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[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
[[Buddhism]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}}
  
that in the M [[sutta]] the [[Buddha’s]] original defence of his position
+
Couple of weeks ago I found a page in Facebook called or group of [[people]] called  [[Buddhism]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}} . I wrote couple of words myself an english on their page and immediately reacted on my words  site Admin  Peter Olin  and told that everybody here on this page have to use only  {{Wiki|Swedish}} because it's a {{Wiki|swedish}} [[buddhist]] site. He [[sound]] quite convincible.
either never existed or has been lost. There is no {{Wiki|evidence}} that a
 
[[monk]] ever defended this aspect of the [[Teaching]] in a [[debate]], but
 
then the [[suttas]] are primarily about the [[Buddha]] and only oc¬
 
casionally about {{Wiki|individual}} [[monks]].  
 
  
The right to utter a [[lion’s roar]] is not limited to the [[Tatha]]-
+
I explained to Olin that I have been doing the [[Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia]] for 18 hours every day for 8 years  After which he started to explain to me that many links in [[Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia]] what are linked to Wikipedia are suspicious and may change over time, and what,ll happened with these articles in my {{Wiki|encyclopedia}} when there,ll be changes in Wikipedia , He seemed quite excited and determined in their [[own]] deliberations and positions.
[[gata]], or to those situations where the [[Buddha]] permits his [[monks]]
 
to proclaim certain [[subjects]] in this way. A [[monk]] may also utter a
 
[[lions]] roar’ on his [[own]] initiative. In the [[Nikayas]] this [[monk]] is
 
always [[Sariputta]].  
 
  
In an upsurge of [[faith]], [[Sariputta]] proclaims to the [[Buddha]],  
+
Then I posted couple of [[thangkas]] made by me and lot of critics or by other words a large avalanche of [[criticism]] arrived at my address. compared to my [[attitude]] towards the {{Wiki|Encyclopedia}} and other [[activities]] in {{Wiki|Asia}}, {{Wiki|Sweden}} had an extremely negative and rusty cold [[attitude]].
  
* Lord, such is the [[faith]] l have in the [[Exalted One]] — Dhagava,
+
With this, I felt like the admin's ironic [[logic]] killed me wanting to participate in this site on Facebook and of course since the admin of the page was quite specific in his [[attitude]], I asked him what have you done for [[Buddhism]] yourself? He didn't answer. At the end I just left the {{Wiki|swedish}} [[group of buddhists]]..
that (I know) there has not been, will not be and is not found
 
today any [[samana]] or [[brahmana]] who is better than the [[Exalted One]], or has more [[higher knowledge]] with [[respect]] to the [[Highest]]
 
[[Enlightenment]]’ 73 . The [[Buddha]] acknowledges [[Sariputta’s]] remark,  
 
“This {{Wiki|speech}} you have uttered, [[Sariputta]], is [[noble]], bull-like. A
 
[[lion’s roar]], seized with {{Wiki|certainty}}, is uttered’ 74 . Thus the [[Buddha]]
 
himself categorises this utterance as a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’. The [[Buddha]]
 
immediately challenges [[Sariputta]] on his capacity to make such a
 
remark, forcing hint to admit that he has not known all {{Wiki|past}}
 
[[Buddhas]], does not know all [[future Buddhas]], and does not even
 
know the {{Wiki|present}} [[Buddha]] to the required extent to be able to
 
* support his claim. [[Sariputta]], however, is not daunted. He asserts
 
that he can support his claim, which he has made because he has
 
  
 +
I spend there on site just 2 days. And then left because [[people]] started to scream about my work  with [[Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia]]. My secretary who has been a member of this group  started to defend me and almost all [[people]]  on  the page started to talk  that I serve the interests of the [[Chinese government]] and they pay me  for that.
  
73 D ^S. Ill 99. Cf. D II 82f = S V 159. both of which only include (14)
+
I started the {{Wiki|encyclopedia}} in [[Australia]] and interestingly there were no negative [[attitude]] towards my work . [[Australia]] gave me a Distinguished Talented Visa for my [[activities]] and work  in  [[Buddhism ]].  
below. S V 159 includes the [[Buddha's]] final injunction (see below) that this text
 
should regularly be recited to converts ([[monks]], [[nuns]] and lay-followers).  
 
  
74 D iii 95; tr. T.W. and C/VF. [[Wikipedia:Thomas William Rhys Davids|Rhys Davids]], [[Dialogues of the Buddha]] (DB)
+
I am struck by how two countries may have so different [[views]] on [[Buddhism]]. I arrived back to {{Wiki|Sweden}} a year ago and turned to  {{Wiki|Swedish}}  government and asked if they would like to help me with the {{Wiki|encyclopedia}}. I also wrote to the {{Wiki|Swedish}} {{Wiki|Academy}} of [[Sciences]] and asked them for a positive [[attitude]] towards my work. I wrote to 60 politicians in the government but did not receive any response to my letters at all.
111 95
 
  
 +
The {{Wiki|Academy}} of [[Sciences]] was [[silent]] in {{Wiki|Swedish}} way. I [[thought]] when I arrived first time to {{Wiki|Sweden}} most of the world's press was {{Wiki|present}} and even  {{Wiki|Swedish}} journalists  but now it seemed embarrassing for {{Wiki|Sweden}} that they gave me {{Wiki|swedish}} citizenship, Which shows that my {{Wiki|political}} [[activities]] suited them but not [[Buddhist]] .
  
Manne — The Lion’s Koar
+
I have organized a major international [[Buddhist]] conferences  and ([[Buddhism]] and Nordland) and  ([[Buddhism]] and [[Australia]])  what lasted 9 years.  I myself have attended other conferences at the {{Wiki|University}} of [[Berkeley]], but I have never seen such a derogatory and monotonous [[attitude]] as in {{Wiki|Europe}}, and especially in Scandinavia haven't seen such negative [[attitude]] anywhere in [[world]]. We can say openly {{Wiki|Sweden}} denies [[Buddhism]]. 
  
seen in accordance with [[Dhamma]] 75 , arguing through the use of a
+
This summer, I approached the {{Wiki|University}} of Kalmar with a proposal to hold an international conference on [[Buddhism]]. In a month's time, my secretary, Marju Broder, sent them letters with a proposal to meet to discuss cooperation and [[activities]] in [[connection]] with the conference.
simile that he has seen what is important.
+
the {{Wiki|university}} replied to me  w month later with such this [[letter]];
  
The content of [[Sariputta’s]] defence of his [[lion’s roar]] is a
+
Dear Marju Broder,
lengthy itemisation of what all the [[Buddhas]], {{Wiki|past}}, {{Wiki|present}} and
+
                                                                                                                       
{{Wiki|future}}, have achieved. The details, in as brief a [[form]] as possible,  
+
I’m [[professor]] in the study of [[religions]] and like all my [[colleagues]] in the study of [[religions]] we are regularly contacted by, besides of course [[scholars]] of [[religions]], RELIGIONISTS OF DIFFERENT SORTS, NOT RARELY WITH DEEP THEOLOGICAL ERUDITION.
are:
 
  
(14) i. ‘That all [[Buddhas]], "after they have abandoned the five hin¬
+
Stefan Arvidsson
drances and after they have weakened [[corruptions]] of the
+
[[Professor]] in the History of [[Religions]], Linnæus {{Wiki|University}}   
[[mind]] by means of [[wisdom]], being possessed (then) of
 
hearts well established in the four exercises for setting up
 
[[mindfulness]] and having thoroughly developed the seven
 
constituents of [[knowledge]], have wholly [[awakened]] (or will
 
wholly [[awaken]]) to tne uttermost [[awakening]]" 76 .
 
  
ii. ‘That on one occasion when he came to the [[Buddha]] to
+
At least someone dared to answer and say what is [[thought]] about of [[Buddhist]] [[activities]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}} . It is [[interesting]] that {{Wiki|Sweden}} is talking about [[religious]] freedom. How to understand it ?
hear [[Dhamma]], the [[Buddha]] [[taught]] it in such a way that  
 
