KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA – A
TWELFTH-CENTURY INDIAN BUDDHIST MASTER FROM
DAKS. IN. A KOŚALA∗
I. INTRODUCTION
The lives of medieval Indian Buddhist teachers have been notoriously
difficult to glimpse due to the severe lack of Buddhist Indic biographical
or historical materials devoted to them.1 What little is known has in
great part been gathered from Tibetan historical and hagiographic
works, many of which were composed centuries after the lives they
sought to portray,2 and often so centered on presenting edifying spiritual
narratives3 as to be less than satisfying for those of us searching for more
historical tales. Tibetan life-stories of the Indian siddhas, or spiritual
adepts – stories which brim with details of place, time and person
– have been the source of much mining for historical information in
the past decades of modern scholarship, and yet a thorough search
through the vast Tibetan corpus dealing with these figures reveals that
for quite a number of them so many variant narrative traditions exist as
to make it impossible to deem any one more historically accurate than
another. Proper names and chronological sequences are often altered
to accommodate the more immediate traditional, historical, or social
demands encountered by the creator or re-teller of the narrative, to
the extent that one figure can be seen to have two very different lives
depending on whether he or she has been heralded as a tantric master
or a strict observer of monastic code. Given this, we must also question
the very effort to view these narratives in historical terms. It would be
well to consider the exhortation of a recent theoretician of religious
biography, who warns that it is “impossible to consider hagiography
solely in terms of its ‘authenticity’ or ‘historical value’: this would be
equivalent to submitting a literary genre to the laws of another genre
– historiography – and to dismantling a proper type of discourse only
in order to engage its contrary.”4
It is thus somewhat unusual to find a firsthand biographical account
of an Indian Buddhist teacher which provides details gathered and
Journal of Indian Philosophy 28: 361–384, 2000.
c 2000 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
362
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
reported on during or shortly after his life, the sort of work which on a
relative scale should be given more credence on historical grounds than
those composed in more distant times and contexts. Granoff has noted
a distinction in medieval Jaina biographies between prabandha and
pat..tāvalis which is helpful in this context: prabandhas are collections
of dramatic tales of monks or benefactors, characterized by an emphasis
on miraculous events and a deemphasis of the itineraries and day-today careers. I would liken these works to stories of Buddhist siddhas
such as the Tales of the Eighty-Four Adepts. By contrast, pat..tāvalis
center on the legitimation of monastic lineages by detailing the lives of
its members, and often include chronicles of where and when central
figures performed important acts, such as the consecration of images
or pilgrimage.5 Granoff’s description of pat..tāvalis also portrays quite
well the later Tibetan literary types of golden rosaries (gser phreng),
abbatial successions (gdan rabs).6 But while the pat..tāvalis may have
been a prominent genre among Jainas, one is hard pressed to find such a
work among the extant Buddhist literature dealing with Indian medieval
masters.
One early example7 of such a biography is that of the eleventh/twelfthcentury figure Vairocanavajra, alias Vairocanaraks. ita. The work issued
from the pen of one of Vairocana’s Tibetan students, Bla ma Zhang
Brtson ’grus grags pa (1123–1193), founder of both Tshal pa and
Tshal Gung thang Monasteries in 1175 and 1187, respectively, and the
founding figure of the Tshal pa Bka’ brgyud school.8 Bla ma Zhang’s
short biography and prose eulogy to his Indian master are contained in
several editions of his collected writings which have come to light in the
last decade.9 This short work is included within a larger section of his
collected works devoted to the life stories of early Indian Mahāmudrā
masters and the Bka’ brgyud pa founders. Although not titled as such,
this must certainly be counted as an early example of the Bka’ brgyud
gser phreng, the Golden Rosaries of later Bka’ brgyud biographers,10
in which we invariably find the biographies of Nāropa, Mar pa, Mi la
ras pa, and Sgam po pa.11
In the following I will present a full translation of this unique religious
biography and discuss its two distinct sections. Then I will present what
can be gleaned from other available sources regarding both his time as
a teacher in Tibet and his efforts as a translator. Finally, with the aid
of a comparative edition of the Tibetan texts of the biography, I will
demonstrate how ’Gos Lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392–1481) adapted
Bla ma Zhang’s biography in his massive compendium of religious
biographies, The Blue Annals.
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
363
II. THE CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
Vairocanavajra was from Daks. in. a Kośala, a region south of Magadha –
what Bla ma Zhang refers to as the ’source of learning’ – and comprising
much of what is today the modern state of Orissa.12 He traveled widely
from a young age, making Tibet his home in the later part of his life,
and it is to his life beyond India – on the high side of the Himalayas –
that this short biography owes its existence. It consists of two parts, the
first being a summary of Vairocana’s life, and the second a prose eulogy
extolling the great merits of his success in living out and promoting
Buddhist ideals. Bla ma Zhang was obviously very fond of his teacher,
and explicitly endeavored to portray his religious activities accurately,
with, as his colophon states, neither “overstatement nor understatement,”
so that his memory may live on.
In rhetorical terms, the most interesting feature of the work is the
way in which Bla ma Zhang distinguishes what was related directly
to him by Vairocanavajra from information gleaned from secondary
sources by signaling his master’s words by employing honorific speech
markers (gsung), and the reports of others with non-honorific markers
(skad). This at once gives the work a personal, almost autobiographical
feeling, while at the same time exposing Bla ma Zhang’s hierarchy of
sources and his concern that the reader not conflate Vairocana’s own
account of his life with less reliable second-hand additions. This feature
also shows that much of the first part of the biography was related by
Vairocanavajra himself, and supports by extension the supposition that
there was an interest in personal history in later North-Indian Buddhist
traditions. Nevertheless, we may also speculate that the impetus to
biography was a Tibetan concern, and that it was Bla ma Zhang who
urged Vairocana to relate his life-story that it might be put to paper,
rather than the other way around.13
While this biography may be held as a more accurate picture of one
Indian teacher’s activities by virtue both of its being composed during
or shortly after his life and by its author’s emphasis on the relative
weight that should be given to his sources, it is by no means neutral in
what it chooses to highlight. As a portrayal of an Indian teacher to an
educated Tibetan audience, it is overwhelmingly concerned with listing
the teachings and practices Vairocana had mastered, from whom he had
received such teachings, and the Indian centers of Buddhist learning to
which he had traveled in order to acquire them. There is in this work no
interior biography, no intimation of Vairocana’s personal involvement
with his religious activities. Indeed, the first part of the work reads more
like a resume than a biography, and may be characterized more as a
364
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
portrayal of Vairocana’s career rather than his life, most likely so-styled
in part to authenticate Bla ma Zhang’s own teaching activities. It is
not until the second part of the biography that Bla ma Zhang develops
a sort of character portrait for Vairocana, which describes the Indian
master as he might have been seen later in life, working as a mentor
for Tibetan disciples.
This first section is filled with what might be termed name-dropping,
containing a dizzying array of teachings, teachers, deities and practices. Roerich (and Gendun Chophel) have done us a great service by
comparing the titles in the Blue Annals with those in the catalog to
the Sde dge Bka’ ’Gyur and Bstan ’gyur, and I have followed their
lead. I would caution, however, that many of the texts in the Tibetan
canon underwent hundreds of years of textual transmission even after
Vairocana’s time, and thus may or may not reflect what he actually
received. It is also sometimes unclear whether the title given refers to
a specific text or a corpus of related texts and teachings.
Here then, is a translation of the first portion of Bla ma Zhang’s
Life of Vairocana, in which he relates what his Indian teacher has told
him about his early education and travels in northern India. The work
begins:
Homage to the guru.
Reverence to the holy masters.
The master Vairocana, a great yogi, scholar, and ascetic, was born in Daks. in. a
Kośala, in the city of Sonapuri,14 into the family of King Rājasena. [He] did not say
what his father’s name was, [but] said that his mother was named Subhagā. Their
son was Vairo.
[He] related that at age twelve he followed his uncle, a non-Buddhist scholar, to
western India, studying there and serving [this uncle] for about a year.
After that, traveling to the central country of Magadha he met a certain yogin,
from whom he received the [practice of the deity] Ekav¯ıramañjuśr¯ı.15 He followed
that yogin to Vārān. ası̄ in the west, and in Vārān. ası̄ the yogin took a wife and
remained.
The master [Vairocana] traveled to eastern India and stayed at Nālanda [University],
during which time he met Surapāla, a yogin of the Kāyastha scribal caste16 from
Varendra17 who was well-versed in the language arts, logic and all the treatises,
and was quite adept at bringing about an unconscious state in others which lasted
as long as his hand was placed upon their heads. [Vairocana] was accepted out of
compassion [as a disciple by Surapāla], and spent eight years as his attendant. With
nothing left out he heard the Great Seal Cycle [of teachings] including the [doctrine
of] Non-mentation18 and the Dohā songs19 [which constituted] the teachings of the
master Maitripa, [as well as] instruction in the Glorious Hevajra Tantra, instruction
in alchemy,20 and others.
He said that he thereupon practiced austerities for six years in the west at
Jālandhara.21
He said that after that he held a tantric gathering in the forest around Nālanda
[Monastery] with the yogins Siri, Mathanata, and others.
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
365
He related that from the scholar Gun. araks. ita of Vikramaśı̄la [Monastery] he
received many teachings on The Perfection of Wisdom, the Madhyamaka philosophical
collection,22 father tantras such as the Guhyasamāja, mother tantras, and ritual tantras.
He said that after that he received many [teachings] from Dānaraks. ita [including] the
Domain of Practice,23 a collection of deity evocations,24 the Evocation of Siṁhanāda25
with its rites, the Rite of Tarakurukulle,26 the Evocation of Khadiravān. ¯ıtārā,27 and
the Evocation of Vajrapān. i.
