Difference between revisions of "Götiska Förbundet, Viking Club and Thule-Gesellschaft: How could three early Viking societies develop so differently?"
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− | In 19th and early 20th century Europe, interest in the Viking Age resulted in the | + | In 19th and early 20th century {{Wiki|Europe}}, [[interest]] in the Viking Age resulted in the |
− | foundation of countless Viking clubs and societies (Wawn 2002: 5-9). However, | + | foundation of countless Viking clubs and {{Wiki|societies}} (Wawn 2002: 5-9). However, |
− | although they were interested in the same field - at least on the surface - these | + | although they were [[interested]] in the same field - at least on the surface - these |
− | societies developed very differently. In the following, the foundation and development | + | {{Wiki|societies}} developed very differently. In the following, the foundation and [[development]] |
− | of three such societies shall be compared: The Swedish Götiska Förbundet, the | + | of three such {{Wiki|societies}} shall be compared: The {{Wiki|Swedish}} Götiska Förbundet, the |
− | British Viking Club and the German Thule-Gesellschaft. The reason for picking these | + | [[British]] Viking Club and the [[German]] Thule-Gesellschaft. The [[reason]] for picking these |
three is that they illustrate the very different aspects of how the Vikings were used in | three is that they illustrate the very different aspects of how the Vikings were used in | ||
− | Europe during this period. | + | {{Wiki|Europe}} during this period. |
− | Götiska Förbundet in Sweden | + | Götiska Förbundet in {{Wiki|Sweden}} |
− | First, let me talk about Götiska Förbundet in Sweden. Scandinavia was the first | + | First, let me talk about Götiska Förbundet in {{Wiki|Sweden}}. Scandinavia was the first |
− | region where people became interested in the ancient North. In 1809, Sweden lost a | + | region where [[people]] became [[interested]] in the [[ancient]] [[North]]. In 1809, {{Wiki|Sweden}} lost a |
− | large proportion of its empire and had to find a new identity as a national, Swedish | + | large proportion of its [[empire]] and had to find a new [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]] as a national, {{Wiki|Swedish}} |
− | kingdom. In 1811, former students of the university at Uppsala founded Götiska | + | {{Wiki|kingdom}}. In 1811, former students of the {{Wiki|university}} at Uppsala founded Götiska |
− | Förbundet in order to explore the Swedish past and “give the Swedish people a | + | Förbundet in order to explore the {{Wiki|Swedish}} {{Wiki|past}} and “give the {{Wiki|Swedish}} [[people]] a |
− | sense of unity, a people with a common history, a relevant present, and a possible | + | [[sense]] of {{Wiki|unity}}, a [[people]] with a common history, a relevant {{Wiki|present}}, and a possible |
− | + | {{Wiki|future}}” (Molin 2003: 269). Already in its first year of [[existence]], the [[society]] started | |
− | publishing its journal Iduna, which contained scientific articles on historic monuments | + | publishing its journal Iduna, which contained [[scientific]] articles on historic monuments |
− | as well as nationalistic poems (Molin 2003: 274). | + | as well as nationalistic [[poems]] (Molin 2003: 274). |
− | However, the society was not only interested in monument research. It also studied | + | However, the [[society]] was not only [[interested]] in monument research. It also studied |
− | Swedish folk tradition in order to create a romanticised all-Swedish version of the | + | {{Wiki|Swedish}} {{Wiki|folk}} [[tradition]] in order to create a romanticised all-Swedish version of the |
− | past. Already in 1811, co-founder Erik Gustaf Geijer wrote: | + | {{Wiki|past}}. Already in 1811, co-founder Erik Gustaf Geijer wrote: |
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
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− | In English: “Generally speaking, songs filled with love for the past should well | + | In English: “Generally {{Wiki|speaking}}, songs filled with [[love]] for the {{Wiki|past}} should well |
− | find room in a publication whose primary goal is to awaken such a love.” | + | find room in a publication whose primary goal is to [[awaken]] such a [[love]].” |
(Landquist 1923: 145) | (Landquist 1923: 145) | ||
− | Consequently, for the Götiska Förbundet, the promotion of Swedish folk music | + | Consequently, for the Götiska Förbundet, the promotion of {{Wiki|Swedish}} [[folk music]] |
− | became equally important than their historic research. Nordic music and sagas were | + | became equally important than their historic research. Nordic [[music]] and sagas were |
− | supposed to convey character traits which the Nordic race, including the exclusively | + | supposed to convey [[character]] traits which the Nordic race, [[including]] the exclusively |
− | male society’s members, had carried since the Viking age: Good health, intelligence | + | {{Wiki|male}} society’s members, had carried since the Viking age: [[Good health]], [[intelligence]] |
and natural strength (Geisler 2007: 26-8). | and natural strength (Geisler 2007: 26-8). | ||
− | In addition, the society tried to replace the Greek gods, which had become popular in | + | In addition, the [[society]] tried to replace the {{Wiki|Greek}} [[gods]], which had become popular in |
− | arts during the époque of Classicism, with their Northern counterparts. This led, for | + | [[arts]] during the époque of {{Wiki|Classicism}}, with their [[Northern]] counterparts. This led, for |
− | example, to a competition in 1817 for depictions of the Norse gods in visual arts. The | + | example, to a competition in 1817 for depictions of the {{Wiki|Norse}} [[gods]] in [[visual]] [[arts]]. The |
works that were submitted to Götiska Förbundet had striking similarities in style and | works that were submitted to Götiska Förbundet had striking similarities in style and | ||
− | fashion with their Greek antetypes but were nevertheless perceived as proper Nordic | + | fashion with their {{Wiki|Greek}} antetypes but were nevertheless [[perceived]] as proper Nordic |
− | artworks (Kuhn 2000: 211-213). This shows that, despite their official focus on | + | artworks ([[Kuhn]] 2000: 211-213). This shows that, despite their official focus on |
− | research and ancient monuments, the founders of Götiska Förbundet were trying to | + | research and [[ancient]] monuments, the founders of Götiska Förbundet were trying to |
− | establish an idealised Nordic past, not a true representation of the Viking age. | + | establish an idealised Nordic {{Wiki|past}}, not a true [[representation]] of the Viking age. |
− | The work of Götiska Förbundet during the first half of the 19th century in Sweden was | + | The work of Götiska Förbundet during the first half of the 19th century in {{Wiki|Sweden}} was |