[[Sariputta]] [[attained]] [[perfection]] in one particular [[dhamma]],
 
  
namely, [[faith]] in the [[Teacher]] 77 .
+
This freedom seems to [[exist]] only  for [[Christians]] but not for [[Buddhists]] . In addition, we wrote to many other {{Wiki|Swedish}}  organizations, but the answer was [[silence]]  
  
iii. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[skilful]]
+
My secretary Marju Broder also wrote to others in Scandinavia, but the answer from  them was either [[silence]] or a negative [[attitude]]. The same [[attitude]] was observed by those Swedes on Facebook who call themselves a [[Buddhists]].
[[dhammas]] is unsurpassable by any [[samana]] or [[brahmana]],
 
these [[skilful]] [[dhammas]] being the [[Four Foundations of Mindfulness]], the [[Four Right Exertions]], the [[Four Bases of Psychic Power]], the Five Controlling {{Wiki|Principles}}, the [[Five Powers]], the Seven Constituents of [[Knowledge]], and the
 
[[Noble Eightfold Path]]. In this [[connection]], a [[bhikkhu]],
 
having destroyed the [[intoxicants]], [[lives]] in the [[attainment]] of
 
having [[experienced]] for himself through his [[own]] [[higher Knowledge]] in this very [[life]] the [[release]] of the [[mind]], the
 
  
 +
That's what they wrote in {{Wiki|Swedish}} newspaper;
  
75 dhammanvayo vidiio. D III 100.  
+
[[Buddhism]] is a relatively small [[religion]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}}, but has seen an increase in recent years. The number of [[Buddhists]] in April 2011 is estimated at around 45,000 [[people]] or close to 0.5% of Sweden's population,  making it Sweden's third largest [[religion]] after [[Christianity]] and {{Wiki|Islam}}. Most practitioners have an {{Wiki|Asian}} background and come mostly from [[Thailand]], [[China]] or [[Vietnam]].
  
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
In addition, the {{Wiki|Swedish}} government requested that {{Wiki|donations}} to [[Buddhists]] be taxed on the basis of income.
 +
 +
http://religionsvetenskapligakommentarer.blogspot.com/2012/09/strukturell-diskriminering-nar.html
  
 +
http://religionsvetenskapligakommentarer.blogspot.com/2019/08/buddhistiska-tempel-beskattas-for.html 
  
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
It,s a [[shame]] to take a [[money]] from [[buddhist monks]]. [[Interesting]] how much {{Wiki|Swedish}} government pays for [[Christian]] {{Wiki|church}}  to keep it alive.
  
 +
it shows specifically how the {{Wiki|Swedish}} government and [[people]] view [[Buddhism]]. You could say  frankly that they [[hate]] [[Buddhism]]
  
[[release]] through [[wisdom]] that is free from [[intoxicants]] 78 .  
+
It shows how wrong  country I chose when I was expelled from the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} by [[Gorbachev]]  when I made,  first time in [[Soviet]] history, an [[opposition]] party against [[Communist Party]], My [[idea]] that erupted  the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} and perestroika.  
  
iv. 'That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the description
+
Having lived in {{Wiki|Sweden}} for years, I did not come to the [[idea]] or  [[understanding]] that  {{Wiki|Sweden}} does not like  a [[Buddhism]] because I was not involved in promoting [[Buddhism]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}}.  
of the [[sphere]] of [[perception]] 79 is unsurpassable.  
 
  
v. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to {{Wiki|conception}} 80
+
I have been actively involved in [[Buddhism]] for 45 years, I established the [[Nyingma]] [[Buddhist tradition]] in {{Wiki|Estonia}}, built 5 [[stupas]] there, My friends also actively contributed to the translation of a large amount of [[Buddhist literature]]. [[Soviet]] times nobody paid [[attention]] to my work in field  of [[Buddhism]].
({{Wiki|gestation}} and [[birth]]) is unsurpassable. (The text here shows
 
that {{Wiki|conception}}, {{Wiki|gestation}} and the [[quality]] of the [[birth]] of
 
the {{Wiki|foetus}} arc meant.)
 
  
vi. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the ability of
+
Now when I went back to {{Wiki|Estonia}} and started [[to build]]  a new [[stupa]] the new [[Estonian]]  government arrested me and my friends and  accused me that I am hiding [[weapons]] in my country house what I haven't visited already 15 years .
mind-reading 81 is unsurpassable.  
 
  
vii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[attainment]] of
+
They hold me in jail two days until  {{Wiki|swedish}} ambassador Dag Hartelius  called to the police. Why it's happened? Because in {{Wiki|Estonia}} old [[Wikipedia:Communism|communists]] are still  in power. And they [[hate]] me because I destroyed the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}}.
[[seeing]] 82 is unsurpassable. (The text here describes four le¬
 
vels of [[attainment]] with regard to [[meditation]] on the [[body]].)
 
  
viii. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[typology]] of
+
I built a [[stupa]] and large [[prayer wheel]] then left {{Wiki|Estonia}}., 1982  I build 4 [[stupas]] with my friends in {{Wiki|Estonia}}, first [[Buddhist]] [[thangkas]] were made by Arno Arrak it was the start for [[Buddhism in Estonia]].  
[[people]] 82 is unsurpassable. (The text here describes seven
 
[[characteristic]] ways of [[attaining]] [[release]], [[vimutti]]).  
 
  
ix. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the (qualities of)
+
At the same time, the {{Wiki|University of Tartu}} in {{Wiki|Estonia}} was extremely contemptuous of my [[activities]], led by Linnart Mäll,who was  a chronic alcoholic plus his students Märt Läänemets and Maret Kark supported him.  
[[concentration of the mind]] 84 is unsurpassable. (The text
 
here describes the seven constituents of [[knowledge]], [[satta bojjhanga]]).  
 
  
x. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with’regard to modes of
+
It is striking that instead of cooperation, there is an immediate denigration against  [[Buddhist]] [[activities]] from [[scientific]] side . Now that everyone is talking about a multicultural {{Wiki|era}}, both freedom of {{Wiki|speech}} and freedom of [[religion]], the {{Wiki|Swedish}} government is asking to tax {{Wiki|donations}} to [[Buddhists]] .  
progress 82 is unsurpassable.  
 
  
xi. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to conduct in
+
An example my secretary asked {{Wiki|Oxford University}} to participate on coming conference  [[Buddhism]] and Nordland and she got such answer : 
[[conversation]] 86 is unsurpassable.
 
  
xii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[ethical]]  
+
I am sorry to say that I cannot give you any encouragement. The OCBS is a small institute with very limited resources. We are not even able to pay any {{Wiki|academic}} salaries. We also have nobody here who [[knows]] anything about [[Buddhism]] and Nordland, so we cannot offer any expertise
conduct of man 87 is unsurpassable.
 
  
xiii. - That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the .variety (of
+
Yours sincerely,
 +
[[Richard Gombrich]]
  
the results) of instruction 88 is unsurpassable. (The text here
+
And it is a solid old {{Wiki|university}} with English [[traditions]].  
describes the [[Buddha’s]] [[knowledge]] with regard to the stage
 
an {{Wiki|individual}} will reach on receiving a particular ([[form]] of)
 
instruction.)
 
  
xiv. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to [[knowledge]]
+
The same time we have big site in [[Internet]] dedicated to this conference.  
concerning the tstage of) [[release]] of other [[people]] 89 is
 
unsurpassable.  
 
  
xv. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to {{Wiki|eternalism}} 90 is
+
The question arises as  how [[Buddhists]] do not notice what other [[Buddhists]] are talking about [[Buddhism]] in their work on conference [[Buddhism]] and Nordland.
unsurpassable
 
  
xvi. That the.Buddha’s [[teaching]] with regard to the [[knowledge]]  
+
It shows the [[stupidity]] and short-sightedness of the {{Wiki|Europeans}} and its [[universities]], And we talk about [[religious]] freedom here . Compared to the {{Wiki|University}} of [[Berkeley]], who immediately agreed to collaborate with leading [[professor]] [[Lewis Lancaster]] .The only company that is actively involved in translating texts and spreading [[knowledge]] about Buddhism,in our days which is  [[Lotsawa house]] and its a very big contribution to {{Wiki|European}} [[Buddhism]],
  
that enables {he [[remembrance]] of former life-times’* is
+
https://www.lotsawahouse.org/
unsurpassable
 
  
xvii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[knowledge]]  
+
It,s [[interesting]] most of those [[people]] doesn't belong to {{Wiki|Europe}} who translate in [[Lotsawa House]]. I know  {{Wiki|Erik Pema Kunsang}} because when I started with {{Wiki|Chinese}} {{Wiki|Encyclopedia}} he connected me and  his  relationship to my project was very positive and favorable. He is from {{Wiki|Denmark}} . And well known [[translator]] from [[Tibetan]].
 +
 +
https://lotsawahouse.blog/interviews/erik-pema-kunsang/
  
regarding the decease and [[rebirth]] of [[beings]] 92 is unsur¬
+
Another [[person]] who has helped me a lot is from [[Holland]]. I asked [[money]] to buy a new {{Wiki|computer}} and new glasses for myself because the old {{Wiki|computer}} is too old and slow he reacted immediately . The rest of the {{Wiki|europe}} was quiet.
passable
 
  
xviii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to varieties of
+
I understand because it,s a [[war]] in our days accely between [[christianity]] and [[Buddhism]] what has found new territories here in {{Wiki|Europe}},.  
[[supernormal power]] 93 (i.e. the [[noble]] and the [[ignoble]]) is
 
unsurpassable.  
 
