SILK ROAD ART ANI) ARCHAEOLOGY Journal of the Institute of Silk Road Studies The Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum Foundation r I I T I L,, I I I The universal compassionate Bodhisattva I Miscellaneous Aspects of Avalokitasvara/Avalokite6vara in India T T I Claudine Bautze-Picron, I I C.N.R.S.. Paris I I To the memory of James C. Harle I I I I I I I I I I I I I fne present paper emerged out of "a study of images from Eastern India showing AvalokiteSvara standinS or seated below the tree.'The analysis of those images introduced two types of observations: first, they relate to similar ones from other regions of India or other countries, which are earlier or contemporary; second, they relate to other types of images of the Bodhisattva which betray similar concerns. This led us to take into consideration these images in order to get a better understanding of the last phase in the development of a specific aspect of the Bodhisattva in India. As a matter of fact, taking into consideration texts and images from different historical strata and initially from India) allows to trace the thread bringing all images together, which is to reflect, at the level of visual or literary imagery, the perception uarious cultural contexts (but originating those of a spiritual being concerned by the sufferings of all beings and able to provide a clue for rescuing to solve the numerous uncertainties which prevail, regarding the image(s) of Avalokite6vara ; neither does it aim at tracing the development of all his forms in South Asia but rather attempts at focusing on the concept of the Bodhisattva as souls from their tragic fate. This paper cannot pretend universal compassionate, at understanding how this idea found its way in the elaboration of very specific icons. Taking, moreover, into consideration non-Indian images al1ows, at time unexpectedly, to provide an explanation fbr isolated details of the Bodhisattva iconography in India - which reminds us that Buddhism transcends the geographical limits and chronological phases of its development. Infoduction AvalokiteSvara holds a prominent position in the universe of the Bodhisattvas.2 His infinite compassion for all sentient beings locates him at an intermediary position between them and the flnal extinction at which they all aim. Throughout Asia, he has since two millenia remained present in the mind and heart of devotees who call his name. Since his compassion extends to all beings, his nature is universal: he becomes a "god" who encompasses the entire universe, and a "god" who creates. These two fundamental aspects, the universal compassionate and cosmic character, led to the creation of specific images from Central Asia upto Japan. Yet, although their presence remains extremely rare in India, most of them trace their origin back to the Subcontinent. s.R.A.A., X (2004) The Indian iconography of AvalokiteSvara has a Iong, and at times still enigmatic, development. Most aspects reflect the official Budcihist expression simultaneously aimed at the lay and religious communities, whereas some images share a more esoteric content, and were only but rarely illustrated in India although they might eventually have reached the fbreground in the Far East. Iconographical studies considering the Indian material often neglect to consider the historical I mean more particularly the region or the exact geographical site and the precise period of carving, - or do not even mention the basic context in which the images emerged - by which archaeological infbrmation (position within the ternple, image found isolated or in a group, etc.),] not to speak of the historical context (political, sociological, religious, etc.). Only some rare studies have underlined how specific aspects of Avalokite5vara's iconography were bound to the contemporary historical situation within which they were created.a It is also beyond the scope of this paper and of my abilitites to make an attempt at tackling these various factors, which would encompass large areas of North India over many centuries. However, if we consider the global development of the Bodhisattva's iconography as already known,' as well as testimonies of various natures, or if we do not approach the images in the traditional "iconographic" perspective, which is merely satisfied with an identification, i.e. if we insert these images within their historical background (in the broadest meaning of the term) and archaeological surrounding, or if we consider them to be part of a wider development, we can reach other levels of comprehension. Images which appeared as curiosities because their iconography remains isolated within the Indian context, relate then to a deeper understanding of the Bodhisattva's personality, as it emerged all through Asia. Not only did certain aspects originate in India from where they spread to the Far East, but, moreover, although they would first seem to have been disregarded in the Subcontinent, being utmost rarely represented, one cannot deny there the existence of their worship over a long period, even if it addressed only a limited number of devotees. Fundamental as they can be, iconographic studies have, however, basically concentrated on elements attached to the deity, be they attributes, or types of hair-dress, ornaments, dresses, and on facial features (number of faces, facial expressions), but have largely overlooked the nucleus on which the image is elaborated, i.e. the body. The body directly ref-ers to those actually responsible for the image as it is, i.e. the artists; the body of the god echoes the human body, it is made "different" or "better" through the adjunction of artificial elements. On the contrary, the positions which it presents are drawn from the real life experienced by the artists and reflect, I would suggest, and although this would require further studies, the emotional field of human mind." The human body has developed its own language which varies from culture to culture, from period to period. The image of the divine body is a human product and acts as an echo to the human body; we can, therefore, surmise that the meaning of this language is shared by men and gods, that human beings use the divine body for projecting their feelings within the images which they The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 221 produce, and imprinting those feelings and emotions with etemity. The positions displayed by the body reflect hidden aspects of the deity (as projected by human beings), they help to carry the feelings of the latter towards the devotees, and contain thus information on the perception of the deity by those very devotees. Since AvalokiteSvara is for all sentient beings and helping them to cross the ocean of lives, one may expect to find the expression of this universai compassion in his images, more particularly in the carving of his body. As a matter of fäct, the way of representing him holds a major part in understanding his nature. A further aspect stands also out in profile, which relates the representation of the body to rules determining the whole composition of the image: clearly, the position of the body and the gestures made by the hands are linked, as seen more particularly in later images, to the presence of attendants distributed at very specific places around the Bodhisattva. The distribution of those features is very strictly ruled by the opposition of left and right, and the respective meaning reflected by both sides. It is beyond the scope of this paper to enter into a detailed analysis of the inner structure of the image through its development in India, described as fundamentally caring but we shall occasionally introduce some remarks connected with this topic; the left and right sides of the body are simultaneously opposed and complementary to one another, a dichotomy which extends itself to the complete structure of the image, coupled with the opposition between the upper and lower parts of the sculpture, and again this echoes basic human concems.' When dealing with iconographic issues, we repeatedly face the fact that images can be either present (i.e. described) in literary sources or seen in art. The link between these two categories of material is thus very often missing; such a situation does not necessarily reflect a lost due to history, but may have always been there. We cannot exclude the possibility that the obligation prevailed, in certain cases, to preserve the visual image from any .written description and required an exclusive oral transmission, a position which might be rightly expected in esoteric Buddhism. Nevertheless, it is also evident that a large part of the literary and artistic material went lost on Indian soil, and it is well known that basic elements of historical knowledge are simply not there the date of the images is usually approximative, and, in the case of loose sculptures, their precise find-spot has been simply disregarded; only a simultaneous precise stylistic and iconographic study of the material allows then to suggest a date and a place of origin. On such a frail basis, we must try to reconstruct a history and analyse a development. Luckily for us, texts have been often preserved in their Chinese translations which are usually dated with some precision. The information which they contain acts at times as an echo to Indian images, and allows to throw light on them. Another source of information lies in the context in which the object has been discovered, i.e. at a general level, the region, the site of origin, and at a more limited level, the precise position within the temple (which is a known information when considering images carved or painted in the caves of Maharashtra). This geographical parameter should be combined to the probable dating of the images, which relies as much, (so-called "dated inscriptions"). if not more, on the stylistic analysis as on basic historical data s.R.A.A., X (2004) 228 For the sake of clarity, we divide the development in three successice phases: early period (1''4,r.c. AD), intern-rediate period (J'r'-7tn c.) and late period (8'n-10'u c.). Simultaneously, we distinguish three large areas, which are l) the Northwest (Gandhara, North Pakistan; Afghanistan) and the North (Mathura) of the Peninsula, 2) Maharashtra. and 3) Eastem lndia (Bihar, Bengal and Orissa). The production in the flrst region broadly belongs to the early period, with, however, a concentration of images ir-r the Swat valley during the intermediate period, and some stelae fiom this area might well be dated in the 7'r' c.; the production in the second region dates back to intermediate period, and the images from Eastern India belongs on the whole to the late period. the Early period The most commonly encountered image of Avalokite(vara in South Asia, from the zl'h c. and onwards, illustrates him in a human aspect, and reflects his compassionate nature through the hand-pose of bestowal (varadamudrä) which remains a basic element in his iconography, together with the tiny image of the Buddha Amitabha in the crest of the head-dress, and the red lotus (padma) in the left hand. Iconographic rules impose also the representation of a specific jewel ornamentation and particular hairdo which differ fiom Bodhisattva to Bodhisattva. This iconography probably appeared during the second or third centuries, in the Northwest and at Mathura where various types of images were, as a matter of fact, created.E Although the production at Mathura was much more limited, images such as the standing image of the Bodhisattva holding the padma, and the seated image with the right hand pointing to the cheek can easily be identified as being two forms of Avalokite(vara, which were perhaps initially created in the ateliers of the place as suggested by Gritli von Mitterwallner." The material is much more abunclant in Gandhara, and although the attributes shown by Avalokite6vara in the region can eventuaily also be shared with other still unidentified Bodhisattvas, it remains possible to recognize him in a number of standing and seated images, characterized by the turban,.often, but not exclusively, adorned with a jewel, and by the wreath or the padma.'" Beside the standing position, the Bodhisattva can also be depicted, seated on a wicker seat (figs 1,2,4 and 8; and app. 1.9, l.ll,1.12, e.g.);" at Mathura, the left foot rests thus on a low stool put in front of the seat, and the right leg is bent across the lap with the foot lying above the left knee. The left hand lies, palm up and fingers folded as if preserving something or disclosing it (see also app. 1.23),,r above the left thigh while the right elbow rests on the right knee and the hand touches the right cheek. On the whole, the Mathura images (app. 1.1-4, figs 1-2), of which the image in the Kronos collection is the best preserved,'3 betray in some of their details influences from the Northwest,r* although they are much stiffer than these, and do not include the flower or another attribute in the left hand, contrarily to the Gandhara images of the seated Bodhisattva. This attitude differs from the traditional position of meditation where the figure sits with both legs crossed and lying on the ground (orthe lotus-seat)(figs 12, 15-18). It differs also fiom the "European way" of sitting, usually related to the gesture of predication and which is depicted, in Gandhara, with legs The universal comoassionate Bodhisattva crossed at the level of the ankles (see here 229 fig. 13).'' In Gandhara (figs 4, 1-9),the position of legs and arms is not as stiff as at Mathura, butreflects more ease: the right leg is slanting in front of the wicker-stool, the right hand can touch or tend towards various parts of the face, i.e. the chin, the cheek, the forehead. The body, which fäces the viewer at Mathura, can be slightly bowed, or turns left or right. Again, although it is closer to some traditional Indian ways of sitting which are associated with Bodhisattvas and mentioned in much later iconographic sources (see below), the early images from Gandhara and Mathura differ through the very particular position of the right arm: either the right hand is raised towards the it touches it with the tips of the fingers, as if sustaining it, or the hand is wide open near the right ear, as if the character wanted to enhance his capacity of hearing. A further difference at Mathura concerns the left hand, which does not lie flat, as in the gesture of meditation, but closes head, or or opens itself, as if disclosing or protecting an item such as the wheel incised on the palm or the jewel - which Avalokitesvara presents in his open hand in later eastem Indian images (fig. 25). In the Northwest, the Bodhisattva presents the padma or the reliquary in the left hand (figs 4,7-8).'o It is thus evident that the depiction of the Bodhisattva at Mathura enhances his relation to the Buddha whereas the Gandhara image rather underlines the differences between the Buddha, who ever He is, and the Bodhisattva: at Mathura, Avalokite5vara presents a stiff position, the right hand at proximity of the face and the left one resting on the left thigh, and the right leg lying on the seat, an attitude which is clearly based on the one of the Kapardin Buddha type. In comparison, the artists from Gandhara oppose visually the images of the Buddha to those of the Bodhisattva. Anna Maria Quagliotti and Junghee Lee recognizedthat this way of sitting and this particular position of the right arm in the art of Gandhara - but not exclusively - are associated with various iconographical types; both authors listed various scenes drawn from the Buddha's life, where the (future) Buddha, Mara, monks, or ascetics adopt this position," whereas the first author also noticed that the position of the hand wide open near the ear would be preserved for Bodhisattvas, more particular for one whom she identified as being Maäju6ri.'8 But, as mentionned above, this way of sitting is also retained by other not specifically identified Bodhisattvas in Gandhära, and is depicted with much variations on large compositional scenes illustrating the Sukhavatl (below). Outside this context. it seems to be limited to the devotional images of "a" Bodhisattva who can be identified with AvalokiteSvara.'e Within India, the position of the legs underwent a clear development: from the strict original position at Mathura, with the right one lying horizontal on the seat whereas the left one is hanging down, upto a more sophisticated "attitude of ease" or even of "attitude of royal ease" when the left foot lies above the seat. The strict original position observed at Mathura, with the right leg perfectly lying on the seat and forming a 90'angle with the pendant left leg, is the position usually observed in the Swat valley and in Kashmir after the 5'n c. Moreover, images in these regions are clearly identifiable with the padma held in the left hand and the small Buddha in the hairdo: as such, this type will be preserved till at least the 7"' c., if not later, in the Swat valley from where S.R.A.A., X (200,1) 230 bronze images are known (lig. 10)'" and where numerous depictions of the Bodhisattva were observed at diff-erent sites, carved on rocks; they were published by G. Tucci, who named them LokeSvara, and A.H. Dani.'' From this region, it migrated, at a later period, to nearby Kashmir, even further East to Western Tibet." But as soon as the 4u' c, at the earliest, and following or thus closely its creation in the Northwest and at Mathura, the representation of the "pensive" Bodhisattva found its way to Central Asia, before reaching China. Korea and Japan," where it is identified with Siddhartha or Miroku (Maitreya),r* and this image might have lefl the region via Afghanistan (see here app. 1.29-30, or fig. l1). This easiness in the rendering of the attitude was first encountered in Gandhara, where, as already observed, the body is not strictly depicted in a fiontal position, but slightly tilted to the side. But can the expression "attitude of ease" be applied to such images ? As a matter of fact, this expression and its French version "attitude de d6lassement"" refer to Sanskrit terms which are found in (much) later textual sources, such as the Sad/tanantala or the Nt.rpannayogavah, and which might thus be applied to post-Gupta images, at the earliest. These expressions imply a particular f'eeling of easiness which is inexistant in the form of AvalokiteSvara here depicted.26 In the case of the narative reliefs depicting events drawn from the Buddha's life, it is evident that this attitude reflects a moment leading to a decision: the (future) Buddha has to take a bride, to abandon his life of pleasure as a prince for the difficult path of asceticism, etc. In the same narrative context, it reflects the deep moral sufTerings in which the future Buddha sank and which led him to his "first rneditation",2' and it shows the depressing feelings taking over Mara when he is defeated, or the monks when their spiritual guide died.'8 This attitude is elaborated on a completely asymmetric structure: the hands, the legs show different positions; the body is often stretched or bowed; the face tilts down- or sidewards. What is to be seen, is a person sunken into deep thoughts, but not meditating - which is illustrated through a perfectly equipoised sitting position. These thoughts will bring him to act, to stand up: the asymmetry of the image ref-ers to the instability of the thought, hence not a meditation, but a thought leading to decision, action, change. Images constructed on an asymmetric structure, in India, indicate that the god finds himself in the transitional position of making a choice between moving and not moving, standing up or remaining seated, acting or not acting, of shifting continuously between two worlds, or being engaged in a permanent movement.re And never, could we name that attitude "easy". Artists from Gandhära excelled in illustrating large groups of Bodhisattvas assembled around a central Buddha. A general impression of peaceful movement arises out of these images, enhanced by the presence of the Buddha seated in an equipoised manner, with both hands joined in front of the breast. All small images sit or stand in various attitudes, which, most of them, were clearly dictated by the need of achieving a perfectly equilibrated composition; for instance, those seated in small shrines in the upper row of the Mohammed Nari stele,30 are such "pensive Bodhisattvas" as authors usually labelled him.3' The one at our right (left of the Buddha thus) presents the attitude noticed on independent stelae, and holds the wreath, attribute of AvalokiteSvara,32 whereas the one The universa[ compassionate Bodhisattva left (right of the Buddha) inverts the position of the legs and of the arms, presenting a large round object in the right hand (a lotus ?).'3 The observation applies to each pair of characters regularly distributed around the central Buddha who forms the axis of the image, which implies at our that a perfect horizontal symmetry is noticed. The need for a perfectly elaborated symmetric composition is a major rule dictating the elaboration of the iconic image in India, as a result, such large compositions include a wide range of variations of positions, not necessarily observed outside this context and never encountered with individual images.r. Another fundamental element of the Indian divine icon is the perf-ect fiontal view under which the deity is made visible to his/her devotees, and this applies to the Mathura images of the "pensive" Bodhisattva, but not necessarily to those from Gandhära where the body turns on its vertical axis and where the face leans on one side or the other. In the Northwest, the Bodhisattva offers himself to the view of his devotees in all his potential creative power when he sits in a strict frontal view with both legs crossed above the seat, and eventually with supine hands (figs 16-1g), a position implying that he has withdrawn himself from the viewers, but also contributing to conceive him as an irremovable axis behind the numerous forms which he can assume in a text such as the Karandavyil/tasülra. Within this context, we can understand images such as those illustrated on figs 12-15 as reflecting the first step taken by the Bodhisattva when realizing the immense sufferings of all sentient beings, opening then his heart, i.e. the lotus, or presenting the flower as symbol of the spiritual rebirth which his devotees can achieve.,, The next step will be illustrated in the images of the Bodhisattva actually interfering in the life of his devotees and rescuing them (below' ch. 2) and the final stage in this development of creator, source of eternity (ch. 3). will install him in his function How to explain the choice of this "pensive" attitude for Avalokitesvara ? Since in most narrative uses of this structure, it refers to a moment of decision or to a phase of utter sadness, is it possible that the independent stelae of the "pensive" Bodhisattva were also penetrated by such feelings ? Or is this a modern interpretation ? Textual sources keep quite concerning it: but then, concerns for strict iconographic rules came late in the written tradition (although they may have appeared at an earlier period in the oral tradition related to exercises of visualization). Moreover, since this type disappears from the visual iconographic vocabulary, there was apparently no need, at a later period, for defining it as seen in the Kusäla period. Be that as it may, it is possible that later images of the Bodhisattva, showing him seated with the left leg bent on the seat and the right one falling (or the opposite position) or with the right foot also put on the lotus-seat (figs 23-Zg, 33), in a genuine posture of ease - since it is recognized as such in the Sanskrit terminology, where it is variously named ardhaparyanka- (or the opposite vamardhaparyanka-), lalita- or lalitaksepasanas - reflect, at the visual level, a transformation of the early form; a further development shows the left leg still lying on the lotus and the right foot also put on it in the "position of royal ease" (maharajahlasana).36 This "new" attitude of ease starts to be observed in the course of the Gupta period, and becomes quite common after the 6,r' c. throughout India and s.R.A.A., X (2004) z;t z Southeast Asia. Then also, the position of the legs is reversed when compared to the position at an earlier period; the left hand holds the padma and the right one usually displays the boon-bestowal gesture. In fact, the right part of the body is bent towards the devotee and his plane of existence, the hand downward, in his direction, and the foot touching the ground." However, and notwithstanding the fact that these images differ fundamentally fiom those of the early period in Gandhara and at Mathura, with the constant simultaneous presence of the padma and the gesture of bestowal, this later iconographic type can allow to a better understanding of the early form. These images show indeed the Bodhisattva directing his attention and compassion towards those who stand or kneel below him, i.e. all sentient beings, more particularly, as seen below, the Pretas and the human beings. A main aspect of the Bodhisattva's personality is thus here extolled: he presents himself as the infinite compassionate. as actually offering his attention to his worshippers - and this might account fbr his name "avalokita-i6vara" generalised in India in the 7'r' c., if not earlier, and strongly advocated by Xuanzang against the other (and older) versions of the name,rt this name was understood as being the "Lord who looks down with compassion" as testified in the later verse version of the Kdrandat'yähat't7lro.t') It is also likely, as already surmised by G. Tucci,i0 that the change in the position of the Bodhisattva, is correlated with stylistic transfbrmations which took place in India in the 5'n c. before reaching north Pakistan and influencing the perception of the Bodhisattva in this region which had clearly inherited the concept of the seated Bodhisattva seen at Mathura at an earlier period (see above).'' The early images of Avalokite(vara of the "pensive" type at Mathura show him, full of attention, eyes widely open, as if carefully looking at and listening to his partner, a disposition of the mind which would be reflected by his early name Avalokitasvara which disappeared in India,tl but was preserved as Kuan-yin or Kannon in the Far East, and can be understood to be the "Sound Viewer", "Sound Seer" or "Sound Perceiver", as suggested by A. Studholme as being "a better translation"." Thus, these early images from the Northwest and Mathura would be more adequately named Avalokitasvara. This name or its Chinese variation *Avalokita-loka-svara (Kuan-shih-yin)" refer to the very specific aspect of the Bodhisattva related to the sound, he hears the sound of the voice of those who call his name, and as a result, turns towards them and dispells his infinite compassion.