He then received the Establishment of Valid Cognition from Dharmakı̄rti.28 He
29
said that he then received the [deity evocation practices of the] Thirteen Sam
. varas,
30
31
the Fivefold Vajravarāh¯ıs, and Ud. d. iyānatārā from the scholar Jayākara of eastern
Varendra.32
As an assistant he then received evocations and instructions from the scholar
Śaran. a, the group-leader of the yogins in the eastern town of Somapurı̄.33
It is said that he received the Tantra of Ekav¯ıramañjuśr¯ı34 from the scholar
Sunagupta.35
From Abhayākaragupta36 he received the Manifestation of [the deity] Heruka,37
the Cycle of Eulogies, Commentaries and Evocations for Vajrad. āka,38 and evocations
including those for self-sanctification.39
In this brief but dense passage, through the outlining of one person’s
career Bla ma Zhang sketches out a rich early twelfth-century Buddhist
culture extending from Varendra in what is now northern Bengal, to
Jālandhara, located in the Kangra district of modern day Himachal
Pradesh. Vairocana appears to have traversed northern India several
times in search of teachers and teachings, spending time in and around
the major Buddhist centers of learning such as the monastic university
Nālanda, as well as perhaps less urban areas such as the forest-lands
around Nālanda. The teachings he received run the gamut from practical
instructions for evoking deities during meditation to scholastic treatises
on logic and epistemology, to songs celebrating spiritual experience.
Particularly interesting here is the fact that Vairocana’s teacher in the
dohā songs, Surapāla, is said to have been of the Kāyastha or scribal
caste, most likely of lower status than Vairocana, who was born into a
royal family (rgyal po’i rigs). This suggests that the anti-caste rhetoric
of the dohās and related caryā songs could have reflected a social
reality in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries.
Several of the teachers in this account are also attested in two lists
of teachers and teachings received by Bla ma Zhang, Various Lineages
(Rgyud pa sna tshogs) and Various Masters (Bla ma sna tshogs). In
Various Lineages, Vairocana is found in four lines of transmission,
Surapāla in three, and Abhayākaragupta in one. Equally interesting,
however, are the several figures for which we have no other record.
As with the biography itself, I think it not unreasonable to attribute
the source of these lineages to Vairocana himself. These he would
366
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
have communicated to his disciple, Bla ma Zhang, upon conferring
the teachings to him. Thus, while I do not believe we should go as far
as others have in applying a strict chronology to these Indic spiritual
genealogies in their Tibetan form, I take these early Tibetan lists to
be further evidence of a concern for personal lineage on the part of
Vairocana, and more broadly his late Indian Buddhist milieu. A primary
difference between the lineage lists and the biography, however, is
that while the biography is concerned solely with Vairocana’s direct
teachers, the lineage lists invariably transcend the realm of personal
history and trace the origins of the teachings back to their respective
patron deities, such as Vajradhāra. Thus, while we learn about lineage
from both biography and genealogy, this difference is fundamental,
for it highlights the primacy of life-history, of personal biography over
transcendent origin as a topic of importance in early rnam thar such
as that of Vairocana.
The first lineage descends from Ba ri Lo tsā ba, whose connection with Vairocana we shall look at in detail below. The second is
for the Dohākos. a Commentary of Maitripa: 1. Vajradhāra; 2. Brahmin Saraha; 3. Śabareśvara Saraha; 4. Maitripa; 5. Kāyas. t.hapāda;
5. Surapāla; 7. Vairocana; 8. Bla ma Zhang.40 Surapāla was one of
Vairocana’s primary teachers, and it is to him that we can probably
attribute Vairocana’s interest and expertise in the dohā literature. Here
we can note that while the sequence of Saraha, Śabareśvara, and Maitripa are commonly encountered in dohā literature and historiography,
Kāyas. t.hapāda and Surapāla remain unknown beyond Vairocana and
Bla ma Zhang’s account, and thus represent a hitherto unknown dohā
lineage. In the following three lineage lists, dedicated respectively to
Can. d. ālı̄, Vajravarāhı̄, and Hevajra practices,41 we find a similar pattern,
running from a deity to familiar siddhas to one or two unknown teachers,
and finally to Vairocanavajra and Bla ma Zhang. Many of these names
can be found in the seventh chapter of the Blue Annals, dedicated to the
new tantras.42 The importance of Bla ma Zhang’s lists lies in the fact
that they predate ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s compendium by three hundred years,
and that many, if not all of the names were given to him by an Indian
master.
Let us return to Bla ma Zhang’s biography of his master. Here
he leaves his account of Vairocana’s discipleship and Indian travels,
proceeding to give a very brief summary of his travels at large. He
begins with a playful remark on Vairocana’s character, and goes on
to describe a rather astounding travel itinerary. As this point Bla ma
Zhang ceases using the honorific verb gsung, “to say, to speak” and
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
367
begins to use the informal skad, indicating as I have suggested that he
did not hear this part of the biography directly from Vairocanavajra.
He continues:
In this way, though [Vairocana] had learned many sūtras, tantras and instructions,
he hid this and acted for the most part as a small child. He relates that he traveled the
roads of the twenty-four countries, with the exception of Od. d. ı̄yāna. It is said43 that
he had thought of going there, and had gone south and engaged in tantric practice,
whereupon he was abducted by a non-Buddhist king and cast into a fire, but was
unburned. After that he traveled to Tibet, and had counted on going to the Wu t’ai
Mountains,44 but was appointed priest by a king and could not leave.45
When he fell out of favor with one Mu thang bu of Shing kun City (in Xi Xia)46
he performed many acts of bodily illusion and was able to conceal [himself]. It is
said that then, upon going to China a king attacked him with swords and arrows,
but not even the slightest wound appeared on his body. It is said that though he
playfully gulped down a full cup of mercury his body was not harmed. He is said
to have lived six-hundred years. He traveled two-thirds of the world, and came to
Tibet five times.
The extent of Vairocanavajra’s travels is quite impressive, stretching
across northern India and Tibet to the Inner Asian state of Xi Xia, and
in the later part of his life it appears that Tibet itself was his main
center of activity. In this section we also see the precursor for Dpa’ bo
II Gtsug lag phreng ba’s (1504–1566) small account of Vairocana. In
his Scholar’s Feast he writes:
Vairocanavajra was adept in mercurial alchemy. When he went to China a king asked
him to drink an entire cup of mercury in order to test him. The king, however,
was displeased when [Vairocana] passed the test, and [Vairocana] returned to Tibet
without having taught [the Dharma in China]. He gave spiritual instruction to Lord
Dus gsum and Zhang tshal. He lived in Lower Ngam shod.47
III. A PROSE EULOGY TO VAIROCANAVAJRA
In the second part of the biography, which ’Gos Lo tsā ba saw fit to leave
out of the Blue Annals, Bla ma Zhang praises the life of beneficence
led by his Indian teacher. This extended eulogy praises his enlightened
activity through that classic Buddhist typology of human life: body,
speech, and mind. We are told, for instance, that Vairocana sang a
great deal in a beautiful voice, a claim which leads one to wonder
if the dohā songs may have been sung by the master himself during
religious instructions. Also highlighted are Vairocana’s perfection of
alchemical techniques, his welcoming demeanor, and his abstention
from lustful behavior. Bla ma Zhang’s homage to his master displays
an affection and admiration which is quite touching, and gives the
reader a remarkably detailed psychological and social portrait of an
ideal Buddhist life in the Twelfth Century. Bla ma Zhang writes:
368
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
Even though he was born into a pure royal family in the city of Sonapuri, located
in the kingdom of South Kośala, [south] of Vajrāsana, he saw the five aspects of
desire to be like mucus and snot, and dispassionately casting them away entered
gradually into the appropriate teachings. Finally, on the unexcelled path, with a
steadfast attitude and diligent resourcefulness he directly understood the three times
to be the same, radiant in nature. Though he saw all things to be illusory and akin to
the Isle of the Gandharvas, with an attitude of compassion for all worldlings, in a way
that guided them toward non-conceptual reality, he stationed himself unwaveringly
in these acts of enlightened body, speech, and mind.
He was not able to be swayed by evil people, with a firm attitude in any and
all efforts, be they with details as deep as the sea and as wide in scope as the sky.
Because of his steadfast attitude he was never cowardly in any region, and though
he was without durable clothing or provisions, he still was not panicked when trifled
by such things as vicious poison snakes.
Because he had cultivated compassion throughout many births, he recognized
every person as [his] only child. Since his stainless discerning awareness radiated like
the sun, it spread light upon all that can be known. Because his life was in accord
with the words of the sages, and his acts were joyful, he spoke truly, unsullied with
the stains of falsity.
Seeing divisive words as if of poisonous flavor, he was skilled in words which were
conciliatory to others. With speech that was in accord with the Buddhist teachings,
unadulterated by heedless advice, he brought happiness to lowly beings. Even when
someone engaged in sinful acts in a grating manner, he did not preach with the idea
of hurting that one with his words. Since he would not interrupt supplicants with
harsh language like the cries of the lord of death, he always had a soft and pleasing
voice. With a pure and beautiful voice he spread songs of praise through the ten
directions.
Through various means he impartially abandoned all material items with no
longing for them. Being in accord with the mentality of a disciple and unsullied by
unconfessed sins, even if he were offered some small thing he would gladly not eat
any. Though some small thing may have been offered to the community which was
being taught and to those who were hungry, he would abstain.
Since he had examined [reality] well, he did not accumulate any more sins, and
since he lived in a virtuous mental state he would not take one step towards a
materialistic attitude. Since he had cast off the crudity of the world he persevered
in brahmanical practices, purity and ablutions. Even if someone brought him great
harm he would not utter even one fierce word, not to mention not endangering
the other’s life. Though the enchanting faces of pure young girls dressed in fine
clothes and jewelry were always present, he never glanced at them with lusting eyes.