  
xix. That with regard to the varieties of [[supernormal power]] 94
+
When I was 11 years old I read the [[book]] about [[Buddhism]] and it was written  that [[Buddha]] was talking about huge amount of other [[worlds]] and [[universes]] the same time I head in school that  {{Wiki|Galileo}}, on the other hand, was tried by the Inquisition after his [[book]] was published.
  
 +
He said  that the [[Earth]] revolved around the {{Wiki|sun}}, a {{Wiki|theory}} now known to be true, I understood immediately value of the [[christianity]]  who was telling such rubbish about [[cosmology]] . [[Buddhism]] for me as always been  a [[science]]  and I don't understand why others haven't found such values in [[Buddhist teachings]].
  
78 Ibid.  
+
And {{Wiki|Europe}} still holds the same {{Wiki|principles}} as you can see here in {{Wiki|Sweden}}. For them {{Wiki|Sweden}} is a center of the [[universe]] with his 10.23 million (2019) population. So narrow minded [[people]] here.When you use your {{Wiki|brain}} at least little bit you can understand who,ll be the winner in this [[war]].  
  
79 cyatana-pa/'inaui. D HI 102.  
+
[[Buddhist psychology]] has existed  two thousand years  , {{Wiki|Europe}} discovered it just couple of hundred years back. It seems now that {{Wiki|European}} way of [[thinking]] is really slow and  and related to [[Christian]] [[thought]].  
  
80 gabbavakkanti. ibid.  
+
One thing is a [[religion]] another is [[scientific]] approach. [[Buddhism]] is [[science]]  because it helps you to understand yourself [[Christianity]] reveals that {{Wiki|Jesus}} is your liberator. In [[Buddhism]] you have to {{Wiki|liberate}} yourself. It means different way of [[thinking]] and [[understanding]] about the [[world]] and about your [[own mind]].  
  
81 udesana vidha. L) 111 103.  
+
Now you can see in web often  [[word]] [[tantra]] what [[Christianity]] uses for [[own]] purposes  it means borrowing from [[Buddhism]], but I havent noticed  that [[Buddhism]] is using [[christian]] {{Wiki|terminology}}. It means {{Wiki|Europe}} and {{Wiki|European}} [[knowledge]] has nothing to offer anymore  new [[ideas]] in field of [[spirituality]] and for a person’s personal [[spiritual]] development,Christianity has only  one most important [[book]] the Bible [[Buddhism]] has them thousands.  
  
82 Jassana-samapalli. D III 104.  
+
[[People]] always like to have a rich friends then what about [[religion]]? [[Books]] consist [[ideas]] , teachings view of the [[world]] and I understand why [[people]] in our days who  choose a [[buddhism]]. Because it has more real [[intellectual]] values then [[christianity]]. I understand how most of the [[people]] in {{Wiki|Europe}} and specially in {{Wiki|Sweden}} react on my words but someone have to be the first who says that [[king]] is naked.  
  
83 puggala-pahhalti. D III 105.  
+
I was first who told the [[truth]]  in {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} publicly and I was expelled  does it mean that {{Wiki|Europe}} or {{Wiki|Sweden}} will expel me too ? You can see everywhere the new {{Wiki|political}} approach to be friendly, [[peaceful]], not to protest or fight with the government.
  
84 [[padhana]]. D III *106.  
+
Why? Because the masses are being asked to be pushed into certain frames so that someone can [[calmly]] [[empty]] the people's pockets of [[money]]. Banks {{Wiki|rule}} everywhere, but if you ask them for [[money]] for their [[own]] [[activities]], you can [[die]] before they help you.  
  
85 patipadu. ibid.  
+
If you look at governments, they are filled with politicians,  [[people]] who do not even have a specific [[education]] to work in a given place or area, and they all always vote diligently in an area that is distant and incomprehensible to them. Recalling Alfred Nobel's message about {{Wiki|democracy}}, he can be said that he was a [[wise]] and the only Swede who understood the basic {{Wiki|principles}} of {{Wiki|democracy}} and expressed them exactly.  
  
 +
{{Wiki|Sweden}} uses his [[money]] to share prizes in [[science]], but does not notice when someone is trying to spread [[knowledge]] about [[Buddhism]]. I was told in Öland by local politicians who need this {{Wiki|encyclopedia}}  of no use or need  for the [[people]]. Then I immediately understood what the term politician means today,  [[Sven Hedin]], who was an eastern investigator, has been overlooked by the {{Wiki|Swedish}} government because he had correspondence with {{Wiki|Hitler}}.
  
86 bhassa-samacara. ibid,  
+
Although he is highly valued and talked about by other countries. Not that he was in correspondence with {{Wiki|Hitler}}, but his [[scientific]] work is appreciated. I have [[realized]] over the years that I have lived in {{Wiki|Sweden}} and understood , Swedes are no longer Vikings but a {{Wiki|mass}} with whom the elective class does what they  want.
  
87 purisa-sila-samacara, ibid.  
+
if you do not belong to the official nomenclature does not support your work and [[activities]] it doesn't have any value for them, the same [[principle]] was chosen in the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}}, no authority in {{Wiki|Sweden}} responds positively to what I do. The {{Wiki|University}} of [[Berkeley]] immediately supported my [[activities]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}} they  does not understand what it means.  
  
88 anusasana-vidha. D 111 107.  
+
They have their [[own]] {{Wiki|Swedish}} opinion. expressed himself in very {{Wiki|Swedish}} wayas said Stefan Arvidsson
 +
[[Professor]] in the History of [[Religions]], Linnæus {{Wiki|University}} ;RELIGIONISTS OF DIFFERENT SORTS, NOT RARELY WITH DEEP THEOLOGICAL ERUDITION.  He even didn't want to meet us a or ask what kind of [[education]] I have. No authority in {{Wiki|Sweden}} responds positively to what I do.  The same way reacted {{Wiki|Swedish}} [[buddhists]] on facebook.
  
89 para-pug gal ;a-vunutti-hdna. D 111 [[108]].  
+
The {{Wiki|University}} of [[Berkeley]] immediately supported my [[activities]] in {{Wiki|Sweden}} does not understand what it means. Why and what i do it for. which raises the question may be should the government choose [[people]] based on {{Wiki|IQ}}  .
  
90 sassaia-vddesu. ibid.  
+
I have huge pile of different support letters from different [[universities]] and [[scientist]] who support my work and project. But {{Wiki|Sweden}} does not think so , Why? Because they have their [[own]] {{Wiki|Swedish}} opinion. It can be understood he has having more [[knowledge]] about [[Buddhism]] and about  Eastern {{Wiki|culture}} as well  than [[Berkeley]] and other [[universities]] in [[world]] , which I deeply [[doubt]].  
  
91 , pubbe-nivasanussati-nanp. D HI 110.  
+
I call such [[phenomenon]]  connected to [[stupidity]] Another words it's a {{Wiki|swedish}} [[knowledge]] about Eastern {{Wiki|culture}} and [[knowledge]] about [[Buddhism ]]. Most stupid  last {{Wiki|political}}  maneuver what {{Wiki|Sweden}} made with [[China]]  - {{Wiki|Stockholm}} was grappling with [[China]] over a [[book]] publisher's imprisonment , unthinking what is useful or  harmful  for {{Wiki|swedish}} business .
  