− | so influential that the entire époque is now called Göticism. However, when interest in | + | so influential that the entire époque is now called Göticism. However, when [[interest]] in |
the Viking age dwindled in the 1840s and additionally, founding member Jacob | the Viking age dwindled in the 1840s and additionally, founding member Jacob | ||
− | Adlerbeth died in 1844, the society was officially dissolved and its library handed over | + | Adlerbeth [[died]] in 1844, the [[society]] was officially dissolved and its library handed over |
− | to the Swedish national archive Riksarkivet. Nevertheless, a romanticised view of the | + | to the {{Wiki|Swedish}} national archive Riksarkivet. Nevertheless, a romanticised view of the |
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
− | Viking past remained popular throughout Sweden (Eriksson 2009: 11-12, Rydh | + | Viking {{Wiki|past}} remained popular throughout {{Wiki|Sweden}} (Eriksson 2009: 11-12, Rydh |
2015). | 2015). | ||
− | The Viking Club in Britain | + | The Viking Club in [[Britain]] |
− | While interest in Sweden already dwindled, the Viking age became a popular subject | + | While [[interest]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}} already dwindled, the Viking age became a popular [[subject]] |
− | of research in Britain (Wawn 1993: 213-214, Wawn 2002: 5-9). In the course of the | + | of research in [[Britain]] (Wawn 1993: 213-214, Wawn 2002: 5-9). In the course of the |
− | 19th century, many men from the Northern Isles had moved to London and in order to | + | 19th century, many men from the [[Northern]] Isles had moved to [[London]] and in order to |
− | preserve their heritage founded the Orkney and Shetland Society. In 1892, members | + | preserve their heritage founded the Orkney and Shetland [[Society]]. In 1892, members |
− | of this society decided that “a branch of the society be formed of a social and literary | + | of this [[society]] decided that “a branch of the [[society]] be formed of a {{Wiki|social}} and {{Wiki|literary}} |
− | + | [[character]]” (Townsend 1993: 180). About forty members thus founded what they | |
simply called Viking Club and met monthly, primarily to discuss Orkney and Shetland | simply called Viking Club and met monthly, primarily to discuss Orkney and Shetland | ||
− | literature (Townsend 1993: 180-182). However, there was a political motivation | + | {{Wiki|literature}} (Townsend 1993: 180-182). However, there was a {{Wiki|political}} [[motivation]] |
behind this club, too: Its co-founder and first secretary, Alfred Johnston, also actively | behind this club, too: Its co-founder and first secretary, Alfred Johnston, also actively | ||
− | campaigned for devolution for Orkney and Shetland, though without success. He | + | campaigned for devolution for Orkney and Shetland, though without [[success]]. He |
− | even drafted a constitution for the Northern Isles’ independence, drawing back on | + | even drafted a constitution for the [[Northern]] Isles’ {{Wiki|independence}}, drawing back on |
− | Norse institutions like the Althing, and when he could not get support for his ideas, he | + | {{Wiki|Norse}} {{Wiki|institutions}} like the Althing, and when he could not get support for his [[ideas]], he |
used the terms to rename the board positions in the Viking Club (Townsend 1993: | used the terms to rename the board positions in the Viking Club (Townsend 1993: | ||
181-183). This shows that even though in its official aims the Viking Club was a | 181-183). This shows that even though in its official aims the Viking Club was a | ||
− | literary society, the motives for its foundation were somewhat political, too. | + | {{Wiki|literary}} [[society]], the motives for its foundation were somewhat {{Wiki|political}}, too. |
− | In 1894, the club gave itself a new constitution which contained many Old Norse | + | In 1894, the club gave itself a new constitution which contained many Old {{Wiki|Norse}} |
− | terms and positioned it primarily as a literary study club – however, it received | + | terms and positioned it primarily as a {{Wiki|literary}} study club – however, it received |
considerable ridicule in the press for using Viking names. Nevertheless, the Viking | considerable ridicule in the press for using Viking names. Nevertheless, the Viking | ||
Club continued its work, introducing an annual dinner and regularly publishing the | Club continued its work, introducing an annual dinner and regularly publishing the | ||
− | Saga-Book, which contained papers on Norse literature and saga translations | + | Saga-Book, which contained papers on {{Wiki|Norse}} {{Wiki|literature}} and [[saga]] translations |
Line 104: | Line 104: | ||
As soon as the sagas had been translated into English, they started being interpreted | As soon as the sagas had been translated into English, they started being interpreted | ||
− | in light of Darwin’s new theories: The Vikings were an equally strong and intelligent | + | in {{Wiki|light}} of Darwin’s new theories: The Vikings were an equally strong and {{Wiki|intelligent}} |
− | people as the current British people, who were now also seen as descendants of | + | [[people]] as the current [[British]] [[people]], who were now also seen as descendants of |
− | Norse settlers, and therefore deserving of victory and a colonial empire (Wawn 1993: | + | {{Wiki|Norse}} settlers, and therefore deserving of victory and a colonial [[empire]] (Wawn 1993: |
− | 224-226). In a way, the Viking Club’s work opened up the use of Viking literature to | + | 224-226). In a way, the Viking Club’s work opened up the use of Viking {{Wiki|literature}} to |
− | defend and justify British imperialism. | + | defend and justify [[British]] {{Wiki|imperialism}}. |
− | Quickly, the society opened up for anybody studying Norse literature and, despite | + | Quickly, the [[society]] opened up for anybody studying {{Wiki|Norse}} {{Wiki|literature}} and, despite |
− | some financial troubles later on, it still exists today as Viking Society for Northern | + | some financial troubles later on, it still [[exists]] today as Viking [[Society]] for [[Northern]] |
Research (Townsend 1993: 184, 191-208) | Research (Townsend 1993: 184, 191-208) | ||
. | . | ||
− | The German Thule-Gesellschaft | + | The [[German]] Thule-Gesellschaft |
− | In Germany, the purpose of the most famous Viking-themed society could not have | + | In {{Wiki|Germany}}, the {{Wiki|purpose}} of the most famous Viking-themed [[society]] could not have |
− | been more contrasting. During the 19th century, in Germany, too, people had become | + | been more contrasting. During the 19th century, in {{Wiki|Germany}}, too, [[people]] had become |