*' The calling of the name is fundamental in establishing the relation between the devotee and the Bodhisattva, as shown in the 24 or 25* chapter of the Saddhat'rtapundartkasurtz (below); this calling finds an echo in the hearing by the Bodhisattva who then acts and saves his devotees - and the position of the right hand, with palm turned inwards in some cases (fig. B) might constitute a visual translation of this interpretation of the Bodhisattva. Chinese sources extoll another closely related aspect of the Bodhrsattva as reminded to us by Chün-fang Yü who recalls that the Chinese variant Kuang-shih-yin (*Avalokita-loka-svara) bears the same meaning as Hsien-yin-sheng or "Manifesting Sound", name of a Bodhisattva "coresponding to AvalokiteSvara " in a sütra translated in29l, i.e. five years after the year 286 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva translation of the Sadd/torntopundartkasutro;'6 she indicated that "in both instances, the bodhisattva illuminates or enlightens the world through his voice or sound. The sound that has the power to enlighten is thus a special quality of the bodhisattva, but has nothing to do with the "sound" uttered by the sufTering supplicant."a'And this might eventually relate to Mathura images of the Bodhisattva from the 2"d c. and onwards, which, globally considered,*E express simultaneously the light and sound symbolism through ornamental rows of hybrid animals in the head-dress or on the armlets, showing lions with a muzzle shaped like the beak of an eagle (figs I , 3)." The emission of light is an element of the cosmic nature of the Bodhisattva as presented in the early period "'when it is extolled in texts such as the long Suk/tdvatlt'yuhasulra,5' the Antitdyurbuddhanusmrtisutras2- although Mahasthamaprapta, the Bodhisattva who fbrms with AvalokiteSvara a pair attending to Amitayus/Amitabha in this text, is the Bodhisattva irradiating light per excellentia.5l All this is reminiscent that the Bodhisattva in the Saddharmapundarlka- and Karandavyu/tasutros becomes the cosmic Purusa who bears all Hindu gods within himself, either by producing them from specific parts of his body or by impersonating them,sa or of his personality described in the Aminyurbudd/tAnasm-isüfi'a where he encompasses in his halo "five hundred Buddhas miraculously transformed just like those of Sakyamuni, each transformecl Buddha is attended by five hundred transformed Bodhisattvas who are also attended by numberless gods."55 The cosmic Bodhisattva who pervades the entire universe with light or sound or who encompasses of deities or Buddhas was thus of major importance in texts translated between the 3'd and 5'n c. This perception of AvalokiteSvara's personality was, however, not preserved in India. As a matter of fact, as we see below, his Indian representations do not basically retain his cosmic nature, neither do they stress his infinite potentiality to multiply himself, to adopt various an infinite number forms, to create and encompass the universe. Those aspects which found such a imposing rendering in the art of Central Asia and the Far East, with the thousand-armed and eleven-headed images, could only but partially find an echo in India. I would suggest, although this point would of the Bodhisattva did not absorb, at the visual level, this cosmicity because the image of the universe, based on the irradiation of rays from a central point, was made present through the system of the five Buddhas which established itself desserve further studies, that the Indian perception firmly after the 5"' c. AvalokiteSvara did not have to be this being of light since Vairocana was there. He did not have to encompass the infinite number of Buddhas since Buddhas spread all around Vairocana. He did not need to multiply his forms - and the only known examples of this multiplication are limited in time and space: they relate to the depiction of the eight/ten dangers and belong to a later period (below), he did not need to appear, for instance, as a Hindu deity since the image of the Indian divine universe found then a perfect visual formulation in the mandalas where Hindu gods took place in the outer yard. The lotus is the maior attribute of Avalokite6vara ; it becomes, however, a permanent element s.R.A.A., X (2004) 234 only after the 5'n -5'r' c. As a matter of fäct, early irnages from the Northwest and Mathura, or from c. at Ajanta, do not necessarly introduce the flower, but can hold in Gandhara a wreath the (app. 1.1,1.25), or eventually both (fig. 14)." The lotus symbolism is multifbld and, without entering into a detailed consideration here, we should, nonetheless, mention that if the presence of the lotus as an attribute occurs fbr the first time at Mathura, as supposed by G. von Mitterwallner, this would enhance the Indian part of the personality of the Bodhisattva since the padma is a constant element of the pan-Indian graphic and literary iconography. Besides, the padma belongs to the Sun god, whose cult knew a particular development at Mathura in the first centuries of our era, and Surya holds one or two flowers which blossom at the level of his shoulders: this rnight have led the way to the representation of the padma-attribute when held by Avalokite6vara.jT But also, this of the lotus which penetrates Buddhist mahayanist literature at that period; not only can a sütra be named "The Lotus of the True Law" presence definitely relates to the imagery (Saddhat'ntapundnrt*asültzz), but as Alexander Studholme has recently shown,ss the lotus is permanent and fundamental element in the KArandat'.yilha- and Sut/tavoit'.yühosütrns, two a texts which broadly belong to this early period." The lotus is the place where one can miraculously be reborn, it is "generative", it is a flower of purity which grows out of dark waters, it is a "symbol of spiritual fruition", it is "a prominent feature of the pure lands", with all Buddhas seated on lotus flowers; the f'lower is, in this context, also retained as seat to Avalokite6vara , as seen here on fig. 12 or app. 1.13; on app. 1.9 and 1.10 (fig. 8), the lefi foot lies above the flower.o') Moreover, the to Avalokite(vara , such as the first mention of the formula oru ntctnipor/nte /tunt, on which we shall return below (Eastern India). A particular use of the lotus as attribute is noticed in non-lndian representations of the descent of Karunc/ar.'),t7/t(t.ta//'o contains major information relating the lotus Amitabha, accompagnied by a crowd of Bodhisattvas or by Mahasthamaprapta and Avalokite6vara and welcoming the souls of the deceased in his Paradise. In this iconography, Avalokite6vara holds a lotus pedestal as support for these souls.u' Most Gandhara images of the "pensive" Bodhisattva show him with a fairly large f'lower of lotus in (usually) the left hand (figs 7-8). The flower is also the attribute of the Bodhisattva seated in sattvaparyankasana. In these images (figs l5-18),0'it hangs below tl-re supine hands of the Bodhisattva or is held by one or both hands in front of the breast; the mere size of the flower in figs 12 and 15 for instance underlines its importance in this particular iconographic fbrm. The presentation of the flower in this position, with both hands hiding it or disclosing it,"r announces a later iconographic form of Avalokite(vara, known through its presence in the Ma/to/caruna,gorb/tonanr/a/a and descriptions in sädhanas, where the Bodhisattva holds the lotus with one hand in fiont of the breast while plucking the petals with the other one."t The Bodhisattva of fig. I 2 sits on the capsule of a lotus and holds the stalk of the flower with the left hand while protecting the upper part of it with the right hand; he wears a prismatic jewel supporting a row of pearls in his head-dress. As such, this sculpture incorporates fundamental concepts included in the The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 235 Kdmndavyil/tasülra, the Bodhisattva sits on the generative lotus, he holds and discloses the lotus in fiont of his heart and canies the jewel. In the Genzu mandala, the head of the Padmakula (see will below) be named Avalokite6vara , opening with the right hand a lotus held in the left one; he to be the "Freely Contemplating" (Kanjitai Bosatsu)(figs 21 , 46-B) all sentient beings in order to estimate their spiritual capacity. Thus, such images imply that the Bodhisattva, although being full of attentions for sentient beings, remains in a state of contemplation, not of is understood action.65 Both types of images, i.e. pensive and meditating, include, indeed, an elongated and usually prismatic jewel,uu eventually carved above a tiny lotus and framed by a string of beads falling from part, as main ornament to the turban. This ornament also adorns the head of Avalokite6vara , standing or seated, and flanking, with Maitreya, the Buddha, and it may also embellish the turban of other Bodhisattva images. Other types of ornaments can be seen on the turban worn by Bodhisattvas (Garuda with näginl as here on fig. 13, lion face fspitting pearls: app. 1.12,l.l4l, e.g.),u'but this specific bejewelled ornament was apparently generalized in the case of the upper the "pensive" and "meditating" types presently under discussion, and can probably be identified with the cintämani,6e which also occurs at Mathura, where a lotus spreads its petals on the cockade, forming a frame to the jewel which is carved in front of it, shaped as a round protuberance which lies on a circular molding from where two small garlands hang (figs 2-3).]u of this ornament on the head would particularly fit the meaning of the term as being the "thought-jewel/gem". Moreover, we read in the Karandavyu/tasufra that Bali adresses to The position Avalokite6vara in these terms: " 'you who wear a crown of a wish-fulfilling jewel in the midclle of locks' QalcTrd/tantad/tye c-inlttmani mukutad/tarya)".71 The indication is utmost precious and occurs in a very descriptive eulogy of the Bodhisattva, leaving no doubt on the your matted identification of the jewel in the crown with the "thought-jewel": "He [i.e. Bali] asks him to be his protector and addresses him in various ways, including: "you who holds the beautiful lotus" (iub/tapadmahasta); "you whose body is adorned with the auspiciousness of the lotus" @admairi-yt7/amkrn.fudd/tnka1,a) ...; "I bow my head to the one who has an image of Amitabha" (amirab/tamurre iira.rd namdmi); "you who wears a crown of matted locks" Qaramukuradltarllya); and "you who teach the six perfections" (sotpdramilanirdeianakaraya)." i) We recognize here various iconographic features appearing at Mathura and images from the 3il or 4th in Gandhära, on c., before becoming part of the canonical image of Avalokitesvara in subsequent centuries. The Kllrandavyit/tctsülra, a text probably written around 400 in nearby Kashmir,T3 reflects concepts which had found in the previous centuries their way in iconographic forms formulated by of Gandhara. It helps to explain the presence of the tree below which the Bodhisattva can sit, mentionning how the appearance of the latter provokes the sudden growth of wishfulfilling trees,Ta and it gives also a probable answer to the presence of the reliquary in the left the artists hand of AvalokiteSvara as illustrated here on fig. 4-5. In his detailed study of the sütra, A. 236 S.R..A.A.. X (200,1) Studholme analyses in detail the very name of the text and concludes that it is "a "casket" containing the "magnificent array" of the manif'estation and works of Avalokite(vara . The implication of this title is that the sütra is comparable, in its function, to a relic casket, which may then be made an object of homage. This is consistent with the fact that the sütra, in the manner of the earlier PrajfidT:aranifi sutras and other Mahayana works, ref-ers to itself as something to be set up and worshipped. At the end of a passage in which Avalokite(vara is said to teach the KaraltqlavyA/ta.rutra to the asuras, the sütra is compared to a wish-fulfilling jewel (cintämani)." " Discussing the meaning of the word käranda(ka), the same author reminds that "the passages in which the word occurs indicate that it describes a container used fbr keeping relics, an object that it seems more natural to call a "casket". In the AsrasdhasritA, for instance, the efl-ect of placing a wishing-gem (cintämani) in a karandaka is compared to the way in which the Prajnäparamita pervades the relics of the Tathägata. The karandaka, in this context, is said to be "an object of supreme longing", which "emits radiance" and which "should be paid homage to.!"'76 And Chün- fang Yü quotes from the Chinese version : "If the person carries the dharani on his body or wears it on his head, anyone who sees him is like seeing a stupa containing a relic or seeing a tathagata..." The reliquary, and for such a reliquary see fig. 6, presented by the Bodhisattva on this image might thus either be the sütra, or its container unless it preserves the wish-fulling jewel. 77 Gupta and post-Gupta periods in Maharashtra Images of the Bodhisattva carved in the 5'r' c. at Sarnath and Ajanta, visually relate to similar sculptures of the earlier period in the Northwest. Avalokite6vara usually stands, presenting the padma in the left hand while displaying the gesture of generosity or of protection with the right one; a tiny image of a Buddha adorns the head-dress.'8 This aspect of the Bodhisattva constitutes, moreover, the basic model for all later developments, in particularly in Eastern India (B*-12* centuries) where the multiplication of arms and attendants distributed around him. appears practically as an organic evolution." As such also, he appears with Vajrapali attending to the Buddha, in the sanctuaries belonging to the Ajanta monasteries, all three forming a group which is in 6"' c. sites like Ellora, Aurangabad, Nasik and Kanheri, and which constitutes the nucleus out of which the three central yards of the Mahakarulägarbhamandala will evolve (see preserved below) whereas another triad is depicted in Eastern India, inherited from Gandhara, and showing Avalokitesvara being paired with Maitreya around the Buddha. At Ajanta, and, but more rarely, Kanheri, Aurangabad, Ellora and Badami (see appendix), however, a further aspect of the Bodhisattva became the main image of worship, showing him as the universal saviour (figs 34-35, 37). Avalokite(vara stands, holding the lotus and displaying the of fearless or protection, or the varadamudrä, the boon-bestowing gesture. Beside the red lotus, he owns the rosary (right or left hand) and the flask at his lefi. abhayamudrä, the gesture Moreover, eight (or ten)"' small scenes are distributed on either side; they illustrate people being threatened by various dangers, and rushing towards the Bodhisattva fbr getting his protection, and The universal compassionate Bodhisattva are described 231 in the 24^ or 25'r' chapter of the Sadrl/tarmapundatl/casuttz.s' This iconography illustrates, as a matter of fact, a major aspect of the Bodhisattva's personality: whoever venerates him, calls his name, will receive his immense protection.*: Avalokitesvara is a Bodhisattva who interf-eres in the lif-e of his devotees. This function explains why, in particularly at A;anta and Aurangabad, these images are carved or painted in the verandah of the monasteries or in niches hollowed in the f'aqade of the cliff; these images basically meet the needs of monks when the latter travel, they are directed towards the outer world, and, by extension, towards munclane activities of the devotees, be they monks or lay-people. For helping devotees on their endangered ways, the Bodhisattva must be worshipped, he must be named, called, he must be thought of, or he must be evoked through meditation and visualization.sr As a consequence to their prayers, the Bodhisattva actively interferes in the lif'e of his devotees, and the late depictions of this iconographic type, at Aurangabad, Ellora and Kanheri, show him actually appearing in each of the eight (or ten) scenes distributed all around, and thus multiplying his images ar the visual level (app.2.13-l6Xfig. 37); the importance of the emanations take over the central fundamental position of the Bodhisattva, with their size increasing in course of time (see below). The Chinese sources analysed by Chün-fang Yü are particularly precious, since they often explain the purpose of the cult, and are not limited to the praise of the Bodhisattva or his description. They present, in fact, the "deal" which was taking place between the worshipper and the Bodhisattva, and which partakes of Indian tradition where gods are propitiated in order to grant favours." Within this way of relating human beings to their gods, the sculpture is a material reflect of the unvisible image of Avalokitesvara , towards whom it channels the veneration through prayers or/and rituals offered by the human devotees. Used as the image of the divine, it was most probably largely instrumental in answering the requests and needs of the donors to the communitv. particularly at a site like Ajanta which benefitecl fiom court patronage.s6 8s in Most examples are distributed on the left part of the wall, when seen from the position of the viewer: it is the case fbr the mural in the shrine of cave 2, in the verandah of cave 17, in cave 6, and it is also painted at the extreme left of the wall in the verandah of cave 11. When considering the position of the carved panel within the architectural structure, we also notice that the panel of 4 (fig. 3a) is located lell of the entrance to the cave, that the panel carved at the triforium level inside cave 26 (fig. 35) is positioned on the left wall. The panel of cave 7 at Aurangabad is also carved at the leti of the entrance, a position also shared by the two panels at Ellora.s? This cave particular position is also kept for other iconographic aspects of Avalokitesvara, being an attendant to the Buddha in the shrine - and Vajrapali stands (for the viewer) at the right, or, like in rhe small of cave 23 at Nasik, being at the centre of a large composition on the left wall, facing Vajrapäni on the right one.*s Within the context of the Mahakarulagarbhamanclala, and of the shrine teachings of the Mahat'airocanasulra which contains its description, a better understanding of this position can be achieved. The field of the Lotus or Padmakula is located at the right (left for the viewer) of the central square space which is occupied by the Tathägatakula centered on 238 Mahävairocana, and S.R'A.A.' X (2004) it is symmetric to the Vajrakula dominated by Vajrapaqi.'u Within India, the composition distributed on the three walls of the shrine at Nasik is the only one which clearly depicts the triad of the Padma-, Tathägata- and Vajrakulas, as mentioned and described in the Sütra. Vajrapani and Avalokitesvara represent respectively the prajnä and the karunä of violent Vairocana.ll, two functions which are broadly directed inwards and outwards, and reflects and peaceful aspects.e, The right side of Vairocana (Padmakula, also named Kannon-yard) is engaged in expressing his "great compassion" and the main image of the kula, i.e. AvalokiteSvara himself, who sits in the central position in the row close to the central yard, is eventually said to embody the "mahäkarulä of the Tathägata"." Among the panels of Ajanta, one of the fbur surviving but poorly preserved painted illustrations of the theme at the site deserves a special attention; located in the left part of the verandah, outer wall, of cave l'7 . What retains here our attention is no specific detail of its iconography, but its proximity to the only known depiction of the wheel of life (kalacakra), painted on the left wall of the verandah. Both paintings, the wheel and the Bodhisattva are indeed painted side by side. The wheel contains six realms of existence, i.e. these of hells (large zone below), animals and Asuras (upwards left), Pretas and human beings (upwards right), and Devas (central upper part).n' Now a (Chin. Jumajor aspect of Avalokite6vara worshipped in Japan under the name of Nyoirin Kannon i-lun), i.e. Cintämanicakra, precisely concerns the extension of the universal compassion of the Bodhisattva towards these six spheres (see below). Since he is then six-armed, and since each of his arms corresponds to one of the realms," the Bodhisattva appears himself as a wheel encompassing the entire universe (fig. 21). The precise origin of Cintämalicakra in India is still confused. However, an early dated testimony goes back to the translation in 420 of a sütra by the Indian monk Nan-ti, where the Bodhisattva is said to free from their sufferings the inhabitants of hells, the animals, the Asuras, the pretas and the human beings;" ancl the Aminyurdltyanasulra translated around 424 by Kalaya6as mentions how all beings from the six realms appear in the light sent forth by his body.'o Larer on, Chih-i (53g-97) introduces for the first time in China the six-syllable formula in relation with the six forms which the Bodhisattva takes when being responsible for the six realms of existence, adding the realm of gods to the five quoted above'o' In the course of the T'ang dynasty - thus when the thousand-armed and thousand-eyed image of the Bodhisattva became also known in China, and when representations of the Rodhisattva rescuing human beings are made -," nine translations of texts eulogizing Cintämalicakra were of the 9'n made,nn for which texts Junghee Lee suggested a Kashmiri origin,'00 and at the beginning which c. Kukai introduced in Japan the model on his way back from China. Since the major text on the Shingon bases its teachings is the Maltavairoc'attasulro, a text which was most probably written in Maharashtra in the sixth and seventh centuries, before being translated into Chinese by that Subhakarasimha (63i-i35) at the eve of the 8'n c.,'n' we should not exclude the possibility The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 239 of cave 17 at Ajanta which are indeed juxtaposed, could have fostered the creation of the visual six-armed image (in contrary to the literary image or concept which was already existent since the early 5'r' c.) as seen in Japan but also in India (below). The proximity of thetwopanelsincave lT,mightalreadyrelatetheBodhisattvatotherealmsof life,asitisthecase paintings like those in texts translated in the early part of the 5'1' c., it might already reflect this fundamental idea of the Bodhisattva as universal saviour, a function which was initiated from his position as protector against the eight great dangers. Thus, I would suggest that the Nyoirin type was known in India, more particularly in Maharashtra, from the fifth to seventh centuries,r02 where, although it is not mentioned in the Ma/tavairocana.rütra, it might have already belonged to the unwritten part of the Mahakarulagarbhamaldala. The monasteries of the Swat valley and Kashmir might have held, suggested by Junghee Lee, a particular position in the development of this image, but only earlier