92 ; sattanam cutupapala-hdna. D 111 111.  
+
Like many countries, {{Wiki|Sweden}} shares significant trade and business dealings with [[China]] -- [[including]] {{Wiki|Chinese}} ownership of one of its most {{Wiki|iconic}} brands, Volvo Cars. Gui Congyou, [[China's]] ambassador in {{Wiki|Stockholm}}, warned of "bad {{Wiki|consequences}}" if it went ahead,  {{Wiki|Swedish}} [[Prime Minister]] Stefan Lofven could be barred from visiting [[China]]. "We treat our friends with fine wine," Gui said on a {{Wiki|Swedish}} radio show. "But for our enemies we've got shotguns.
  
93 [[iddhi-vidha]]. D III 112.  
+
Now I understand why {{Wiki|Sweden}} does not like my work with [[Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia]].
  
94 [[iddhi-vidha]]. D III 1!3.  
+
[[China]] and [[Russia]] are friends now again what means its quite powerful [[friendship]]. [[China]] has plans to double his population on  next 20 years. It means there,ll be 4 billion {{Wiki|chinese}}. [[China]] is building a aircraft mother ships. It seems they are planning to move to other continents soon.  
  
 +
If they  build  ships  for tourism  then its a [[peaceful]]  [[action]] it means they have an [[interest]] or need to explore other countries and continents but aircraft mother ships serve another {{Wiki|purpose}},
  
Manne — The [[Lion's Roar]]  
+
It's like {{Wiki|Sweden}} doesn't notice it. Maybe  {{Wiki|swedish}} politicians  doesn't understand what's going on in [[world]] because lack of [[education]] and {{Wiki|IQ}}.  And {{Wiki|chinese}} have a lot of [[money]], And soon lot of [[people]] too.  [[China]] has already [[worlds]] biggest {{Wiki|army}} . It means something especially in {{Wiki|politics}} soon.
  
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
Now about my [[own]] work . I understand that my {{Wiki|Chinese}} [[Buddhist]] Encylopedia has not the same [[quality]] to compare with Wikipedia where thousand [[people]] are working because I am alone and have to do  everything myself. But I have totally different approach to compare with wikipedia. I want o educate [[people]] [[about buddhism]].
  
ihe [[Buddha]] is unsurpassable. There is nothing hie does not
+
Like one {{Wiki|swedish}}  politician said to me, that I am using material what others are have produced  it,s not your work.He is totally right . Seems that He didn't know that Encyclopedias mostly  are based on other peoples work.  
know”, and no other [[samana]] or [[brahmana]] [[knows]] it better,  
 
xx. That the [[Buddha]] has achieved whatever can be achieved
 
by a [[faithful]] clansman who is steadfast and has aroused .  
 
his energies, by a man’s capacity to hear burdens, (his) '  
 
endeavour, [[energy]] and steadfastness’ 96 — The text here
 
specifies that the [[Buddha]] is not [[attached]] to what is low nor
 
to [[asceticism]], and that he can attain the [[four jhanas]] at will.  
 
  
[[Sariputta]] concludes his argument by saying that he has, heard
+
Only difference is that an {{Wiki|encyclopedia}} is a reference work or compendium providing summaries of [[knowledge]] either from all branches or from a particular field or [[discipline]]. {{Wiki|Encyclopedia}} entries are longer and more detailed than those in most dictionaries.
from the [[Buddha]] himself that there have been {{Wiki|equal}} [[Buddhas]] in
 
former times and that there will again be [[Buddhas]] {{Wiki|equal}} to him¬
 
[[self]], but that is is impossible for two {{Wiki|equal}} [[Buddhas]] to [[exist]] at
 
the same time.  
 
  
The qualities attributed to the [[Buddha]] as Dliagava in [[Sari]]-
+
Historically, both encyclopedias and dictionaries have been researched and written by well-educated, well-informed content experts.  {{Wiki|Encyclopedia}} article is typically not limited to simple definitions, and is not limited to defining an {{Wiki|individual}} [[word]], but provides a more extensive meaning for a [[subject]] or [[discipline]].
putta’s [[lion’s roar]] bear remarkably little resemblance to the points
 
claimed by the [[Buddha]], in the [[name]] of [[Tathagata]], to be his
 
[[powers]] and confidences. Only in points (xiv), (xvi) and (xvii) of
 
quote (14) is there any correspondance and this is with the list of
 
quote (8) above, regarding points (vii), (viii) and (ix) respectively.  
 
  
I have argued 97 that the collection of [[suttas]] now known as
+
It seems that this politician  doesn't use wikipedia what quite exactly explains lot of things and meanings in our days in our [[world]]. And he is a politician.I was away from sweden  years and so much has changed here during this time. {{Wiki|Swedish}} {{Wiki|politics}} has changed, everything cost more , prizes has been  doubled , [[life]] costs more but [[people]] earn the same amount  [[money]] as before .
[[Dlgha Nikaya]] was originally a collection of [[suttas]] grouped
 
together through their effectiveness in gaining converts and lay
 
support (and that for that [[reason]] it is entertaining). The ending of
 
this [[sutta]] shows clearly its {{Wiki|propaganda}} purposes. After [[Sariputta]]
 
has finished, a [[monk]], [[Udayin]], remarks that the [[Tathagata]] will not
 
proclaim himself, although any other [[ascetic]] who had even one of
 
those qualities would boast about it. The [[Buddha]], also {{Wiki|speaking}}
 
  
 +
Totally different country is {{Wiki|Sweden}} now  to compare when I arrived here. The general opinion today is that one should not be critical about anything or negative then you are enemy of the [[state]]. 
  
95 asesatn abhijiiniili. ibid.  
+
There is a {{Wiki|mass}} of [[people]]  in our days who  has the same opinion about everything as  the [[state]] dictates and at the same  time we  speculate on freedom of {{Wiki|speech}}. I [[wonder]] what it is about. We saw what happened when [[people]] in {{Wiki|Germany}} started to protest against Coronavirus. Police used [[water]] cannons against demonstrators.  
  
96 Ibid.  
+
It's called freedom and free {{Wiki|speech}} but for whom?  Only government has  right to express free {{Wiki|speech}} and those who are against it are enemies. of the [[state]] , In  {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} was very popular to use psychiatric hospitals for those. It's time to use the same tactics in our days. Nothing new in here. Totalitarian way of [[thinking]] is flourishing everywhere .  
  
97 Mar.nc (1990): 4.  
+
Bunch of [[people]] without [[special knowledge]] deciding what is useful and what is not. It's called sick [[society]] and [[sickness]] comes not from [[people]] but from the government side .Why because bunch of elected politicians vote and decide what to do and how. 
  
 +
How they know what's best for me when they even don't  know how I think and digest intellectually. When we go to the restaurant we choose what to order. Soon it,ll change we all have to eat the same [[food]] and drink the same  drink not drinks. The difference enriches the {{Wiki|culture}}, [[society]] and people's [[minds]] . Everything is dictated by government. We call it {{Wiki|democracy}}. But is it?
  
about himself as [[Tathagata]], agrees with this rather emphatically,
+
Small businesses have  disappeared thanks for coronavirus. It means [[society]] or [[people]] get poorer and some of them get richer. It's called {{Wiki|democracy}}. I wrote to 60 politicians and got no {{Wiki|reaction}} it's called {{Wiki|democracy}}. I don't blame [[society]] . I talk about government who likes to feed [[people]] with slogans what are fake.  
and then instructs [[Sariputta]] to give this [[discourse]] frequently to
 
those among the followers, [[monks]], [[nuns]], lay-men and -women,
 
who [[feel]] [[doubt]] and hesitation concerning the [[Tathagata]] 98 . In this
 
way the [[Buddha]] specifically approved this as a list of his qualities
 
which may be [[taught]] to followers. I think it is significant that he
 
imposes this limit, i.e. that he docs not [[acknowledge]] this as a list
 
which is to be defended before a general public 99 .  
 