− | interested in everything Viking as part of a larger rise in popularity of Germanic myths | + | [[interested]] in everything Viking as part of a larger rise in [[popularity]] of {{Wiki|Germanic}} [[myths]] |
− | (Schulz 2009: 8-11). Scholars like Gustaf Kossina and Karl Müllenhoff proposed that | + | (Schulz 2009: 8-11). [[Scholars]] like Gustaf Kossina and Karl Müllenhoff proposed that |
− | looking at Viking mythology was the key to learning about true German-ness. In | + | [[looking at]] Viking [[mythology]] was the key to {{Wiki|learning}} about true German-ness. In |
− | strong opposition to the ex oriente-view of some of their contemporaries, these | + | strong [[opposition]] to the ex oriente-view of some of their contemporaries, these |
− | scholars promoted a heroic German past and even composed a Germanenbibel, | + | [[scholars]] promoted a heroic [[German]] {{Wiki|past}} and even composed a Germanenbibel, |
− | which contained parts of the Eddas, to provide a mythological background for their | + | which contained parts of the Eddas, to provide a [[mythological]] background for their |
− | ideology (Mees 2006: 184-188, Puschner 2001: 92-93). In light of this tendency, the | + | ideology (Mees 2006: 184-188, Puschner 2001: 92-93). In {{Wiki|light}} of this tendency, the |
− | Thule-Gesellschaft was founded by Rudolf von Sebottendorf in Munich in August | + | Thule-Gesellschaft was founded by Rudolf von Sebottendorf in [[Munich]] in August |
− | 1918. Sebottendorf was mainly interested in Germanic mysticism and picked the | + | 1918. Sebottendorf was mainly [[interested]] in {{Wiki|Germanic}} [[mysticism]] and picked the |
− | society’s name to allude to the mythic Ultima Thule (Gilbhard 2015: 2). | + | society’s [[name]] to allude to the [[mythic]] Ultima [[Thule]] (Gilbhard 2015: 2). |
− | The original foundation was supposed to provide a mythological Germanic framework | + | The original foundation was supposed to provide a [[mythological]] {{Wiki|Germanic}} framework |
for nationalist policies as a Studiengruppe für Germanisches Altertum (Study Group | for nationalist policies as a Studiengruppe für Germanisches Altertum (Study Group | ||
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
− | for Germanic Antiquity) and grew fast to 1500 members. Its appeal was that for the | + | for {{Wiki|Germanic}} Antiquity) and grew fast to 1500 members. Its appeal was that for the |
− | first time it connected pre-First World War völkisch tradition with occult, pagan and | + | first time it connected pre-First [[World]] [[War]] völkisch [[tradition]] with [[occult]], {{Wiki|pagan}} and |
− | racist ideas (Wosnitzka 2015). However, after the First World War ended in | + | racist [[ideas]] (Wosnitzka 2015). However, after the {{Wiki|First World War}} ended in |
November 1918 with Germany’s defeat the Thule-Gesellschaft quickly became an | November 1918 with Germany’s defeat the Thule-Gesellschaft quickly became an | ||
− | entirely political organisation, involved in the counter-revolution in the short-lived | + | entirely {{Wiki|political}} organisation, involved in the counter-revolution in the short-lived |
− | Bavarian Räterepublik and later in the Weimar Republic. The right-wing publication | + | [[Bavarian]] Räterepublik and later in the Weimar {{Wiki|Republic}}. The right-wing publication |
− | Völkischer Beobachter, which was owned by the society, claimed a Jüdische | + | Völkischer Beobachter, which was owned by the [[society]], claimed a Jüdische |
− | Weltverschwörung (Worldwide Jewish Conspiracy) was ongoing and Jews were the | + | Weltverschwörung (Worldwide [[Wikipedia:Judaism|Jewish]] Conspiracy) was ongoing and [[Jews]] were the |
− | Todfeind des Deutschen Volkes (the mortal enemy of the German people). | + | Todfeind des Deutschen Volkes (the {{Wiki|mortal}} enemy of the [[German]] [[people]]). |
Consequently, members of the Thule-Gesellschaft participated in the attempt to | Consequently, members of the Thule-Gesellschaft participated in the attempt to | ||
− | murder the socialist Bavarian president Kurt Eisner in 1919. In that year, a splinter | + | murder the socialist [[Bavarian]] [[president]] Kurt Eisner in 1919. In that year, a splinter |
− | group of the society was founded for violent action and called Kampfbund Thule, | + | group of the [[society]] was founded for [[violent]] [[action]] and called Kampfbund [[Thule]], |
− | which already by its name put a focus on the violent struggle. Less than one year | + | which already by its [[name]] put a focus on the [[violent]] struggle. Less than one year |
− | after the society’s foundation, Jewish members were excluded from participation. | + | after the society’s foundation, [[Wikipedia:Judaism|Jewish]] members were excluded from participation. |
− | However, a suggested membership of later Nazi greats like Hitler could never be | + | However, a suggested membership of later {{Wiki|Nazi}} greats like {{Wiki|Hitler}} could never be |
confirmed (Pomplun 2012: 597-599). | confirmed (Pomplun 2012: 597-599). | ||
− | After the Räterepublik had been destroyed in late 1919, the primary reason for the | + | After the Räterepublik had been destroyed in late 1919, the primary [[reason]] for the |
− | Thule-Gesellschaft did not exist anymore and membership quickly dwindled. | + | Thule-Gesellschaft did not [[exist]] anymore and membership quickly dwindled. |
Nevertheless, until its official disbandment in 1932, its ideology influenced many | Nevertheless, until its official disbandment in 1932, its ideology influenced many | ||
other groups, for example the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei which was to become the | other groups, for example the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei which was to become the | ||
Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (Pomplun 2012: 597-599). | Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (Pomplun 2012: 597-599). | ||
− | Generally, it must be stated that compared to other Viking societies of its time, the | + | Generally, it must be stated that compared to other Viking {{Wiki|societies}} of its time, the |
Thule-Gesellschaft was never focused on research but merely looked at the Viking | Thule-Gesellschaft was never focused on research but merely looked at the Viking | ||
− | Age to provide a mythological backdrop for a racist ideology and thus laid the ground | + | Age to provide a [[mythological]] backdrop for a racist ideology and thus laid the ground |
− | for what was to become the ideology of National Socialism in Germany. It is striking | + | for what was to become the ideology of [[National Socialism]] in {{Wiki|Germany}}. It is striking |
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