two-armed type is known in the region at that period, although it as the announces the later six- armed type through the particular position of one of the right hands, directed to the face or sustaining it (see above). There is a clear change in the personality of the Bodhisattva: the dangers listed in the Sadd/tarmapundartkasiltra and illustrated at Ajanta belongs to human reality and only human beings benefit from the immense compassion of the Bodhisattva when facing threatening situations. On the contrary, the Nyoirin Kannon distributes his/her compassion to all beings entangled in the universe, he/she has a cosmic nature, which is testified by the number of his/her arms (four cardinal directions, zenith and nadir),'o3 and this aspect of the Bodhisattva already occurs in the Aminyurd/tyanasütral Amitayurbudd/tanusmrtisülra where we are told that "within the circle of light emanating from his [i.e. AvalokiteSvara's] whole body, appear illuminated the various forms and marks of all beings that live in the five paths of existence (men, gods, hell, the departed spirits, the brute creation)."'00 To be the saviour of human beings when facing dramatic situations, remains a main aspect of the Bodhisattva's personality. However, the image encountered in the caves of Western India disappears from the iconographic vocabulary in the subsequent period, whereas the specific function of protecting agains dangers is incorporated in the personality of the Tärä as her images from Eastern India show it (fig. 39).'0'This transmission of function reflects the intensive feminization of the Buddhist pantheon in India which took place between the 6ü and 8'h centuries : the phenomenon is still practically absent at Ajanta'06 and Nasik where female deities are only noticed in cave 23, as mentioned above (where we get a rather clear picture of the Mahakarulagarbhamandala). But it has become major at Aurangabad, in particularly in cave 7 (or 9 but this monument is much damaged) where goddesses are carved all over the monument, including the main shrine. Female imagery will become even more important in the caves of Ellora, the goddesses serve as attendants to a Bodhisattva, are depicted in groups, or as main images of devotional panels. It is within this context, that certain aspects of Avalokitesvara will be passed over to the Tärä: the panel carved on the north wall in the shrine of cave 7 at Aurangabad s.R.A.A., X (2004) 240 (fig. 38), thus right of the central image for the viewer, illustrates Avalokite6vara and the Tärä side by side, having practically the same size, and with the f'emale deity standing at the left of the Bodhisattva, which is the traditional Indian way of distributing the genders within an image."'' Thus, whereas f'emale deities emerged in India, independently fiom a male companion or at an equal level, Avalokite(vara /Avalokitasvara (Kuan-yin) had appeared in China in a female form, and we may surmise that it is probably also out of these two contexts that images of Avalokitesvara included in the Mahäkarunagarbhamandala as represented within the Shingon, got f'eminized: although these images preserve a male aspect, they are considered to be feminine.")8 Although Indian literary sources never let any doubt creep into mind concerning the sex of the Bodhisattva, the images reflect a slow f-eminization, which found its most achieved fbrm in eastern India even though he would preserve a male body (see below). On the whole, it belongs to a phenomenon which spreads all over the divine Indian world from the 5'r'c. and onwards, and which also penetrated the image of the Buddha at Sarnath. In the depictions of the eight/ten dangers (figs 34-35), the Bodhisattva shows himself, in a perf-ect equipoised and frontal position, fbrming the vertical axis of the panels; but when attending to the Buddha (fig. 35), or when introduced as rnain image of a panel (fig. 38), curves are introduced and his body is more or less slightly bent. In the first case also, the standing Bodhisattva is seen as being outside our world, whereas the tiny images which emanate from his body, as if flying, are profiled and never seen frontally (fig. 37); they do not illustrate the deity behind the world and observing it, but reflect the idea of the deity multiplying specific forms in order to interfere actively in the mundane life. Moreover, the irnages frontally in the post-Gupta and later period rarely preserve this perception of the god as axis sustaining the universe but, through the sinuous line on which the body moves, reflect the f-eeling of compassion which overwhelms Avalokite6vara (see here fig. 38).rrc) A real change can be seen observed between the late -5"' or early 6"' c. sculpture at Ajanta as illustrated on figs 34-35 and the c. panel of Kanheri seen on fig. 37, between the very stiff image isolated within the central panel of the composition and surrounded by two vertical rows of tiny depictions of human beings 7'1 searching for the Bodhisattva's protection, and the image which is proportionally smaller, surrounded by large representations of the Bodhisattva's hypostases. When the emanations are actually depicted, they are usually rather small. In the contrary, those in cave 41 at Kanheri (fig. 37) are proportionally much larger. Clearly in this sanctuary where, let us remember, the only known carved eleven-headed Indian Avalokite(vara is depicted (fig. 36), the attention had shified from the concept of the unique central image to the notion of multiple images irradiating fiom a central point, an image clearly related to the idea of mandala, where hypostases appear as intermediate figures between the practitioner and the central image."" Ancient Krsnagiri,"' Kanheri has been penetrated after the 5u'c. by influences of various origins coming fiom the North, mixing them with local iconographic and stylistic development. The most achieved sculptures of the site, such as those of monument 90 for instance, reflect a very refined The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 241 and detailed work, as seen earlier in cave 26 at Ajanta. Well in the spirit of time, AvalokiteSvara is depicted as the Saviour, protecting his devotees from eight or even ten dangers. Three such panels were carved, in cave 90 (the only surviving ten dangers depiction), 2 and 41."' Of those three panels, the one in cave 90 is the latest one, probably dating back to the 7'h c., to which period the panels in cave 41 might also belong (figs 36-37)."3 Contrarily to the reliefs at Ajanta and Aurangabad, the panels are here carved within the caves, and their distribution on the walls, does not reveal the same spatial structure as the one noticed in the other sites. the left part of the back wall, in cave 41, it occupies the right wall of In cave 2, it is carved on a shrine, right to the entrance of the cave, and in cave 90, it is seen at the end of the right wall. When carved on the outside walls of monuments at Ajanta, images could be considered to have been part of a ritual involving the lay community patronizing the place; on the other side, at a somewhat later period, at Ellora and Kanheri, the images are no more visible from outside, they are carved inside the monuments and may have been the object of the exclusive worship made by monks. In short, these images were probably solely at the disposal of monks performing rituals in front of them. If they were aimed at lay-people, we should ask who was ever allowed to enter monasteries, apart from the monks. An eleven-headed and four-armed AvalokiteSvara is carved in a secondary shrine, right of cave 41 (fig. 36), at the right side of the damaged seated Buddha who used to display the gesture of protection, whereas the unfinished panel showing the Bodhisattva as Saviour occupies the wall at the left of the Buddha (i.e. right for the viewer). "o Quite evidently, the central panel of this shrine, depicting the Buddha was left unfinished or underwent a change while being carved: the Buddha is accompanied by only one unidentified Bodhisattva wearing the fly-whisk at his left. No right-sided attendant has been carved and, at his place, the eleven-headed image has been introduced, the whole being reminiscent of the assymetrical composition on the fagade of cave 7 at Aurangabad. But since the Buddha used to show the gesture or reassurance, it might be possible that the complete iconographic scheme was part of a single project, all panels underlying the protective function of Avalokite6vara and the Buddha, which might be related to the situation of the site, being located on both sea and land trade routes."' On the whole, the eleven-headed image remains very seldom encountered in South Asia: rare bronzes are known from Kashmir"u and Eastern India,"7 where the type is also documented through some painted examples."8 This type is also related to the thousand-armed AvalokiteSvara, both being cosmic visions of the Bodhisattva. Although no devotional thousand-armed image survived in the Subcontinent, its worship in the Konkan is attested through the depiction, in the Nepalese manuscript dated 1015 A.D. preserved at Cambridge, of an image venerated at Sivapura, a site which has not yet been located, konkane iivap u re sa /tas rab/t uja /oka na l/ta/t."e The very same Nepalese manuscript contains three further depictions of AvalokiteSvara located in the Konkan, and two images of a caitya amidst cells of monks actually excavated and worshipped at Kanheri or Krslagiri as quoted in the accompanying labels.''" Although the manuscript is of a much later period than the actual images at Kanheri, and although it is true that ) /1) s.R.A.A., X (2004) its illustration was stylistically influenced by local Nepalese images, it remains that the mere presence of images and caityas worshipped on the West coast reveals how important still the region was at the beginning of the 11"' c. for the Buddhists. Moreover, an inscription from Kanheri, dated Saka 1"75, i.e.854 A.D.,''' records that "Gomin Avighnäkara, a devout worshipper of the Sugata who has come to this very place fiorn the country of Gauda [i.e. Bengal], made a perpetural endowment of one hundred drammas for the room for meditation and the clothing (of the monks) at this Maharaja-Mahavihara of the famous Krsnagiri."'22 Traces attesting to the contacts between the Konkan and Eastern India can thus be collected on both sides, whereas some iconographic and stylistic features noticed at Kanheri link apparently the site to the Swat vailey and Kashmir.',, This link is reinforced through the existence of a unique image from the Swat valley published by Akira Miyaji, and which depicts the eight-armed Avalokitesvara, seated in padmasana, being surrounded by the eight scenes of dangers threathening human characters searching the protection of the Bodhisattva.'ra This stele remains isolated within the context of Swat, but it shows that the idea of the Bodhisattva acting as protector of his devotees, and not only deeply sunken into thoughts on their fate, was also present in the region, relating it to Maharashtra. sad In both the ,fadd/tarnrupundarika- and the Katandatyu/tasthra.r, the Bodhisattva is said to adapt his form to those praying him - which transforms him into a cosmic being since, fbr instance, he can be a Buddha when speaking to the community of Buddhas, or a god, Brahmä or I6vara, when teaching to divine beings. The number of the forms which he assumes is indeed endless.r:s Both texts underline, moreover, the universal power of the Bodhisattva, his immense compassion for whoever prays him, calls him, names him. Both texts were probably known at Ajanta where the images of the Bodhisattva are so preeminently displayed in the verandahs of the monasteries. The Kdrandatyü/tasutriz contains the roots of numerous iconographic aspects of Avalokite6vara although it has been usually ignored by scholars who, when dealing with "late" Buddhist iconography, tend to rely essentially on texts such as the .fad/tanorua/a or lhe Nis.panna.yogar.'alr. The text describes the Bodhisattva as having "a great, pure (niraäjano) body, with one hundred thousand arms (Satasahasrabhujah), one hundred thousand kotis of eyes (kotiSatasahasranetro), an omnipresent body (vi6varüpl) and eleven heads of the thousand-armed Bodhisattva in India are only documented through secondary sources, and as to the eleven-headed image, it only survived through the (ekada6aStr-sah)." Examples isolated panel at Kanheri, some very rare and much later bronzes from Kashmir or Eastem India, well from literary evidences translated into Chinese in the 6'h and 7'n c.'" This passage refers thus essentially to forms which have become major objects of veneration in Central Asia, China as as and Japan (the thousand-armed, eleven-headed form), in the Kubyauk-gyi at Myinkaba (Pagan) at the beginning of the l2'h c.,12E or at a later period in Cambodia under the reign of Jayavarman VII (the "ViSvarüpa-Avalokite5vara "; images at the Banteay Chmar).''n Moreover, the iconography of the Bodhisattva under the tree from Eastern India considered below. finds also its orisin in this ),4 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 1 text. Eastem India, seventh-fwelfth centudes Such as he is depicted in Southeast Asia and the Far East, the six-handed seated Avalokitesvara, known as Cintämalicakra, is absent from the Buddhist caves of Maharashtra but did not remain altogether ignored in India, some seals illustrating him having been recovered at Nalanda or in the region (app.34, fig.24). The Cintämanicakra Mahakarunagarbhamandala (figs 21,46) where aspect is included it precisely in the Padmakula of the occupies the central position, being, however, secondary to the AvalokiteSvara painted in the right row (for the viewer), and who is, as briefly mentioned above, the main Bodhisattva of this yard. However, although it is presenr in any c. and onwards, it is mentioned in no mandala described in the Ma/tavairocanasült'a. The universal understanding of this six-handed image is very clear because the six hands are related to the six planes of birth. Thus, the hands present attributes or gesrures, mandala painted from the 9'l' of them, the extension of the infinite compassion of the Bodhisattva [o one of the six realms, the right hands are related to the hells (hand at the cheek), to the world of the pretas (cintämani) and animals (rosary) whereas the left hands relate to the world of the asuras (hand on and express, each of the human beings (padma) and devas (wheel).',' This specific form of Avalokitesvara was transmitted to China, and further to Japan, through nine dhäranrs, among which the translation by Bodhiruci of the Padmacintonrunid/tarantsutra in 109."'Another dharani was translated by Vajrabodhi (662-732), descrlbing the Bodhisatrva with a "golden complexion ... He should be seated on a lotus on Mount Potalaka and on his crown the Potala), should be depicted the Tathagata Amitabha. His first right hand displays the meditation mudrä as he is contemplating on the causes of all suffering. The second holds the wishing gem ... which can fulfil all desire, while the third holds the pearls (or beads) of meditation ... Of his left hands the first rests on Mount Potalaka, which he is said to support, the second canies the lotus which can purify all non-believers; and the third holds the wheel which is the wheel of the Dharma that has no superior."'33 On the Nalanda seals (fig. 24), the Bodhisattva sits on a broad lotus, leaning his head on a right hand, and holding a bunch of jewels (or showing the gesture of bestowal) and the rosary in the other two right hands; he holds, with the left hands, the lotus, the wheel while the third hand rests on the seat. The seals also integrate the tree which grows from the lotus on which the Bodhisattva sits, and forms a bow above the latter. Seals were small, their aim being clearly not to be venerated in a public place; they belonged to, or were donated by individuals;'30 similar ones, but two- and four-armed, were also discovered spread all through Southeast Asia.'., Stone and bronze images ofTer, on the contrary, another perspective, they might also have been the object of a private worship, specially when they are small, but they were usually aimed at being displayed within a shrine or on the walls of a monument. The very large number of the Bodhisattva images all through Eastern India (Bihar, Bengal, Orissa) from the 8'h to the 12'n c. lets surmise that s.R.A.A., X (2004) the worship of AvalokiteSvara was fundamental. Most of them follows the same pattern, inherited fiom Western lndia, and represents him with the bestowing gesture while holding the padma; his images are practically all elaborated on this single two-armed model, showing a multiplication of arms, and thus of attributes and gestures.r:'6 There are, nonetheless, some very rare images, of various sizes, which do not fit into this pattern, and illustrate aspects related to our topic. In those images, the two- or four-armed Bodhisattva sits in the position named (maha)rajahlasana, i.e. one leg lying on the seat, the other one folded with the fbot on the seat. Two such unpublished images are preserved in the Bodhgaya site museum (app. 1.36-37: figs 26-21), a third one is kept in the Narada Museum at Nawada was fbund in the region (app. 1.38: fig. 28). And and a fourth one, much larger and better preserved most probably originated in an atelier either located at Nalanda or in the region (app. 1.35: fig. 25). This "position of royal ease", is also integrated in images of the Bodhisattva in Shrilanka together with a further variant of the initial position observed at the early period Mathura, i.e. with the left leg in front of the seat, the foot on a lotus-stool, and the right leg folded, the foot on the seat. In both positions, the right arm reclines on the right leg, the hand closed.'r'It will be presented in trndia, Indonesia and the Far East by Cintämalicakra (below). A second group of images illustrating this iconography was collected in Southeast Bangladesh, a bronze stüpa was fbund at Ashrafpur near Dhaka (app. 1.32), and a stone slab was discovered hidden in the shaft of the large stüpa Kotila Mura at Mainamati (app. 1.31: figs 19-20,45); moreover, the Nalanda bronze seen on fig. 23 was most probably cast in the region (see app. 1.33). ''* In the Mainamati slab, the four-armed Bodhisattva sits on a lotus-pod; a number of small female and male deities sit on smaller flowers which are all attached to the central one. A devotee kneels in the lower right part. Some of the attendants can be rather easily recognized: Hayagrlva with crossed legs (fig. 45-F), two hands fblded in front of the breast and two hands up wrth undistinct attributes or gestures; the Bhrkuu is symmetric to the Krodha (fig. a5-E), and the Tara symmetric to the human devotee (fig. a5-D). Both female deities hold the position which they traditionally have in Avalokitesvara's images, i.e. Bhrkutl at his left, and the Tärä at his right.'" The state of preservation of this image is very poor, and most details allowing a proper stands identification have been simply erased, which prevents us fiom giving a definite answer to the overal iconographic program. A female figure (figs 20, 45-G) stands at the foot of the lotus and is depicted as if stamping on earth with her left fbot; the position of the right arm reminds of the gesture of slapping which characterizes Aparajitä.'tf'This ligure is full of energy, emerging from the lower part of the sculpture; as such, she recalls Sivavahavidya Bodhisattva (Jakurumyö Bosatsu), or "Tranquilly Abiding Light (of Mantra Knowledge)" (fig. 22,46-G)."' Although a male figure, the position of the legs, of the arms and the position within the composition in the Padmakula of the Mahakarulagarbhamaldala are similar.'" Sivavahavidya Bodhisattva is indeed represented at the lowest part of the row which is precisely centered on Cintämanicakra (Nyoirin Kannon)(fi-es 45-4, 1A< The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 46-A). In the Japanese maldala like in the Mainamati slab, the Bodhisattva is depicted as the Great crying over the sufTerings of the sentient beings, deeply sunk in the thoughts provoked by these sufferings, and in both cases, this Sivavahavidya Bodhisattva is depicted male or f-emale at the lower part of the yard or the sculpture. The structure of the Mainamati image deeply differs from the traditional stele fiom Eastern India; as such, it reproduces a maldala, with Compassionate,rar Cintama!icakra in the centre, seated on a large lotus attached to a thick stalk which constitutes the axis of the image, at both graphic and symbolic levels. All other characters sit on lotuses which grow out of the central stalks, and thus should be visualized as Bodhisattva. Although no text is available fbl sr-rch a if distributed around the pensive construction, and although the structure of the Padma-yard in the Genzu maldala does not relie on literary sources,'t' both, or part of thern, are indeed related. In both cases (figs 45-46), the pensive Bodhisattva, with four arms at Mainamati, and six in Japan, sits in the middle of the composition of the row/yard (A), and in both cases, Sivavahavidya Bodhisattva[akurumyö Bosatsu is depicted as female/male, standing/seated at the root of the padma/lowest part of the row (G) where the Bodhisattva sits. Between Northeast India and Japan, a number of scattered examples were recovered in Southeast Asia; as Nandana Chutiwongs has shown in her paper published in 1994, Southeast Asia has been the region through which the model transited on its way to the Far East - whereas the earlier two-armed type from the Northwest had left the Subcontinent either via the Swat Valley or Afghanistan (see app. 29-30 and fig. 11) in the early Gupta period. The Southetn maritime road was used from the 7'r' c. and onwards, in the transmission of esoteric Buddhism to the Far East,La5 and N. Chutiwongs dates the material under her scrutiny between the 8'1'and 10'n c., i.e. at an epoch which is contemporary with the period to which we can date most images from Northeast India. Another group of images show Avalokitesvara standing below a tree which he sustains with one of his left hands (app. 40-46: figs 29-33). Most of these images are two-armed whereas the large Dharaut image, measuring nearly 2 meters high, is twelve-armed (app.40: figs 29-31). This mere size implies that we have here an image of major importance in the cult, and not an image aimed at being personally worshipped. This image integrates well-known models in a harmonious composition which remains unique. but its existence finds its justification in its geographical and historical context. It includes the two standing female attendants, the Krodha at the left of the Bodhisattva and, in the pedestal, the Preta at his right. Sudhanakumära has not yet been integrated within the image, although the presence of MaäjuSrI, seated on his lion, and teaching, in a position symmetric to the one of the hungry ghost, of the learning as a possible way of salvation in the iconography of the Bodhisattva (leading thus the way to the slightly later introduction of the young man Sudhanakumära in the irnages of the Bodhisattva).11'r As to the five Tathägatas, they sit on lotuses growing out of the tree: three sit above the trunk, with Amitabha in the central position, two sit below the trunk; this concept of the five Tathagatas sitting on lotuses which grow out of the tree, evokes the introduction s.R.A.A., X (2004) 246 help to visualise the tree as the axis mundi. More tiny lotuses attached to the tree carry the seven jewels (see below), rerninding of the unifying position of the main lotus below the Buddha in the depiction, fbr instance, of the Srävasti miracle, where all secondary Buddha images sit or stand on lotus arising out of the main flower; another identical rendering of the topic is illustrated here on fig. 19,'t' whereas this unifying function is held on the Dharaut image by the tree. The main line of the composition is evidently based on the image of Maya giving birth to the Buddha, and beyond it, it goes back to the early period of Indian art with the image of the f'emale deity below the tree, the "6alabhanjika" which constitutes one of the most striking model of panIndian iconography. This structure, the woman standing below the tree which she holds, refers fertility and creation. In E,astern India, to it is not only introduced in the iconography of AvalokiteSvara as here the case, but also in images of the Tärä, who appears simultaneously copy of Maya or as a symmetrical and complementary image to AvalokiteSvara. 'as as a The choice of this formula originated probably in the notion that AvalokiteSvara is "father and mother" of all beings, or is the "one who gives life" or prananrudada.ya.'