Were a desert plain to be filled with horses, elephants and precious things from the
belongings of a king, he would not even take a tip of grass.
Seeing no lofty status in those prideful of their generous veneration, their rank
or demeanor, he was cheerful and delightful to those of lesser status. Foregoing the
conventions of introduction, he was a life-long friend to students whom he had just
met. Since people are overcome by crude emotions when they are arguing, he would
avoid such people for a short time. Like a master of demons he would through
various means discipline those who were continually troublesome, and what’s more
would quickly aid those who lived recklessly with material goods and religious
teachings and then skillfully send them forth so that they would not accumulate
any sins. He was pleased to entertain a retinue for a short time if someone came
around depressed, because everything was like an illusion. Since he had perfected
the powers of alchemy, he was free of all accreted points, was youthful, fair, and an
ardent reliant on restoratives. He removed the obstacles of all sentient beings, and
believed in much pure virtue for the sake of completing the two accumulations.
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
369
Since I [Bla ma Zhang] have understood it as true that such supreme qualities are
the work of this great person, may those who have gained faith always remember
the qualities of this supreme person. With neither exaggeration nor denigration [I],
the Buddhist monk Brtson ’grus grags pa praises the glorious Vairocana, ascetic
practitioner, great powerhouse of yogins, born South of the source of learning,
Magadha, in the town Sonapuri of the Kosala region.
IV. BLA MA ZHANG’S BIOGRAPHY OF VAIROCANA AND THE BLUE
ANNALS
Given that we have much to learn about traditional methods of scholarship in Tibetan historical literature, what is perhaps most interesting
about this biography from the perspective of literary history is that it is
certainly the main source on Vairocanavajra to be used by the famous
Tibetan historian ’Gos Lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392–1481) in his
great work The Blue Annals, which was completed in 1478, some three
hundred years after Bla ma Zhang’s work.48 In fact, ’Gos Lo tsā ba
adopted the first part of Bla ma Zhang’s biography almost verbatim, with
one notable exception; all markers of direct speech, be they honorific
or non-honorific, have been omitted from the text, giving the whole of
Vairocana’s story in The Blue Annals a distanced, almost stubbornly
incontrovertible tone when contrasted with Bla ma Zhang’s work. A
close reading of The Blue Annals reveals ’Gos Lo tsā ba an honest
historian, ready to admit when he lacks the necessary texts at hand
to confirm a difficult or controversial point. But here, with the simple
omission of direct speech markers, he can be seen to be normalizing
Bla ma Zhang’s more forthright presentation and obscuring the fact
that the original biography was compiled from different sources, one
of which was the report of Vairocana himself.
’Gos Lo tsā ba follows up his rephrased version of Bla ma Zhang’s
work with a quick series of remarks on various aspects of Vairocana’s
efforts in Tibet. Coming quickly and in staccato fashion, they give the
appearance of annotations leftover from his researches into the life and
times of Vairocana. These can be divided into five separate notes, two
dealing with the places he visited and lived in, one with his translation
efforts, one with chronology, and one with his Tibetan disciples. The
overarching tone of these notes is one of apology; ’Gos Lo tsā ba was
just not able to find out much of anything about Vairocana beyond
what was detailed in Bla ma Zhang’s work, and twice he admits that
he could not provide any more information. In a typical moment of
honesty, he tells the reader that he could not find any textual references
attesting to Vairocana’s students in Tibet. This admission thus reveals
370
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
an important methodological principal held by ’Gos Lo tsā ba, for it
is clear that his was a textually based form of historical writing, and
by extension that orally held lineage lines were given far less credence
than those with written witnesses. The passage runs as follows:
Since [Vairocanavajra] traveled extensively in the upper and lower regions of Dbus
and Gtsang, [I] am unable to list all [the places he visited]. He did stay in Rgyal
of ’Phan yul for a long time.
He also translated dohās, and since the Dohā Trilogy was his teaching, it appears
that the claim that Asu composed the King and Queen Dohās is untrue.
His students were Sprul sku Zla ba ’od zer in La stod, Rin po chen Rgyal tsha
in Gtsang, and Zhang rin po che in Dbus. Since he lived in Tibet for such a long
time, he certainly had many disciples. Nevertheless, [I] have not seen any documents
[about his students], and thus am unable to list more than these [three].
Skor [Nirūpa] requested spiritual instructions from [Vairocana] in Snye thang
before he underwent his transference of consciousness, and thus [Vairocana’s] arrival
in Tibet preceded Skor Nirūpa.
At last this great adept displayed his passing into nirvana on a ridge in ’On.49
From ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s brief notes we learn of two more disciples
– Rgyal tsha and Zla ba ’od zer. Rgyal tsha is likely the student of
Phag mo gru pa Rdo rje rgyal po (1110–1170) who lived from 1118 to
1195,50 and incidentally the uncle of Khro phu Lo tsā ba Byams pa’i
dpal (b.1172/1173), who was to invite three more Indian masters to
Tibet a generation later, namely, Buddhaśrı̄, Śākyaśrı̄ and Mitrayogin.51
Of Zla ba ’od zer I have found nothing more.52
The problem of chronology is as slippery for us today as it was
for ’Go Lo tsā ba.53 From Si tu Chos kyi ‘byung gnas’ (1700–1774)
biographical compendium of the Karma bka’ brgyud school – which
incorporated earlier biographical sources54 – we can date Vairocana’s
sojourn in Tibet from the early 1120’s to 1151, during which time he is
said to have been the teacher of the First Karma pa Dus gsum mkhyen
pa (1110–1190).55 Finally, Rta tshag Tshe dbang rgyal’s monumental
Religious History from Lho Rong (written during 1446–1451)56 would
have Bla ma Zhang meeting Vairocana sometime between the ages of
twenty-eight and thirty-five, and thus between the years 1151–1158.57
Further, Tshe dbang rgyal tells us that the First Karma pa received
teachings from Vairocana sometime during the ages of thirty and fifty,
and thus between 1139 and 1159.58 These dates all accord reasonably
well, and put Vairocana in Tibet squarely in the middle of the Twelfth
Century, from the 1140’s to the 1150’s.
The several accounts of the discipleship of Ba ri Lo tsā ba Dharma
grags pa’s (1040–1158)59 – the translator from Khams variously known
as Rin chen grags, Dharma grags, or Chos kyi grags – under Vairocana,
however, suggest that he was active as a teacher before this, perhaps
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
371
at the very beginning of the Twelfth Century. We find mention of Ba
ri and Vairocana’s meeting in three separate sources; Bla ma Zhang’s
Various Lineages, the Blue Annals,60 and the colophon of one canonical
translation. In Various Lineages61 Bla ma Zhang tells us that Ba ri was
a student of Vairocana in India, and subsequently returned to Tibet and
imparted his teachings to ’Ol kha ba Grol sgom chos g.yung (1103–
1193), one of Bla ma Zhang’s principal teachers.62 Given that we have
no other evidence on the reasons for Vairocanavajra traveling to Tibet in
the first place, we may speculate that Ba ri, as an early Tibetan traveler
to India and the earliest attested Tibetan disciple of Vairocanavajra, was
instrumental in bringing the Indian master to Tibet. It is also possible
that the connection between Ba ri and ’Ol kha ba was important
in forging the link between the Indian master and Bla ma Zhang
himself.
’Gos Lo tsā ba’s comment regarding the relative chronology of
Vairocanavajra and Skor Nirūpa, alias Prajñāśrı̄jñānakı̄rti or simply
Prajñākı̄rti, is problematic. He uses the meeting between Skor – whose
dates he gives as 1062 to 110263 – and Vairocana as a means to date the
arrival of Vairocana – whose dates were as unknown to him as they are
to us today – in Tibet. If Skor met Vairocana as a youth, the meeting
would have taken place according to ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s reckoning in the
1070’s. However, given that it is reasonably certain that Vairocanavajra
taught Bla ma Zhang as late as the 1160’s, this leads to the unlikely
conclusion that the Indian master was in Tibet for nearly ninety years.
Despite the fact that Vairocanavajra was known to be adept in alchemy,
based on the direct evidence of Bla ma Zhang’s meeting with Vairocana
– the biography itself –, as well as the strong attestations of his teaching
activities in the mid Twelfth Century, I am inclined to discount ’Gos
Lo tsā ba’s account of his meeting of Skor.
The question of where Vairocana settled and taught is another matter
about which Bla ma Zhang is silent, and thus for which we must look
to other sources. From ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s notes we learn of two locations
for Vairocanavajra’s activities in Tibet: ’Phan yul and Snye thang. ’Phan
yul, the region lying north of Lhasa, was a center of Bka’ gdams pa
activity toward the end of the Eleventh Century, as was Snye thang just
south of Lhasa. Here it is interesting to note that Vairocanavajra stayed
at places so heavily associated with Atiśa and his disciples. Finally,
in the biography of Dus gsum mkhyen pa by Kumārabodhi we find
a significant remark, stating that the first Karmapa received teachings
from one Chos kyi grags pa at “Vairocana’s monastery at Lan de, on
the Nepal-Tibet border.”64 This is no doubt a reference to the Lande
372
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
Khola, the river separating the Langtang Himalayan range from the
Skyid grong district of Tibet to the north. This is the only specific claim
that Vairocana himself was the founder of any monastic establishments
in Tibet, or anywhere else for that matter.
V. WRITINGS AND TRANSLATIONS OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
Vairocanavajra authored no less than eight works now available to us in
Tibetan translation, and translated himself nearly twenty other works.65
It is certainly his translation efforts which were to exert a lasting
effect on the literary history of Tibetan Buddhism and particularly his
translations of dohā songs. The assembly of an accurate bibliography of
Vairocanavajra’s writings and translations is complicated by two factors.