  
There is another occasion when [[Sariputta]] roars his [[lion’s roar]] 100 , Here a [[monk]] goes to the [[Buddha]] and accuses [[Sariputta]] of
+
I talk [[about buddhism]] what is not welcome to {{Wiki|Sweden}}. It's strange we talk about free {{Wiki|speech}} but it seems that  we have forgotten about  what is free [[thinking]]. And [[education]] looks different. Stefan Arvidsson is a product of [[education]] system who has [[taught]] him that [[religion]] is {{Wiki|opium}} for [[people]].
an offence. The [[Buddha]] sends for [[Sariputta]]. [[Ananda]] and [[Maha Moggalana]] immediately call all the [[monks]], telling them to come
 
because ‘[[Sariputta]] is about to roar his [[lion’s roar]] in the presence
 
of the [[Buddha]]’ 101 . Clearly they expect a theatrical occasion.
 
[[Sariputta]] defends himself against the accusation. He agrees that
 
someone who is not [[mindful]] of the body’s [[action]] 107 might have
 
done such a thing, but as for himself, ‘his [[heart]] is like the [[earth]],
 
[[abundant]], .extensive, [[boundless]], without [[hatred]], doing no harm’ 101
 
and, moreover, he is ‘filled with [[horror]], loathing and {{Wiki|disgust}} at his
 
foul [[body]] 106 , and he carries it around like a dripping [[bowl]] of fat 105 .
 
The accusing [[monk]] immediately begs [[Sariputta’s]] pardon. The
 
[[Buddha]] reprimands him, and then says to [[Sariputta]], ‘Forgive this
 
IV 377; U. Woodward, GS IV 251.  
 
  
Duddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
In [[Marxism]] it's very popular view. So I got answer from [[communist]] who declares  that he [[knows]]  [[Buddhism]] better than me. It's the same view had so called {{Wiki|university}} workers in {{Wiki|Estonia}} in Taru {{Wiki|university}}. But then it was {{Wiki|Estonia}} part of the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}}. Coming back to {{Wiki|Sweden}} after 10 years I [[feel]] as I returned back to {{Wiki|Soviet Union}}.
  
 +
I understand what {{Wiki|reaction}}, ll be on my article from so called politicians side. So what I give a F,, as I did in {{Wiki|Soviet Union}}. {{Wiki|Brain}} of the [[human]] is magnificent and able to do things  which seem impossible at first glance. As one [[professor]] at the {{Wiki|University}} of [[Berkeley]] said to me; how you were the only one who came up with such  [[idea]] to dismantle the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} and no one else wanted to do it.
  
[[foolish]] man, before his head splits into seven pieces’ 106 .  
+
My answer to him was; My [[idea]] was that [[religion]] was banned in the {{Wiki|Soviet Union}} and the only way for [[Buddhism]] to re-emerge as a [[source of knowledge]] for many [[Buddhists]] was to change this {{Wiki|social}} order. [[Interesting]]  when such an [[idea]] will come in [[connection]] to {{Wiki|Sweden}} ? As a [[monk]] I have no right to think about this because we live in [[sansara]] and big changes in [[society]] will bring a lot of problems in my  next [[life]]. So I am already doomed.  
  
A further [[lion’s roar]] is attributed to [[Sariputta]] in the Sarp-
+
I {{Wiki|hope}} [[Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia]] will be as the lifebuoy for me but {{Wiki|Swedish}} [[society]] and government doesn't want to help me with mu problems because they are doomed too I think. Sooner or later there must be certain reforms otherwise there ,ll  appear someone who wants to change something in {{Wiki|social}} order. I understand that my talk and [[thoughts]] seem absurd and out of [[mind]] for {{Wiki|Sweden}} but it,s a [[life]] what dictates our [[actions]] and survival.
yutta [[Nikaya]] 107 . Here a [[monk]] reports to the Buddha.that [[Sari]]¬
 
[[putta]] has claimed [[arahantship]]. The [[Buddha]] summons [[Sariputta]]  
 
and challenges him. [[Sariputta]] is able to answer all the [[Buddha’s]]  
 
questions satisfactorily and the [[Buddha]] leaves the scene. [[Sariputta]]
 
then proclaims to the [[bhikkhu]] that, although it took him a while
 
to find his answer to the [[Buddha’s]] first challenge, once he had
 
found his wits, he could have gone on answering for several
 
nigh:s loS . Tins proclamation is reported to the [[Buddha]] by one of
 
the [[monks]], Kajarakkhartiya, who as his [[name]]" shows is a [[noble]]
 
( khaitiya ), and who may therefore have had some [[knowledge]] of
 
[[debate]] conventions. It is this [[monk]] who gives the utterance the
 
designation ‘[[Sariputta’s]] [[lion’s roar]]’ 109 although the expression ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ itself docs not appear in [[Sariputta’s]] utterance. The [[Buddha]]
 
supports Sariputta’r claim, using the same terms as [[Sariputta]] did
 
in his proclamation: ‘If I were to question [[Sariputta]] on this {{Wiki|matter}}
 
differently, with different words (or) differently according to a
 
different method, [[Sariputta]] would explain this {{Wiki|matter}} to me,
 
differently, with different words (or) differently according to a
 
different method’ 110 . . .
 
 
 
This so-called ‘[[lion’s roar]]' is qualitively different from [[Sari]]- •
 
 
 
 
 
106 U.ama Siiripulla imassa inoghapurisassa. purassa tatth' eva sattadhd
 
muddhd phulissali'ti. A IV 378. Sec Witte), op. tit* regarding this threat. The
 
threat ib surprising here as the accusing [[monk]] was neither questioning nor being
 
questioned by [[Sariputta]] although he may be taken to have challenged him,
 
albeit behind his back.
 
 
 
107 S II 50-5.
 
 
 
[[108]] S II 54.
 
 
 
109 S Ji 55. 5 46.
 
 
 
no s i: so.
 
 
 
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
putta’s previous one in .several important ways. In the. first place
 
it is not a proclamation of the [[Buddha’s]] qualities: it is Siiriputta’s
 
demonstration of his [[own]] [[understanding]] of the [[Teaching]]. Second¬
 
ly, and most importantly, this utterance is not termed a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ by the [[Buddha]], but only by a [[monk]]. The [[monk]] uses this
 
{{Wiki|terminology}} in his report to the [[Buddha]] and the [[latter]] uses
 
different {{Wiki|terminology}} in his answer. On the previous occasion it
 
was the [[Buddha]] who gave the [[name]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ to [[Sariputta’s]]
 
utterance. Here the text specifically [[attributes]] different termino¬
 
logy to him. In this {{Wiki|literature}} prone to repetition, the absence of
 
repetition where it could be expected must be regarded as
 
significant. Instead of the repetition, the [[Buddha]] describes
 
Sarifiutta as someone* who has ‘well-mastered the [[sphere]] of
 
[[religion]]’ 111 .
 
 
 
[[Sariputta]] is attributed with three different types of [[lions]]’ roar.
 
Two of these can be regarded as genuine, the criterion for
 
genuineness being that the texts have the [[Buddha]] himself so
 
designate the utterance. These are (i) when the ‘[[lion’s roar]]* took
 
place in [[debate]] circumstances in praise of the [[Buddha]] (D 28X and
 
' (ii) when the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ took place in defence of, and asserting
 
the [[quality]] of his [[own]] [[mental state]] (A IV 238). The third, Le. the
 
final example in this section cannot be accepted as a true ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ as, according to the text, the [[Buddha]] did not give it this
 
title. In none of these is the location a public assembly, but rather
 
these are private lion’s roars made only before the [[Sangha]] of
 
[[monks]].
 
 
 
There js one occasion in each of the [[Thera]]- and [[Theri-gatha]]
 
when a [[monk]] utters his ‘[[lion’s roar]]’,
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
(15) 175. 'Come, [[Nandaka]], let us go into the presence of the
 
 
 
[[preceptor]]. We shall roar the [[lion’s roar]] face to face
 
with the best of the [[Buddhas]].
 
 
 
176. We have now [[attained]] that goal for which, with
 
[[compassion]] for us, the [[Wikipedia:Sage (sophos|sage]] made us go forth — the
 
{{Wiki|annihilation}} of all [[fetters]]’ 112 . •
 
 
 
(16) 331. *... The [[Buddha’s teaching]] has been done.
 
 
 
332. Allow me, [[noble lady]], 1 wish to go to [[Savatthi]]: I shall
 
roar a [[lion’s roar]] in the presence of the {{Wiki|excellent}}
 
[[Buddha]]’" 1 .
 