^e The twelve-armed Bodhisattva commonly met with in the 8'n and 9'n c. in the region around Nalanda reflects considerations where Avalokite(vara acts as rescuer of the Pretas, also named in the Nepalese sources (below) and in the Genzu mandala (Fukukenzaku Kannon)(fig. a6-C);'"'this function of the Bodhisattva, inheritated from the AmoghapaSa (LokeSvara) Karanday-vt7/tasafi'(/, remained of major concern in Bihar, more particularly in the region located north and east of Gaya, thus around Nalanda, and it knew a particular development at Kurkihar where a large number of six-handed "Amoghapa6a" type images were produced in the 9'h c.'s' As a matter of fact, the large number of images from Kurkihar and the region as well as the twelvearmed ones from Nalanda area, clearly reflects the interest of the Buddhists in the rescue of the hungry ghosts or Pretas, a situation which was fostered by the proximity of Gaya, more particularly of the Pretshila located north of the city, a place of pilgrimage which was, and still is, the place where the Sräddhas take place.'52 Twelve-armed images of the Bodhisattva are rare and mainly found in sites around Nalanda. The earliest surviving image, probably from the 8'r' c., constitutes also a master-work produced by one of the ateliers of the place, and must have been the model for all later images in the region.'53 A specific choice of attributes and gestures seems to have been made and always repeated; through a reference to a Nepalese literary source, scholars agreed to name this image "AmoghapaSa - LokeSvara",'" a name which underlines the importance of the unfailing noose, an attribute usually in the case of the Dharaut image, is held by a right one, turning elegantly around the trunk of the tree (fig. 30). The attributes and gestures of the Dharaut image are: (lower to upper right hands, fig. 30) varadamudrä (now lost), bunch of jewels, a stalk presented by one left hand, but which, from the tree to which is attached a large jewel, the stalk of the lotus, noose which tums around tree, rosary, and (upper to lower left hands, fig.3l) the tree, manuscript, tridanda, lotus stalk, The universal compassionate Bodhisattva lAa [unrecognized], water-flask.'55 It is probable that the particular number of "six" arms shown by most images at Kurkihar, and by extension, the number "twelve", relate to the Bodhisattva's major function of rescuing souls from all six planes of existence (as seen above)."u Altogether, images of the Bodhisattva standing or seated below the tree remain rare. This tree is not any tree, but the jewel-tree, bearing "real" jewels or/and the "seven jewels" (saptaratnas)'57 which are carved in wide scrolls distributed in the upper part of the slab. The jewels appear also above the seated Avalokite6vara of fig 25, and in scrolls still visible on a large fragment of a stone image from north Bihar, now kept at the Nalanda museum.rss Let us shortly remember that the ratnas include three human beings, i.e. the wife of the cakravartin, his general (at times replaced by a sword) and his treasurer (eventually replaced by Jambhala), two animals, i.e. the horse and the elephant, and two objects, i.e. the jewel and the wheel. The jewel and the wheel/disk, or mani and cakra, occupy a particular position within this group, and are the only jewels to be illustrated in the tree below which Avalokite6vara stands on a book-cover.'se While one may argue that the lack space forced the painter to retain some motifs of in preference to other ones, one may also ask whether the presence of these two jewels does not result from the fact that both their names appear in the name of Cintämalicakra. In this context, I donot think it to be a mere chance when in an image such as the seated AvalokiteSvara of fig.25, the jewel is precisely presented by the right hand and the lotus appears at its normal position, i.e. at the left shoulder; the jewel lying in the half-open supine hand, a position inherited from the earlier period in the Northwest and Mathura (figs. I-2, 4-5). Beside being evoked in the formula ont manrltadnte /tat.n - and we cannot exclude that a pun was here suggested -,'uu these two items are more particularly aimed at the planes of the human beings (padma) and of the pretas (cintämani) when they are presented by the six-handed Cintämanicakra, as seen above, and the fact that only both of them are preserved in these two examples, either hanging in the tree, or as attributes, probably reminds that the main concern of Buddhists, be they monks or lay-people, was to benefit from the Bodhisattva's compassion, alive or dead - any human being potentially a preta. Indonesian images of the four-armed "pensive" Bodhisattva also exclusively preserved these two attributes in their left hands while presenting the gesture of bestowal and sustaining the head with the right hands.'u' And in the images under scrutiny here, such as the Dharaut sculpture, these two ratnas are in the higher, thus the most sacred, part of the image.'6t Two further standing images from east Bihar and south Bengal of the two-armed Avalokitesvara are known. The first one was discovered at Bhandarhati in Hooghly District, and is now preserved in the Asutosh Museum (app. 1.43), the second one is worshipped in a temple at Bausi, on the Mandar Hill in east Bihar (app. 1.41).'63 Another beautiful image is preserved in the Khutia temple at Ayodhya (Orissa) where the Bodhisattva is depicted simultaneously standing below the tree and sitting at the foot of it (app. 1.44: figs 32-33). A fourth one, much damaged, is preserved in the Orissa State Museum (app. 1.45). As such, this standing two-atmed model will be S.R.A.A., X (2004) 218 venerated in Nepal at a later period."" Before concluding this list, we should also notice the rare presence of this iconographic in some illuminated manuscripts or on book-covers.'"' Notwithstanding the seated Bodhisattva illustrated on fig. 25, all other known examples are of a rather small size; one is carved in the niche of a votive stüpa at Ratnagiri (app. 1.39); two further ones, unpublished, are preserved in the Naradah Museum and the Bodhgaya site museum (figs 26- 27). These fbur sculptures and the Nalanda seals include the tree above the Bodhisattva deeply sunken in his pensive mood. Other examples do not include, or do not seem to include the tree: an image kept at the Bodhgaya site museum (fig.27), a bronze depiction at Nalanda (fig. 2zl), the slab found at Mainamati (fig. 19), and another depiction included within a bronze stüpa also discovered in southeast Bangladesh (app. 1.32). All irnages illustrate slightly different aspects related to the iconographic type usually named "Cintämanicakra AvalokiteSvara " afier the Japanese Nyoirin Kannon, or "Cintämali Loke(vara" in Nepal, or, in a neologism, "Karuläghana AvalokiteSvara ".166 The tree bearing jewels constitutes a pre-eminent f-eature in those images where the Bodhisattva stands or sits, leaning the head on one of his hands, but it also introduced in the depiction of AvalokiteSvara seen as a teacher, appearing from behind the nimbus in two 9th/1Oil' c. images. i.e. an eight-anned image from Nalanda and a two-armed one, probably also from the site (figs 40- fiom Kurkihar which reflects also the Nalanda stylistic idiom, where the Bodhisattva sits in a cave on the Potala,"" and to an image of unknown provenance, but most 41).'nr Both relate to a stele probably from Orissa or south Bengal;'6e in both sculptures, the Potala mountain contains caves, is inhabited by animals and covered by trees. These fbur images display sirnilar aspects of the Bodhisattva. They all show AvalokiteSvara a teacher seated as in the traditional lalita- or padmäsana, or in the less conventional "European way" or pralambasana; and they locate him on the Potala, or below a tree. Through the presence of the tree, they relate to the images presented above where this tree is a fundamental element, whereas Nyoirin Kannon rests one of her left hands on the Potala. But how to explain the teaching function which he also assumes, apparently being seated on the Potala and below a tree ? A text of major importance at the time is the Gandavyühasütra, as proved by its depiction on the Borobudur in the 8"'c.; it belongs to the large At,atamsakasntra, a sütra which generated an important sectarian trend in the 7"'and 8'r'centuries in the Far East.'"'It narrates the spiritual quest of a young man, Sudhanakumara. and his encounters with various masters and Bodhisattvas, among whom MafljuSrt, till he reaches the Potala and gets the learning from Avalokite(vara himself.''' The of Manju(rI in the pedestal of the Dharaut image might in fact refer to his secondary position in relation to AvalokiteSvara in this text, and, at the same time, it paves the way to the presence introduction in the iconography of the Bodhisattva of Sudhanakumara in the 10''' c., replacing at his right, the Preta who will be hence seen in the pedestal, as already here the case. The image of the Bodhisattva clearly then states that the rescue of the soul passes through spiritual knowledge, and is not exclusively depending on his own immense cornpassion. The long path followed by Sudhanakumära is also the path which should be followed by the souls. 249 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva Among Bodhisattvas from Eastern India, ManjuSrr assumes the function of opening the way to spiritual knowledge or prajfla, symbolizing this function owned by the Buddha.'" His importance might be bound to the development of the monastic institution as a place of learning. In fiont of this intellectual and spiritual approach which only few can decide to follow, the worship of Avalokitesvara offers a more affective and personal, although still universal, path; from the very beginning, the Bodhisattva is the universal compassionate who rescues the souls. His worship - or the veneration of the sacred lormula om mani padme hnry - draw all towards nirväna. AvalokiteSvara's personality opens to more human and universal issues, and we can surmise that his cult, in Bihar, spread over the borders of the monasteries at that period. As already mentioned, specific images fiom the regions of Kurkihar and Nalanda relate to the geographical context of their findings, i.e. the proximity of Gaya, and more particularly, of the Pretshila. This aspect of the Bodhisattva, image of universal compassion, image of a being who visits the hells and rescues their inhabitants, found its best expression in the Kdrandctvytrhasutra, from which the artists of Eastern India drew their inspiration, introducing other ways of illustrating the universal compassion and the cosmic nature of the Bodhisattva. The text must have been favoured in certain circles, as evidenced by an illustrated version which was most probably produced in Southeast Bangladesh towards the end of the 1l'n or the beginning of the 12ü c.1r3 The illuminations partly illustrate passages from the text referring to AvalokiteSvara, partly aspects of the Bodhisattva which were particularly venerated in the region, for instance the Bodhisattva dancing, and adomed with peacock feathers, which evidently remind of Siva dancing, a form of the god which was particularly venerated in Southeast Bangladesh from the 10"'to the 12'r'c. This reminds us that the Bodhisattva can adopt any fbrm in order to lead his devotees on the way to eternal peace: "So, for instance, for those for whom the form of a tathägata is suitable, he teaches the Dharma as a tathägata (tafuagaturttpena). On the same principle, he also takes the form of a pratyekabuddha, of an arhat, of a bodhisattva, of MaheSvara, of Naraya!a, of Brahma. of Indra. of Aditya, of Candra, of Agni, of Varuna, of Väyu, of a naga, of Vighnapati, of a yaksa, of Vaisravala, of a king, of a king's solider (rajabhata), and of a mother or of a father. In whatever form is suitable, he teached the Dharma. Thus Avalokite(vara teaches the Dharma to beings, matures them and establishes them in nirväna (nirvdnabhümi'y." nt The text contains, moreover, elements which found their way in the art from Bihar. Thus, we are told by the Tathagata Sit ttin that when the Bodhisattva leaves the country of Sukhavatl, "various wish-fulfulling trees, mango-trees, fragrant oleander flowers, and campaka trees appear, together with lotus pools (puskarinyah) abundant with flowers and hundreds of wondrous jewel trees. Flowers, jewels, various marvelous mangoo trees, and divine garments fall like rain. Near the vihära, the seven jewels appear (hastiratnam, maniratnam, a5varatnam, strlratnam, grharatnam, parinäyakaratnam). The ground is seen (...) to be bright gold. When Avalokite6vara leaves Sukhävatr, the whole of creation trembles in six ways."r75 The jewel-tree is an image of creation which repeatedly occurs in the text, and it is clearly put here in relation with the appearance of the s.R.A.A., X (2004) 250 Bodhisattva. The depiction of the foliage belongs traditionally to the Buddha iconography, it is also observed in certain images of Avalokite Svara in the Northwest (app. 1.20) and is preserved, in eastern India, in the iconographies of the Tärä and AvalokiteSvara. The authors of the Karapqlav-.va/tasiltr(t clearly saw the Bodhisattva as creator of the universe and rescuer of the souls, ''u two functions which he assumes in the Dharaut image: he holds the tree with a left hand (fig. 29), like in the "Salabhaäjika" type of images, whereas the Ayodhya stele depicts him simultaneously at the foot of the tree, sunken in his sad thoughts, and standing below the tree and distributing his endless compassion to the Pretas and human beings (figs 32-33). We can probably understand this double image as showing that the tree, as source of spiritual and material richness, arises out of the Bodhisattva's sadness. This f-eeling forces him to act, to stand up, to appear and generate hope for all suffering sentient beings. In the images, the tree arises out of the vase of plenty, both elements reproducing thus a motif of fertility known in Indian art from its very first beginning,lTr and more particularly in the Ayudhya image, the Bodhisattva sunk into his sad thoughts hides the iar which is profiled behind him. In another context, he generates the Tara from the tears which he sheds when considering the misery of the world, and she inherits his "great compassion" or mahäkarulä.''3 The tree arising out of the jar is like the creeper arising out of Visnu's or the Buddha's navel,'") its presence expresses and is an act of creation. The six-armed AmoghapaSa type from from Kurkihar, the twelve-armed type from Nalanda and the region, and the images fiom the north of Gaya introducing the conflict between AvalokiteSvara and Yama, Lord of the Dead, all address issues related to the rescue of the dead souls, and all mostly disappear after the 9''' c. Thus, the concern of rescuing the Pretas, although not completely vanishing, became, nonetheless, clearly secondary. The Dharaut image addresses a number of issues; it shows the Bodhisattva as the creator of the universe, as the universal compassionate and as the dispenser of learning. fiom the It belongs to a group of to the 10"'c. Although they reflect esoterlc concerns (through the presence of the Krodhas distributed around the Bodhisattva for instance), those images depart fiom the Vajrayäna mainstream as advocated by texts such as the Sddltananta/a and the Nt.rpannolo,gava/i. Those images of Avaiokite(vara indicate that particular esoteric, but nonvajrayänic, concepts could find their way in art and that the traditional "identification" of images, which exclusively makes use of the dominant Vajrayana sources, is inadequate to allow an understanding of their existence and composition. They conclude a development which had started in the Northwest in the first centuries of our era, a development which remained in the images which can be dated B'h shadow, behind more elaborated and speculative iconographic structures, a development which is based on the personal relation between the devotee and the Bodhisattva.'8t' Conclusion Indian Buddhist art still includes images with an enigmatic iconography or of a problematic existence. In this context. it reveals itself often fiustratins to consult texts in exclusive relation with The universel compassionale Bodhisattva 251 images produced in the region where, or at the period when those texts were written, such as the Sad/tanama/a and the NisTtannayogavali, two texts which reflect, as far as Eastern Indian Buddhism is concerned, the main stream emerging strongly after the B,h c., but which are insufficient or even inadequate as far as a number of particular images of the region (of Avalokite6vara for instance as seen here, but also of the Buddha) are concemed. On the contrary, the Karandavyu/ta'rufra offers a perfect example of a text which backed for nearly one millenium the evolution of certains aspects of Avalokite(vara in India and abroad. Clues can also be found when, rather than exclusively concentrating on the period and region of the irnages under scrutiny, we consider these images as part of a wider art historical development, and take into account the periods which preceded and those which followed, on the one hand. and when we look at contemporary aspects of Buddhist art in other countries, on the other hand. Forms were at times better preserved or more elaborated in other countries of the Buddhist world, also their ancient names might have survived when in India they had disappeared. Numerous aspects of the deity remained in the background in South Asia, where they reflected spiritual or psychic concepts which had become obsolete or had always been secondary within the universe of gods and goddesses, remaining hidden behind the official main stream (which might have also been esoteric), or they might have belong to a particular esoteric tendency of limited influence, in which case only their names might eventually be known, but not their aspect - and the meaning of these names does not necessarily clarify the form of the deity when this form is known.,s' And even if their forms are known through texts, graphic representations can be altogether unknown. The first level of representation is clearly the visualization - thus are the images described in the Sad/tanamala aimed at being visualised by the adept and not at being transfened in an art object by the monk or the artist (even if these images help in identifying visual representations), or the representation through symbols, either objects or siddhas, which are either visualised as emerging out of a lotus, or are distributed within a maldala. At a second level, these images could be integrated within a sand maldala or painted, and at a third level, three-dimensional images were produced by artists, more rarely by monks.'E2 Here again, a distinction should be made between small objects, or objects which could be transported, and large images which were aimed at standing in the sanctuary. The distinction relies here on the use of the image: the small bronze or stone carvings could easily be transported by the monks and belong to their private altar. This distinction hides another one : small bronzes often reflect much more complicated, even at times still enigmatic' iconographies whereas most large stone images illustrate, but not exclusively, main trends. Moreover, there existed clearly an oral tradition transmitted from master to pupil which concerned a large part of the Buddhist pantheon: the Genzu mandala is a graphic representation of a knowledge for which no text describing it in detail is known.'83 The various mandalas included in the Ma/tavairocon(t.rulrcl describe the overall structure of the Mahakarunägarbhamaldala, but ignore a number of yards and a very large number of deities included in the graphic representatlon s.R.A.A." X (2004) 252 Japan in the early years of the 9'n c' of the Genzu. However, this graphic representation has reached one might suspect that Chinese when it was brought back from China by Kukai, and although that as it stands, it reflects the Indian monks could have participated to its creatton,'8' it is evident "realm outside the vajras" which is a perfect and Buddhist pantheon of the period, including the Hindu pantheon are correctly correct illustration of the Hindu pantheon. All gods of the as the Navagrahas' the zodiac' etc' represented; the constitution of the groups of gods, such proper position' It is thus highly probable presents no mistake; the guardians of space occupy their Asia, or perhaps Southeast Asia' by that this graphic representation was brought from South oli the Ma/ta,airoc'anasttlrainl23-4''E5 Subhakarasimha (AD 63'7-i35) who proposed his translation in sites much distant from each Moreover, traces of this graphic representation have been observed Bangladesh' which lets surmise other, like Nasik, in Maharashtra, and Mainamati, in South-East Subcontinent''86 Without our knowledge that it was known among the Buddhist community in the the program of the of the Genzu marldala, we would not be in the possibility of untlerstanding of the stüpa at Mainamati' iust like shrine in cave 23 at Nasik, or the slabs hidden in the shaft would remain without the KArandavyilha.rilÜ'a, specific iconographic aspects of Avalokite(vara obsolete.'87 Appendix 1 - The Compassionate Bodhisattva exhaustive; it is most likely that many The list of images introduced below does not pretend to be attention' It is, however' quite representations of the "pensive" Bodhisattva escaped my form of Avalokitesvara although' representative of the importance of the worship of this of knowledge, to estimate the conect unfortunately, it still appears difficult, in the present stage precise art historical development position of this worship within Buddhist cult, and to propose a this constitutes an evident lacuna: within the early period. From a methodological point of view, carved in later times; from a fbrmal images carved in the 1.' c. did not have the value of images and iconographic changes were point of view, the same character may be depicted, but stylistic of the figure underwent initiated more or less permanently' and, as a result, the perception more evident in the case of the Buddha transformations in the course of time - which is perhaps figure. a) Before the 5ü c. A. Mat/tura Lerner 1984, cat' 7, pp' Image", The Kronos Collection, New York. Fig. 1. Ref.: 1986, pl. 52 and pp' 30-35; CzumaMorris 1985, cat' 19 Lemer l986' fig. 5; Mitterwallner fts.. 194; Chutiwongs 1994' pl' 13; 126-8; Special Exhibition \981 , cat' 11; Miyaji 1992. l. "The Kronos Miyaji 2001, fig' 8' Czuma/Morris 1985, P\. 19'2; 2. Fragment, Government Museum, Mathura, inv' A 47. Ref.: Mitterwallner 1986, pl. 49 and p' 122 Lee 1993' fig' 8. Sharma 1995, fig. 156; The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 253 3. Fragment, Govemment Museum, Mathura, inv.4l.2916. Ref.: Mitterwallner 1986, pls.50-51 and pp. 123-4. 4. Fragment, Indian Museum, Calcutta, 1985, inv.2503l.Fig.2. Ref.: Lerner 1984,p.32; Csuma/N4orris pl. 19.1; Mitterwallner 1986,p. 124. B. T/te Norrhwesr 5. Art Gallery of New South Wales inv. 7.1997 .77 cm. Figs 4-5. Ref.: Pal 2000, figs 4-4a and pp. 82-83. OA 1881.7-17.45. 35 cm. From Karamar Hill. Ref.: Zwalf 1996. cat. 80, vol. I, pp. 110-111, with furrher references; Kurita 2003, II, fig. 139. 7. Museum für Indische Kunst inv. IC 36836. c. 68 cm. From Takht-i-Bahai. Ref.: Chutiwongs 1984, pl. 8 and p. 37; Miyaji 1992,fig.184; Chutiwongs 1994, pl. l2 (with further references); 6. The British Museum inv. Dokunrcnturion 2002, pp. 38-39 (with further reference). 8. Indian Museum inv.4993. From Loriya-Tangai. 1937,pp.93-94; Miyaji 1992,fig.18; Lee 1993, Fig.7. Ref.: Waddell 1912, fig. fig.7; Kurita 2003,11, fig. 153. 1; Majumdar 9. Indian Museum inv.4995. Ref.: Majumdar 1931, pl. v.a and p. 94; Kurita 2003,rr, fig. 156. 10. Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum. 78,5 cm. Fig. 8. Ref.: Hirayama2004, cat. j4. 11. Matsuoka Museum inv. 67 cm. Ref .: Specia/ Er/tibirion 1981, cat.12; Miyaji 1992, fig. 185; Ancient Asian 1994, cat.9 and p. 103 (with further references); Budd/ta 1998, cat. 35; Gand/ttlra 2000, cat. 37; Miyaji 2001, fig. 7; Kurita 2003, II, fig. 151. 12. Birmingham Museums & Art Galleries inv. further references)and fi g. 249 ; http : II 1964A11. Ref.: Tissot 1985, pl. XXIV-6(with www. bmag. org.uk. British Museum inv. OA 1950.7-26.1. 53 cm. From Takht-i-bahai. Ref.: Zwalf 1996.cat. 79 (with further reference); Kurita 2003, II, fig. 138. 13. The 14. Present location unknown. 40 cm. Ref.: Christie's Amsterdam 2003. lot 607. With a larse lotus flower in the left hand. 15. Present location unknown. 97 cm. Ref.: Sotheby's New York 1999, lot 140. The position of the two arms is here reversed, with the lotus, now broken, held in the right hand. 16. Present location unknown.65 cm. New York 2003a,lot 9. Fig.9. Ref.: Sotheby's London 1991, lot 507; Christie's Here also, the Bodhisattva has the head turned to his left, and the right hand, now lost, may have held the padma; he does not sit on the wicker stool but on a throne covered by a drapery. 17. Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum. Ref.: Tanabe 2000, cat. 100. Central imase with amendant figures. 18. Private collection. 56 1 cm. Ref.: Pal 1975, cat.93; Chutiwongs 1984, pl. 9; Miyaji 1992,fig. 87. 19. Present location unknown. 3J cm. Much damaged (head, right hand). Ref.: Sotheby's London s.R.A.A., X (2004) 1982,Iot222. 20. Lahore Museum. From Sanghao. Ref.: Ingholt/Lyons 1957, fig. 324; Miyaji 1992, fig. 188; Kurira 2003, II, fig. 150. 21. Present location unknown. Upper part of the image. 52,5 cm. Ref.: Sotheby's London l99l ,lot t2. 22. Present location unknown. 33,5 cm. Ref.: Sotheby's London 1985,lot 316. 23. Present location unknown. 38,5 cm. Ref.: Sotheby's London 1984, lot 256. 24. Present location unknown. 32 cm. Ref.: Sotheby's New York 1992a,\ot214. 25. Present location unknown. J2 cm. Ref.: Parke-Bernet 1912,lot 49.This image appears also as part of afrieze, examples of which are mentioned in footnotes 11 and 16, or can be carved on a thin plaque (Christie's New York 1998, lot 3, 10 cm) It occurs also in composition of the Sravastl or Sukhävatl type, see footnotes 19, 30. 26. Nijigram, Swat. Private collection. Ref.: reproduced by Kurita 2003,II, figs. 8 and 152. 2J.Private collection. Probably from Bajaur. Ref.: Kurita 2003, II, ti9.149. 28. Present location unknown. Ref.: Sotheby's London 1982, lot 222,though much damaged (head it is close to the previous image. The large number of rock-carved images found in the Swat valley are intermediary between this group, through their location, and the following one, through their dating. They were published by G. Tucci and A.H. Dani and right hand broken away), (see here note 2l). Images from the region could also appear in private and public collections (for instance Sotheby's New York 1993,\ot 76, also published by Bhattacharya2002,pl.9.l). Besides, bronzes are also known, depicting this aspect of the Bodhisattva (note 20, and fig. 10). 2g.Private collection. From Afghanistan. Ref.: Kurita 2003, II, fig. 886 (restaured). 30. Mus6e Guimet inv. MA 8151. 23,5 cm. Fig. 11. b) After the 7th century, Eastem India A. Seated inutges in Sout/teast Bang/adeslt (31-32) and Bi/tar(33-38) and Ortssa (39) 31. Stone rectangular slab, Kotila Mura, Mainamati. Figs 19-20. This slab as well as a second one depicting the Buddha teaching (Asher 1980, pl. 111, e.g.), and fragments (below) were found within the shaft of the Kotila Mura stüpa (7'h c. according to most writers); the groundplan of this monument is shaped as a wheel with eight spokes, thus creating eight cells. Within these cells and the shaft, "hundreds of miniature stüpas and clay sealings were discovered" (Asher 1980, p.63). Ref.: Dani 1959, fig. 3; Khan 1969, pp. 165 & 167; Shamsul Alam 1975, pl. Xa; Asher 1980, pl. ll2 &pp.63-64; Chutiwongs 1984, pI.14 & pp.46-47; Shamsul AIam 1985, fig. l7; Bautze-Picron 1987, p.27; Chutiwongs 1994, pl. l5; Hussain 1997 , pp. 178-9 (c. 7'h c.), and as mentioned by this author and his collaborators, more than the two images of the Bodhisattva and the teaching Buddha had been disposed in the shaft; fragments were recovered which belonged to a third image (of the Buddha teaching probably - one of the Sarnath gazels is on a fragment) and are also on display in the local museum. Mitra f997 , pp. 7l-72 & pl. 6.7 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva (palaeography not earlierthan the Bhattachary a 2002, pl. 9 255 8"'..); Paul 2001, pp.366-7 & fig.5 ;Miyaji 2001,fig.27; .4 and pp. 128-3 I . 32. Stupa, Ashrafpur, district of Dhaka. Indian Museum inv. 6301. Ref.: Banerjl \933, pl. LXXVb p. of 10'h c.: 138; characters of the 9'n c.: p. 142); Asher 1980, pp. 64-65 (l'h c.) ; Bdnisti 1986, pp. 19-20 & fig.3 ; Bhattacharya2002, pl. 9.3 (9'n c.) and p. 128. This caitya in bronze (end presents a very particular iconographic program. Four niches are cut in the drum of the stüpa, nine in the pedestal sustaining it. The first row shows (in the solar direction): the Buddha displaying the bhumisparSamudrä; Avalokitesvara ; MafrjuSn, and Maitreya. The second row includes, on each side, the depiction of a Krodha in the central niches, and of two female figures on either side. Besides, four tiny images of the Buddha are seen above the stüpa, at the level of the harmika. 33. Bronze image, Nalanda. National Museum inv. 47.37.Fig.23. Ref.: Khandalavala et alii 1986, fig.39 p. 112; Misra 1998, vol.3, fig. 114p.87; paul 2001, pp.368-9 & fig. j; Bhauacharya 2002,p1.9.1 (8'n c.) and pp. 125-6. Quite correctly, Khandalavala and Gorakshkar recognized that this image reflects the stylistic idiom from Southeast Bangladesh, as illustrated by the numerous bronzes found at Mainamati for instance, and not the Nalanda idiom. 34. Seals, Nalanda : 1) Indian Museum. Ref.: Bhattacharyya 1951. Fig. 24.2) Asurosh Museum. Ref. : Pal 1961-68: fig.1; Miyaji 2001, fig. 26; Bhattacharya 2002, pl. 9.2.3) Bharat Kala Bhawan. Ref. : Biswas 1989: fig.4f .4) The Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art, Kansas City. Ref.: Chutiwongs f994, pl. 17 (probably from Nalanda).'8s 35. Stone image, Nalandaidiom. Private collection, Basel. Fig.25. Ref. :Sotheby's 17.6.1993, lot 1 1 1 ; Bautze-Picron 2000a,pI. 7. l8 ; Bhamacharya 2002,pl. 9.5 & pp. I3I-2. 36. Stone image, Bodhgaya site museum. Ca. 15 cm. Fig. 26. 37. Stone image, Bodhgaya site museum. Photo ASI 38/65. Fig.27. This small sculpture is based on the same structure as the image reproduced here fig. 25; it lacks, however, the tree, includes a stüpa in the upper left comer of the back-slab and is on the whole of a rather poor esthetic quality. 38. Stone image, Narada Museum, Nawadah. Circa22 cm. Fig. 28. 39. Slab in a stüpa, Ratnagiri. Ref. : Mitra 1983, pl. CCLXVII.A & p.333; Donaldson 2001, fig. 207 & p. 185 ; Bhattacharya2002,p. 133 (quoting D. Mitra). B. Sranding imogesfi'om. Bi/tar (40-42), Benga/ (43) and Orissa (44-16) 40. Stone image, Dharaut. Figs 29-31. Ref. : Bautze-Picron in press-c, figs 5-8 ;Leoshko 1997, pls 7.1-7.5. 41. Stone image, Bausi (East Bihar). Ref. : Sinha 1981: fig. 5. 42.Ftagment, Bhagirathpur (Madhubani). Nalanda site museum. Ca.40 cm. Ref. : Mishra 1954, pl. facing p. 348 ; Bautze-Picron 1995, fig.18. Most probably from a standing image of the Bodhisattva, upper left part of the back-slab. s.R.A.A., X (2004) 43. Stone image, Bhandarhati (Hooghly district), Asutosh Museum. Ref.: Sengupta 1983; Mitra l99l: fig. 34; Leoshko l99l: pl.1.l2; Huntington 1984: fig. 221; Saraswati 19ll: ill. 91; Bhattacharya 2001 , pp. 30-31 and pl. 2.8; Bhattacharya 2002, pl. 9.6 & p. 132. 44. Stone image, Khutia temple, Ayodhya. Figs 32-33. Ref. :Donaldson 1992, pp. 135-6 (also mentioned by Bhattacharya2002, pp. 133-4) ; Donaldson 2001: figs 198, 208 & pp.182. 45. Stone image, Badagada (Bhubaneswar), Orissa State Museum. Ref. : Donaldson 1992, p. 134 (also mentioned by Bhattacharya2002, p. 133) ; Donaldson 2001: fig. l9'7 & p. 182. 46. Stone image, Ratnagiri. Donaldson (2001, p. 181-2) also recognizes this form of the Compassionate Bodhisattva in a much damaged stele standing at Ratnagiri (Mitra 1983, pl. CCCLIV & p.438). Appendix 2 - The o'Dangers" scenes in Maharashtra Variously labelled "litany scenes", "miracles d'AvalokiteSvara ", the iconography of this image has already been considered by various scholars, among whom we should first mention MarieThdröse de Mallmann (1948, pp. 136-41,292-6), who published also her traduction of the 24'n chapter of the Sadd/tarnapundat'rkasultz, devoted to this saviour aspect of the Bodhisattva (ibid., pp.28-36). More recently, Marilyn Edwards Leese (1988) devoted an article to the study of the "litany scenes", where she identifies the Bodhisattva with Maitreya, and refutes thus the traditionally accepted identif-ication with Avalokite6vara . The most interesting part of her paper, however, does not deal with the identification, which can partly refuted (there are more arguments for recognizing Avalokite6vara than Maitreya), but with her analysis of the historical setting of the region from the 5'h to 6'h c. and its relation to the iconography of the Bodhisattva perceived as a saviour: she argues that the historical turmoil, and the dangers encountered in the region (as told for instance by Xuanzang), contributed to create the background fbstering this type of image; simultaneously, the presence of unifying political powers contributed to the simultaneous presence of the same iconography in sites which are at times very distant from each other. A. Ajanta 1. Ajanta 2 (mural): Spink 1981,p. 123 note 6; Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 132-3 note 303; Zin2003, p.12. 2. Ajanta 4 : Mallmann 1948, p.294 Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 136-7; Leese 1988, pl. 169 &p.167; Neville 1999,fig.3. Fig. 34. 3. Ajanta upper 6 (mural) : Spink 1981, p. 123 note 6; Mitterwallner 1986, pp.132-3 note 303;Zin 2003, p. 18. 4. Ajanta p. l0/ll :Mitra 1964, p.42; Mitterwallner 1988, pp. 132-3 note 303;Leese 1988, pl. 168 & 167. 1981, p. 123 note 5. Ajanta l1(mural):Spink 6. Ajanta l7 (mural): Mallmann 1948, fig. 1 6;Mitterwallner 1986, p. 133 note 306. p. 138, pp.l4l ,293;Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 132-6 & The universal comoassionate Bodhisattva 257 pl.70; Leese 1988, pp. 165-7 (corect: there are eight, not six, scenes); Takata 2000, vol. III, pl. 2in2003,p.27. 7. Ajanta 20 : Spink 1981, p. 123 C.17-B; note 6; Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 132-3 note 303. 264:Mallmann 1948, pl. IIIb & pp. 141,294;Mitterwallner 1986, p. 136; Leese 1988, pl. 167 & pp. 165, 161 (correct: there are here eight, not six, scenes), Miyaji 2000, fig.7; 8. Ajanta Miyaji 2001, fig. 13. Note that the scene in the lower left comer is now lost but was still visible on the plate published by M.-Th. de Mallmann. 9. Ajanta 268 : Leese 1988, pl. 161 &.pp.165,167. 10. Ajanta 26C : Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 132-3 note 303; probably the image evoked by Leese 1988, p. 167. Fig. 35. B. Aurangabad 7 (with emanations):Mallmann 1948, pl. IIIa, p.293; Berkson 1986, pp. 108, ll0, 124, 126-9; Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 138-9; Leese 1988, pl. 110 & p. 168; Takata 2000, vol.I, fig. 2l (after Fergusson/Burgess); Neville 1999, fig.5 (ibid.); Miyaji 2001,fig.14. 11. Aurangabad C. Ellora 12. Ellora 3 :Leese 1988, pl. f66 & pp. 165, 168-9; Malandra 1993, fig. 74 &p.39. 13. Ellora 314 (with emanations) :Leese 1988, pl. 165 & pp. 164-5, 168-9; Malandra 1993,fig.75 &pp.39-40. D. Kanheri 14. Kanheri 2 15. Kanheri (with emanations): Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 139-40 &pL.73; Leese 1988, p. 168. 4l (with emanations) :Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 139-40 &pL.74; Leese 1988, p. 168. Fig. 37. 16. Kanheri 90 (with emanations) : Mallmann 1948, p. 292; Fergusson/Burgess 1880, Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 139-40; Leese 1988, pl. 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Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt. --- 1982, "Cosmic Vision and Buddhist lmages",Arlln/ernafional,vol.XXV11-2, January, pp. 8-40. --- 2000, "Asian Collections in the Art Gallery of New South Wales", Orientatton.r, vol.3Il'7, September 2000, pp.76-87. Park, Hyounggook 2001, "The Esoteric Avalokite6vara Images in the Southeast Asia", Ba/letin of't/te Research Centerlbr Si/l Roado/og_v, Silk Roado/ogy 11 .' The Origin and Development li'on of Ava/oktte,fvara lmages - Focuslng on t/te esoteric Ava/okileivatz.r India ro Japan, Nara: The Nara Intemational Foundation - Commemorating the Silk Road Exposition, pp. 73-88 (in Japanese), p. 254 (English summary). Parke-Bemet 19J 1 , Southeast Asian, lndian, Gand/taran and ls/amic Art, Saturday April 3, New York: Parke-Bemet Galleries. Paul, Prangopal and Debjani 200l, "Iconographic tradition and artistic freedom: ponderings on a form ofthe Buddhist god ofmercy", Fruits of lnspitotion, Studie.r in Honour of Ptoil.G. de Caspari.r, eds M.J. Klokke, and K.R. van Kooij, K.R., Groningen, pp. 35911. Quagliotti, Anna Maria 1989, "Mahakarunika (Part I)", Anna/i de//'lsiruto aniversitarlo Orientale, Napoli, vol. 49, pp.337 -70. --- 1990, "Mailju6ri in Gandharan Art, A New Interpretation of a Relief in the Victoria and Albert Museum", Easl and West, vol. 40ll-4, pp. 99-1 13. --- 1996a, "Mara in a "pensive" attitude in Buddhist art", S/udies in Slmbo/ism andlcono/og1,,Wako University, vol. X, pp. 10-29. The universal compassionate Bodhisattva --- 1996b, "Another Look at the Mohammed Nari Stele with the So-called'Miracle 263 of Sravasti"', Ann,t/i dc//'lsritan [Jnivet..rtrario Orienrale, Napoli, vol. 512, pp. l-16. --- 2000, "A Gandharan Bodhisattva with Surya on the Headdress and Related Problems", Sout/t Asion Arc/taeo/r.t,q1- 1997, Prot.eerlin,qs of the Fourreent/t lnternaliona/ Co,'tference ol t/te Eut'opean Assotiatton of South A.sidn Arthaeo/o,qists, held h r/te /snruto ll.thano pet'/'Aficae/'Ortenre,Pa/a::oBrancatrio,Rome,T-11Ju/yJ997,eds. MaurizioTaddeiandGiuseppeDeMarco,Rome: Istituto Italiano per 1'Africa e I'Oriente (Serie Orientale Roma, vol. XC), vol. III, pp. 1125-54. ---1996, "'Pensive' Bodhisattvas on 'Nanative' Candharan Reliefs, A Note on a Recent Study and Related Problems", Easl and West, vol. 46, pp. 97- I 1 5. Reed, Barbara E. 1992, "The Gender Symbolism of Kuan-yin Bodhisattva", Budd/tism, Setual|r.y, and Gender, ed. Jos6 Ignacio Cabezön, Delhi: Indian Books Centre, pp. 159-80. (Bilbiotheca Indo-Buddhica Series no. I 13). Reis-Habito, Maria Dorothea 1993, Dte D/ldrant des Gros,ren Erbarmen,s des Bod/tisatrva Ava/otite.fvara mit tdu.rend Handen antl Augen, Übersetzung und [/nrersuc/tang ihrer re.rr/ic/ten Grunrl/age so*te Etfttr*hang thres Ku/te.r tn China, Sankt Augustin: Institut Monumenta Serica/Nettetal: Steyler Verlag, 1993. (Monumenta Serica Monograph Series, XXVII). --- 1995, "The Great Compassion Dhärani", T/te Esoteric Buddhist Tradirion, Se/ett Papers./i'om r/te 1969 SBS Con/erente, edited by Henrik H. Soerensen, Copenhagen and Aarhus, The Seminar for Buddhist Studies, SBS Monographs 2, pp.3l-49. Rhie, Marylin (Guest Curator') 1980, T/te Bod/ti.rartva and the Goddess, Deirie.s' of Conqcassion in Budr//ti.s.t anc/ Hindu Northampton, Massachusetts: Smith College museum of Art, April At, 10 - May 26, 1980. Robert, Jean-Noöl (transl.) l'998, Le Sütta da Lorus, Suit,i du Livre des .ten.r innombrab/e.r et du Livre de la contemT:/ation rle Saee, Untvenrel, Paris: Fayzud. Roth, Gustav 1957, "The Woman and Tree Motif ialdbhaniika da/amalita in Prakrit and Sanskrir Texts with special References to ii/paiasn'a.s including Notes on dohar/d' , Jout na/ ol rhe Asiatit Sotle4,, Letters attd ,St ienre.r, vol. XXI[/ I , 1957, pp. 9t-1 16. Russek, Ren6 198'7 , Budd/ta zu'ischen Ost und Wesr, Stu/,cturen aus Gandharu/Pakistan, Zürich: Museum Rietberg. Salomon, Richard and Gregory Schopen 2002, "On an Alleged Reference to Amitabha R.elief' , Journa/ of'/he lnternatlonal Associarion of Buddhist Studies, voI. 251 l-2, pp. in a Kharosthi Inscription 3-3 1 on a Gandharan . S:Lraswati, S.K. 1977, Tanil'a-yana, an A/bum, Calcutta: The Asiatic Society. Saunders, Dale F. 1960, '44udra. A Sndy of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhisr Sca/ptatz, New York: Bollingen Series Pantheon Books. 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Strickmann, Michel 1996, Mantra.r e/ mandat'it.s, Le bouddhisme tunn'iqae en C/tine, Paris : Gallimard/l'{RF. Studholme, Alexander 2002, The Origins of On Mantpadme Ham, A Study of the Karundavyaha Snn'd, Albany State University of New York Press. Taddei, Maurizio 1987/2003, "Non-Buddhist Deities in Gandharan Art, Some New Evidence", lnvestigatitg lndtan Arr, Proceedlng.r of a Symposiun on /he Developntent of Ear/,v Buc/clhist and Hinda L'onography held al the Milseam ol lndian Art Betlin tn ,l(a.v /986 (H. Hrirre/ Fesrst'/trft), ed. W. Lobo and M. Yaldiz, Berlin, 1987, pp.319-2 (republished in '. On Gand/tata, Co/leued Arrides, ed. Giovanni Verardi and Anna Filigenzi, Napoli: Universit degli Studi di Napoli "L'Orientale", vol. I, pp. 211-81). Tajima, Ryüjun 1959, Les deut grands mandalas et /a doctrine de 1'y'.rotärl.rne S/tingon, Tokyo/Paris : Maison FrancoJaponaise,lPresses Universitaires de France (Bulletin de la Maison Franco-Japonaise, N.S., tome VI). Takata, Osamu & Ohmura, Tsugusato 2OO0, Aianta Paintin.qs,Tokyo: NHK Publishing Co., Ltd. Tanabe, Katsumi, ed. 2000, Gand/tara and Silt Road Arrs. Tlte Hira.yana The ltao Co/lection, Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun. Arr of Gand/tara200213, T/te Art ol Gandhara, Pati.rtan, Commemotattve eL'ent./br the -fO" annit'etsat-y' of r/te estab/is/tment of dipkmatic re/arions be/n'een Japan and Pati.rran, Tokyo: Tokyo National Museum,A{HK,A{HK Promotions. Tissot, Francine 1985, Gand/täru. Paris: Librairie d'Am6rique et d'Orient, Jean Maisonneuue, Editeur. Tucci, Giuseppe 1958, "Preliminary Report on an archaeological survey in Swat", East and West, NS, vol.9, pp.279-328. Universe 2002, Universe of Mandalas, Buddhist Divinities in Shingon Esoteric Buddhisn, Kyoto: Museum of Toji Temple. Verardi, Giovanni 1994, Homa and Ot/ter Fire Rituals in Gandhara, Supplemento n.79 agli ANNALI, vol. 5412. ---2001, "The Buddha-Elephant", Silk Road Art and Art'ltaeolog,v, vol. 6, 1999/2000 (Paper.r in /tonoar of'Francine Tissor, edited,by Elizabeth Errington and Osmund Bopearachchi), pp.69-74. Waddell, L.A., "The "Dharanl" Cult in Buddhism, Its Origin, deified Literature and Images", Osrasiartsc/te Zeitschrifr, Ihg ll2, 1912, pp. 155-95. Wayman, Alex and Ryujun Tajima 1992, T/te En/ig/ttenntent of Vaitzttona,Delhi:. Motilal Banarsidass. Woodford Schmidt, Carolyn 2000, "Reassembling Long-Separated Buddha Triads and Iconographic Programs", South Asian Arr'/taeo/o,qy 1997, Proceerltngs ol'the .Fot/l'teenth lntet'national Conference of t/te Eutopean Association of Sout/t A,rian Art/taeo/ogists, /te/d in the lstttuto ltahano per l'Afiica e /'Oriente, Pa/a:zo Brantaccto, Rome, 7-,11 Ja/.,- ,1992 eds. Maurizio Taddei and Giuseppe De Marco, Rome: Istituto ltaliano per I'Africa e I'Oriente (Serie Orientale Roma, vol. XC), vol. III, pp. 1l0l- 24. Woodward, Hiram 2004, "Esoteric Buddhism in Southeast Asia in the Light of Recent Scholarship", .Iournal of Soathe.t.il Asia Stildies, vol. 35/2, pp.329-54. Yanagisawa, Taka 1978, "On the 'Ryokai Mandalas', The Oldest Pair of Mandalas at the Kyöo Gokoku-ji in Kyoto", Etos + Cosmo.r tn Manda/a, T/ze Manda/as o.f //te lwo wor/ds at t/te K1öö Gokoku77, photographed by Yasuhiro Ishimoto, n.p. : The Seibu Museum of Art, (unnumbered) pp. 100-107 (from the title page). Yü Chün-Fang 1997, "Ambiguity of AvalokiteSvara and Scriptural Sources for the Cult of Kuan-yin in China", C/tun,g Hwa Buddhist Journal nr 10, pp.409-60. ---, 2001, Kuan-,yln, T/te C/tine,re Ttan.rfot'marion of Avalotire.iyatz, New York: Columbia University Press. Zin, Monika 2003, Deyotiona/e und ornamenta/e Malereten, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag. (Ajanta, Handbuch der Malereien,/Handbook of the Paintings, 2). Zin, Monika and Schlingloff, Dieter [in press], "The Sphere of Existence in the Wheel of Life", South Asian Arc/taeobg1, 2003, Proceedin,qs of t/te Seyenteent/t lnternation.tl Cotfb/'ence of'the European Association of Sout/t Astan Arc/taeo/ogi.rtr, held in Bonn, 7-lL/u/,v 2003. Zwalf, Wladimir 1996, A Caraktgae 1 rl the Gandhara ScuQtture ln the Briti.r/t Maseun, London: The Trustees of the British Museum. A first aspect of this research deals more particularly with the sculpture listed 31 in the appendix, and the comparative material from Eastem India (Bautze-Picron in press-c), a second one concems "The birth of the Buddha: a visual pattem in the iconographies of the 265 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva Tdrä and AvalokiteSvara (Eastern lndia, 10'r' place at Lumbini in October 2004. I - l2'n c.)" and was presentecl at the conference on "The Birth of the Buddha" which took am much grateful to Joachim K. Bautze with whom a number of issues presented here, in particularly concerning the image illustrated on figs zl--5, were discussed; I am also thankful to him fbr having made most photos published here. Particular thanks are due to Sabine Mangold for helping in handling the Japanese sources, to Vinod K. Kanoriir, Calcutta-Patna, and Thomas J. Pritzker, Chicago, as well as to the private collectors who prefered to remain anonymous for opening us the doors of their collections. Thanks are also due to Teresa McCullough and Julian Sherrier, both in London, and Kurita Isao, Tokyo. For their warmly welcome during my stays in Japan, I remain extremely grateful to Tanabe Katsumi and Miyaji Akira as well as to their families. 2 The Bodhisattva's name is Avalokite(vara , not Padmapäni. As a matter of fact, early literary sources known through their Chinese translations, exclusively use the first name or the alternative term "Avalokitasvara" (below, passim). The adjective "Padmapäni" has been regularly used by scholars in order to ref'er to a Bodhisattva holding a lotus or a bunch of lotuses, but without textual reference (see fbr instance: van Lohuizen-De Leeuw 1949, p.136; Chutiwongs 19tt4, p. 35; Mitterwallner 1986. p. 81; Huntington 1989, p. 89 ). Moreover, it has been also surmised that "Padmapdni" and Avalokite6vara were two different characters betbre the first became a hypostasis ofthe latter, but here again without textual references (Mitterwallner 1986, p. 8l: Huntington 1989. p. 89). Be that as it may, it seems that the term was fbrged, as early as the l9'r'c. as an echo to the name "Vajrapani". Albert Grünwedel (1920. pp. 168 and 193 note 86; reference to the English translation in Mallmann 1948, p. 120) already objected the introduction of this "Adjectiv in substantiver Form" by Oldenburg in his earlier pubication of 1895 (references in Crünwedel), stressing that "dieser Name Padmapäni ist ja leider kein eigentlicher Name" - but he then goes on discussing whether one can already recognize Padmapani in Gandhara, thus implying that this name could apply to a particukLr character (p. 169) ! "Padmapäni" has also been considered to designate a yaksa who would eventually fbrm a pair with the yaksa Vajrapäni, "both wellknown yzLksa figures" as Bakker second author uses this term 1,997 , p. 52 writes, refering to Coomaraswamy 1928, p. 30 and Misra 198 1 , pp. 120 and 122 but Coomaraswamy is more caretul in writing that "now, a Yaksa with apadntain hand can only be described adjectivally but he goes on: "can if the for naming two sculptures where a male figure holds a lotus (with no epigraphical or literary ref'erence), as padm.t-pani", it be doubted that the Bodhisattva Padmapani (a form or designation of AvalokiteSvara ), whom we find a little later attendant on the Buddha or as an independent Buddhist deity, is the same historically and iconographically, as the padna-pdni Yaksa of the earlier sculpture ?" The terminology was thus created by Coomaraswamy fbr indicating a figure whom he identifies with a "yaksa", in läct a door-protector (the image to which he refers is in Sanchi), who holds the lotus as attribute, and only subsequently, was this adjective understood by scholars to be a name of a particular character - but, in reality, there is no character being designated such ! In the second as part of his argumentation, Coomaraswamy introduces the name as referring to a particular aspect of AvalokiteSvara, suggesting to identily him with the yaksa which he labelled par/nnpr7nz. thus with a non-existent figure, and the same observation applies to the pseudo-Bodhisattva Padmapani for whom he also does not give precise infonnation. If, as convincingly argued by John Huntington (1989), the Ahichatra sculpture constitutes the very first illustration ofa pattern which is going to be extolled in esoteric texts, such as the Mn/tttvan'o('.Jnasüfia, it does not allow us either to retain the epithet "Padmapani" fbr designating the head ol the Padmakula (as a counterpart to the Vajrapani of the Vajrakula), i.e. the "Quarter ol Avalokite(vara "or "Kannon-in", for the text names the Bodhisattva Avalokite(vara (or rather Avalokitasvara) (Kannon), and not Padmapäni (and I myself made the mistake in my paper on Nasik: Bautze-Picron 2000b, p. 1225). Within this context. it is interesting to note that Japanese scholarship did/does not make the mistake of labelling the Bodhisattva with the lotus as Padmapani, but has correctly preserved the name AvalokiteSvara (as it appears in fact in the Genzu mandala). ThenameisalsoabsentinthelaterBuddhistsourcesstudiedbyB.Bhattacharyya. Thusinhispublicationof l958,p.5l,hedescribes a Padmapanr who is "the Bodhisattva attached to the Padma (lotus) family which is presided over by the Dhyani Buddha Amitäbha ... The Lotus is the symbol of this family and the colour assigned to this family is red. The Bodhisattva Padmapani begets the red colour ..."; Bhattacharyya does not, unfbrtunately, refer to any literary source sustaining his description (in contrary to most other images which he describes). Earlier, Alfied Foucher had also retained the term as "synonyme" to and a full-blown lotus as his symbol Avalokite6vara without further detail (Foucher 1900, p. 103). In her study on the Bodhisattva, Marie-Th6röse de Malh.nann practically admitted to the "forgery" of the term. In the few lines introducing her analysis of the padma as attribute, she writes that "le lotus ... parait si indissolublement li6 ä la personnalitd d'Avalokiteqvara qu'un grand nombre d'auteurs ne d6signent celui-ci que par st'n dpithöte de padmapdni (celui-qui-tient-1e-lotus-rose ä-la-main)." (1948, p. 26'7: see also p. 120). In her most recent publication, likewise reminds us that this terrr'r is a "sumom du Bodhisattva AvalokiteSviua , qui a textes (.5M, NSP, KE - n'apparait jamais comme un nom propre" (Mallmann fini she piu d6signer celui-ci, mais qui - dans nos 1986, p. 288; see also p. 107), but she does not unfortunately give any reference where the term would have been used as "sumame" (and the title to this entry is put within brackets probably lbr underlining the absence of the term in her sources). s.R.A.A., X (2004) 266 Thus, although the name is currently used in scholarly literature, and seems to be of common knowledge, the term Padmapäni does not find its origin in epigraphical or literary souces, but rather appears to have been first introduced by scholars for designating a male standing figure acting as door-guardian holding a lotus. This epithet could, as soon as introduced in the Western scholarly vocabulary, be also applied to the standing Bodhisattva fiom Gandhara having the padma as attribute (so it seems in the sources quoted above in the first paragraph), but there was never a Bodhisattva named Padmapani, the character referred to is from the very beginning Avalokite5vara or, to be more precise, Avalokitasvara; at the best, the term can be an epithet. 