First, he worked under at least three different names, namely Vairocana,
Vairocanaraks. ita, and Vairocanavajra. These in turn were rendered in
canonical colophons in both Sanskrit and Tibetan, thus giving a total
of six variations under which his works might be listed. Secondly,
we must be careful to disentangle his efforts from the work of the
better known eighth-century translator of the same name, Vairocana.66
I have decided upon difficult points in the following bibliography
by comparing the works with the teachings mentioned in Bla ma
Zhang’s biography of his teacher, and by dating both the translators of
Vairocana’s writings as well as other translators with whom he worked.
Glan/Glang Dar ma blo gros, with whom Vairocana translated some
eight sādhanas, also worked with Dānaśı̄la on a translation of Hevajra
Sādhana, and thus flourished toward the end of the Eleventh Century.
Lding ri Chos grags is mentioned by ’Gos Lo tsā ba as one of the many
translators of the Kālacakratantra,67 placing him of course sometime
after 1027, when the Kālacakra was first translated. As discussed
above Ba ri Lo tsā ba Chos kyi grags pa is well attested as a student of
Vairocana.
It is without doubt the translations of the dohā songs of the great
spiritual adepts, the mahāsiddhas of later Indian Buddhism, for which
Vairocana is best known. His six translations of dohās include the
major Hdoākos. as of Tilopa, Kr. s. n. ācārya, and Virūpa, as well as Saraha’s
Alphabet Dohā and its autocommentary, the same mahāsiddha’s Great
Seal Instruction, and Virūpa’s Eighty-Four Verses. His importance
as a translator and transmitter of this literature in Tibet did not go
unrecognized by his Tibetan religious descendants, and his translation
of Kr. s. n. ācārya’s Dohākos. a was studied in detail centuries later by that
eclectic sleuth of Indic lore, Tāranātha (1575–1635).68
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
373
In conclusion, the importance of biographical accounts of Indian
masters was great for Tibetan scholars from at least the Eleventh
Century onward. They provided an explicit link with the homeland of
the Buddhist teachings and authorized these teachings as they were
transmitted to Tibet and within Tibet. They were also occasions for
instruction, in which ideal Buddhist lives could be portrayed as both
a source of encouragement and exhortation for others. For those of
us interested in the history of Indian Buddhist figures, the attention to
biography – to religious resumes – on the part of Tibetans displayed in
this and other early biographies is quite fortunate. Nevertheless it raises
a perplexing literary-historical question–namely, what are the sources
of this Tibetan interest in biography, when there is so little in the way
of extant records of a medieval Buddhist biographical tradition in India
itself?
NOTES
∗
I would like to thank Leonard van der Kuijp and Dan Martin for reading earlier
versions of this paper and offering a number of useful suggestions.
1
One of the few works known, published by Lévi (1931) and Tucci (1971), is really
no more than a collection of lineage lists, giving only the name of Indian siddhas
and their teachings. Perhaps we can view this collection as a literary precursor for
Tibetan thob yig, “record of [teachings] received,” gsan yig “record of [teachings]
heard,” or Bla ma Zhang G.yu brag pa’s (1123–1193) Rgyud pa sna tshogs, Various
Lineages, more on which will be said below.
2
For instance, the oft-consulted Rgya gar chos ’byung, the Religious History of
India of Tāranātha (1575–1634).
3
The best known example is of course the Tales of the Eighty-Four Adepts (Grub
thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus, P5091) translated by Robinson (1979) and
Dowman (1985). Other later examples from the Tibetan canonical collections include
five short ākhyāna (gtam rgyud) and one pravr. tti (lo rgyus) translated by Vinayaśrı̄
(D4339–4344), and the introductory section of Laks. mı̄nkāra’s Commentary on the
Attainment of Co-emergence, (Lhan cig skyes grub kyi gzhung ’grel, D2261), in
which the author relates stories of the liberation of five female and eight male yogic
practitioners in the lineage of Sahaja teachings, and the Four-and-a-half Verses
(Tshigs su bcad pa phyed dang lnga, D2278) of Nāgārjunasāra, in which tales of
sixteen monks, brahmins, and tantric adepts are told to emphasize various ethical
and spiritual themes bridging the s ūtras and the tantras.
4
de Certeau (1990), p. 270.
5
See Granoff and Shinohara (1992), pp. 2–3. This excellent long article by Granoff
exemplifies the type of literary sensitivity that should be developed in the field of
Tibetan Buddhist biographical studies as well. Examples of prabandhas can be found
in Granoff (1998): See for instance pp. 61–68.
6
See Martin (1997), pp. 13–14 for a typology of Tibetan Buddhist historical genres.
7
Other examples are rare indeed. I list three here: The three-part biography of
Śākyaśrı̄, Buddhaśrı̄, and Mitrayogin by Khro phu Lo tsā ba Byams pa’i dpal (1172–
1236), the Pan. grub gsum gyi rnam thar dpag bsam ’khri shing has been mentioned
in van der Kuijp (1994), p. 601. As van der Kuijp tells us (p. 602), this work is
374
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
more an autobiography of Khro phu Lo tsā ba’s apprenticeship under these three
Indian masters, all of whom he invited to Tibet. The fourteenth/fifteenth-century
Assamese Buddhist master Vanaratna (1384–1468) was the subject of a biography
by his Tibetan student ’Gos Lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal. See ’Gos Lo tsā ba (1985).
The sixteenth-century yogin Buddhaguptanātha, for whom Templeman (1997, p. 956,
n. 2) gives the dates 1514–1610, is known to us from the biography by his student
Tāranātha (1575–1635) See Tāranātha (1982–1988).
8
On Bla ma Zhang, see Martin (1992) and Jackson (1994), pp. 42–66. Vairocanavajra
is counted as one of Bla ma Zhang’s six major teachers. Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje’s
Red Annals (Deb ther dmar po) provides a convenient list of these masters, several
of whose dates we can supply from Rta tshag Tshe dbang rgyal’s Religious History
from Lho Rong (Lho rong chos ’byung) and the Blue Annals. See the excerpt of the
Deb ther dmar po [Zhang bka’ ’bum (II) v. 5, pp. 575.4–578.4];
1. Dpal chen Rgwa lo (Roerich [1988] p. 796; no date).
2. Mal yer pa ba (Lho rong pp. 159–164; 1105 [shing mo bya]–1170 [lcags pho
stag]).
3. ’Ol kha ba Grol sgom chos g.yung (Roerich [1988] pp. 468–469; 1103–1199.
Lho rong p. 223; no date:).
4. Dwags po Sgom tshul Tshul khrims snying po (Roerich [1988] pp. 463–465;
1116–1169, but see Lho rong pp. 177–180, where Tshe dbang rgyal gives different
– and less satisfactory – dates; 1129 [sa mo bya]–1181 [lcags mo glang]).
5. Vairocanavajra.
6. Ngams shod Gshen pa Rdo rje dbang phyug (Roerich [1988] p. 565; no date).
The larger biography of Bla ma Zhang by Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje, alias Dge
ba’i blo gros, mentioned in Jackson (1994), p. 58, n. 128 and Martin (1997), entry
77, is now available in Zhang bka’ ’bum (II), v. 5, pp. 532.1–575.4: Drung chen
dge ba’i blo gros kyis mdzad pa’i dgos ’dod re bskong ma’i ’grel pa. Within this a
brief synopsis of Vairocana’s career can be found at p. 546.1–.6. This is based on
the biography written by Bla ma Zhang.
9
According to Martin (1997), entry 23, seven collections of Bla ma Zhang’s writings
are currently available. For the text of Vairocana’s biography I have utilized two: one
recent photo-offest print in five volumes currently available in China, abbreviated here
as Zhang bka’ ’bum (II), and one recently filmed by the Nepal-German Manuscript
Preservation Project, abbreviated here as Zhang bka’ ’bum (I). This biography is not
included in Writings (Bka’ thor bu) of Zhang g.yu brag pa Brtson ’grus grags pa.
10
As already suggested by Martin (1997), entry 23.
11
Zhang Bka’ ’bum (II) v. 1 contains thirteen separate biographies, beginning with
Tilopa and ending with one of Bla ma Zhang’s several autobiographies. See Zhang
bka’ ’bum (II) [v. 1 pp. 47–193]: Tilopa [pp. 47.1–49.3]; Nāropa [49.3–60.1]; Mar
pa [60.1–64.1]; Mi la ras pa [64.1–71.1]; Dwags po lha rje [71.1–77.5]; Dwags
po Sgom tshul [77.5–83.5]; Dpal chen Rgwa lo [83.5–107.3]; Bla ma Gshen pa
[107.3–119.4]; Mal yer pa ba [119.4–142.2]; Vairocana [142.2–150.2]; Brgyud pa
sna tshogs [150.2–158.2]; Bla ma sna tshogs [158.2–164.2]; Nyid kyi rnam thar grub
pa ma [164.2–193.5].
12
See Schwartzburg (1992), p. 137, plate XIII.A.1.
13
Later biographies of the famous Atiśa report, for instance, that the master was
beseeched by his disciples in Tibet to tell of his life, but he refused. His life story
existed as an oral tradition stemming from his closest students for a century after
his death before it was committed to writing. See Eimer (1982), p. 41, p. 43.
14
I have nothing more to add to what Martin (1992), p. 304, n. 48, cautiously
suggests about the location of this city. It is possible that Sonapuri is Suvarn. apura
of Daks. in. a Kośala, which today is called Sonpur. See Schwartzburg (1992), p. 32,
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
375
plate IV. 2; and p. 139. The rulers of Daks. in. a Kośala at the end of the Eleventh
and the beginning of the Twelfth Centuries were the Somavaṁśı̄s, but I have been
unable to find any reference to a Rājasena.