 
 
The [[reason]] for these ‘lion’s roars’, as the texts she./, is that
 
the [[disciple]] has [[attained]] the final goal and wishes to announce
 
this to, and perhaps have it confirmed by, the [[Buddha]]. This may
 
be {{Wiki|evidence}} of a {{Wiki|custom}} or a tendency to proclaim this [[degree]] of
 
personal [[attainment]] publicly in the presence of the [[Buddha]]. As,
 
however, only two examples arc attested, one in [[Theragatha]], one
 
in Thcrigatha, it is impossible to be certain of this. These
 
instances could be also be cases of {{Wiki|poetic}} licence
 
 
 
A [[monk]] might also be described as a ‘lion’s roarer’. In a list
 
that gives the [[highest]] qualities of various [[monks]], the [[monk]]
 
Plndola [[Bharadvaja]] is called chief of the [[disciples]] who are lion’s
 
roarers' u . There is no [[sutta]] passage which tells us what he
 
roared" 5 .
 
 
 
Whereas the Buddha’slion’s roar is a public event governed
 
by what we may [[imagine]] were the [[debate]] {{Wiki|rules}} of the time, the
 
[[monk's]] lion’s roars, insofar as we can tell from the small number
 
 
 
 
 
112 Tr. K.R. Norman. [[Elders]] Verses (EV) \X
 
 
 
113 Tr. Norman; F.V U.34.
 
 
 
114 A l 23.
 
 
 
115 C.P. Malalusekcra. {{Wiki|Dictionary}} of [[Pali]] Proper Names t x.v. [[Pindola-Bharadvaja]].
 
 
 
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
that remain to us in this {{Wiki|literature}}, were private events, assertions
 
in front of the [[Teacher]] and the [[Sangha]] and not open to public
 
challenge.
 
 
 
3. [[Suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their titles.
 
 
 
There are three [[suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their title, i.e.
 
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]], in D; Kassapa-sihaniida [[Sutta]] (No.8), Udum-
 
barika-sihanada [[Sutta]] (No.25), and Cakkavatti-sihanada [[Sutta]]
 
(No.26); two in M: Cuja-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.ll) and Maha-sihanida
 
[[Sutta]] (No.12), which gives this [[name]] to the [[vagga]]" 6 , and a [[Siha]]¬
 
[[nada]] [[Vagga]] in A IV 373-96.
 
 
 
The M [[sihanada]] [[suttas]] arc both [[suttas]] with [[debate]] [[elements]].
 
The [[Cula-sihanada Sutta]] is a {{Wiki|sermon}} in which the [[Buddha]] teaches
 
his [[monks]] [[debate]] [[techniques]]; in the Mahi-slhanada [[Sutta]] he re¬
 
futes a challenge [[Sunakkhatta]] is reported to have made against
 
him. The D'sihunida [[suttas]] are more diverse. Two [[concern]]
 
challenges-^ - .n the Kassapa-sihaniida [[Sutta]], [[Kassapa]] challenges the
 
[[Buddha]] on the theme of [[asceticism]], and the [[Buddha]] refutes this
 
challenge, while the Udumbarikarslhanada [[Sutta]] concerns a
 
challenge made against the [[Buddha]] by [[Nigrodha]] in [[Queen]]
 
Udumbarika’s Park. It is, however, hard to see what the common
 
[[element]] is in the shared [[name]] regarding the third, the [[Cakka]]¬
 
vatti-sihanada [[Sutta]], which is a tale about good rulership. The
 
[[Sihanada Vagga]] of the A gets its name'from its first [[sutta]], which
 
is the [[lion’s roar]] by [[Sariputta]] in which he proclaims his [[own]]
 
[[attainments]].
 
 
 
In their diversity the relationship between the names of
 
slhan&da [[suttas]] and their content reflects that ol the contents of
 
the various sihunadas. Both challenges and proclamations of
 
 
 
 
 
116 See l.B. Horner. [[Middle Length Sayings]] (MLS) 1 xiv.
 
 
 
Mannc — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
[[own]] [[understanding]] of his [[Teaching]], telling what one had seen,
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
[[attainments]] arc found. Probably the Cakkavatti-slhanada [[Sutta]]
 
should be regarded as falling into the [[latter]] category. It is the
 
proclamation of the [[attainments]] and qualities of the best [[ruler]].
 
 
 
4. The ‘[[lion's roar]]' and ihe [[debate]] [[tradition]]
 
 
 
In the [[Pali]] [[Nikayas]] the. term [[sihanada]] — ‘the [[lion’s roar]]’ —
 
is used for various types of {{Wiki|expressions}}. When the [[Tathagata’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]] is referred to we are close to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[religious]]
 
{{Wiki|speech}} contest or [[Debate]] which Witzel has described in his
 
article. When the '[[lion’s roar]]’ is attributed to a [[disciple]], we find
 
that it is his [[own]] claim to [[attainments]]. Both the [[Tathagata’s]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and that of a [[disciple]] are utterances which the speaker is
 
willing to defend in public, the former in front of a large public
 
of the [[world]], the [[latter]] in front of the smaller public of the
 
[[monks]]. It seems then that the [[Buddhists]] have adapted the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
[[tradition]] of challenges in [[debate]] to their [[own]] purposes, using
 
their [[own]] {{Wiki|terminology}} — sihandda — and generalising it to
 
include a [[monk’s]] public [[assertion]] of his achievements. [[Suttas]] wit^
 
[[sihanada]] in their title generally confirm this usage. As we*do not
 
usually know how and when a [[sutta]] got its title, only limited
 
{{Wiki|weight}} can be [[attached]] to this last point %
 
 
 
5. Conclusions.
 
 
 
I said in the introduction that a study of the notion of the
 
‘[[lion’s roar]]’ showed the inventive and [[creative way]] the reciters
 
conveyed the [[Buddha’s]] message, relating its content to the cus¬
 
toms and [[traditions]] of their [[society]]. In fact it provides a variety
 
of examples of their way of going about their task.
 
 
 
First a [[word]] about the reciters.
 
 
 
Recounting those aspects of daily [[life]] one had shared with
 
the [[Buddha]] to one’s fellow practitioners, passing on to them the
 
content of the [[discourses]] one had heard — that is to say, one’s
 
 
 
certainly began as early as [[Buddhism]] itself did. The first converts
 
and earliest [[monks]] would obviously talk to each other about the
 
[[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]], and keep each other informed about
 
what had happened during, for example, an absence due to an
 
[[almsround]] or a [[meditation retreat]]. What had happened would
 
include what had been [[taught]], who the [[Buddha]] had talked to in
 
particular, who came to see him, what advice he gave, and so
 
forth. As the {{Wiki|community}} grew and spread this was [[essentially]] its
 
way to keep in {{Wiki|touch}} and up to date. Some [[people]] [[love]] to re¬
 
count, to narrate stories, to share their [[experiences]], to tell.
 
Probably those who tpld about the [[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]]
 
especially well were invited to do so again and again and became
 
known as good reciters. Telling skilfully requires invention and
 
the texts are indeed full of {{Wiki|literary}} inventions created by very
 
[[skilful]] raconteurs.
 
 
 
The early reciters told about true events, events in which
 
they had participated as observers and witnesses. Although we
 
cannot know whether the accounts of the [[debates]] in D contain
 
any actual words that the [[Buddha]] spoke, the style of [[debating]]
 
they attribute to him is consistent and differentiated from that
 
attributed to other [[debaters]], and they are true to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]]
 
[[tradition]] 157 . The early reciters also passed on the [[experiences]] of
 
others that had been told to them. In telling a tale there are
 
always modifications depending on the [[character]] and interests of
 
the teller.
 
 
 
The early reciters created similes. A simile that compares the
 
[[Buddha]] to a [[lion]] is hardly surprising. The comparison between a
 
 
 
117 See Manne (1990) and (1992).
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (19 96)
 
 
 
 
 
(15) 175. 'Come, [[Nandaka]], let us go into the presence of the
 
 
 
[[preceptor]]. We shall roar the [[lion’s roar]] face to face
 
with the best of the [[Buddhas]].
 