3 The reasons clearly relate to major lacunae in these fields of research. Stylistic studies seem simply to be disregarded iconography is considered to be of more value. Why ? I would whereas suggest that to bear considerations on style means to approach the art object as it is, to look at it as an item of reality, of history. In contrary to this 'lnaterialistic" approach, which implies the capacity of not merily seeing but looking at the object, the iconographical approach, whrch basically does not go beyond the mere identitlcation of image by naming it, heavily relies on textual knowledge. Iconography has opened the door to a more iconological approach, which the has, however, only but rarely taken into consideration the historical and archaeological context of the object under consideration. 4 Leese 1988 relates the representation of the Bodhisattva, whom she identifies with Maitreya, protecting against the eight major dangersinWestemlndiatothepoliticaluncertaintiesintheregioninlhecourseof the6"'c.(1988,pp. 112-5): Bautze-Picronfin pressbl relates some particular images fbund in the vicinity of Gaya (north of the town in fact) to the fact that the town was/is the place for the Sräddha. Also a specific six-handed image found in large number at Kurkihar shows the Bodhisattva as rescuer ofthe dead (Leoshko 1985), a lunction enhanced due to the proximity of the site with Gaya. In a recently published article (2004), Hiram Woodward offers a very stimulating way of looking at iconographic developments; he relates Buddhist images lrom Southeast Asia to the intemational context of the period (grosso modo 7'h-1 1'h c.), considering the numerous shifts which took place between areas or between various types ofmaterials (images, architecture, texts), and asking how to relate specific Buddhist trends to the contemporary political situation. 5 We may refer to Marie-Th6röse de Mallmann's book, published in l9zl8, which has been a genuine pioneer work, and still constitutes the basic study on the Bodhisattva. On the whole, it helps to clarify the various types ofmaterials, i.e. the literary sources, the opinions conceming the name of the Bodhisattva, the sculptures and their distribution in time and space. The authoress also cletrly distinguished the various situations in which the Bodhisattva was represented, at least in the caves of Maharashtra. Based on the general known development of Indian art history, her general chronology remains broadly valid, but this work, however, reflects a fundamentally a- offact, texts are not cleiuly put in relation with contemporary images; and images are considered, freed fiom their geographic and historical context, which evidently constitutes a hindrance to an understanding ofthe iconography in relation to its religious and cultural background. On the whole, Mallmann's approach, which cannot be neglected since it allows to "name" images and which has been followed upto now by most Indian scholars (8. Bhattacharyya, D. Mitra, Mallar Mitra-Ghosh, G. Bhattacharya), considers the images as mere illustrations to literary sources. But it does not allow a detailed study of the object in relation to other simil:u ones, or in relation to its background. It allows to built a catalogue of information, which can be utmost precious historical approach. As a matter (as her book published in 1975 shows), but it never considers the historical meaning of the art object, and Marie-Th6röse de Mallmann herself was most probably well aware of it, since she labels it as "[un] "vieil enfänt" largement ddpass6" in a complementary copy dated 1967. 6 We can wonder of course why scholars carefully avoided to look at the body of the gods; it can be because it forces the look back at oneself, hidden behind layers of clothes, it may be because ol the weight ol Christian thought and its prudery (and till recently, a large part of the scholarship concerning South Asia originated in the Westem World or got impregnated by Western traditions), it may also be because, as cleverly suggested by Vishakha Desai (1997), scholarship has been dominated till a recent period by male scholars who focused more their attention on the representation of the female body in Indian afi than on the body of male deities, it being a reflect of their own bodies. 7 See below note 37 conceming the opposition lef't/right. We already touched on the topic of left and right sides, and upper and lower parts within the composition of the image in Eastem lndia in two earlier papers (1986, 1992). 8 In her publication of 1986, Gritli von Mitterwallner considered the origin of the image e:Lrly images with those found in the excavated sites of Maharashtra scholars mentioned in note -5, ( 1986, pp. 1 I at Mathura trnd the relationship between these 5-43); her approach differs completely from the one of being based on a factual observation of the images, analysing lrom a stylistic and iconographic point of view, considering the eventual inscriptions, which allows her to propose a more precise consideration of the development. We should Miyaji Akira (1985a) conceming the identification of the Bodhisattvas Maitreya and Avalokite6vara on eithersideoftheBuddha; inthoseimages,Avalokite6vara usuallyholdsawreath.Concerningthe"pensive"Bodhisattva,seelollowing also mention the afticle by note. A general study of AvalokiteSvara in this large area during the Kusäna and Gupta periods is unfortunately Unfortunately also, the chronology of Gandharan art is still a matter still missing. of debate and remains approximative; most authors tend to date the production during the Kusana period, but a number of iconographic/stylistic elements show similarities with the Buddhist art of Samath and Maharashtra in the 5"'c. (see the study of the "Brussels (now Miho Museum) Buddha" by Mitterwallner 1987). As summarized by The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 261 Lerner(i986,p. 13),theidentificationof aBodhisattvawithAvalokite(vara cannotsolelybebasedonthepresenceof thelotus,which is held by a number of still unidentified Bodhisattvas in Gandhära (see below note 56 for references to a Bodhisattva with lotus or bunch of lotuses in the lef't hand, but wearing the top-knot hairstyle). 9 Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 142-3 concerning the origin of the pensive Bodhisttva; she attributes the Kronos image to the reign of ff (p. 128), i.e. towards the middle of the 3''' c. (p. 32); Lerner 19U4, pp. 30 & 32, and rhe same in 1986, p. l,l, assigns it to the (end of the) 2"r c. and the Gandhara images of this type to the 3'd c.; Czurna/Moris 1985, p. 77 dare the image rowards the late 2,,d, Kaniska beginning of the 3''' c. The Indian origin is fävoured by Mitterwallner and by Lemer, against the wide-spread opinion that the origin of this position of the right hand would lie in Western culture (Soper quoted by Lemer 198.1, p. 32; Taddei quoted by euagliotti: see below note 27) or even in Gandhara (Pal and Lemer quoted by Lerner 1984). M. Lemer's opinion is, however, not definitive since, taking into cot.tsideration the influence from the Northwest, such as the sandals, he relates the Kronos to a still unknown Gandhära prototype (1984, pp. 32 & 35). lt is indeed related to other similar, but not identical, positions, such as the one presented by Mara when defeated (below). On the whole, it appears as part of the body language in India without that one necessarily has to ref'er to a prototype in the Hellenistic or Roman cultural world. As to the image holding the red lotus, it might have been also a creation of the Mathura monasteries/ateliers as suggested by Mitterwallner; as a matter of fact, it is encountered as part of a triad, alternating with the Bodhisattva holding the wreath, which is a genuine Gandhäran invention, or in later images ofthe Bodhisattva depicted on his own (see below lbr those examples). l0 Concerning the identification of the Bodhisattva with wreath or lotus, see Miyaji 1985a, pp. 7-9, and more recently Woodfbrd Schmidt 2(X10. pp. | 105 and passirn. I Fragments from friezes: Freschi 2000, p. 47; Kurita 2003, II, figs 137, 1,17; Sotheby's New York 1988, lot 5; Sotheby's New york lot 38 shows the Bodhisattva surrounded by two attendants, he holds a padma in the right hand whereas other flowers adom his head-dress. A study ofthis type has been published in Japanese by Miya.ji Akira (1985b), and I must trpologize for not having been able I 1997, to have access to it. Some of the observations made here might thus have already been done twenty years ago and, hence, be obsolete, l2 See also Sotheby's New York 1992b, lot 61, illustrating a "young" Bodhisattva whose hair is visible, but who sits on a wicker stool. with legs in the position of the pensive Bodhisattva, and with the left foot on a lotus; his left hand would present a lotus flower according to the accompanying description - which does not appear evident (it rather seems to be a round object, which might ofcourse be a lotus bud). l3JungheeLee(l993,fig.8and p.315)suggestedthattheoriginof thistypeolimagewaslocaredatMathura; G.vonMitterwallner "it is not possible to ascertain whether this image type was flrst invented in Gandhära or in Mathura" (1986, p. 130), and earlier, in his presentation of the Kronos image, Martin Lemer seemed to suggest that the origin shoulcl be placed in reached the conclusion that Mathura (Lemer 198.1, p. 35, also quored by Mitterwallner 1986, p. 121 note 268). of the Bodhisattva for instance. Although all authors to have considereci the question agree that the it is evident that this plesence lets surmise that, as Lerner already formulated it (1984, pp. 32 & 35), one might expect to discover earlier images from Gandhara on which the Mathura sculptures would be based. 14 Such as the sandals af rhe feet Mathura images predate the Gandhara representations, However, as seen elsewhere in this paper, the presence of the sandals might help to indicate that the Bodhisattva is a deity who moves between different worlds. 15 And as such, this posture will emigrate towards Central Asia and China, whereas in the Subcontinent, both legs will be put si<ie by side (on this aspect, see Bourda 1959). The Gandhara images of the Buddha sitting in the "European manner" probably belong to the second half of the 5", c. (Kurita 2003, II, figs 247-50). 16 And, not as cult image, but as part of a frieze, or of a larger structure: Kurita 2003, object in the lell hand): Freschi 2000, p. .17 (with lotus); Sotheby's New York 1988, lot II, figs 137 (with a lotus), 147 (with a round -5 (with flower); Zwalf 1996, cat. 115 (and vol. I, p. 129). An extremely elegant rendering of the body is seen in a recently published tenacotta image from Afghanistan (Kurita 2003, II, fig. 886; here app. 1.29): the torso is frontally depicted, and is also perf'ectly verlical (as it used to be at Mathura). The head rurns down ol the image (and not the right one as usual), the right arm forms a 90. degrees angle with the right left whereas the left lower arm and right lower leg fonn a continuous line. The frontality of the image points to the fact that it was a cult towards the lower right corner figure even though it was perhaps part of a larger iconographic program. Four characters, human and divine, are distributed aroun6 the Bodhisattva whom they venerate, in a pattern commonly met with in India, i.e. the female figures are at the left of the central inage, the male ones at his right. 17 On these various aspects, consult Quagliotti 19f19 and 1996a. 18 Quagliotti 1990. As Quagliotti observes (p. 102), the figure whcm she identifies with MafrjuSri holds the manuscript and has the hair tied in several locks. which is a major feature ol the Bodhisattva upto the late period: his hair is visible, in contrary, in this early period (but no more after it) to AvalokiteSvara who wears a turban hiding his hair. In such groups, a Bodhisattva in a "pensive" attitude and s.R.A.A., X (2004) 268 A.M. Quagliotti (figs 6-7); taking wearing a rurban can also be depicted holding the manucript, as seen in the examples published by which has been suggested for its date AD 400, into consideration the fact that the KdrandaLrühasatro has its roots in the region before seems, however' to be known' this form of writing (see here note 73), this Bodhisattva could be Avalokitesvara . No devotional image attending to the Buddha: compositions, similar The pensive Avalokitesvara with lotus appears also, but rarely properly identifiable, in is AvalokiteSvara ' the whereas one illustrated; pl. XI.l (and in this image, two Bodhisattvas of the pensive type are 1)Miyaji 1gg5a, 1990' p. 105 with further second one holds the manuscript and has his hair visible, which might imply that he is Mafrju6ri [Quagliotti illustration of lhe toruna ?] of the early not so references] - which would constitute a very early example [but maybe is this sculpture and prajia on rhe proper left (female) and right (male) side of the Buddha); 2) Salomon/Schopen 2002' fig. 1, with all previous authors. references p.3, and an impoftant correction of the wrong reading ol the inscription made by previous is encountered, i.e "(1) scenes liom position this l9 Miyaji 1992,p.1.5 (English summary) clearly recognizes the four situations where on the whole, we reach the same (4) images": standing free the life of the Buddha, (2) the Great Miracles, (3) the Buddhist Triad and see Mitterwallner 1986' pp' identification' the types, three (2 to 4) of rhem concerning more parricularly the Bodhisattva. Conceming legs (e'g. Quagliotti 1990, with ankle-crossed "European" sitting, way of 120-130. The gesture of the hand can be also combined ro the fig.7[=561h"6r'sLondon 1979,1or174; Sotheby'sNewYork1995, lot3l;Christie'sNewYork2003b, lot10]). Aclearpictureofthe iconographicdistributionofthepositionofthebodyandgesture,waspresentedbyJungheeLee1993,pp 3l1-5' Stcecial Et/tibition 20 von Schroeder 2001, pp.42-45, pls 7-8 ("Greater Swat Region",7'n-8'n c.), respectively two- and eight-armed; 1.987, cat.48; McCullough Summer 2001, cat. 08, and November 2001, cat 6' group which he fbund and published to date 21 Tucci 195g, figs 4, 10, 13, 18,1g,22 and pp. 304, 308,322 and,324 who considers the them not to be later than the 7'n c'' and who considers berween the 7'h and the 10,', centuries. Dani 1968-69b, pls 101, 102b, 103-104, (pls 104 and Tucci 1958, fig 23, but with 103a, images dates them in fact in rhe 6'h and 7,, c. (pp. 25I,253,254). Apart from five left hand [Tucci 1958, p. 312, recognizes here a vajra, hence his suggested identification with Vajrapani, seat (?), all other seven which is contradicted by Dani 1968-69b, p. 2531), showing the right hand displaying the varadamudrä or on the figs 189-190. 1992' Miyaji also See published and detailed by Dani belong to the type under consideration. undistinct attribute held 1n the examples p. 38 and her notes 134-6; Miyaji 1992, figs 191-3; von Schroeder 2001, pp' pl. 48A, and l'72-3, pls 50A and 50 B 1g2-3, p1s 53A, B-C (Kashmir, 10'n-l l,n c.). And beyond Kashmir : von Schroeder 2001, pp. 168, the Bodhisattva is two- or srxvon Schroeder, by U. published (..Kashmir Schools in Westem Tibet", c. ll'n c.). In these examples gesture of touching the right cheek A the presewed has hands armed; here like in those from "Greater Swat" region, one of the right of the pensive type, ol Bodhisattva image 80) 1991, cat. elegant and early (5,h-6'n c. accor<ling to Lemer,{(ossak 22pal l9:5,cats 45-46, 94; Harle 1979; Chutiwongs 19821, particularly Kashmiri jewel and string of beads but carries no attribute' apparentiy belonged to a large composition; he has preserved the cockade with Hsu 2002, and for the transmission of the model Hsiang-Ling 23 Junghee Lee i993. For a more recent study of this type in China, see are published in Specia/ Et/tibirion 1981 ' and Japanese, Korean from Korea to Japan, see Shuya 2003. Numerous 7^ and 8"' c. examples, cats 35-47.50. and in Hiromitsu et alii 2003 (cats 17, 20,33'39,52). is introduced during the 24 And we should not contuse this form with the image of the Nyoirin Kannon, i.e. Cintämanicakra, which to the Cintdmanicakra related texts translated who monks and in the 9,h c. in Japan as seen be1ow. The T,ang period in China, Asia (Khotan), or had been student Lokesvara, originated from various regions of the Asian world, from lndia (Kashmir), fiom Central p. 40. In the present stage ot 1967-68' P. Pal by mentioned in Bihar (Magadha) like Vajrabodhi who ha<l been ordained at Nalanda, as possibly took place in the this Maitreya: with was identified research. it is difficult to determine where the "pensive" Bodhisattva from Swat valley: Christie's pensive Maitreya the showing Northwest but clear evidence for it is missing (however, see a bronze Amsterdam 2003, lot 614). 25 Mallmann 198b. PP.9-10. in the examples mentioned in 26 But clearly an evolution can be followed at a pure visual level: the right hand touching the face (von Schroeder 2001, pls' examples in later anymore face the previous notes (20 and 22) preserves the same position but does not touch 54 and 55 where the distance between the hand the face is even larger)' attitude, is shown by "those who 27 euagliotti 1989, pp. 344-50; she mentions, p. 338, the opinion ofM. Taddei according to whom this are faced with a major decrsion", and, concerning the Westem origin of this iconographic structure, see also Junghee Lee 1993, p 312; similarities with the Westem tradition are also discussed by Quagliotti pp. 357-8 and 340-43 respectively' related to our transitory state and 2g Again Quagliotti 1ggg, pp. 362-3: this is also the attitude of people deeply sunken into sad thoughts death (the monks at the deathbed of the Buddha for instance)' world of the dead and the world of 29 The best example is the limping god, who, when he is Yama, stands at the treshold between the that the seated Bodhisattva at notice we should Here, note 6). (Bautze-Picron 2001b, the living, between which he pelmanently moves but a unique leature as far the North-West, from images the Mathura wears sandals, a feature which is not surprising when considering ,.Indian', images of the period are concemed. Again here, in a different context, at a different period and in a completely different as The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 269 system of religious thought, we notice thus that the f'eet of the figure are enhanced through this element which differentiates him from any other Bodhisattva,rBuddha or tiorn any other form of himself in the school of Mathura; in a Hindu context, most gods of the Sun family' such as his sons Yamr anrl Sani, hrve "problems" relating to their f'eet - in particularly Surya himself, who wears boots in order to dissimulate his divine nature (Bautze-Picron in press-b, note zl). I and p. I for further references. For a recent publication of this srele, see The Arr ofGont/hara 21o2l3, cat. 14, I' fig. 395. Detailed photos of the two Bodhisattva under scrutiny are publrshed by Miyaji 1992, figs lg0.a-b. The pair 30 Quagliotti 1996b' fig. or Kurita 2003' of "pensive" Bodhisattvas occul's on another similar irnage, see Kurita 2003, I, fig. 396; one single "pensive,'Bodhisattva is seen at the lefi of the Buddha in certain examples, fbrming a pair with another one who also sits in an asymmetrical manner but listens to the Buddha (ibid., figs 399, 101,102 [the pensive Bocihisattva is on the right part of the photo, nor visible herc. see Lerner l9[,i6. fig. 3 or Buddha l998,cat. 1201 -ibid.,fig.397t=Bhattacharyya2o02,cat.340lshowsaBodhisartva wirhcrossedanklesinthelettniche. . euagliotti uses ,,tbr convenience,' the Sanksrit term "mahakarrunika" (1989, p.338), howevcr since this term means "Great Compassionate", ancl expressrvely refers to AvalokiteSvara I would prefer not to retain it for identifying images of the future Buddha or of Mära. The Sanskrit term is also used by ' Chutiwongs 1984 (pp. -50-51,441, passim), Paul 2001, who also nane the Bodhisattva as berng "pensive" and inrroduce rhe term 3 1 Conceming the term as applied to this particular way of sitting, see Saunders 1960, pp. 130- 13 I "karunäghanamürti" fbr designating the images where the Bodhisattva reclines his head on a left hancl (pp. 359). Mitterwallner 19g6 (pp. 121' 128...) mentions the "pensive mood". the "pensive thoughtful pose"; we quore her (pp. 121 2): "The impression which this seated Avalokite(vara image creartes is that thoughtful pose is no surprise if of a personage absorbed in thoughts, of how to help those who are in distress. His pensive it is this Bodhisattva who is known in Buddhism as an embocliment of one recalls to rnind that compassion (karunä)." M. Lerner (1985, pp. 3Osqr), St. Czuma And more recently, Nandana Chutiwongs (1994, p.98) & R. Morris sees that the (19u-5, p. 77) use the expression "me6itating Bodhisalva',. "inclined head, [is] either in a pensive or a sorrowful gesture, both of which reflect his deep concem in the well-being and sufiering of the universe." Miyaji 1992, p. l6 (English summiuy) otlers a wider perspective in his understanding of the image: "the contemplating irnage is a figure suffering in the secular world, in a state ol distress feeling curious' and being anxious tbr the Enlightenment of the Buddha, and by being so, leaving the secular world sacred world of moksa and wishing fbr mercy for mankind.', ancl alming at the 32 Above note 10. 33 And this opened the way to similar compositions in China, such as the "Maitreya tnacls" illustrated by Lee 1993, figs 24 and p. 340) where two such synmetrically illustrated Bodhisattvas sit on either side of the cross-ankled seated Maitreya (also 26 (and seen on the Mohamt.ned Narr stele, also' like the Bodhisattvas of the upper row, each of them in a shrine). If the Bodhisattvas hold the wreath and the lotus, and both wear a turban, they rright be both itlentillecl with AvalokiteSvara; a similar pair, but carved side by side and holcling precisely the lotus and the wreath, is seen in a sculpture in the Hirayama collection (Ifuo f/ira.yanru 19g9, cat. 24). 34 Concerning the rigourous composition of the icon in Indiau art, see Bautze-picron 2000c. 35Thesix-syllablefbnnule tntnrtntpadntehümissaidtobethe"supreme(orinner)heart"orparalrahrdayaoltheBodhisattvainthe Kd /'d n do t'r,a h.rs rin a (Studholme 2002, pp. 6j . l 06, l Otj, 40). 36Mallmannl986.pp.9-10. Thisterminologyisbasicallydrawnfiornthecollectionofsädhanasorsadhanamtj/a. 37 The study ol Buddhist images brings into limelight the existence of a structure where pafiicular functions relate to specific parts of the divine body, i.e. lett and right; the leli part is f'eminine. refers to the hidden nature of the god, the right part is masculine, an6 refers to the activities of the deity. A similar dichotomy is noticed in the placing of specilic iconographic sub jects in the caves ol Maharashtra 1 as seen below' and constitutes a major fäctor in the structure of the irnage, as we shall have the opportunity to notice along this paper, this would deserve a proper study. Concerning the topic, see Hertz 1909 and McManus 2002 (thanks to Serinity young for those two precious ref'erences !). 