15
This presumably refers to a sādhana, though there are none to be found in the
Bstan ’gyur to this manifestation of Mañjuśrı̄.
16
See Shastri (1931) on the debates over the historical status of the Kāyasthas.
17
Varendra was one of the principal regions of Pāla kingdom in northern Bengal.
See Huntington (1984), p. 171, and Eaton (1993), pp. 3–4, 11.
18
This refers to the Amanas¯ıkāra or Non-mentation teachings, which were systematized by Maitripa, alias Advayavajra, and subsequently codified as the twenty-six
texts of the Amanas¯ıkāra Cycle by the redactors of the Tibetan canons (D2229–2255).
Non-mentation is a philosophical/experiential notion which occurs throughout the
Dohā literature.
19
This could include the Dohākos. as by Saraha, Kr. s. n. avajra, and Virūpa, with all of
which Vairocanavajra was involved as a translator and a teacher in Tibet, though it
most likely refers more specifically to Advayavajra’s Commentary on Difficult Points
of the Treasury of Dohā Verses (Do ha mdzod kyi dka’ ’grel) which Vairocanavajra
translated.
20
Though Bla ma Zhang does not mention receiving any rasāyana or alchemical
teachings from Vairocanavajra, we do find him mentioned at the end of a brief work
attributed to Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen [1070–1159] on rasāyana, the Zla ’od
gzhon nus mdzad pa’i bcud bsdus (Sgam po pa, Collected Works pp. 450–467; see
p. 465.1), indicating that he did transmit such teachings to Tibet.
21
On the early medieval history of Jālandhara see Hutchison and Vogel (1933), pp.
99–125.
22
Dbu ma rigs tshogs. A classification of Madhyamaka works popular in Tibet,
consisting of six of Nāgārjuna’s works. According to the Chos ’byung of Bu ston
Rin chen grub (1290–1364), composed in 1322, they are (Obermiller [1931], v.
2, pp. 50–51): 1. Śūnyatāsaptati; 2. Mūlamadhyamakakārika; 3. Yuktis. as. .tikā; 4.
Vigrahavyāvartan¯ı; 5. Vaidalyasūtra; 6. Vyahahārasiddhi. Writing some sixty-one
years earlier in 1261, Rig pa’i ral gri gives a similar list in his Thub pa’i bstan pa
rgyan gyi me tog [12a]; slob dpon klu grub byon nas dbu ma’i bstan bcos mdzad pa
ni ’di lta ste / rtsa ba’i shes rab dang / stong nyid bdun bcu pa dang / rigs pa drug
bcu pa dang / zhib mo ’thag pa dang / brtsod pa bzlog pa dang / tha snyad bsgrub
pa ste rigs pa’i tshogs drug. The mention of this scheme in Vairocana’s biography
suggests that these works were already considered as a coherent group in medieval
India.
23
Spyod phyogs. This includes the Bodhicāryāvatāra and the Ś¯ıks. asammucaya of
Śāntideva.
24
This generic term, sgrub thabs sdus pa is reminiscent of the great sādhana
collection the Sgrub thabs kun las btus pa (D 3400; Sādhanasumuccaya), otherwise
known as the Sādhanamāla, in which one sādhana is attributed to a Vairocanaraks. ita.
See Tsukamoto et. al. (1989), v. 4, p. 382.
25
This might refer to any one of eight texts of the same name in the Bstan ’gyur.
26
See D 437; ’Phags ma sgrol ma ku ru kulle’i rtog pa (Ārya Tārākurukullekalpa).
27
See D 3338; Seng ldeng nags kyi sgrol ma shes bya ba’i sgrub thabs
(Khadiravan. ¯ıtārāsādhana).
28
Tshad ma’i gtan tshigs. I have not been able to determine whether this is a
particular text of a corpus of teachings. It is interesting to note that here the teacher’s
name is Dharmakı̄rti, a name taken from the famous Indian Buddhist logician.
29
Unidentified.
30
Unidentified.
376
31
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
See D 1707; Dpal u rgyan gyi sgrol ma’i mngon par rtogs pa’i rim pa
(Śr¯ı Ud. d. iyānatārābhisamayakraja), or D 1708; U rgyan gyi sgrol ma’i rim pa
(Ud. d. iyānatārākrama).
32
Otherwise unknown.
33
Somapurı̄, or alternately Somapura is generally known as the name of the largest
Buddhist monastery of the Pāla period, and has been located in modern day Pāhārpur,
Bengal.
34
See D 544; Dpa’ bo gcig bu grub pa shes bya ba’i rgyud kyi rgyal po
(Siddhikaviramahātantrarāja).
35
Otherwise unknown.
36
The relatively well-known Abhayākaragupta is said by later Tibetan sources to
have died in 1125. See Bühnemann and Tachikawa (1991), pp. vii–xxii.
37
D 374; Dpal khrag ’thung mngon par ’byung ba (Śr¯ıherukābhyudaya).
38
Though I agree with Roerich that this cycle could be related to D 1415, the
Rgyud kyi rgyal po chen po dpal rdo rje mkha’ ’gro shes bya ba’i rnam par bshad
pa, this title appears to refer to a corpus of texts.
39
This could refer to any number of self-sanctification practices. Of interest here is the
fact that a sādhana for Svādhis. t.hāna-Raktayamāri is attributed to one Vairocanaraks. ita
in the Sādhanamāla. See Tsukamoto et. al. (1989), p. 475.
40
Rgyud pa sna tshogs (Bla ma Zhang gi bka’ ’bum [2], v. 1, pp. 156.5–157.1);
dho ha’i ’grel pa’i dbang du byas na / bcom ldan ’das dpal rdo rje chang chen pos
bram ze sa ra ha la bshad / des ri khrod dbang phyug sa ra ha la bshad / des slob
dpon mi tri ba la bshad / des sgra mkhan zhabs la bshad / des su ra pa la zhes bya
ba la bshad / des rgya gar lho phyogs yul ko sa la’i grong khyer sa na tha pu ra
zhes bya bar sku ’khrungs pa’i rnal ’byor gyis dbang phyug brtul zhugs spyod pa
shri be ro tsa na bshad / des sprang ban zhang la rgyal gyi lung bur bshad pa’o//
41
See Rgyud pa sna tshogs (Bla ma Zhang gi bka’ ’bum [2], v. 1 pp. 157.1–158.2;
or Writings pp. 442–443).
42
Roerich (1988), pp. 351–399.
43
This is the first occurrence of the non-honorific verb zer in place of gsung, “to
say.”
44
Mount Wu tai or Wu tai shan is the famous Chinese Buddhist pilgrimage site
located in present day Shanxi province.
45
It is not at all clear to me to which king is referred, or where this might be.
46
This is Lin tao, a town in the southern part of the Xi Xia state, in present-day
Gansu Province.
47
Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston [p. 513.6–.10]; bai ro tsa na badzra ’di dngul chu’i bcud
len grub pa yin / rgya nag tu byon pas rgyal pos nyam sad pa’i phyir dngul chu
dkar yol gang drangs pa cig car gsol / ’on kyang rgyal pos nyams sad byas pa la
ma mnyes nas chos ma bstan par bod du byon te rje dus mkhyen dang Zhang tshal
sogs la gdams pa bstan / ngam shod smad du bzhugs so //
Ngam shod smad or Lower Ngam shod is perhaps a part of the Ngam shod region
above Densathil Monastery. See Dorje and Kapstein (1991), map 6, J 16. We also
find Ngam shod smad mentioned in the biography of Rta ston Jo yes (1163–1230)
(Blue Annals, pp. 143, 144). Interestingly enough, during his seven-year stay in
Lower Ngam shod Rta ston studied the Dohā Trilogy, part of which was translated
by Vairocanavajra.
48
See Roerich (1988), pp. 844–847.
49
Deb ther sngon po [pp. 749–750]; dbus gtsang gi sa cha stod smad mang
por byon pas thams cad bgrang mi nus kyi / ’phan yul gyi rgyal du yun ring par
bzhugs / do ha la sogs pa’i ’gyur yang mdzad / do ha skor gsum ga ’di’i chos yin
pas / rgyal po dang btsun mo gnyis a sus mdzad par smra ba’ang mi bden par
snang ngo // di’i slob ma yang la stod du sprul sku zla ba ’od zer / gtsang du rin
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
377
po che rgyal tsha / dbus su zhang rin po che ste / bod du yun rings bzhugs pas
slob ma mang po yod par nges kyang yi ge ma mthong de tsam las bgrang bar
mi dpyod do // ’di la grong ’jug ma byas pa’i skor des snye thang du gdams pa
zhus pas skor ni rū pa las bod du ’byon pa ’di snga ba yin no // de lta bu’i grub
thob chen po de ni mthar ’on gyi sgang khar mya ngan las ’da’ ba’i tshul bstan
to //
50
See Roerich (1988), pp. 705–707, for a brief biography of Rgyal tsha Rin chen
mgon po.
51
See his Pan. grub gsum gyi rnam thar dpag bsam ’khri shing, and especially the
interlinear note to f.1b.1, where he lists Rgyal tsha as one of his ten teachers.
52
It is reasonable to assume that this was not Gyi jo Zla ba ’od zer of Kālacakra
fame, who would have lived too early if he translated the Kālacakratantra in 1027.
Dan Martin (personal communication, October 6, 1999), has suggested that this may
be Lha rje Zla ba ’od zer (1123–1182). See Roerich (1988), pp. 229–232.