− | that most members of the Thule society were academics, aristocrats and | + | that most members of the {{Wiki|Thule society}} were {{Wiki|academics}}, {{Wiki|aristocrats}} and |
− | businessmen (Pomplun 2012: 596). Possibly, many of them first joined the society | + | businessmen (Pomplun 2012: 596). Possibly, many of them first joined the [[society]] |
− | out of true interest for Germanic antiquity and were then caught and seduced by the | + | out of true [[interest]] for {{Wiki|Germanic}} antiquity and were then caught and seduced by the |
− | racist propaganda the society wove into its publications. | + | racist {{Wiki|propaganda}} the [[society]] wove into its publications. |
− | How could Viking societies develop so differently? | + | How could Viking {{Wiki|societies}} develop so differently? |
− | This short summary of the three Viking societies shows just how differently they | + | This short summary of the three Viking {{Wiki|societies}} shows just how differently they |
− | developed: National romanticism and folk songs in Sweden, scientific interest in saga | + | developed: National {{Wiki|romanticism}} and {{Wiki|folk}} songs in {{Wiki|Sweden}}, [[scientific]] [[interest]] in [[saga]] |
− | literature in Britain and esotericism paired with violent racism in Germany. | + | {{Wiki|literature}} in [[Britain]] and [[esotericism]] paired with [[violent]] racism in {{Wiki|Germany}}. |
− | So how could Viking societies in 19th and early 20th century Europe develop so | + | So how could Viking {{Wiki|societies}} in 19th and early 20th century {{Wiki|Europe}} develop so |
− | differently? Generally, this overview illustrates how the Viking societies of 19th and | + | differently? Generally, this overview illustrates how the Viking {{Wiki|societies}} of 19th and |
− | early 20th century Europe mirror wider political developments. They all have in | + | early 20th century {{Wiki|Europe}} [[mirror]] wider {{Wiki|political}} developments. They all have in |
− | common that people started looking into the past in order to discover an identity for | + | common that [[people]] started looking into the {{Wiki|past}} in order to discover an [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]] for |
themselves. It certainly is not a coincidence that the long 19th century saw both the | themselves. It certainly is not a coincidence that the long 19th century saw both the | ||
− | creation of nation states and rising interest in the past in the Scandinavian and | + | creation of {{Wiki|nation}} states and [[rising]] [[interest]] in the {{Wiki|past}} in the Scandinavian and |
German-speaking countries (Brown 2002). However, the ideologies that the | German-speaking countries (Brown 2002). However, the ideologies that the | ||
− | perceived past was used to support were very different. | + | [[perceived]] {{Wiki|past}} was used to support were very different. |
− | In many cases, a lack of scientific knowledge about the Viking Age provided the | + | In many cases, a lack of [[scientific knowledge]] about the Viking Age provided the |
option to interpret things in support of any given ideology. This becomes particularly | option to interpret things in support of any given ideology. This becomes particularly | ||
− | obvious when looking at the interpretation of runes. One of the more curious effects | + | obvious when [[looking at]] the [[interpretation]] of runes. One of the more curious effects |
− | was the invention of so-called Runenhäuser (Rune houses) Guido von List, one of | + | was the invention of so-called Runenhäuser (Rune houses) {{Wiki|Guido von List}}, one of |
− | the primary ideological idea-givers for the Thule-Gesellschaft, created a theory that | + | the primary {{Wiki|ideological}} idea-givers for the Thule-Gesellschaft, created a {{Wiki|theory}} that |
the timbers in half-timber houses were meant to be runes and thus had a meaning to | the timbers in half-timber houses were meant to be runes and thus had a meaning to | ||
− | those inaugurated in secret Germanic knowledge (Puschner 2004: 110-111). This | + | those inaugurated in secret {{Wiki|Germanic}} [[knowledge]] (Puschner 2004: 110-111). This |
example clearly shows that, as long as there is not one generally accepted | example clearly shows that, as long as there is not one generally accepted | ||
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
− | interpretation, facts can be used to “prove” obscure ideas as well, supporting any | + | [[interpretation]], facts can be used to “prove” obscure [[ideas]] as well, supporting any |
− | ideology – which might have made the Vikings such a popular theme for political | + | ideology – which might have made the Vikings such a popular theme for {{Wiki|political}} |
activists. | activists. | ||
− | What is particularly interesting about the three societies is that they delved into very | + | What is particularly [[interesting]] about the three {{Wiki|societies}} is that they delved into very |
− | different fields and disciplines of studying the past. From the beginning, Götiska | + | different fields and [[disciplines]] of studying the {{Wiki|past}}. From the beginning, Götiska |
− | Förbundet was focused on folk traditions (Geisler 2007), while the Viking Club was | + | Förbundet was focused on {{Wiki|folk}} [[traditions]] (Geisler 2007), while the Viking Club was |
− | primarily into literary study (Wawn 1993) and the Thule-Gesellschaft dealt with the | + | primarily into {{Wiki|literary}} study (Wawn 1993) and the Thule-Gesellschaft dealt with the |
− | occult (Wosnitzka 2015). It is possible that due to the fact that each group only | + | [[occult]] (Wosnitzka 2015). It is possible that due to the fact that each group only |
looked at limited aspects of the Viking Age they were led into their very different | looked at limited aspects of the Viking Age they were led into their very different | ||
− | directions. | + | [[directions]]. |
− | It is striking that in each of the three examples interest in the Nordic past arose when | + | It is striking that in each of the three examples [[interest]] in the Nordic {{Wiki|past}} arose when |
− | the region was in a state of political turmoil and had to negotiate for a new national | + | the region was in a [[state]] of {{Wiki|political}} turmoil and had to negotiate for a new national |
− | identity. In Sweden, the empire had been lost once and for all and the Göticism | + | [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]]. In {{Wiki|Sweden}}, the [[empire]] had been lost once and for all and the Göticism |
− | movement certainly was a reaction to people’s desire for a past to be proud of (Kuhn | + | {{Wiki|movement}} certainly was a {{Wiki|reaction}} to people’s [[desire]] for a {{Wiki|past}} to be proud of ([[Kuhn]] |