3li Studholme 2002, pp 54; Reis Habito 1993, pp. 26-27. reminding thar Xuanzang referred to Kumärajrva (344-413) according to whom the Bodhisattva was named both ways. See also Beal n.d. , p. 127 and note 2g. 39 Studholme 2002' pp -52-53. This later version is usually datecl "as much as a thousand years" later than the earlier prose version (ibid.' p. I l). which is dated by Studhohne (ibid., p. 17) "around the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century." M.-'Ih. de Mallmann l9'18,pp.59-82.discussesinlengththevarioushypothesrsproposedasexplanationforthisname. 40 Tucci 195t3' p. 324 also quoted by Dani (1968-69b, p. 252). The words of Tucci ("one is inclined ro see in this sryle the intluence, even if remote' of the aethetic ideals which developed in India during rhe Gupta period..."), although applying to images of the postGupta period, can, however, be remembered when considering the seated Bodhisattvas fiom Swat in app. 1.26 ancl 2g, or the one ol uncertain origin of app. 1.24: the strict position ol the body (with no atrribure, but the left fist on the hip), the bare feer, and the petals covering the central part of the nimbus remind of the image of the Bodhisattva at Mathura in the Kusäna period and of the nimbus in the same area in the Cupta period s.R.A.A., X (2004) 210 41 And the Far East, clearly the Gupta idiom of Mathura spread towards China, Korea and Japan, as can be seen from the composition of the nimbus in those countries in the 6'n to 7'h c., or even 8"'c. (lotus spread in the inner field of the nimbus; vine-scroll, eventually arising of the open mouth of a makara; row of pearls), or from the wet rendering of the folded monastic dress on Buddha images (Hiromitsu et alii 2003, p.71); for images liom China-Korea-Japan, 75, 81, 89-90, 93, cats 24,28 in the same volume, see Hiromitsu et alii 2003, pp.29,35,38-39,41, 48-49,59,72,71- of the Indian vine-scroll given by Kang Woo-bang, see the interpretation as reflecting the energy of life (pp. 112-3). Similarly, the inverted row(s) of lotus petals carved below some images remind of the use, systematic from the 5'n c. and onwards, of the lotus flower below images of deities in India (and should not be confused with the imposing lotus on which Amitabha or the historical Buddha sits, as seen on Gandhara carvings); see ibidem, pp.28,34-39,48,51, 57- 60,62,73,75, erc. 42 But as recalled by Studholme, p. 53, it appears in early Sanskrit fiagments of the Soddhdrm.rpandarika.ranafrom the end of the 5'n c. discovered in eastem Turkestan. Concerning the etymology ofAvalokiteSvara, see Mallmann 1948, pp. 59-82 where she discusses, pp. 63-65 the name "Avalokitasvara" (which is summarized by Reis-Habito 1993, pp. 65-68), quoting the trijmslations suggested by V.N.-D. Mironov: "contemplating sounds (hearing prayers)" (Avalokitasvara) and "one who contemplates the sounds of the world or hearer of the prayers of the world" (*Avalokita-loka-svara). The evidence conceming both names is also discussed by Lokesh Chandra 1988, pp. 1 8-23 (the text pp. 22-23 is quoted by Reis-Habito 1993, pp. 66-67 ). I, pp. 37 -43 concerning the Chinese names of the Bodhisattva. 44 Again Studholme 2002, pp.53 & 51 ("perceiver... of the sounds... of the world"); Y,1997, p. 410. Yü 2001, p. 37 restitutes 43 2002, p. 55; see Yü 1997, pp. 413-22 and Yü 200 a Chinese variant "Kuang-shih-yin", appearing in a translation of the Sadd/tarmaT:tundartla,ratra of the year 286, in "AbhalokaSvara" (?) it of the World", but see Studholme 2002, p. 53, after Chandra 1988, p. 22 who translates this voice". See note 42 for the translation suggested by Mironov. Earlier, Murase 1971, pp. 40-41, had suggested that "Kuan-yin, whose full name in Chinese is Kuan-shih-yin, was called by that name because the mere invocation of his name leads to salvation. Kuan-shih-yin will instantly heed (kuan) the sound olhis voice (yin) all over the universe (shih), ..." 45 Studholme 2002, pp.55-56; Robert 1998, pp. 33 sqr also translates the name of the Bodhisattva as "Considdrant les Voix du and translates as "Sound-Illuminator name as "Light on the world's Monde"; Murase 1971, pp.40-41. 46 Yü 2001, p. 38. 4',7 rbid. 48 Mitterwallner 1986, pls 54-55, and pp. I l6-20 for further fragments of various natures; for the large bust in the Pritzker collection here seen on fig. 3, see also Specia/ Er/tibtrion 1987, cat. 10 pp. 15-16. Within Gandhara, the light is illustrated through the presence of the Sun-god or of a figure presenting features borrowed from the iconography of Sürya, and dress of a figure identified with the future Buddha by A.M. Quagliotti (2000); see it appears as a motif adoming the head- Filigenzi 2000, pp. 1070-75 conceming the god in the Swat vailey. And at Mathura, the motif of the eagles can also be carved on either side of Indra's tiara (Zin 2003, p. 304 figs 6 and 7 with further references in notes 54 and 55 p. 300). 49 Which was already observed by Lemer 1985, p. 30: indeed, the face is the lion face (with ears and mane on the breast) but the muzzle is shaped as a beak (see also M. Zin 2003, p. 300 who mentions further examples of this ornamentation). 50 This question has been dealt with by M.-Th. de Mallmann (1948, pp. 77-82). 5l As quoted in Mallmann 1948, pp. 21-22, or in the new translation by Gomez (1996, p. 97): "Furthermore, Ananda, the disciples in this buddha-field have a halo of light one fathom wide, the bodhisattvas have a halo of light a hundred thousand million leagues wide except for two bodhisattvas [i.e. AvalokiteSvara and Sthamaprapta], whose halos of light cgnstantly fill the whole world system with etemal splendor." 52 More generally known as Aminyurd/tyanasütra, translatecl in 424, see Mallmann 1948, pp. 22sqr: "Perceive that an image of Bodhisattva Avalokite6vara is sitting on the left hand flowery-throne, shooting forth golden rays exactly like those of Buddha. . . When of Buddha and the Bodhisattvas will all send forth brilliant rays. .." (pp. 22-23), "within circle of light emanating from his whole body, . . ." (p. 23). See also Reis-Habito 1993, pp. 41-42. these perceptions are gained, the images the 53 See the description in Mallmann 1948,pp.24-25. 54 Studholme 2002, p.44; for the passage extolling how gods arise out of his body, see be1ow. It is not the place here to discuss the symbolism of the shape taken by omaments wom by the Bodhisattva at Mathura, but it will be enough to remind the presence of the makaras at the broad necklace (water), of the eagles already mentioned, of the lions, in the head-dress (sun, light, fire...), of Visnu on fire...) at the amlets (Mallmann 1948, pp. 221-53, passim since the omaments are considered independantly from the period where they appear). For the passage in the Sadd/tarmapandarikasüh'd, see Mallmann 1948, pp. 31-32 (her own translation Garuda (sun, light, from the Sanskrit); Strickmann 1996, p. 139 (Bumouf's translation of the Sanskrit original text); Robert 1997, pp. 366-7 (French transl. of Kumärajiva's Chinese translation). 55 Mallmann 1948, p. 23, reproducing the English translation of the Chinese version made in 424. Robert 1997, pp.366-7 (French The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 211 transl. of Kum-irajiva's Chinese translation). See also Reis-Habito 1993, p. 41. Lnages of a seated Bodhisattva, berng fragments of a larger composition' are known where tiny standing figures are shown as if iradiating from him, this has been considered by M. Taddei as the illustration of a rather widely spread notion of a Bodhisattva's universal nature allowing him to appear uncler various fbrms - a power which is not exclusively attributed to Avalokitesvara , see Taddei 1987/2003; a further example with six Hindu deities, including Skanda.ispublishedbyBhattacharyya 2002.pl.60g.Asamatteroffact.therinyimageseitherfbrmaserofBuddhasoraserofHindu cleities, as shown by Taddei. fig. 13 is also reproduced by Kurita 2003, II, fig.9. Anct thepadno is not the exclusive flower of Avalokite(vara. Images of still unidentified Bodhisattvas are observed in Gantlhara, presenting the flower but wearing their hair tied on the top of the head (like 56 Our Maitreya), sce Hi'a.r'ttmu2004. cat. 75; Christie's Lonclon 1971, lot 160: Christie's New York 2004, lot l0; Sotheby's New york 19gg. lot 27. Similar enigmatic iconographic f'eatures are still encountered in the 6"' c. caves of Maharashtra. We may surmise that a number of shadowy Bodhisattvas are assigned to the periphery around a central core ofmajor Bodhisattvas whose iconography was approximately well settled. When considering the last phase of Buddhism in lndia, the "Vajrayäna phase", we notice indeed that around a few main characters often depicted, a very large number of images can be noticed, which are rarely represented, and very clearly a similar situation must have already prevailed in the first centuries of our era even if no literary source allows to name the images. Conceming the wreath and the red lotus in Gandhära. I would suggest that the wreath is the original attribute of the Bodhisattva in the region, where it ls, in particularly, reproduced in the depiction of tl.re triad (Buddha plus two Bodhisattvas), as seen on the sculptures illustrared by A. Miyaji (1985a); this garland might be, ih thrs particular context also, an object of veneration whrch is presenred to the Buddha by Avalokitesvara . The lotus has a genuine Indian origin. and its introduction in the literary vocabulary and in the art of Gandhara. reflects the increasing impact of north Indian ateliers and monasteries in the development of Buddhism, and this culminated in the 4'h and 5'r' c. with a strong stylistic (and probably iconographic) influence originating from Mathura and spreading towards Alghanistan, Central Asia and China. 57 Very clearly also, AvalokiteSvara belongs to the Indian solar deitres. The padma is a sign ol this affiliation: indication of the light in lily presented by Vajrapäni or Maäjusri, and a flower related to the night. 58 Studholme 20o2, pp. 1 12-6, liom whom we summarize the following information. In 414-26, a sütra entitled rhe ,,Sürra the daytime, as opposed to the utpala, the blue water of the compassionate Lotus" or Karundpund.ilikosardwas translated into Chinese (yü 2001, p. 36). 59 Cor.rcerning the date of the Sutha-varn'.,-ühasrtro, see G6mez 1996, pp. xii, 125-6; the Chinese versions are dated between the Z"d and the 7'r' c. As to the Karundatra/tasultz, it has been recently dated around 400 by Studholme (2002, p. I1). 60 See also Kurita 2003, II, fig. 1,11 ancl Christie's London 1987, lot 376 where the Boclhisattva sirs on a lotus flower. or Salomon/Schopen 2002, 6l fig. I wirh rhe lef't foot on rhe t'lower. p. 106 and pl.IX; Okasaki 1977,pts 80-87 & pp. 108-110; Rhie 1980, car.t6 & pp.27-28. And, as remembered by Okasaki (L971,p.114), a forged Chinese sütra eulogizing the twenty-five Bodhisattvas who accompanv Minamoto/Linossier 1932, Amitebha/Amida, prays that "The lotus throne of the Bodhisattva Kannon bears all of us up to paradise,,. II, ligs 135, 136 i= 7ry"11 1996, cat. :'8), l5j; Bhartacharyya 2002, car.293; Christie,s London 1987. lot 376: Christie's New York 2003b, lot l5; Sotheby's London 1987, lot 252 (flower hanging below the hands). Kurita 2003, II, figs 161-2 62 Kurita 2003, (flowerinfrontofthebreast);Tissotlgtt5,pl.XXIV-10; Russek 1987,cats60,82; Zwalf 1996,catsl'I-lg;sotheby's2000, lot115 shows maybc Avalokitesvara rneditating below a tree and seated on a wicker seat. A third way of showing the Bodhisattva is rarely encountered, both legs put side by side in front of the seat (and probably not befbre the 4,h or 5,1'c.), in one such example AvalokiteSvara holdsalargelotusarrheheightofhisleftshoulder(christie'sLondon,1974,\ot152). 63 Kurita 2003, II, fig. 161. A particular and beautiful clepiction of the meditating Bodhisatrva is reproduced by Kurira 2003, II, fig. 123: bunches oflotus flowers spread on either side, all arising out from the central lotus on which the Bodhisattva sits. 64 Mallmann 1948. pp 180-181and 191-200, ref'erring to two forms described in sad/zanos and respecrively named Rakta-Loke6vara and Vajradharma-LokeSvara' which she suggests to recognize in her pls XIVa and XVI. A superb example from Ratnagiri is reproduced byMiyaji200l,fig. lT.onthewhole,thisimageremainsveryrareinvisualiconography,whichsuggeststhatitreflectsstrongesoteric concepts'anhypothesiswhich itspresenceintheJapanesedepictions ofthe/V.thak(irundgarb/tamanda/asustains. 65 Snodgrass l98li, pp. 293-4. This is the lotus hidden within the heart ofeach being (ibict., p. 294lTajina 1959,p.282). 66 Or rows of pearls spouring out of the central parr of rhe rosette: Ingholt/Lyons 1957, pl. 324 (= 11u.11o 2003, II, pl. 150); Kurita 2003, II, pl. 139. Miyaji 1985a, pls I.2, II-III, IV.2-V.1, VI.2-Vil.1, VIII.1,IX.l, XI-XIII; Miyaji 1992, fig. 1ti3; Sotheby,s London 1987, lot 238. In some cases. thejewel is srnall and rounder. eventually announcing the shape noticed in later times in Eastem India (pls VIII.1, XI.1). 67 68Tissotl985,plsXXIX-XXX. HelenChapin(1932,p.36)mentions,afteraJapaneseBuddhistdictionary,that"rhefleshandheartof Garuda, the Golden-winged Bird King, are said to be macle of this jewel," i.e. the cintämani, an omament which we recognize in the s.R.A.A., X (2004) 272 head-dress of images of Avalokite5vara in Gandhara. The motif of the eagle and female snake is commonly met with in Gandhära, (Fig.13) covering a number of opposite but complementary concepts, i.e. fire/water, sky/earth, sun/moon, male/female, contributing to express the idea that the depicted deity constitutes the utmost unity behind any polarization (and it might also be that this constitutes the first step towards the recognition at the visual level of this polarization, which will find its issue in the androgynous image of Buddha and Bodhisattvas at Sarnath in the 5'h the c.). 69 As already mentioned by Russek 1987, p. 59. 70 App. 4; Spec'ial Ethibirion 1987, cat. 10, Mitterwallner 1986, pl. 54; Gröpper/Yaldiz 2003, fig. i p. 32. The jewel can eventually be replaced by the Amimbha image: app.1; Mitterwallner 1986, pl. 55 (= Mallmann 1948, pl. II.b); Mallmann 1948, pl. II.a (= 56at-u 199s, fig. 147). 71 Studholme 2002, p. 130. 72 Studholme 2002, p. 130. 73 Studholme 2002, pp. 14-17 . si.ts below a tree on the following images: Tanabe 2000, cat.100; Kurita 2003, II, figs 150 (also illustrated in lngholt/Lyons 1957, pl. 324),886 (perhaps also figs 121, 134, 178 but these 74 Studholme 2002, p. 124, and see below (Eastern India). Avalokite3vara sculptures might eventually illustrate the first meditation of the future Buddha). 75 Studholme 2002,p.10, also quoted by Y,2000, p. 70. 76 Studholme 2002, p. lO. 77 Yü 1997 , p. 432. 78 For a detailed analysis of images ol the Bodhisattva at Ajanta, more particularly those of the "saviour", and their relation to Mathura, consult Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 132-43. 79 Bautze-Picron 1989a on the topic. 80 In cave 90 at Kanheri. M.-Th. de Mallmann 1948, p. 137 note 9, had wrongly supposed the presence of ten scenes at Ellora 3/4 and Ajanta 26. 81 Mallmann 1948, pp. 29-30; Kem 1963, pp. 413-5 (from the Sanskrit, 24"'chapter), Robert 1998, pp. 363-4 (from the Chinese, chapter). Consult Murase I 97 1 25'n for a study of the Chinese representation of the subject and for the history of the translations of the text into Chinese. 82 An aspect which is enhanced in many literary sources, see for instance Yü 2000. p. 37- 83 Yü 2001, pp. 52sqr, quoting from various Chinese translations. The veneration of the Bodhisattva could be at times extremely painstaking: Xuanzang tells how, in a particular temple in Kashmir, Avalokiteivara would reveal his real body to the devotee who had made the vow to fast upto death if necessary (Naudou 1968, p. 40 and p. 154 conceming the later development of this cult). 84 Conceming the homa in a Buddhist context, see Verardi 1994, pp. 34sqr. 85 And this reminds of the magic used by Buddhist monks at the imperial Chinese court (Strickmann 1996, pp. 213-6). Much more could and should be said conceming the function of the image; I shall refer 41. As properly enounced by H. 86 Bakker 1997, pp. 36-38, the reader to the brilliant book by Jacob Kinnard (1999). Bakker (p. 41), one should be extremely careful in attributing the realisation of some caves to the king himself - there is no factual information for that assumption repeatedly presented by Walter Spink . 87 The first panel was carved at the extreme left ofthe verandah (Malandra 1993, Text fig.2-5, p.38) and although the shrine, where the second panel is included, was reworked after the panel had been carved - since the right part has been sacrified for the door allowing the passage to the courtyard of cave 4 (ibid., Text fig. 2-6, p. 41), one still notice how this panel covered the left wall of a small sanctuary (3A as labelled by Malandra), facing an image of the Taua, both panels sunounding the main image of the Buddha, himself at the centre of an elaborated composition (ibid., figs 16-78, ancl fig. 3 for the location between the two caves). 88 Bautze-Picron 2000a, figs 8-10, and pp. 121-6. 89 I retain here this name for sake ofeasiness. As mentioned below in note 91, the Bodhisattva receives various appelations in Japan when associated with this maldala. 90 Huntington 1981, p. 49. The function of the Vajrakula, behind Vajrapani, is to "lsubdue] kleSa and to fmanifest] true wisdom" (Mammitsch lq9l. p. 244). 9l From the very beginning of his appearance in Indian art, i.e. in the context of Gandhara, Vajrapäni is a wrathful figure: He preserves this aspect and is variously named in the Japanese sources mentioned by U. Mammitzsch (1991, p. 244), as being Kongosatta (Vajrasattva), Kongözo ("Vajra Store-house"), Jikongo" ("Vajra-holder"), Jikongözö" ("Vajra-holder storehouse") or Kong0shu t"Vajra-hand". i.e. Vajrapäni t. 92 Mammitzsch 1991, p. 236. 93 For a study of the Ajanta murals, seeZin2003,pp.440-456, ZinlSchlingloff [in press]. Concerning the realms of existence, consult Mus 1939, pp. 163sqr. The painters of Ajanta clearly followed the succession as given in the sources studied by Paul Mus (p. 163): z/a The universal compassionate Bodhisattva tiom the hclls. the protression goes successively to the left (animals). ther.r to right (Pretas and human beings), then again to left (Asura) in order to conclude in the upper part with the kingdom of Indra. 94 Chapin 1932. pp. 38-39. 95 Reis-Habito 1993. p.51. 96 Reis Habito 1993, pp. 4l and note 50 p. 80. 97 Reis-Habito 1993, pp. 17. 43. 55--56 and 84-85 note 74. A further development in Japan inrroduces six difl'erent images of the Bodhisattva, each of them related to one of the realms, see Chapin 1932, p. 37 notc ,:t. Chandra 19tt8, pp. 43-44; Reis-Habito 1993, pp. -5u-59.OneofthemisCrrndi (Chandral988.p.,+3)whoappearsasCundaintheKdtanr/ovvah1vttra(.Studholme2002,pp.58-59). 98 Yü 2tr01, pp.70-71: Murase 1971. p.41. 99 Yü 2001, p. 70. 100 Lee 1993, p. 352. 101 Wayman in Waymanffa.jima 1992, pp. 10,12 (he suggesrs rhe date 102 Yü 2001, p. 5'1, suggests that olmid-6,,c.). "by the middle of the seventh century. ..., all the esoteric fbrms of AvalokiteSvara [i.e. the eleven- headed. the thousand-armed, the Alroghapä5a Avalokiteivara J, with the exception ofCintämanicakra, had alreacly appeared in India." 103 Observation made by Verardi 2001. p. 70 conceming the number ofdcfenses ofthe future Budtlha when, shaped as an elephant, he penetrates ll]to the womb of his mother. 104 Mallmann 1948. p. 23; Reis-Habito 1993. p. ,11. 10-5 Consult Arönes 1996, pp. 3-5-39, Allinger 1997. pp.669-70, and 2000, pp. 1373-zl conceming rhis iconography as illustrated in early Tibetan painting or Eastern Indian sculpture. 106 Mitterwallner 1986, p. 140, rnentions the presence of an image of Bhrkuti between caves l0 and I 1; an image of the Tard is carved in the upper part of the wall behind the cailya of cave 26 whereas another one stands at the right of the Avalokite6vara published here on fig. 35. The cross-gender tendency which penetrates male images in the 5'n c. follows be an indirect indication of the participation of the female in specific rituals, a phase with a dominant male imagery. It might if we lbllow much later textual and visual evidences (from Eastern India), but women held probably already an active position in 5"'c. Buddhism. even at an ideal level (Bautze-Picron 2001b). 107 Also reproduced by Berkson 1986, p. 149. 108 And all images in fact, erther feminir.re or male, are shown as being male. Cross-gender is a common phenomenon observed when comparing the Buddhist pantheon in India and in Japan: various deities are female in India, i.e. in their country ol origin, and they tum mirle once in Japan, see fbr the instance Mahipratisara orthe "Great Magic". orMahämäyuri, the "Great Peahen"(Mevissen1999,p. 122 note 39). The fact that the main physical f-eature which helps to diff'erentiate the depiction of the two sexes, i.e. the breast of the female body, is systematically ignored, quite logically leads to the conclusion that only males are depicted, but coulcl it be that the breast are simply not shown as a result of prudery '? The absence ol the fernale body is striking in Japanese (and Chinese) Buddhist art. and when f'emale deities are meant, they are hidden behind layers of heavy clothes. KabanofT 1991, p. 104 suggests that "many of the traditional Tantric practices were condemned by the Chinese as obscene, and on the demands of rnoralistic Confucian scholars and officials many works of "coltspicuous" character were probably prohibited and destroyed under the Song an<l Yuan dynasties": be that as it may, the anonymity of the female and male bodies in art is stdking from an earlier period, and might already account for the development reached in Japanese Buddhist esotericism. As a matter of fäct, the n.rale body is also rather anonymously represented, when compared to the development in India, where both bodies, female and male. are well characterized upto the Gupta period, either by the "female curves" (and this feature remains permanent in Indian afi till recent times), or by the clear allusion to the genitalia in the case ofmale figures - as fas as Indian Buddhist art ts concemed, we noticed a change in the 5'n c. when the genitalia, evidently put on display at an earlier period, are hidden by the dress (Desai 1997 on the topic) and no more swelling ref'ers to themt this change does not more interest, quite in the contrary. I imply that the sexual dichotomy was of no - and, suppose that this change is bound to the shift which took place in the actual religious Iife simultaneously, those practices, being part of esotericism. might have fostered the need to hide from public eyes. and to distract from their attention. the exposure of male genitalia. The most famous change of sex concerns of course AvalokiteSvara himself (see Stein 1986, Reed 1992, pp. 159-61); according to Murase I 97 I , p. 40, and against all other opinions however, no change of sex took place. but the Chinese personality of the Bodhisattva led him to become a "sexless" characters: "the fen'rinine quality associated with the deity is not based on any scriptural source, but rather is an eloquent manil'estation of its most important character as the compassionate god" (the fact is that Kuan-yin or Kannon can be shown with a shawl crossing their breast, but no evident sign of a female breast is ever shown). Concerning the similarities between the Bodhisattva and the Tara, see Baurze-Picron 2000a, pp. I l0-l 14. 109 Most six-handed irnages lrom Kurkihar in the 9'h c. stand in a strict frontal attitude, lvhich might remind of the axial position observed in those eight/ten dangers scenes, in short, they might stress the cosmic axial nature ofthe Bodhisattva behind his involvement s.R.A.A., X (2004) 214 as rescuer I of the Pretas. l0 The relation between the Bodhisattva and his devotees can here be said to be a relation of devotion and love, which M.-Th. de Mallmann identified in the development of "young gods", such as Krsna, Skanda or Maäju(ri, relating it to bhakti (1949, p. 175, also quoted by Quagliotti 1990, p. 100). I I 1 Gokhale 1991, p. 1. l12 Not to surprise us, authors do not agree on the number ofthe cave: Pal 1982, p. 18, locates this panel and the eleven-headed Bodhisattva in cave 2 1 , Gokhale 1989, p.l 4, locates this panel in cave 66, and the eleven-headed in cave 4 I ! 113 Mitterwallner 1986, pp. 139-40. l14 For an overall view ofthe shrine, see Pal 1982, fig.9 and Gokhale 1991, pI.6. For the eleven-headed Bodhisattva, 6.8 and pp.24-25 Miyaji 2001, fig.23.1-2. see FergussonlBurgess 1880, pl.LY.2: Pal 1982, fig. 10; Gokhale 19ti9; Gokhale 1991, pl. also Yü 2001, fig. 1.1, and Neville 1999, figs 8-9 and pp.29-31 (we can only but regret that this book, although it seems to have See been written with enthusiasm, is definitely not the work of a scholar: most studies concemed with the Bodhisattva, be it in India or the Far East, are simply unknown, and the author did not think it important to consider the historical frame and the textual evidence, beside the fact that her collection of artistic evidence is also measre.) 