53
Dan Martin has suggested that Vairocana imparted teachings to Bla ma Zhang
in the 1160’s. See Martin (1992), p. 254 and Jackson (1994), p. 59 n. 131. Based
on the following observations I would place their meeting somewhat earlier.
54
Si tu often mentions his sources at the close of each separate biography.
55
See Si tu’s Karma kam tshang brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam thar, p. 5.1 and p.
11.7.
56
See Martin (1997), entry 118.
57
Lho rong chos ’byung, pp. 187–191. The biography of Bla ma Zhang is located
on pp. 181–199.
58
Lho rong chos ’byung, pp. 228–232, and specifically p. 231.
59
The dates 1040–1158 are based upon ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s Deb ther sngon po. See
Roerich (1988), p. 73, for his birth date, and p. 211 for the death date. The brief
biography in Gangs can mkhas ’grub rim byon ming mdzod (pp. 1075–1076) gives
the dates 1040–1111.
60
See Roerich (1988), p. 1024.
61
Rgyud pa sna tshogs (Bla ma Zhang gi Bka’ ’bum [2] v. 1 pp. 154.5–155.3);
(Writings pp. 439–440).
62
’Ol kha ba’s discipleship under Ba ri Lo tsā ba is also attested in the Lho rong
chos ’byung (p. 223), and the Deb ther sngon po. See Roerich (1988), pp. 468–469
for a brief biography of this figure, whom ’Gos Lo tsā ba includes in the chapter
on the disciples of Sgam po pa (1079–1153).
63
See Roerich (1988), pp. 849–855 (Deb ther sngon po v. 2, pp. 992–1000) for
the amazing story of Skor Nirūpa’s travels, death, and reembodiment.
64
Dus gsum mkhyen pa’i rnam thar, p. 117.1–2; bal bod gnyis kyi mtshams lan
de bya ba na bla ma ba’i ro’i dgon pa na rten dge snyen chos kyi grags pa zhes
bya ba chos brda’i tshul du gsungs nas sems can gyi don byed /
65
I have found no evidence either to explicitly connect or separate the Vairocanavajra
under consideration here with the Vairocanaraks. ita who is credited with the annotation
of several Yogācāra works, on which see Gokhale (1977).
66
See the introduction to Hanson-Barber (1984) for a list of the older Vairocana’s
translation efforts.
67
Roerich (1988) p. 837.
68
See his Key to Profundity: A Commentary on Kr. s. n. ācārya’s Treasury of Dohā
Verses (Grub chen nag po spyod pa’i do ha’i ’grel pa zab don lde mig), where he
uses an Apabhraṁśa manuscript to analyze some four different translations of this
Dohākos. a. I hope to come back to this interesting and unique work in a future paper.
69
In his biography of Bla ma Zhang written in 1352 – in fact a commentary on
one of Bla ma Zhang’s autobiographical verse works, the Dgos ’dod re skong ma –,
Drung chen Dge ba’i blo gros, alias Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje, presents a biography
378
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
of Vairocanavajra which is based entirely upon Zhang’s work. The passage runs;
Zhang bka’ ’bum (II), v. 5 p. 546.1–.6) bla ma pan. d. ita bai ro tsa na’i rnam thar
ni / rgya gar lho phyogs ko sa la’i grong khyer so na tha pu ri zhes par / rgyal
po rā dza se na’i rigs su ’khrungs / dang por sgra tshad slabs shing mu stegs
mdzad / de nas ma ga dhar byon nas ‘jam dpal dpa’ bo gcig pa gsan / de nas shar
phyogs na len drar sa ha ra [sic] nas brgyud pa sgra mkhan zhabs kyi slob ma
grub thob sur ra pa la zhes pa dang mjal / lo brgyad bsten nas a ma no si ka ra
dang /do ha sogs snying po’i skor / kye’i rdo rje’i dbang dang / rgyud sgrub skor /
bcud len / me tri pa nas brgyud pa’i chos thams cad gsan nas / dza la dha rar lo
drug dka’ thub mdzad / grub thob se ri pa dang / pan. d. ita ghu n. a raks. ita / su na
gha pa ta / a bhya ya ka ra rnams la lung man ngag mtha’ dag gsan zhing thugs
nyams su bzhes pas grub pa brnyes / o rgyan ma gtogs yul nyi shu rtsa bsum du
byon zhing spyod pa mdzad / mu stegs kyi rgyal po gcig gis bzung nas / mer sregs
pas ma tshig / bod la lam btol nas rtse lnga byon pa’i lam du / shing kun kyi mu
thang bu dang ’gras pas rdzu ’phrul du ma bstan nas btul / rgya nag rgyal pos gri
mangs ru ba bcug pas sku la ma gnod / dngul chu dkar yol gang gsol bas ’ju /
’dzam gling sum gnyis bskor / bod du lan lnga byon / dgung lo drug brgya thub
skad / bla ma de sten tshul ni / bla ma rin po ches bde mchog lha bcu gsum ma’i
dbang zhus dus su / dkyil ’khor lha tshogs zhal mngon sum du gzigs / bde dgyes
kyi skor dang / do ha mdzod drug sogs lung dang zab mo’i gnad mang du zhus
so //
70
P = Peking, D = Sde dge, B = Bu ston’s catologue (Nishioka, 1980–1983). With
Nishioka’s important index canonical titles, authors, and translators can be verified
to within one or two centuries of their transmission to Tibet, as opposed to the five
or six centuries afforded by the catalogues of the Sde dge, Peking, Snar thang, etc.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Tibetan Works
Ko zhul Grags pa ’byung gnas; Rgyal ba blo bzang mkhas grub. Gangs can mkhas
grub rim byon ming mdzod. Kan su’u mi rigs dpe skrun khang. Lanzhou. 1992.
Khro phu Lo tsā ba Byams pa’i dpal (b. 1172/1173). Pan. grub gsum gyi rnam thar
dpag bsam ’khri shing. n.p., n.d.
’Gos Lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392–1481). Deb gter sngon po. The Blue Annals.
International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi. 1974. Si khron mi rigs dpe
skrun khang. 1984. (2 volumes).
’Gos Lo tsā ba Gzhon nu dpal (1392–1481). Mkhas pa chen po dpal nags kyi rin
chen gyi rnam par thar pa. National Library of Bhutan, Thimpu. 1985.
Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen (1079–1159). Zla ’od gzhon nu mdzad pa’i bcud
bsdus. Collected Works (Gung ’bum) of Sgam po pa Bsod nams rin chen: Khasdub
Gyatso Shashin. Delhi, 1975. [volume 2, pp. 450–467.].
Tāranātha (1575–1634). Grub chen Nag po spyod pa’i do ha’i ’grel pa zab don
lde mig. The Collected Works of Jo nang rje btsun Tāranātha: Smanrtsis Shesrig
Dpenzod. Leh. 1984. [volume 6, pp. 847–915].
Rta tshag Tshe dbang rgyal (composed 1446). Dam pa’i chos kyi byung ba’i legs
bshad lho rong chos ’byung ngam rta tshag chos ’byung zhes rtsom pa’i yu ming
du chags pa’i ngo mtshar zhing dkod pa’i dpe khyad par can. Bod ljongs bod yig
dpe rnying dpe skrun khang. Lhasa, 1994. Gangs can rig mdzod v. 26.
Dpa’ bo Gtsug lag phreng ba. Dam pa’i chos kyi ’khor los bsgyur ba rnams kyi
byung gsal bar byed pa mkhas pa’i dga’ ston. (1565). 2 vol. Mi rigs dpe skrun
khang. 1986.
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
379
Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje, alias Dge ba’i blo gros (1309–1364). Deb ther dmar po.
Zhang bka’ ’bum (II) v. 3, pp. 543–727. Excerpt on Bla ma Zhang also contained
in v.5, pp. 575.4–578.4. Also published by: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, Beijing.
1981.
Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje, alias Dge ba’i blo gros (1309–1364). Drung chen dge
ba’i blo gros kyis mdzad pa’i dgos ’dod re bskong ma’i grel pa. Zhang bka’ ’bum
(II), v. 5, pp. 532.1–575.4.
Zhang G.yu grag pa Brtson ’grus grags pa (1123–1193). Rgyud pa sna tshogs.
Writings (Bka’ thor bu) of Zhang g.yu brag pa Brtson ’grus grags pa: Sungrab
Nyamso Gyunpel Parkhang Tibetan Craft Community, Tashijong, Palampur, H.P.
(India). 1972. (abbr. Writings). [pp. 433.7–444.5]. Zhang bka’ ’bum (II), no date,
no place. [v.1, pp. 150.2–158.2].
Zhang G.yu grag pa Brtson ’grus grags pa (1123–1193). Bla ma sna tshogs kyi tho
byang. Writings, [pp.426.4–433.6]. Zhang bka’ ’bum (II) [v.1, pp. 158.2–164.2].
Zhang G.yu grag pa Brtson ’grus grags pa (1123–1193). Bla ma bhe ro pa’i rnam
thar. Zhang bka’ ’bum (I) Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project, Reel
No. L448/3; ff. 347. [v.1, folios 123b–127b]. Zhang bka’ ’bum (II), no date, no
place. [v.1, pp. 142.2–150.2].
Rig pa’i ral gri (c.1230–c.1315). Thub pa’i bstan pa rgyan gyi me tog (composed
1261). Nepal National Archives; reel no. L493/2. ff.24.
Si tu Pan. chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1700–1774). Sgrub brgyud karma kam tshang
brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam par thar pa rab ’byams nor bu zla ba chu shel gyi
phreng ba. D. Gyaltsan & Kesang Legshay, New Delhi 1972.
Secondary Works
de Certeau, Michel. The Writing of History. Columbia University Press, New York.
1988.