− | 2000), while in Britain, some decades later, the glorious Victorian age and the | + | 2000), while in [[Britain]], some decades later, the glorious Victorian age and the |
− | Industrial Revolution had caused huge social and economic changes and brought | + | Industrial {{Wiki|Revolution}} had [[caused]] huge {{Wiki|social}} and economic changes and brought |
− | young men from the Northern Isles to London. As Andrew Wawn puts it: | + | young men from the [[Northern]] Isles to [[London]]. As Andrew Wawn puts it: |
− | “‘Dominion of a great part of the | + | “‘Dominion of a great part of the [[earth]]’, ‘customs and vocables’ dying out, |
− | triumphalism and dissolution, in the 1890s the pursuit of Old Norse in England | + | triumphalism and dissolution, in the 1890s the pursuit of Old {{Wiki|Norse}} in [[England]] |
− | was ever driven by pride in the one and fear of the other” (Wawn 1993: 230). | + | was ever driven by [[pride]] in the one and {{Wiki|fear}} of the other” (Wawn 1993: 230). |
Therefore, the foundation of the Viking Club might also be attributed to a necessity to | Therefore, the foundation of the Viking Club might also be attributed to a necessity to | ||
− | establish a claim on the Nordic past for the British Isles as well as providing an | + | establish a claim on the Nordic {{Wiki|past}} for the {{Wiki|British Isles}} as well as providing an |
− | identity for young men who had been uprooted by moving to London due to the social | + | [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]] for young men who had been uprooted by moving to [[London]] due to the {{Wiki|social}} |
− | changes in Britain. In Germany, Viking interest reached its first climax somewhat | + | changes in [[Britain]]. In {{Wiki|Germany}}, Viking [[interest]] reached its first climax somewhat |
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
− | later, after the loss of the First World War and most of the Reich’s territory, with bleak | + | later, after the loss of the {{Wiki|First World War}} and most of the Reich’s territory, with bleak |
− | prospects for the young republic’s future due to the treaty of Versailles. The German | + | prospects for the young republic’s {{Wiki|future}} due to the treaty of Versailles. The [[German]] |
− | people felt threatened to their core – and their reaction was to invent a past full of | + | [[people]] felt threatened to their core – and their {{Wiki|reaction}} was to invent a {{Wiki|past}} full of |
− | brave warriors and esoteric secrets, which on the one hand provided them with a | + | brave [[warriors]] and [[esoteric]] secrets, which on the one hand provided them with a |
− | claim for supremacy over other “races” ignoring the lost war but on the other hand | + | claim for supremacy over other “races” ignoring the lost [[war]] but on the other hand |
− | also gave hope for a better future because on the long run, the strong Germanic | + | also gave {{Wiki|hope}} for a better {{Wiki|future}} because on the long run, the strong {{Wiki|Germanic}} |
− | blood would prevail (Mees 2006). | + | {{Wiki|blood}} would prevail (Mees 2006). |
− | Thus, it is certainly not a coincidence that the three societies were founded when and | + | Thus, it is certainly not a coincidence that the three {{Wiki|societies}} were founded when and |
where they were and then developed in such different ways. A particular combination | where they were and then developed in such different ways. A particular combination | ||
− | of regional circumstances and political events caused them - despite their | + | of regional circumstances and {{Wiki|political}} events [[caused]] them - despite their |
− | superficially common roots as societies interested in the Viking past – to become so | + | superficially common [[roots]] as {{Wiki|societies}} [[interested]] in the Viking {{Wiki|past}} – to become so |
different to each other. | different to each other. | ||
− | Generally, it can be said that to some extent, all three societies had political goals. | + | Generally, it can be said that to some extent, all three {{Wiki|societies}} had {{Wiki|political}} goals. |
Even the Viking Club considered itself “patriotic” (Townsend 1993: 184). Yet, the | Even the Viking Club considered itself “patriotic” (Townsend 1993: 184). Yet, the | ||
− | Viking Club was still the least nationalist or radical among the three societies – and it | + | Viking Club was still the least nationalist or radical among the three {{Wiki|societies}} – and it |
− | is the only one which still exists today. | + | is the only one which still [[exists]] today. |
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016 | ||
Line 257: | Line 257: | ||
− | Bibliography: | + | [[Bibliography]]: |
− | Brown, C. (2002), | + | Brown, C. (2002), ‘[[State]] and {{Wiki|nation}} in nineteenth century international {{Wiki|political}} {{Wiki|theory}}’, in T. Nardin and N. Rengger (eds.), International relations in {{Wiki|political}} [[thought]]: Texts from the {{Wiki|ancient Greeks}} to the {{Wiki|First World War}} ({{Wiki|Cambridge University Press}}, [[Cambridge]]). pp. 457-469. |
Eriksson, E. (2009), Bland gudar och krigare: Asatro, ideologi och mansidealet i nationalromantikens konst (Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Högskolan i Gävle). [online: https://www.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2:223446/FULLTEXT02.pdf, accessed: 15th October 2015]. | Eriksson, E. (2009), Bland gudar och krigare: Asatro, ideologi och mansidealet i nationalromantikens konst (Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Högskolan i Gävle). [online: https://www.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2:223446/FULLTEXT02.pdf, accessed: 15th October 2015]. | ||
− | Geisler, U. (2007), ‘Herders | + | Geisler, U. (2007), ‘Herders „[[Volksgeist]]“ och Götiska Förbundet‘, in G. Andersson and U. Geisler (eds.), Myt och {{Wiki|Propaganda}}: Musiken i nazismens tjänst i Sverige och Tyskland (Forum för Levande Historia, Lund). pp. 25-46. |
Gilbhard, H. (2015), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft, 1918-1933‘, in Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. [online: http://www.historisches-lexikonbayerns.de/artikel/artikel_44318, accessed: 28th May 2015]. | Gilbhard, H. (2015), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft, 1918-1933‘, in Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. [online: http://www.historisches-lexikonbayerns.de/artikel/artikel_44318, accessed: 28th May 2015]. | ||
− | Kuhn, H. (2000). | + | [[Kuhn]], H. (2000). ‘{{Wiki|Greek}} [[Gods]] in [[Northern]] Costumes: [[Visual]] {{Wiki|Representations}} of {{Wiki|Norse Mythology}} in 19th Century Scandinavia’, in G. Barnes and M. Clunies Ross (eds.) Old {{Wiki|Norse}} [[Myths]], {{Wiki|Literature}} and [[Society]]: Proceedings of the 11th International [[Saga]] Conference, [[University of Sydney]], 2-7 July, 2000 (Centre for {{Wiki|Medieval}} Studies, {{Wiki|University}} of Sidney, Sidney). pp. 209-219. |