 
 
176. We have now [[attained]] that goal for which, with
 
[[compassion]] for us, the [[Wikipedia:Sage (sophos|sage]] made us go forth — the
 
{{Wiki|annihilation}} of all [[fetters]]’ 11J . •
 
 
 
(16) 331. '... The [[Buddha’s teaching]] has been done.
 
 
 
332. Allow me, [[noble lady]]; 1 wish to go to [[Savatthi]]: I shall
 
roar a [[lion’s roar]] in the presence of the {{Wiki|excellent}}
 
[[Buddha]]’ 113 .
 
 
 
The [[reason]] for these ‘lion’s roars’, as the texts she./, is that
 
the [[disciple]] has [[attained]] the final goal and wishes to announce
 
this to, and perhaps have it confirmed by, the [[Buddha]]. This may
 
be {{Wiki|evidence}} of a {{Wiki|custom}} or a tendency to proclaim this [[degree]] of
 
personal [[attainment]] publicly in the presence of the [[Buddha]]. As,
 
however, only two examples arc attested, one in [[Theragatha]], one
 
in Thcrigatha, it is impossible to be certain of this. These
 
instances could be also be cases of {{Wiki|poetic}} licence
 
 
 
A [[monk]] might also be described as a ‘lion’s roarer’. In a list
 
that gives the [[highest]] qualities of various [[monks]], the [[monk]]
 
Plndola Bharadvftja is called chief of the [[disciples]] who are lion’s
 
roarers 114 . There is no [[sutta]] passage which tells us what he
 
roared 113 .
 
 
 
Whereas the Buddha’slion’s roar is a public event governed
 
by what we may [[imagine]] were the [[debate]] {{Wiki|rules}} of the time, the
 
[[monk's]] lion’s roars, insofar as we can tell from the small number
 
 
 
 
 
112 Tr. K.R. Norman. [[Elders]] Verses (EV) 1 2.
 
 
 
113 Tr. Norman; EV 11,34.
 
 
 
114 A 1 23.
 
 
 
115 C.P. Malalasckcra, {{Wiki|Dictionary}} of [[Pali]] Proper Names , x.v. Pindola-Dharadvaja.
 
 
 
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
that remain to us in this {{Wiki|literature}}, were private events, assertions
 
in front of the [[Teacher]] and the [[Sangha]] and not open to public
 
challenge.
 
 
 
3. [[Suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their titles.
 
 
 
There are three [[suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their title, i.e.
 
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]], in D; Kassapa-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.8), Udum*
 
barika-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.25), and Cakkavatti-sihanada [[Sutta]]
 
(No.26); two in M: Cuta-sihanada [[Sutta]] (Noll) and Maha-slhan5da
 
[[Sutta]] (No.12), which gives this [[name]] to the [[vagga]] 116 , and a [[Siha]]¬
 
[[nada]] [[Vagga]] in A IV 373-96.
 
 
 
The M [[sihanada]] [[suttas]] are both [[suttas]] with [[debate]] [[elements]].
 
The Cuja-sihanada [[Sutta]] is a {{Wiki|sermon}} in which the [[Buddha]] teaches
 
his [[monks]] [[debate]] [[techniques]]; in the Maha-slhanada [[Sutta]] he re¬
 
futes a challenge [[Sunakkhatta]] is reported to have made against
 
him. The D'sihan&da [[suttas]] arc more diverse. Two [[concern]]
 
challenges:"in the Kassapa-slhanada [[Sutta]], [[Kassapa]] challenges the
 
[[Buddha]] on the theme of [[asceticism]], and the [[Buddha]] refutes this
 
challenge, while the Udumbariktl-sihanada [[Sutta]] concerns a
 
challenge made against the [[Buddha]] by [[Nigrodha]] in [[Queen]]
 
Udumbarikii’s Park. It is, however, hard to see what the common
 
[[element]] is in the shared [[name]] regarding the third, the [[Cakka]]¬
 
vatti-sihanada [[Sutta]], which is a tale about good rulership. The
 
Sihanida [[Vagga]] of the A gets its name'from its first [[sutta]], which
 
is the [[lion’s roar]] by [[Sariputta]] in which he proclaims his [[own]]
 
[[attainments]].
 
 
 
In their diversity the relationship between the names of
 
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]] and their content reflects that of the contents of
 
the various sihanadas. Both challenges and proclamations of
 
 
 
 
 
116 See l.B. Horner, [[Middle Length Sayings]] (MLS) l xiv.
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
[[attainments]] arc found. Probably the Cakkavatti-sJhanada [[Sutta]]
 
should be regarded as falling into the [[latter]] category. It is the
 
proclamation of the [[attainments]] and qualities of the best [[ruler]].
 
 
 
4. The ‘[[lion's roar]]' and the [[debate]] [[tradition]]
 
 
 
In the [[Pali]] [[Nikayas]] the term [[sihanada]] — ‘the [[lion’s roar]]’ —
 
is used for various types of {{Wiki|expressions}}. When the [[Tathagata’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]] is referred to we are close to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[religious]]
 
{{Wiki|speech}} contest or [[Debate]] which Witzel has described in his
 
article. When the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is attributed to a [[disciple]], we find
 
that it is his [[own]] claim to [[attainments]]. Both the [[Tathagata’s]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and that of a [[disciple]] are utterances which the speaker is
 
willing to defend in public, the former in front of a large public
 
of the [[world]], the [[latter]] in front of the smaller public of the
 
[[monks]]. It seems then that the [[Buddhists]] have adapted the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
[[tradition]] of challenges in [[debate]] to their [[own]] purposes, using
 
their [[own]] {{Wiki|terminology}} — [[sihanada]] — and generalising it to
 
include a [[monk’s]] public [[assertion]] of his achievements. [[Suttas]] witjt
 
[[sihanada]] in their title generally confirm this usage. As we*do not
 
usually know how and when a [[sutta]] got its title, only limited
 
{{Wiki|weight}} can be [[attached]] to this last point.
 
 
 
5. Conclusions.
 
 
 
I said in the introduction that a study of the notion of the
 
‘[[lion’s roar]]’ showed the inventive and [[creative way]] the reciters
 
conveyed the [[Buddha’s]] message, relating its content to the cus¬
 
toms and [[traditions]] of their [[society]]. In fact it provides a variety
 
of examples of their way of going about their task.
 
 
 
First a [[word]] about the reciters.
 
 
 
Recounting those aspects of daily [[life]] one had shared with
 
the [[Buddha]] to one’s fellow practitioners, passing on to them the
 
content of the [[discourses]] one had heard — that is to say, one’s
 
 
 
[[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
 
 
[[own]] [[understanding]] of his [[Teaching]], telling what one had seen,
 
heard and [[experienced]] while one was with the [[Teacher]], all that
 
certainly began as early as [[Buddhism]] itself did. The first converts
 
and earliest [[monks]] would obviously talk to each other about the
 
[[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]], and keep each other informed about
 
what had happened during, for example, an absence due to an
 
[[almsround]] or a [[meditation retreat]]. What had happened would
 
include what had been [[taught]], who the [[Buddha]] had talked to in
 
particular, who came to see him, what advice he gave, and so
 
forth. As the {{Wiki|community}} grew and spread this was [[essentially]] its
 
way to keep in {{Wiki|touch}} and up to date. Some [[people]] [[love]] to re¬
 
count, to narrate stories, to share their [[experiences]], to tell.
 
Probably those who tpld about the [[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]]
 
especially well were invited to do so again and again and became
 
: known as good reciters. Telling skilfully requires invention and
 
the texts are indeed full of {{Wiki|literary}} inventions created by very
 
[[skilful]] raconteurs.
 
 
 
The early reciters told about true events, events in which
 
they had participated as observers and witnesses. Although we
 
cannot know whether the accounts of the [[debates]] in D contain
 
any actual words that the [[Buddha]] spoke, the style of [[debating]]
 
they attribute to him is consistent and differentiated from that
 
attributed to other [[debaters]], and they are true to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]]
 
[[tradition]] 117 . The early reciters also passed on the [[experiences]] of
 
others that had been told to them. In telling a tale there are
 
always modifications depending on the [[character]] and interests of
 
the teller.
 