Bühnemann, Gudrun and Tachikawa, Musashi. Nis. pannayogāval¯ı- Two Sanskrit
Manuscripts from Nepal. The Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, Kyoto. 1991.
Dowman, Keith. Masters of Mahamudra: Songs and Histories of the Eighty-Four
Buddhist Siddhas. SUNY Press, Albany. 1985.
Dorje, Gyurme and Kapstein, Matthew. The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: Its
Fundamentals and History. Volume Two: Reference Material. Wisdom Publications,
Boston. 1991.
Eaton, Richard M. The Rise of Islam on the Bengal Frontier. University of California
Press, Berkeley. 1993.
Eimer, Helmut. “The Development of the Biographical Tradition Concerning Atiśa
(Dipam
. karaśrı̄jñāna).” The Tibet Society Journal 2 (1982). pp. 41–51.
Gokhale, V. V. “Yogācāra Works Annotated by Vairocanaraks. ita (Discovered in the
Tibetan photographic materials at the K. P. Jayaswal Research Institute at Patna).”
Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 57–59. 1977. pp. 635–644.
Granoff, Phyllis. The Forest of Thieves and the Magic Garden: An Anthology of
Medieval Jain Stories. Penguin Books, New Delhi. 1998.
Granoff, Phyllis and Shinohara, Koichi. Speaking of Monks: Religious Biography in
India and China. Mosaic Press, Oakville. (1992).
Hanson-Barber, A.W. The Life and Teachings of Vairocana, Ph.D. Dissertation,
University of Wisconsin-Madison. 1984.
Huntington, Susan H. The “Pāla-Sena” Schools of Sculpture. E. J. Brill, Leiden.
1984.
Hutchison, J. and Vogel, J. History of the Panjab Hill States. Volume 1. Punjab
Government Publications, Lahore. 1933.
380
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
Jackson, David P. Enlightenment by a Single Means- Tibetan Controversies on the
“Self-sufficient White Remedy” (Dkar po chig thub). Verlag der Österreichischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien. 1994.
van der Kuijp, Leonard W. J. “On the Lives of Śākyaśrı̄bhadra (?–1225).” Journal
of the American Oriental Society 114/4 (1994). pp. 599–616.
Lévi, Sylvain. “Un Nouveau Document sur le Bouddhisme de Basse Époque dans
l’Inde.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 6/2 (1931). pp.
417–429.
Martin, Dan. “A Twelfth-century Tibetan Classic of Māhāmudrā: The Path of Ultimate
Profundity: the Great Seal Instruction of Zhang.” Journal of the International
Association of Buddhist Studies 15/2 (1992). pp. 243–319.
Martin, Dan. Tibetan Histories: A bibliography of Tibetan-Language Historical Works.
Serindia Publications, London. 1997.
Nishioka, Soshū. “Index to the Catalogue Section of Bu-ston’s ’History of Buddhism’.
Annual Report of the Institute for the Study of Cultural Exchange, The University
of Tōkyō. (I) No. 4, 1980, pp. 61–92; (II) No. 5, 1981, pp. 43–94; (III) No. 6,
1983, pp. 47–200.
Obermiller, E. The Jewelry of Scripture of Bu-ston. Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi.
1987 (1931).
Robinson, James B. Buddha’s Lions: The Lives of the Eighty-Four Siddhas. Dharma
Publishing, Berkeley. 1979.
Roerich, George N. The Blue Annals. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi. 1988
(1949).
Schwartzburg, Joseph E. A Historical Atlas of South Asia. Oxford University Press,
New York. 1992.
Shastri, Raghuvara Mitthulal. “A Comprehensive Study into the Origin and Status
of the Kayasthas.” Man in India XI/2 (1931). pp. 116–159.
Templeman, David. “Buddhaguptanātha: A Late Indian Siddha in Tibet.” Proceedings
of the 7th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Graz
1995. Helmut Krasser et. al., Eds. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften Wien. 1997. v. 2, pp. 955–966.
Tsukamoto, Keisho; Matsunaga, Yukei; Isoda, Hirofumi. A Descriptive Bibliography
of the Sanskrit Buddhist Literature vol. IV, The Buddhist Tantra. Heirakuji-Shoten,
Ltd, Kyoto. 1989.
Tucci, Giuseppe. “Animadversiones Indicae.” Opera Minora. Universita di Roma,
Roma. 1984. [v.1, pp. 195–229.]
Ui, Hakuji, Ed. A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons. Tohoku
Imperial University, Sendai. 1934.
APPENDIX I: THE TIBETAN TEXTS OF THE BLA MA BHE RO PA’I RNAM
THAR AND THE DEB THER SNGON PO
In the following edition of the first section of the Bla ma bhe ro pa’i rnam thar,
I have set Bla ma Zhang’s work – as preserved in Zhang bka’ ’bum (I) – and the
passage devoted to Vairocana in the Blue Annals side-by-side in order to facilitate
comparison, and to illustrate both ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s reliance upon and his small but
significant deviance from his predecessor’s work. Words in bold are proper personal
names, those underlined are place-names, those in italics are titles of works. In the
first portion of Bla ma Zhang’s work the speech markers gsung and skad are marked
in both bold and italic in order to highlight the major rhetorical change made by
’Gos Lo tsā ba.
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
381
Bla ma bhe ro pa’i rnam thar
/ / bla ma bhe ro pa’i rnam thar bzhugs
/ / na mo gu ru / / bla ma dam pa
rnams la phyag ’tshal lo / / bla ma rnal
’byor pa chen po bhe ro tsa na zhes bya
ba / pan. d. ita chen po brtul zhugs spyod
pa ba / yul lho phyogs ko sa la’i grong
khyer so na pu ri zhes bya bar rgyal po
Deb ther sngon po
yul rgya gar lho phyogs [748] ko sa la’i
grong khyer so ma pū rir rgyal po sa
ra tsa sa na’i rigs su sku ’khrungs te /
yab kyi ming ni mi gsung / yum ni skal
ba bzang mo bya ba yin gsung / de’i
sras ni bhe ro yin te / lo bcu gnyis su
zhang mu stegs kyi pan. d. ita cig gi
phyir rgya gar nub phyogs su phyin
nas lo cig tsam slob gnyer byed cing
bsdad gsung / de nas yul dbus ma ga
tar phyin pas rnal ’byor pa cig dang
phrad nas / ’jam dpal dpa’ bo cig pa gsan
/ de nas rnal ’byor pa de’i phyir nub
tsa na’i rigs su ’khrungs /
yum ni skal ba bzang mo zhes bya / lo
bcu gnyis pa la zhang po mu stegs pa’i
pan. d. ita zhig yong pa de’i phyir ’brangs
te slob gnyer mdzad cing /
rgya gar nub phyogs su byon nas lo
gcig tsam bzhugs /
de nas yul dbus ma ga dhar byon pas
rnal ’byor pa cig dang mjal nas ’jam dpal
dba’ bo gcig pa gsan /
de nas rnal ’byor pa de’i phyir ba ra n. ā
phyogs ba ra na ser byon / rnal ’byor
pa des ba ra na ser chung ma blangs
nas bzhugs / bla mas rgya gar śar
ser byon / rnal ’byor pa de der chung
ma blangs nas bzhugs / khong gis
rgya gar shar phyogs su byon nas nā
phyogs su byon nas na len trar bzhugs
pa’i dus su / su ra pa la zhes bya ba /
yig mkhan gyi rigs yul bha len tra’i rnal
’byor pa nges gzhan gyi spyi bor [124a]
phyag bzhag nas ma bteg gi bar du mi
rtog pa rgyud la skye pa’i mkhas pa
chen po sgra tshad dang / bstan bcos
thams cad legs par shes pa cig rnal
’byor la bzhugs nas yod pa dang mjal
nas thugs rjes bzung nas phyags phyir
lo brgyad ’grengs te / a ma na si dang
mdo ha la sogs pa ma hā mu tra’i bskor bla
ma mnga’ bdag mi tri pa’i chos dang /
dpal dgyes pa rdo rje’i gdam ngag dang /
bcud len gyi gdam ngag la sogs pa ma lus
pa gsan nas / nub phyogs dza lan dha
landa na bzhugs pa’i dus su su ra pā la
zhes bya ba yig mkhan gyi rigs kyi yul
bha rendra’i rnal ’byor pa des gzhan
gyi spyi bor phyag bzhag nas ma bteg
gi bar du mi rtog pa rgyud la skye pa’i
mkhas pa chen po zhig ’dug pa dang
mjal /
rar lo drug dka’ thub mdzad gsung / de
nas na len tra’i nags gseb tu rnal ’byor
thub mdzad /
de nas nā landa’i nags bseb tu rnal
pa si ri dang / rnal ’byor pa ma tha na
ta la sogs pa dang / tshogs ’khor lhan
cig mdzad gsung / bhri ka ma la shi la’i
’byor pa si ti dang / rnal ’byor pa ma
da na la sogs pa dang tshogs ’khor lhan
cig tu mdzad / bi kra ma shı̄ la’i pan. d. i
pan. d. ita gu na ra kri ta la pha rol du
ta gu n. a raks. i ta la pha rol tu phyin pa
de la pan. d. ita bai ro tsa na raks. i ta ni /
des rjes su gzung nas lo brgyad phyags
phyir ’brangs te a ma na sa dang / do ha
la sogs pa phyag rgya chen po’i skor mai
tri pa’i chos skor dang / dgyes pa rod rje’i
gdams ngag dang bcud len gyi man ngag
la sogs pa mang du gsan nas /
nub phyogs dzā landha rar lo drug dka’
382
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
phyin pa dang / dbu ma rigs tshogs dang
/ pha rgyud gsang ba ’dus pa la sogs pa
dang / ma rgyud dang kri ya’i chos
mang du gsan gsung / de nas dha na ra
kri ta la spyod phyogs dang / sgrub thabs
[124b] bsdus pa dang / seng ge sgra’i
sgrub thab rtog pa dang bcas pa dang /
sgrol ma ku ru ku la’i rtog pa dang / seng
ldeng nags kyi sgrol ma dang / gtum po’i
sgrub thabs la sogs pa mang du gsan
gsung / de nas dharma ghi ti la tshad
ma’i gtan tshigs bya ba gsan / de nas
shar phyogs bha len tra’i pan. d. ita dza
ya ka ra la bde mchog lha bcu gsum ma
dang / phag mo lha lnga ma dang / jo mo
dbu rgyan ma la sogs pa gsan gsung /
shar phyogs grong khyer so na pu ri’i
dang dbu ma rigs tshogs dang / pha
rgyud gsang ’dus la sogs pa dang / ma
rgyud dang kri ya’i chos mang du gsan /
de nas dhā na raks. i ta la spyod phyogs
dang / sgrub thabs bsdus pa dang / seng
ge sgra’i sgrub thabs rtog pa dang bcas pa
dang / sgrol ma ku ru ku lle’i rtog pa
dang / seng ldeng nags sgrol dang gtum
po’i sgrub thabs la sogs mang du gsan /
rnal ’byor pa’i tshogs dpon byed pa pan.