1 I5 Gokhale 1991, p. 25. 116vonSchroeder198l,pl. l8C;Pal 1982,figs l2-14;Miyaji200l,fig.24(Clevelandimage). 117vonSchroeder1981,pI.72Dor Pall982,fig.1l;vonSchroeder200l,pl.l2A:pl.l2lBfbrastonedepictionofthisiconography. 1 18 Foucher 1900, pl. V,5 and p. 213 (nfl 31); Saraswati 1911,111.222. l9 Foucher 1900, pl. IV,6 and pp. 196-7; Saraswati 1911,111.244:Pal 1982, fig. 22 andp.30; Miyaji 2001, fig. 25. 120 Images ofthe Bodhisattva: Foucher 1900, pp. 191,201 and202 (miniatures 41,60,69). Caityas: Foucher 1900, pp. 202 and203 (miniatures 66,71). The inscriptions mention the Khadga-caitya and the Pratyekabuddha- (ikhara-caitya, and, as indicated by Foucher 1 (1900, p.56), both might refer to the very same monument. It is also likely that some illuminations found in various 3l and 42. manuscripts, illustrate excavated sites ofthe Konkan, see Bautze-Picron 1999, pl. 13. 121 The inscription gives a very precised date, coinciding with the l2'n September 854 (Gokhale 1991, p.70). 122 Gokhale 1991, pp. l0 and 66,70-71. A furlher unpublished panel (fig. 44) deserves some remark, it is located on the much damaged left wall of cave 2-e at the right of a series of seven Buddha seated in the European way and teaching, who are most probably the Buddhas of the past. This topic is present 123 at Ajanta, Kanheri and, more north, Sopara, where a group of eight images including the Buddhas of the past and Maitreya, were discovered in the relic-chamber of the stüpa (Bautze-Picron 1995-96, p. 361, the same 2003, p. 219 note 4 for further refrence5). The panel in question should illustrate the future Buddha Maitreya although the Bodhisattva clearly presents a lotus at the level of his left shoulder; he wears a crown with three tall fleurons, presents the gesture of reassurance whereas the stalk of the lotus is pre-eminently depicted. Through various details, this image reminds of bronzes cast in the North, more particularly in Kashmir (compare, for instance, to Pal 1975, cats 47, 80, 81 (head-dress), 46 (way ofholding the flower), to von Schroeder 1981, pls 9H (tiara, hands),20B, 20D,20G (tiara), 21A (lotus stalk), 2l B (gesture of the right hand), 238-F (tiara, gesture of the right hand). von Schroeder 2001 , pls 3A (slightly 38, 14A (fleurons of the tiara)). Maitreya's headdress differs here from the one traditionally encountered, which is the jata with or without the caitya; it reminds of the tiara worn by the historical Buddha in the North, more particularly when, curved fleuron of the tiara), bejewelled, he stands amidst the group of the Buddhas of the past - which can also be wom by Vairocana, when surrounded by the other four Tathägatas: von Schroeder 2001 , pls 32, 33, 34C. See von Schroeder 1981, pl. l2H, Pal 1975, cats 16-'71 for Maitreya presenting this crown (and the right arm up). 124 Miyaji 2000, figs 1,I0 & 121' the author dates the sculpture in the image is similar to paintings at Dunhuang through the number simultaneously, it is 7'h-8'h c. (p. 1251); Miyaji 2001, fig. 22. Miyaji recalls how this of arms and the seated position of the Bodhisattva, and how, close to Indian sculptures from Bihar through the position of the arms and the selection of attributes (p. 1256). Thus, his observation coincides with our own one, estimating the Swat valley to be at an intermediary position between Central Asia and the Far East on the one hand. India on the other hand. 125 Studholme 2002, p. 126. As noticed by this author, this feature of the Bodhisattva's personality is also present in the Gandaryüht.rütta tpp. 50-5 | r. 126 Studholme 2002, p.138. 127 These are the Avdlotiteivot'a-etada.famuk/ta-d/tc7rani, translated hrdaya-sütt'a translated in 564-12 A.D. by Ya6ogupta, the Etadaiantulhah.rdi-mantra- in 654 A.D. by Atigupta and in 656 A.D. by Xiuanzang (Gokhale 1991, pp. l0 and 26, Soerensen Grinstead/Soerensen 1995, pp.97-99). In the 8'h in c., Amoghavajra proposed his own translation, based on a text similar to the one translated earlier by Atigupta (English translation by Grinstead in Grinstead/Soerensen 199-5, pp. 101-25). 128 I refer here to the two Bodhisattvas protecting the passage to the shrine (Bautze-Picron 2003a, figs. 105-6). 215 The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 129 Buddhist iconography durin-u Jayavarman Vll's reign clearly accompanied by Sun and Moon, the rcscuc of the Pretas reveals the introduction ofnorth Indian topics. such as Bhaisajyaguru, by AvalokiteSvara , the Bodhiselttva as the horse Balxha (Neak Pean), the "thousand an.r.red" Bodhisattva. Thc rclicfs at Banteay Chmar relate to Avalokite(vara's cosmic aspects as clescribecl in the Krirunriat',tuhasilttzz.SeeChutiwongsl984.pp.321-6fbraclescriptionol'thesereliefi:seealsoWoodward200:1,p.348. Onthewhole. Woodward's article brings into evidence the major position of the tcxt in Southeast Asia. 130 Man'rn'ritzsch 1991, pp. 88-89 (= mandala Ac [classification by the author],.lescribed in chapter 2 ol'the dnk l= DatnithiÄ.völ). As a matter of fäct, the central ,sroup of the Padma-yiLrd reflects the iconoglaph)' of the Bodhisattva, hcrc named Kanjizai. in Eastern India: thus,Hayagrlvashouldtakeplacebelowhim,whercasBhrkutiandtheTdraaredistributed athisleftandright(Mammitzsuhlaql.pp. 89, 97-98). See also mandala B in chapter 4, dnk (Mammitzsch 1991, pp. l0zl. 106)l mandala D in chapter 6. dnk (ibid.. p. ll5); mandala E in chapter I l, dnk (ibid.. p. I l9): mandala H includcd in a commentary to the dnks l-Dntnity'trl!ö.r/rol (ibrcl., p. 134); mandala N, tzkzy l3l l= Tdi:riky'u:u.yril (ibid., pp. 146.169-70). See here fig.46. Chapin 1932, pp. 38-39. Further, thc tcxt translated by Vajrabodhi "states that the six-armed Bodhisattva can roan) the sir roads of transmigration ... in order that the means (updya) of grcat mercy (mahirkarunal) can end all suftering" (Pal 1967-8, p. 40). 132 Chapin 1932, p.40; Pal 1967-68, p.40. J. Lee surmised that the T'ang translations of Kashnir (1993. p. 352. already rnentioned above). saltras concemed with Cintarmanicakra were based on texts fronr 133 Aftcr Pal 1967-68. p.40. 134 They n.right have been airned at being carried on the body. as a source refcrring to sealings bearing an image of Märici. implics (Bautze-Picron 2001, p. 263). 135 Chutiwongs 1994, p. 100 and pls ll I l. l6 (found in Burma and possibly an import fiom India as supposcd by Chutiwongs. p. 101). 136 Bautze-Picron 1989a. The most traditional and simple form with two arms presenting the padma and the varadamudrä. which is the basic pattern for practically all AvalokiteSvara images. This fbrm usually evolvcs from two to six arms, and includes a specific group of attendants, starting with thc two fcmale ones. the green Tllrar and Bhrkutt, and getting morc claborated with the presence of thö Preta and Hayagriva, and finally ol Sudhanakumära (Bautze-Picr-on 1989b)l the presence ol the flve Tathägatas in the upper part o1'the stele constitutes also a common t'eature tbr these images aftcr the 10"'c. 137 Chutiwongs l9tl4, pls.23-24. von Schroeder 1991, pls 78A-E,79A-E (with leli leg pending). Chutiwon-us 1984, p|.25, von Schroeder 1991. pls 77A-C, E-F (with left leg lying on the seat). In those cases, however, the images illustrate a rnodification of the position of the arms. the left one stretched and resting on the seat behind the leg and the ri-9ht one lying on the leg, with slightly closcd hand 138 Considering the overall chronology ofIndonesian images illustrating the "pensive" Boclhisattva, we may assumc that the model for those images is to be searched in Southeast Bangladesh. where, befbre Nalancla, the region of Mainamati was a centre of difTusion of iconographic and stylisric models towards insular Southeast Asia (Lunsin-uh Scheurleer/Klokke 198u. p. 2ti; the same l99z[, pp.77-791. 139 And the fact that rhe Tara and the human devoree are seen at the same level below the images ofthe Krodha and Bhrkuti can relate to thc fact that both the Krodha and Bhrkuti rct'lcct hidden äspects of the Bodhisattva (dark. ascctic) wherea.s the first goddess illustrates the application of the Bodhisattvtr's compassion in the outer world. Withrn the structure of the image, the lowest levels are related to our plane of existence, the highest to the niost divine ones; thus the presence of the Tera at the level of the worshipper (symbolizing practically all of us) would reinforce this understanding of the image. 140 And as such, this figure was identitied by Debala Mitra (1997, p. 1,11 7l). Snodgrass 1988, 1, pp.299-300. 142 Although. as mentioned by Snodgrass, this figure belongs only to the Genzu mandala: he is not includcd in the written description of the Padmakula. and is located in the uppel part of the yard in the Taizozuzö (Snodgrass 1988, 1, p. 299 note 34). a collection of' iconographic sketches dating back to the 8'r' c. ( Mamm itzsch I 99 I , p. 6) By using the expression "Great Compassionate''. I donot precisely refer to a particular image namecl "Amoghavajra Mahäkaruna" (in Sanskrit frorn the Tibetan: Mallrnann 1948, p. 170, quoting Waddell), but refer to the main aspect of the Boclhisattva's personality 143 all through his history in South Asia 14.1 ancl abroad. Tajima 1959, pp.90-91: "Le texte ... nomme sept divinit6s ... et passe sous silence les autres divinitds clui ligurent dans le "mandala rdalis6 graphiquement"..." The dcscription is givcn in chapter I[. for a translation of which scc Ta.jinra 1959, pp. ti7 U9 and Wayman in WaynranrTajima 1992. pp. 123-4. On fig. 46, only Avalokite(vara (B), attended by the Tära (D) and Bhrkutr (E), and by Hayagriva (F) are alnong the seven deities to be mentioned. This group of fbur deities is well-known in Eastem India (see fig. 4-5, e.g.). with as here, the Bhrkuti at the leli of Avalokite(vara . and the Tara at his right, which lets suggest that the origin fbr at least this (small) part of the maldala should be looked for in this region. lzl5 For the question, see Woodward 2004, pp. 334sqr. I 46 For all these details related to the general development of the Bodhisattva iconography, see Bautze-Picron I 989. 216 s.R.A.A., X (2004) 147 The origin ol such structures lies in these large compositions carved in Gandhara where all figures sit on lotuses emerging out the cosmic ocean, eventually represented. See Miyaji 1985a, pls of IIl.2. 1V.2, VII.1, VIII, X.2, Budd/tn 1998, cats 120, 122; Ituo Hi'ayanru 1989, cat. 24 (in this image, all attending Bodhisattvas have the cockade on their head adomed by large petals of lotus, or eventually even a flower in place of the cockade; thus, we obserue here another example of the overwhelming "lotus imagery" as also noticed by Studholme in his study of the K1randav,r'ihasltrlu). 148 Donaldson 2001, figs 289-90: Bautze-Picron 2000a, pp. I 1 in eastem lndia as sinrultaneous images ofthe universal karuna, l-4, pls 10,12, l5-17. The Tara and Avalokite6vara are also understood as "mother and father", as practically a couple and, as such, they appear together, forming indeed a pair in painted manuscripts (ibid., pls 7.1 and 7.5) 149 Studholme 2002, pp. 139, l5l. 150 Snodgrass 1988, pp. 308-10. Although the Bodhisattva is here three-faced, he reminds, through the amribures which he presents, of some of his images in Eastern India, the main difl'erence being that the Indian images show the varadamudrä in the lower right hand, and do not present the noose seen on the Genzu mandala; all three other attributes are common (lotus, rosary, water pot); on those images, see Bhattacharya 2001, pp. 32-34 with further ref'erences. AmoghapäSa sits in the third row, by the side of Cintamanicakra and AvalokiteSvara. 151 See Leoshko 1995 conceming the six-amed images from Kurkihar, and the twelve-armed ones from Nalanda; see Bautze-Picron [in press-bl concerning a small group of in-rages found north of Gaya in various sites which likewise reflect the attention paid by Avalokite(vara to the fate of the Pretas and his opposition to Yama. 152 Concerning this aspect, see Bautze-Picron 2001 and Bautze-Picron fin press a & b]. 153 Often published, see Bhattacharya 2001, p. .10 and pl. 2.18 (with furrher references). 1 54 Meisezahl 1967, pp. 482-o. 155 Leoshko 1997, p. flO proposes another set of identification: "They include in the left hands: the vase, pä(a, Iotus, rridandi and book with one hand holding the side of the tree. The right hands display the v:Lradamudra, jewel, plant, rosary and hold the tree." l-56 When he is thousand-armed, Avalokite6vara carries twenty-five times a particular set of forly gestures and attdbutes; in fact, this image illustrates his twenty-five emanations in the twenty-five realms ofexistence (which had developed out ofthe original Indian five orsixones).Yü2000.pp.62-69,andnote21 pp.520-21. Itisthuslikelythatthevariousnumbersof armswithwhichtheBodhisartva is depicted or described in India could be related to particular numbers of hypostases which he assumes. 157 Mitra 1991; Bautze-Picron 1995. 158 Found at Bhagirathpur in Madhubani: Mishra 1954, plate läcing p. 34tl; Bautze-Picron 1995, fig. lll. 159 Bautze-Picron 2000, pl. 7. 1 and p. I I 1 . Moreover, the cakra reminds of the padma through its mere shape, and this similarity might ofthe wheel, very similar to the lotus in some images. It was recently suggested by G. Bhattacharya that these two attributes, in the case ofthis sculpture, refer to the well-known formula have fostered the visual rendering 160 (2002, p. 132); according to him, the image would depict "Mani-padma", "a female notion of the male deity holding mani .. and padma, ..." Manipadmä is mentioned inthe Kdrant/at'y-üha,tür'o as being the personification of the formula (Studholme2002, pp. 111-2), and she is already known in the same text as being Sadaksari Mahävidyä (ibid., p. 7zt), but in Eastem India during the later period, she is clearly understood, under the name of Mahavidyä, to be a female, attending to, and not being, Sadaksari Lokesvara (Mallmann 1948, pp. 49-50; and for images : see Miyaji 2001 , figs 42-44). As a matter of fact, no independant known image can be identified upro now with this goddess, who remains lbr the time being "virtual", she is a hidden part of the Bodhisattva, is the female lying deep in him, is the energy. The understanding of the fomula changed in course of time as shown by Studholme (2002, pp. 7, 105-118), and at the period of its creation, it refened to the aspiration of being reborn in a lotus precious as a jewel (or made ofjewels: the stalk of the lotus sustaining the Buddha on the Mohammed Nari image is made of pearls, for reference to the sculpture, see above note 30; for another example fiom the same site, see Bhattacharyya2002, car. 340 [= Kurita 2003, I, fig. 397])(Studholme2002,p. lt7). Only at a later period, and in Eastern India, it might have been an invocaton of the 'Jewel in the lotus", as exemplified on a sculpture of Amoghasiddhi where four symbols are distributed around the Jina. one ofthem being the'Jewel in the lotus" (figs 41-42). 161 Chutiwongs 1991,p.99 and pls 2-3; Park 2001, figs 68-70. 162 Similarly, on the image preserved in the Asutosh Museum (app. 43), these two ratnas are put in evidence at the right shoulder of the Bodhisattva whereas all other five jewels are all carved at his lefi. 163 Where it is wrongly identified with Kamadeva (ibid., p. 160). & fig. 6 164 Pal 1967-68, p. 2 165 Bautze-Picron 2000, pl. 7. 1 and pp. I I 1 -4; Losty 1989, pp. t4-i5 and fig. 48. 166Pal1967-68, P. & D. Paul 2001, pp.360 & passim. 167 The first image (fig. 39) has already been published by Bautze-Picron 1989a, fig. 14, and for rhe second one (fig. 40), Picron 1998, p. 33 & cat. 49. tbr f'urther references. see Bautze- The universal compassionate Bodhisattva 271 l6U Ofien published. see fbr insrance Mallmann 194g. pl. XIV d. 169 See Bautze-Prcron 1998. p.;+7. nore g9: Leoshko 1997. p].15. 170 Hiromitsu ct alii 2003' pp ll7-8 A J z./tr/.r.1/,?.trlt.zz and the Md/tt7t,a i.ot.nnd, The th.ee mirin texts wrth which we rnairrly deal here. i.e. lhc Kintntht,.t,trhd.,r7rr./. the by H. Woodward in his recenrly published arricle (2004). I 7 I Fonrein I 967. pp. 5- I 4. 172 On this aspect ofthe Bodhisattva, see Baurze-picron 1993. Losty l9lJ9 And we can surmise that it is within the very samc circle that the irnage of the (male) Saclaksari was conceivecl, as cvoluticrr of the (lemale) Manipadma. personification of thc six-syilable in the Karon./(/t'r,t7h{t.rrl/z (Stucrhorme 2002, pp. l il-2); the 173 authors ol the sorl/tanrr descrlbing Saclaksari acknowledgecl their debt to the tradition instaurecl by this texr Mallmann 1986. p. 109 note t). 7.1 Studhohre 20O2, p. 126. ir.r thc colophon (ibiil.. p. I I 2: 1 l7-5 Studholme 2002..n. 124. 176 Studholme 2002, pp. ,l0sqr. i77 on thc topic' see A-grawala mangos and lolus flowers. lgfl5 In the image of app. l.'.l3. the tree is of a hybritl nature: besitle the jewels. i1 car.rres appiirently all symbols of rich'ess I Kinnzrrd 1999. p. 9ll, quotes Santidcva according to whom ..[just as] a wish- firlfilling sem or a wish-l'ulfilling tree is the fulfillment of what one desires. [so] an image of the Bucldha appcars to those who arctently desire to be trarned." Interesting is here the equivalence ofthe-jewel to the tree. I 7[l Bautze-Picron 2000a, pp. I 1 I -2 and I 23 notes 72,73 ft'tr further and more detailecl references. 179 on the creeper arising out olthe Buddha's navel while the latter les on the cosmic occan. see Bautze-picron 2003b. Iu0 which reflects a major corrpone't of Indian religious thought, i.e. thc bhakti. and the closeness between lhe K.i/.dtt..ldt,.tti/rd,n,n./ andthc Bha'atnd'ttiThns been recently unclerlined by A. Stuclhohle (2002, pp. gg_103) I In India al least: thc deities of the Genzu mandala are of lnclian origin. although mosr of thcm renrain unknown rn the sources to us; this might be duc to the fact that the text which includes (partial a or rathcr basic) description of it. i.e. the Ma/trTvai?rdna'rfurn \elonged to the esoteric Mantrayäna. ancl not to the main esoteric stream rn I8 accesstble the rnajor sites of Eastern India. which was the vairayäna' But this is also duc to the fäct that the rnandala was part of the orar teachin-us. transmitted lrom master to pupil and not put on in a written forrr fbr cternitv. 182 On the production of irnagcs, and rituals basecl on them, not only in a Bucldhist, but ntore gencrally in an Indian context. see Strickmann 1996, pp. 1,{8, l7-5sqr. On Vajrabodhi as a painrer, see Chou 1944-15, p.276 and notc 30. Srone images wcre produced by local ateliers. who could work for Hinclu, Jatn. and Buddhist clients Moreover. it is also probable that bronzes were cast by professional artists, and not by religious persons. 183 Tajima l9-59' p '59 Some authors and translators strcssecl the necessity to keep rituals secret:,,Ifhis n,ish has been fulfillecl, he must keep it ftrr hinlself' and not tell to others" or "Thosc not initiated into thc three mandalas are uncler no circumstances allowed tcr seethisnrethodof mudräsandmantras.Thatwouldbeasi'."(Zhitong,682-751.translator Hirbito 1995. p. .1,1 of theNtlakartthusuya.quotedbyReis- norc Ql. l8'1 Strickrran 1996' pp 80-f31; see also the observations macle by Kabanoff 1994, p. 101. concenring the most probably chinese. e'en ofthe literary sources having led to the Japanese images ofcanapati. our figs 2l-22 ancl .15 are based on the so_called "Nishi-no-in bon mandara" preservecl in the Toji in Kyoto; it is also known as being the "Sai-in mandara,,and w.s probably Japanesc' origin the last quafier ol'the 9'r' c' on the model of the mandalas brought back which this onc belongs, see yanagasiwa l97ll. I 8-5 Above note l0 I . llJ6 painted in fiom china in g59 by Enchin. conceming the pair of mandalas to A further isolared hinl to the Genzu mandala was notrced by Aler Wayman rn a Balinese text mentioning Kusumita, i.e. Samkusumita who replaces Amoghasiddhi in this rnandala (Wayman,/Tajima 1998, p. 11, also quoted by Wootlwarcl 2004, p. 342 note 33). I want to cottclude with a further reference to the articlc by H. woodward. since he observecl that the same texts were most if not surely. of miqor inrpor.tutec in Southeasr Asra. 18li ChLrttwongs 1981,p. 169 note l9-5 mentions the sealings preservcd in the National Museum. New Delhi. and in the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art' Kansas City However. as ferr as the Delhi ex:rmple is concemecl, to which she also seems to ref'er in her note 206 as being a "tablet", p. .{70. she means thereby the bronze reproduced here fig. 23. 187 probably. -T I I s.R.A.A., X (2004) 218 itirt:irtt, Fig.l AvalokiteSvara, App.Ll. The Fig.2 AvalokiteSvara, App. 1.4. Indian Kronos Collectior.r, New York. Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. After Lerner 1984. 7:a:a:: Fig.3 AvalokiteSvara. Thomas J. Pritzker Fig.4 Avalokite6vara, App.l.5. Art Gallery of Collection, Chicago. Photo Joachim K. New South Wales. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Bautze. I I The universal compassionate Bodhisattva Fis.-5 The same. detail. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.6 Reliquary. Private collection. Photo Joachim K. Bautze S.R.A.A.. X (200,i) 280 Fig.7 AvalokiteSvara, App. i.8. Indian Fig.8 Avalokite6vara. Hirayama Ikuo Silk Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Road Museum. After Hiravama 2004. Fig.9 AvalokiteSvara. App. I 16. Private collection. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig. l0 AvalokiteSvara. Private collection Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Thc universal compassionate Bodhisattva 281 : Fig.I I AvalokiteSvara, App.1.29. Mus6e Fig. l2 Avalokite(vara. Tokyo. Private Guimet. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. collection. Photcl Joachirn K. Bautze. . - '-/. t ,r,rJt, i Fig. 13 AvalokiteSvara. Tokyo National Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig. l4 The same, cletail. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. 282 s.R.A.A., X (2004) l6 Avalokite6vara, Loriyan Tangai, Fig. 15 AvalokiteSvara, Indian Museum. Fig. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Indian Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze l7 Avalokite6vara, Patna Museum Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.18 AvalokiteSvara, Sahri Bahlol. Patna Fig. Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. The universal compassionate Bodhisattva Fig. l9 AvalokiteSvara, Mainamati Museum. Fig.20 The same, detail. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.2l Nishi no in mandara. After Universe 2002,p.39. Fig.22 Nishi no in mandara. After Universe 2002,p.39. 283 s.R.A.A., X (2004) 284 Fig.23 Avalokite3vara, App. I .32, Fig.24 AvalokiteSvara, Nalanda, App. 1.33. Nalanda. National Museum. Photo Bharat Kala Bhawan. after T.K. Biswas 1981. National Museum. r]rl:.1::::tii ',i :' ii ra:"..11 ,,,::,,at,,,1,1 :l:ill,;ii.l. lt "tt !e ,,::r::1l ,x i * "i ,l::::,r::,!ä Fig.25 Avalokite(vara. App. 1.3,1 Private collection. Basel. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.26 Avalokite3vara, App. 1.35. Bodhgaya Site Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. i The universal comoassionate Bodhisattva Fig.27 Avalokite6vara, App. 1.36. Bodhgaya Fig.28 AvalokiteSvara, App. 1.37. Narada Site Museum. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Museum. Nawadah. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.29 AvalokiteSvara. App. I .39. Dharaut. Photo Joachim K. Baulze. Fig.30 The same. detail. Fi-s.31 The samc, detail 285 s.R..A.A., X (2004) 286 Fig.32 Avalokite6vara, App. 1.43. Fig.33 The same, detail. Ayodhya. After Donaldson 2001. Fig.34 AvalokiteSvara, App.2.2. Ajanta, cave 4 Photo Joachim K. Bautze. The universal cornpassionate Bodhisattva Fig.35 Avalokite(vara. App.2.l0. Ajanta, cave 26. photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.36 Avalokite(vara, Kanheri cave 41, back wall. photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.37 Avalokite(vara, Kanheri cave 41, right wall, App.2.l5. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. 287 288 S.R.A.A.. X r2004r Fig.38 Avalokite(vara and Ttrra, Aurangabad cave 7. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.39 Tara. Vinod K.Kanoria Collection, Fig.40 AvalokiteSvara. Nalancla. Indian Museum. Calcutta. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. I I The universal compassionate Bodhisattva Fig.41 AvalokiteSvara. Museum für Indische Kunst Berlin. Photo MIK. trig.42 Amoghasiddhi. Private collection Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.43 The same, detail _Y I l , i : s.R.A.A., X (2004) Fig.44 Bodhisattva, Kanheri, cave 2. Photo Joachim K. Bautze. Fig.45 AvalokiteSvara, Mainamati Museum see fig. 19. Fig.46 Nishi no in mandara:Padmakula, see figs 21-22. i I