− | Landquist, J. (1923). Erik Gustaf Geijer. Samlade Skrifter: Ny utökad upplaga I tidsföljd. Del 1, 1803-1817 (Norstedt, Stockholm) | + | Landquist, J. (1923). Erik Gustaf Geijer. Samlade Skrifter: Ny utökad upplaga I tidsföljd. Del 1, 1803-1817 (Norstedt, {{Wiki|Stockholm}}) |
− | Mees, B. (2006), ‘Germanische Sturmflut: From the Old Norse Twilight to the Fascist New Dawn’, Studia Neophilologica (78:2). pp. 184-198. | + | Mees, B. (2006), ‘Germanische Sturmflut: From the Old {{Wiki|Norse}} Twilight to the Fascist New Dawn’, Studia Neophilologica (78:2). pp. 184-198. |
Molin, T. (2003). Den rätta tidens mått: Göthiska förbundet, fornforskningen och den | Molin, T. (2003). Den rätta tidens mått: Göthiska förbundet, fornforskningen och den | ||
Line 280: | Line 280: | ||
antikvariska landskapet (Institutionen för historiska studier, Umeå Universitet, Umeå). | antikvariska landskapet (Institutionen för historiska studier, Umeå Universitet, Umeå). | ||
− | Pomplun, J.-P. (2012), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft‘, in W. Benz (ed.), Handbuch des Antisemitismus, Band 5: Organisationen, Institutionen, Bewegungen (De Gruyter, Berlin). pp. 596-599. | + | Pomplun, J.-P. (2012), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft‘, in W. Benz (ed.), Handbuch des Antisemitismus, Band 5: Organisationen, Institutionen, Bewegungen (De Gruyter, [[Berlin]]). pp. 596-599. |
− | Puschner, U. (2001), | + | Puschner, U. (2001), ‘[[Die]] Germanenideologie im Kontext der völkischen {{Wiki|Weltanschauung}}‘, Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft (4). pp. 85-97. |
− | Puschner, U. (2004), ‘Germanenideologie und völkische | + | Puschner, U. (2004), ‘Germanenideologie und völkische {{Wiki|Weltanschauung}}‘, in H. Beck et al. (eds.), Zur Geschichte der Gleichung „germanisch-deutsch“: Sprache und Namen, Geschichte und Institutionen (De Gruyter, [[Berlin]]). pp. 103-130. |
Rydh, H. (2015), ‘Jacob Adlerbeth‘, in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon. [online: http://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/artikel/5545, accessed: 15th October 2015]. | Rydh, H. (2015), ‘Jacob Adlerbeth‘, in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon. [online: http://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/artikel/5545, accessed: 15th October 2015]. | ||
− | Schulz, K. (2009), ‘ | + | Schulz, K. (2009), ‘ „[[Sang]] an Aegir“ – Nordische Mythen um 1900: Eine Einleitung‘, in K. Schulz and F. Heesch (eds.), Edda-Rezeption/Band 1: „[[Sang]] an Aegir“. (Universitätsverlag Winter, [[Heidelberg]]). pp. 7-12. |
− | Townsend, J.A.B. (1993). ‘The Viking Society: A Centenary History‘, Saga-Book of the Viking Society (XXIII, 1990-1993). pp. 180-212. | + | Townsend, J.A.B. (1993). ‘The Viking [[Society]]: A Centenary History‘, Saga-Book of the Viking [[Society]] (XXIII, 1990-1993). pp. 180-212. |
− | Wawn, A. (2002). The Vikings and the Victorians: Inventing the Old North in 19th Century Britain (D.S.Brewer, Cambridge). | + | Wawn, A. (2002). The Vikings and the Victorians: Inventing the Old [[North]] in 19th Century [[Britain]] (D.S.Brewer, [[Cambridge]]). |
− | Wawn, A. (1993). ‘The Spirit of 1892: Sagas, Saga-Steads and Victorian | + | Wawn, A. (1993). ‘The [[Spirit]] of 1892: Sagas, Saga-Steads and Victorian {{Wiki|Philology}}’, Saga-Book of the Viking [[Society]] (XXIII, 1990-1993). pp. 213-252. |
− | Wosnitzka, D. (2015), | + | Wosnitzka, D. (2015), ‘[[Die]] Thule-Gesellschaft‘, in Deutsches Historisches Museum [[Berlin]]. [online: http://www.dhm.de/lemo/kapitel/weimarerrepublik/antisemitismus/thule-gesellschaft.html, accessed: 12th October 2015]. |
Latest revision as of 10:55, 2 February 2020
In 19th and early 20th century Europe, interest in the Viking Age resulted in the
foundation of countless Viking clubs and societies (Wawn 2002: 5-9). However,
although they were interested in the same field - at least on the surface - these
societies developed very differently. In the following, the foundation and development
of three such societies shall be compared: The Swedish Götiska Förbundet, the
British Viking Club and the German Thule-Gesellschaft. The reason for picking these
three is that they illustrate the very different aspects of how the Vikings were used in
Europe during this period.
Götiska Förbundet in Sweden
First, let me talk about Götiska Förbundet in Sweden. Scandinavia was the first
region where people became interested in the ancient North. In 1809, Sweden lost a
large proportion of its empire and had to find a new identity as a national, Swedish
kingdom. In 1811, former students of the university at Uppsala founded Götiska
Förbundet in order to explore the Swedish past and “give the Swedish people a
sense of unity, a people with a common history, a relevant present, and a possible
future” (Molin 2003: 269). Already in its first year of existence, the society started
publishing its journal Iduna, which contained scientific articles on historic monuments
as well as nationalistic poems (Molin 2003: 274).
However, the society was not only interested in monument research. It also studied Swedish folk tradition in order to create a romanticised all-Swedish version of the past. Already in 1811, co-founder Erik Gustaf Geijer wrote: Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
“I allmänhet talat, så borde väl skaldestycken, ingivna av kärlek till
fornåldern,lämpligen finna rum i en skrift, vars föremål för det första är att
väcka en sådan kärlek.”
In English: “Generally speaking, songs filled with love for the past should well
find room in a publication whose primary goal is to awaken such a love.”
(Landquist 1923: 145)
Consequently, for the Götiska Förbundet, the promotion of Swedish folk music
became equally important than their historic research. Nordic music and sagas were
supposed to convey character traits which the Nordic race, including the exclusively
male society’s members, had carried since the Viking age: Good health, intelligence
and natural strength (Geisler 2007: 26-8).
In addition, the society tried to replace the Greek gods, which had become popular in arts during the époque of Classicism, with their Northern counterparts. This led, for example, to a competition in 1817 for depictions of the Norse gods in visual arts. The works that were submitted to Götiska Förbundet had striking similarities in style and fashion with their Greek antetypes but were nevertheless perceived as proper Nordic artworks (Kuhn 2000: 211-213). This shows that, despite their official focus on
research and ancient monuments, the founders of Götiska Förbundet were trying to
establish an idealised Nordic past, not a true representation of the Viking age.