d. i ta sa ra na zhes bya ba la bsgrub
thabs dang / gdam ngag kha yar gsan
/ pan. d. ita su na ghu pa ta la ‘jam dpal
dpa’ po cig pa’i rgyud gsan skad / a bhya
ka ra ghu pa ta la he ru ka mngon byung
dang / rdo rje mkha’ ’gro’i bstod ’grel
sgrub skor dang rang byin gyis brlabs pa’i
sgrub thabs la sogs pa gsan / de ltar
mdo rgyud mang po dang / gdams
ngag la sogs pa mang du mkhyen yang
gsong zhing khye’u skyung mang du
mdzad do / / [125a] de nas yul nyi shu
rtsa bzhi’ lam byon pa dbu rgyan las
med gsung / der bzhud snyam nas /
lho phyogs su byon nas spyod pa
mdzad pas / mu stegs kyi rgyal po cig
gis bzung nas mer bsregs pas ma tshig
skad / der bod du byon nas ri bo rtse
lnga la bzhud tshis byas pa la / rgyal
pos mchod gnas mdzad nas ma thon /
shing kun mkhar gyi mu thang bu
dang ’bras pa’i dus su / rdzu ’phrul lus
kyi bkod pa mang du mdzad par ’dug
ste gsang par gda’o / / de nas rgya nag
tu byon pas rgyal pos gri mda’i rug gu
byas pas sku la sen shus tsam yang ma
byung skad / dngul chu dkar yol gang
ri’i rnal ’byor pa’i tshogs dpon pan. d. i ta
sa ra na la sgrub thabs dang gdam
ngag ‘ga’ zhig zhus /
pan. d. i ta su dha na gupta la ‘jam dpal
dpa’ po gcig pa’i rgyud gsan / a bha yā
kar ra gupta la bde mchog mngon ’byung
dang / rdo rje mkha’ ’gro’i stong ’grel
sgrub skor dang byin gyis brlab pa’i sgrub
thabs la sogs gsan / de ltar mang du
mkhyen kyang gsang zhing khengs
skyung mang du mdzad /
dharma kı̄rti la tshad ma’i gtan tshigs
gsan /
de nas shar phyogs bha re ndra’i pan. d. i
ta dza ya ā ka ra la bde mchog bcu gsum
ma dang / phag mo lha [749] lnga dang jo
mo u rgyan ma la sogs pa gsan /
shar phyogs su grong khyer so ma pū
yul nyi shu rtsa bzhi las ma byon pa u
rgyan las med /
der bzhung snyam nas lho phyogs su
byon nas spyod pa mdzad pas rgyal po
gcig gis gzung nas me la bsregs pas ma
tshig /
de nas bod du byon te ri bo rtse lnga la
bzhung rtsis byas pas rgyal po’i mchod
gnas bcol te ma thon /
shing kun mkhar gyi mu thang bu
dang ’gras pa’i dus su rdzu ’phrul mang
du mdzad kyang gsang bar gda’ /
de nas rgya nag tu byon pas rgyal pos
gri dang mda’i rug bcug kyang shas
shus tsam yang ma byung /
dngul chu dkar yol gang gsol bas sku la
THE RELIGIOUS CAREER OF VAIROCANAVAJRA
383
la khrog rtser mdzad pas sku la ma
gnod par ma nus /
gnod skad / sku tshe lo drug brgya
dzambu’i gling gi sum gnyis bskor /
thub skad / ’dzam bu’i gling sum gnyis bod du lan lnga byon te
skor / bod du lan lnga byon no / /69
APPENDIX II: WRITINGS AND TRANSLATIONS
A. WRITINGS
Alias Vairocanaraks. ita/Rnam par snang mdzad srung ba –
Byang chub sems dpa’ spyod pa la ’jug ’grel pa. P5272. B613.70
Shes rab le’u’i dka’ ’grel. Prajñāparicchedapañjikā. T. Mi mnyam khol pa,
Blo ldan shes rab. D3876.
Slob ma la spring pa’i phrin yig dka’ ’grel. Śis. yalekhat. ippan. a. T. Sugataśrı̄mitra,
Tshul khrims rgyal mtshan. D4191. B818.
Bslab pa me tog snye ma. Śiks. ākusumamañjar¯ı. T. Sumatikı̄rti, Zha ma seng rgyal,
Klog skya gzhon nu ’bar. R. Mar pa chos kyi dbang phyug. D3943. P5339.
B747.
Gshin rje gshed dmar po’i sgrub thabs. Raktayamārisādhana. T. Nyi ma’i dbang
po’i od zer, Chos rje dpal. D2031.
Alias Rnam par snang mdzad rdo rje/Vairocanavajra –
Sbyor ba yan lag drug gi snang ba’i rim pa. Sad. anggayogālokakrama. T. Pun. yaśrı̄,
Gyung drung ’od. D1879. P2742. B2039.
B. TRANSLATIONS
Alias Vairocanaraks. ita/Rnam par snang mdzad srung ba –
Do ha mdzod ces bya ba phyag rgya chen po’i man ngag.
Dohākos. anāmamahāmudropadeśa. A. Saraha. T. Śrı̄vairocanaraks. ita. D2273.
P3119.
Pha rol tu phyin pa bsdus pa. Pāramitāsamāsa. A. Āryaśūra. T. Vairocanaraks. ita.
D3944. P5340. B763.
Ma he’i zhal gyi sgrub pa’i thabs. Mahis. ānasādhana. A. Dpal ’dzin. T. Rnam par
snang mdzad srung ba, Ba ri Dharmakı̄rti. D1975. P2838.
Śes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i snying po’i sgrub thabs.
Prajñāpāramitāhr. dayasādhana. A. Klu sgrub snying po. T. Vairocanaraks. ita,
Glan chung. R. Stag Lo tsā ba. D2640. P3464.
Alias Vairocanavajra/Rnam par snang mdzad rdo rje –
Ka kha’i do ha. Kakhadohā. A. Saraha. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2266. P3113. B2756.
Ka kha’i do ha’i bshad pa bris pa. Kakhadohāt. ippan. a. A. Saraha. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra.
D2267. P3114. B2757.
’Jig rten gsum las rnam par rgyal ba ’phags ma sgrol ma bsgrub pa’i thabs. P4710.
Do ha mdzod. Dohākos. a. A. Tillipa. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2281. P3128 (T. Rnam
par snang mdzad). B2793.
384
KURTIS R. SCHAEFFER
Do ha mdzod. Dohākos. a. A. Nag po rdo rje. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2301. P3150.
B2758.
Do ha mdzod. Dohākos. a. A. Birbapa. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2280. P3130 (T.
Vairocana). B2816.
Do ha mdzod kyi dka’ ’grel. Dohākos. apañjikā. A. Gnyis su med pa’i rdo rje. D2256.
T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. P3101. B2755.
Dpal ngan song thams cad yongs su sbyang ba’i rgyud las phyung ba
spyan ma’i ngan song sbyon pa’i cho ga. Śr¯ısarvadurgatipariśodhana
tantrādudbhūtalocanādurgatiśodhavidhi. A. Stong nyid ting nge ’dzin rdo
rje. T. Avadhūtivairocanavajra, Lding ri chos kyi grags. D1907. P2771.
Dpal nag po chen po la bstod pa rkang pa brgyad pa. Śr¯ımahākālās. .tamantrastotra.
A. Klu sgrub. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra, Ding ri chos grags. D1779.
Dpal nag po chen po la bstod pa rkang pa brgyad pa. Śr¯ımahākālās. .tamantrastotra.
A. Klu sgrub. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra, Ding ri chos grags. D1779. P2645.
Dpal nag po rdo rje zhabs kyi do ha mdzod kyi rgya cher ’grel pa. D2302 (no
translator listed). P3151, B2759.
Dpal Birba pa’i tshig rkang brgyad cu rtsa bzhi. Śr¯ıvirūpapadacaturaś ¯ıti. A Virūpa.
T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2283. P3129. B2794.
Tshigs su bcad pa lnga pa. Pañcagāthā. A. Nag po. T. Śrı̄vairocanavajra. D2282.
P3127. B2792.
Seng ldeng nags kyi sgrol ma’i sgrub thabs. Khadiravan. ¯ıtārāsādhana. A. Klu sgrub.
T. Rnam par snang mdzad rdo rje. D3664. P4487.
Department of Religious Studies
University of Alabama
Tuscaloosa, Alabama
U.S.A.