ ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུའྤྱི་གཙོ་སྐྱོང་གྤྱི་འགན་དབང་འབུལ་ཆོག་པ་ཡྤྱིན། ༨༽ རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའ་ྤྱི བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་ཚོགས་པ་དང་མཉམ་འབེལ། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་ཚོགས་པ་དང་མཉམ་འབེལ་ཡོངས་ཆེད་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ རྣམས་ནས་འབད་བརོན་གནང་དགོས། འདྤྱི་ནྤྱི་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གཉྤྱིས་ནང་དཔྱད་རོམ་ སེལ་མོང་མཁན་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་རྣམས་ལ་རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་ཚོགས་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱིར་ངོས་ལེན་ 103 གནང་དགོས་ཞེས་བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་ནང་དོན་ཕྲན་བུ་ཞྤྱིག་བསྒྱུར་བ་གཏོང་དགོས་པའྤྱི་འབོད་བསྐུལ་ཞུ་རྒྱུ་དེ་ཡྤྱིན། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་ཞྤྱིབ་འཇུག་ཚོགས་པའྤྱི་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་རེས་མའྤྱི་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུ་སབས་སུ་ཞུ་རྒྱུ། འབོད་བསྐུལ་དེ་ཡང་ ༩༽ བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་བསྒྱུར་བཅོས་དང་ཚོགས་པ་འཕོ་འགྱུར་སོར། བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་བསྒྱུར་བཅོས། རྒྱལ་སྤྱིའྤྱི་གཞོན་ནུའྤྱི་བོད་རྤྱིག་པའྤྱི་གོས་ཚོགས་ཀྤྱི་བཅའ་ཁྤྱིམས་རྤྱིན་པོ་ཆེ་འདྤྱི་ནྤྱི། ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུར་ འདུ་འཛོམས་བྱུང་བའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་བརྒྱ་ཆ་གསུམ་ཆ་གཉྤྱིས་ནས་བསྒྱུར་བ་དང་བཅོས་གནང་བ་ལས་དེ་མྤྱིན་གང་བྱུང་དུ་བསྒྱུར་བཅོས་ གནང་མྤྱི་ཆོག ཚོགས་པ་འཕོ་འགྱུར། གལ་ཏེ་ལས་རྤྱིམ་ཚོགས་འདུར་འདུ་འཛོམས་བྱུང་བའྤྱི་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་བརྒྱ་ཆ་གསུམ་ཆ་གཉྤྱིས་ནས་གོས་ཚོགས་འདྤྱི་འཕོ་ འགྱུར་རམ་ཁ་ཐོར་དགོས་པའྤྱི་མང་མོས་འོས་འཕེན་གནང་བའམ། སོབ་སྟོན་ཚོགས་མྤྱི་ཚང་མས་མགྤྱིན་གཅྤྱིག་ཏུ་འདྤྱི་ལྟར་དགོས་པའྤྱི་ ཐག་གཅོད་གནང་བའམ། ཡང་ན་ཚོགས་ཐེངས་གཉྤྱིས་མུ་མཐུད་དུ་འདུ་སོང་མ་ཐུབ་པའྤྱི་གནད་འགག་ལ་ཐུག་ཚེ་གོས་ཚོགས་འདྤྱི་ཐོར་ ཞྤྱིག་ཏུ་སོང་བའྤྱི་ངོས་ལེན་ཞུ་དགོས། 104 Officials and Board of Advisers as elected at the Kobe Seminar of 2012 The President of the International Seminar of Young Tibetologists: Kalsang Norbu Gurung (Bonn University, Germany) Secretary General: Seiji Kumagai (Kyoto University, Japan) ISYT Board of Advisers consists of the following eight scholars: Ai Nishida, Japan Berthe Jansen, The Netherlands Emilia Sulek, Poland Jörg Heimbel, Germany Lewis Doney, UK Markus Viehbeck, Germany Tashi Tsering, Canada Theresia Hofer, Norway 105 The Forth International Seminar of Young Tibetologists is supported by �ལ་�ི་བོད་རིག་པའི་གཞོན་�འི་�ོས་ཚ�གས་ཐེངས་བཞི་པར་རོགས་རམ་གནང་མཁན་ནི

RELATED PAPERS

RELATED TOPICS

Log In

ISYT Leipzig 2015 Program and Book of Abstracts

ISYT Leipzig 2015 Program and Book of Abstracts

Related Papers

RELATED PAPERS

RELATED TOPICS