The work of Götiska Förbundet during the first half of the 19th century in Sweden was
so influential that the entire époque is now called Göticism. However, when interest in
the Viking age dwindled in the 1840s and additionally, founding member Jacob
Adlerbeth died in 1844, the society was officially dissolved and its library handed over
to the Swedish national archive Riksarkivet. Nevertheless, a romanticised view of the
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
Viking past remained popular throughout Sweden (Eriksson 2009: 11-12, Rydh
2015).
The Viking Club in Britain
While interest in Sweden already dwindled, the Viking age became a popular subject
of research in Britain (Wawn 1993: 213-214, Wawn 2002: 5-9). In the course of the
19th century, many men from the Northern Isles had moved to London and in order to
preserve their heritage founded the Orkney and Shetland Society. In 1892, members
of this society decided that “a branch of the society be formed of a social and literary
character” (Townsend 1993: 180). About forty members thus founded what they
simply called Viking Club and met monthly, primarily to discuss Orkney and Shetland
literature (Townsend 1993: 180-182). However, there was a political motivation
behind this club, too: Its co-founder and first secretary, Alfred Johnston, also actively
campaigned for devolution for Orkney and Shetland, though without success. He
even drafted a constitution for the Northern Isles’ independence, drawing back on
Norse institutions like the Althing, and when he could not get support for his ideas, he
used the terms to rename the board positions in the Viking Club (Townsend 1993:
181-183). This shows that even though in its official aims the Viking Club was a
literary society, the motives for its foundation were somewhat political, too.
In 1894, the club gave itself a new constitution which contained many Old Norse
terms and positioned it primarily as a literary study club – however, it received
considerable ridicule in the press for using Viking names. Nevertheless, the Viking
Club continued its work, introducing an annual dinner and regularly publishing the
Saga-Book, which contained papers on Norse literature and saga translations
(Townsend 1993: 189-191).
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
As soon as the sagas had been translated into English, they started being interpreted
in light of Darwin’s new theories: The Vikings were an equally strong and intelligent
people as the current British people, who were now also seen as descendants of
Norse settlers, and therefore deserving of victory and a colonial empire (Wawn 1993:
224-226). In a way, the Viking Club’s work opened up the use of Viking literature to
defend and justify British imperialism.
Quickly, the society opened up for anybody studying Norse literature and, despite
some financial troubles later on, it still exists today as Viking Society for Northern
Research (Townsend 1993: 184, 191-208)
. The German Thule-Gesellschaft
In Germany, the purpose of the most famous Viking-themed society could not have
been more contrasting. During the 19th century, in Germany, too, people had become
interested in everything Viking as part of a larger rise in popularity of Germanic myths
(Schulz 2009: 8-11). Scholars like Gustaf Kossina and Karl Müllenhoff proposed that
looking at Viking mythology was the key to learning about true German-ness. In
strong opposition to the ex oriente-view of some of their contemporaries, these
scholars promoted a heroic German past and even composed a Germanenbibel,
which contained parts of the Eddas, to provide a mythological background for their
ideology (Mees 2006: 184-188, Puschner 2001: 92-93). In light of this tendency, the
Thule-Gesellschaft was founded by Rudolf von Sebottendorf in Munich in August
1918. Sebottendorf was mainly interested in Germanic mysticism and picked the
society’s name to allude to the mythic Ultima Thule (Gilbhard 2015: 2).
The original foundation was supposed to provide a mythological Germanic framework
for nationalist policies as a Studiengruppe für Germanisches Altertum (Study Group
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
for Germanic Antiquity) and grew fast to 1500 members. Its appeal was that for the
first time it connected pre-First World War völkisch tradition with occult, pagan and
racist ideas (Wosnitzka 2015). However, after the First World War ended in
November 1918 with Germany’s defeat the Thule-Gesellschaft quickly became an
entirely political organisation, involved in the counter-revolution in the short-lived
Bavarian Räterepublik and later in the Weimar Republic. The right-wing publication
Völkischer Beobachter, which was owned by the society, claimed a Jüdische
Weltverschwörung (Worldwide Jewish Conspiracy) was ongoing and Jews were the
Todfeind des Deutschen Volkes (the mortal enemy of the German people).
Consequently, members of the Thule-Gesellschaft participated in the attempt to
murder the socialist Bavarian president Kurt Eisner in 1919. In that year, a splinter
group of the society was founded for violent action and called Kampfbund Thule,
which already by its name put a focus on the violent struggle. Less than one year
after the society’s foundation, Jewish members were excluded from participation.
However, a suggested membership of later Nazi greats like Hitler could never be
confirmed (Pomplun 2012: 597-599).
After the Räterepublik had been destroyed in late 1919, the primary reason for the
Thule-Gesellschaft did not exist anymore and membership quickly dwindled.
Nevertheless, until its official disbandment in 1932, its ideology influenced many
other groups, for example the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei which was to become the
Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (Pomplun 2012: 597-599).
Generally, it must be stated that compared to other Viking societies of its time, the
Thule-Gesellschaft was never focused on research but merely looked at the Viking
Age to provide a mythological backdrop for a racist ideology and thus laid the ground
for what was to become the ideology of National Socialism in Germany. It is striking
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
that most members of the Thule society were academics, aristocrats and businessmen (Pomplun 2012: 596). Possibly, many of them first joined the society out of true interest for Germanic antiquity and were then caught and seduced by the racist propaganda the society wove into its publications.
How could Viking societies develop so differently?
This short summary of the three Viking societies shows just how differently they
developed: National romanticism and folk songs in Sweden, scientific interest in saga
literature in Britain and esotericism paired with violent racism in Germany.
So how could Viking societies in 19th and early 20th century Europe develop so
differently? Generally, this overview illustrates how the Viking societies of 19th and
early 20th century Europe mirror wider political developments. They all have in
common that people started looking into the past in order to discover an identity for
themselves. It certainly is not a coincidence that the long 19th century saw both the
creation of nation states and rising interest in the past in the Scandinavian and
German-speaking countries (Brown 2002). However, the ideologies that the
perceived past was used to support were very different.
In many cases, a lack of scientific knowledge about the Viking Age provided the option to interpret things in support of any given ideology. This becomes particularly obvious when looking at the interpretation of runes. One of the more curious effects was the invention of so-called Runenhäuser (Rune houses) Guido von List, one of the primary ideological idea-givers for the Thule-Gesellschaft, created a theory that the timbers in half-timber houses were meant to be runes and thus had a meaning to those inaugurated in secret Germanic knowledge (Puschner 2004: 110-111). This example clearly shows that, as long as there is not one generally accepted Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
interpretation, facts can be used to “prove” obscure ideas as well, supporting any
ideology – which might have made the Vikings such a popular theme for political
activists.
What is particularly interesting about the three societies is that they delved into very
different fields and disciplines of studying the past. From the beginning, Götiska
Förbundet was focused on folk traditions (Geisler 2007), while the Viking Club was
primarily into literary study (Wawn 1993) and the Thule-Gesellschaft dealt with the
occult (Wosnitzka 2015). It is possible that due to the fact that each group only
looked at limited aspects of the Viking Age they were led into their very different
directions.
It is striking that in each of the three examples interest in the Nordic past arose when
the region was in a state of political turmoil and had to negotiate for a new national
identity. In Sweden, the empire had been lost once and for all and the Göticism
movement certainly was a reaction to people’s desire for a past to be proud of (Kuhn
2000), while in Britain, some decades later, the glorious Victorian age and the
Industrial Revolution had caused huge social and economic changes and brought
young men from the Northern Isles to London. As Andrew Wawn puts it:
“‘Dominion of a great part of the earth’, ‘customs and vocables’ dying out,
triumphalism and dissolution, in the 1890s the pursuit of Old Norse in England
was ever driven by pride in the one and fear of the other” (Wawn 1993: 230).
Therefore, the foundation of the Viking Club might also be attributed to a necessity to
establish a claim on the Nordic past for the British Isles as well as providing an
identity for young men who had been uprooted by moving to London due to the social
changes in Britain. In Germany, Viking interest reached its first climax somewhat
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
later, after the loss of the First World War and most of the Reich’s territory, with bleak
prospects for the young republic’s future due to the treaty of Versailles. The German
people felt threatened to their core – and their reaction was to invent a past full of
brave warriors and esoteric secrets, which on the one hand provided them with a
claim for supremacy over other “races” ignoring the lost war but on the other hand
also gave hope for a better future because on the long run, the strong Germanic
blood would prevail (Mees 2006).
Thus, it is certainly not a coincidence that the three societies were founded when and
where they were and then developed in such different ways. A particular combination
of regional circumstances and political events caused them - despite their
superficially common roots as societies interested in the Viking past – to become so
different to each other.
Generally, it can be said that to some extent, all three societies had political goals.
Even the Viking Club considered itself “patriotic” (Townsend 1993: 184). Yet, the
Viking Club was still the least nationalist or radical among the three societies – and it
is the only one which still exists today.
Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
Brown, C. (2002), ‘State and nation in nineteenth century international political theory’, in T. Nardin and N. Rengger (eds.), International relations in political thought: Texts from the ancient Greeks to the First World War (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge). pp. 457-469.
Eriksson, E. (2009), Bland gudar och krigare: Asatro, ideologi och mansidealet i nationalromantikens konst (Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, Högskolan i Gävle). [online: https://www.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2:223446/FULLTEXT02.pdf, accessed: 15th October 2015].
Geisler, U. (2007), ‘Herders „Volksgeist“ och Götiska Förbundet‘, in G. Andersson and U. Geisler (eds.), Myt och Propaganda: Musiken i nazismens tjänst i Sverige och Tyskland (Forum för Levande Historia, Lund). pp. 25-46.
Gilbhard, H. (2015), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft, 1918-1933‘, in Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. [online: http://www.historisches-lexikonbayerns.de/artikel/artikel_44318, accessed: 28th May 2015].
Kuhn, H. (2000). ‘Greek Gods in Northern Costumes: Visual Representations of Norse Mythology in 19th Century Scandinavia’, in G. Barnes and M. Clunies Ross (eds.) Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society: Proceedings of the 11th International Saga Conference, University of Sydney, 2-7 July, 2000 (Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Sidney, Sidney). pp. 209-219.
Landquist, J. (1923). Erik Gustaf Geijer. Samlade Skrifter: Ny utökad upplaga I tidsföljd. Del 1, 1803-1817 (Norstedt, Stockholm)
Mees, B. (2006), ‘Germanische Sturmflut: From the Old Norse Twilight to the Fascist New Dawn’, Studia Neophilologica (78:2). pp. 184-198.
Molin, T. (2003). Den rätta tidens mått: Göthiska förbundet, fornforskningen och den Andrea Blendl, CNS, UHI Paper for St Magnus Conference, Kirkwall, 2016
antikvariska landskapet (Institutionen för historiska studier, Umeå Universitet, Umeå).
Pomplun, J.-P. (2012), ‘Thule-Gesellschaft‘, in W. Benz (ed.), Handbuch des Antisemitismus, Band 5: Organisationen, Institutionen, Bewegungen (De Gruyter, Berlin). pp. 596-599.
Puschner, U. (2001), ‘Die Germanenideologie im Kontext der völkischen Weltanschauung‘, Göttinger Forum für Altertumswissenschaft (4). pp. 85-97.
Puschner, U. (2004), ‘Germanenideologie und völkische Weltanschauung‘, in H. Beck et al. (eds.), Zur Geschichte der Gleichung „germanisch-deutsch“: Sprache und Namen, Geschichte und Institutionen (De Gruyter, Berlin). pp. 103-130.
Rydh, H. (2015), ‘Jacob Adlerbeth‘, in Svenskt biografiskt lexikon. [online: http://sok.riksarkivet.se/sbl/artikel/5545, accessed: 15th October 2015].
Schulz, K. (2009), ‘ „Sang an Aegir“ – Nordische Mythen um 1900: Eine Einleitung‘, in K. Schulz and F. Heesch (eds.), Edda-Rezeption/Band 1: „Sang an Aegir“. (Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidelberg). pp. 7-12.
Townsend, J.A.B. (1993). ‘The Viking Society: A Centenary History‘, Saga-Book of the Viking Society (XXIII, 1990-1993). pp. 180-212.
Wawn, A. (2002). The Vikings and the Victorians: Inventing the Old North in 19th Century Britain (D.S.Brewer, Cambridge).
Wawn, A. (1993). ‘The Spirit of 1892: Sagas, Saga-Steads and Victorian Philology’, Saga-Book of the Viking Society (XXIII, 1990-1993). pp. 213-252.
Wosnitzka, D. (2015), ‘Die Thule-Gesellschaft‘, in Deutsches Historisches Museum Berlin. [online: http://www.dhm.de/lemo/kapitel/weimarerrepublik/antisemitismus/thule-gesellschaft.html, accessed: 12th October 2015].