 
 
The early reciters created similes. A simile that compares the
 
[[Buddha]] to a [[lion]] is hardly surprising. The comparison between a
 
 
 
 
 
117 See Manne (1990) and (1992),
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
great man and a [[lion]] [[exists]] in other [[Indian]] texts" 8 . It [[exists]] too in
 
our [[language]]" 9 , and doubtless in many other [[languages]] which
 
have inherited the [[idea]] that the [[lion]] is the [[king]] of the {{Wiki|beasts}}.
 
[[Lions]] roar, so the [[Buddha]] roars too. The early reciters attributed
 
the [[epithet]] ‘[[lion]]’ to the [[Buddha]], expanded the comparison to
 
describe the likenesses and included the detail of \he (lion’s) ‘roar’.
 
The {{Wiki|evidence}} (to be considered in detail below) suggests that it
 
was the [[existence]] of this simile which inspired the reciters to
 
attribute a content to, or to invent a content for the [[Buddha’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]].
 
 
 
Having set the scene, so to speak, with regard to the early
 
reciters, we can now show how our [[investigation]] of the texts
 
about the [[lion’s roar]] supports these [[ideas]].
 
 
 
First of all there is the invention of situating the [[Buddha’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]] within a [[tradition]] of [[debate]]. The term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is
 
not connected with the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]. It occurs neither in
 
the [[Upanisads]] nor in the [[Brahmanas]]. As the [[Buddhist texts]] can be
 
so [[faithful]] and so accurate in their [[representation]] of the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
[[tradition]] 120 , we can conclude from this that the term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’
 
for a challenge is an invention of the [[Buddhist]] reciters. We can
 
further conclude that it was part, of this invention fictitiously to
 
situate the [[lion’s roar]] challenge within the [[debate]] [[tradition]]. Some
 
details placed within the [[Buddha’s]] [[lion’s roar]] probably authen¬
 
tically belong to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]: the [[Buddha’s]] re¬
 
futation of a potential challenge to his capacities as a debater
 
may be among these 121 , though 1 specify that I mean that these
 
 
 
 
 
118 Sec Monier-WiUiams, s.v. si/nfui for many examples.
 
 
 
119 We have ihc {{Wiki|expressions}} ‘a [[lion]] among men, ‘the strength of a [[lion]]', etc.
 
 
 
120 See Witxel. op. citz Manne (1990). (1992).
 
 
 
121 [[Formula]] (4). Sec also Manne (1992).
 
 
 
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
 
 
represent the demands of the [[tradition]] on a debater and not that
 
the [[Buddha]] himself uttered these very phrases. There is no way
 
we can establish as a fact which phrases the [[Buddha]] ever uttered.
 
Other details have to be accounted for differently.
 
 
 
I have argued that the early reciters spontaneously created
 
similes, and with them, in this example of the [[lion’s roar]],
 
frameworks within which they could {{Wiki|present}} their accounts. With
 
regard to the aspects of the [[Teaching]] that come within the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and the [[powers]] and confidences of the Tathiigata, l think
 
that here we see redactors usihg such a framework inventively.
 
The framework is that of the simile that compares the [[Buddha]] to
 
a [[lion]] and [[attributes]] content to his roar. The [[existence]] of this
 
framework, and the illogicality (why these particular aspects?) of
 
the examples that remain to us of the Teachings placed within it,
 
suggest the likelihood that many other aspects of the [[Teaching]]
 
were also placed within it but those cited here aje the only ones
 
that have' come down to us in these texts. With regard to the
 
qualities of the [[Tathagata]] that are placed within this framework,
 
these are not particularly coherent, those in quote (8) comprising
 
adaptations of other [[formulas]], especially that of paras. 40-94 of
 
the [[Samannaphala Sutta]], those in quote (11) perhaps based upon a
 
challenge that was once made against the [[Buddha]] and of which
 
no record remains in these texts.
 
 
 
Having invented the attribution of a [[lions]] roar to the
 
[[Buddha]], the redactors generalised this invention to include trunks
 
as well. With regard to the [[monk’s]] lion’s roars, the permission to
 
the [[monks]] to make a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ about the four types of samairu
 
is an example of textual muddle 122 . Probably [[Sariputta’s]] great irn-
 
 
 
 
 
122 See Manne (1990): 4.1
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, .1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
poriance attracted to him a ho the attribution of various lion’s
 
roars. One of [[Sari]] putta’s lion’s roars is a piece of [[pure]] {{Wiki|propaganda}},
 
while the other two [[form]] part of dramatic stories' The anomaly
 
between these lion’s roars, two being designated as such by the
 
[[Buddha]] while the third docs nut possess such purported authori¬
 
sation may reflect the different {{Wiki|tendencies}} on the part of the
 
reciters regarding what they would or would not put into a [[lion’s roar]]. The examples in the [[Thera]]- and Therl-gatha are clearly
 
[[poetry]], as is the attribution of the [[epithet]] ‘lion’s roarer’ to a [[monk]].
 
 
 
A simile is invented, a [[lion’s roar]] is created for the [[Buddha]],
 
and then for the [[monks]]. The next step is to impose this invention
 
on suuus (the inclusion of the term slhan&da in their titles may
 
reflect late [[ideas]] in which [[suttas]] were particularly important).
 
Thus is [[tradition]] created!
 
 
 
 
 
[[ABHIDHAMMA]] STUDIES
 
 
 
At the [[British]] [[Buddhist]] Association, [[London]], we shall, be
 
reading again from September Dhammasahgani, [[Vibhanga]],
 
[[Patthana]] and Commentaries in English translation. We
 
welcome those wishing to study along with us. They should
 
[[contact]]:
 
 
 
A Haviland-Nye
 
11 Biddulph Road
 
[[London]] W9 1JA
 
Tel/Fax: 0171 286 5575.
 
 
 
[[DEATH]] AS [[MEDITATION]] SUBJECT IN THE [[THERAVADA]] TRADITION
 
 
 
 
 
In 1986, headlines such as ‘[[U.S.]] [[Buddhist monk]] [[meditates]] on
 
[[decaying corpses]]’ 1 and ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’ 1
 
were on the front page of [[Sinhalese]] newspapers. The articles were
 
describing the peculiar [[meditation practice]] of an [[American]] [[monk]]
 
named Alokadhamma. I’hree years after his [[ordination]], [[Bhikkhu]]
 
Alokadhamma had become famous throughout the [[island]] of [[Sri Lanka]] because he resided in a [[cave]] in the company of two
 
decomposing [[bodies]] placed in a glass cage, with four other [[bodies]]
 
laid outside. These reports became the impetus for the attempt to
 
answer the question that this paper is revolving around: what is
 
the place and the role of the [[meditation]] on [[death]] within the
 
contemporary [[Theravada Buddhist tradition]]?
 
 
 
Alokadhamma’s practice was most probably derived from the
 
[[Satipatthana Sutta]], where the [[Buddha]] describes the nine types of
 
[[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]]. In order to clarify this unusual prac¬
 
tice, however, the position as put forth in [[Theravada]] {{Wiki|literature}}
 
first needs to be investigated. This will clarify the [[boundaries]] of
 
the two major [[meditation practices]] centred on [[death]], it. [[asubha]]-
 
bhavaiia and [[maranasati]]. Secondly, in an attempt to conceptualise
 
the contemporary practice, 1 will allude to eleven qualitative
 
interviews that I conducted with [[Buddhist monks]] and with a [[dasa]]
 
sil matavo in [[Sri Lanka]] during May 1993; it is important to em-
 
 
 
 
 
' 1 [[Dharmasiri]] Gamage, VS. [[Buddhist monks]] [[meditates]] on [[decaying corpses]]*. The
 
 
 
[[Sunday]] Observer , {{Wiki|Colombo}}, 2 November 1986.
 
 
 
2 [[Id]]., ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’, op. cit „ 9 November 1986.
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
Manue — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
 
 
 
 
grcai man and a [[lion]] [[exists]] in other [[Indian]] texts 118 . It [[exists]] too in
 
our [[language]] 119 , and doubtless in many other [[languages]] which
 
have inherited the [[idea]] that the [[lion]] is the [[king]] of the {{Wiki|beasts}}.
 
[[Lions]] roar, so the [[Buddha]] roars too. The early reciters attributed
 
the [[epithet]] ‘[[lion]]’ to the [[Buddha]], expanded the comparison to
 
describe the likenesses and included the detail of \he (lion’s) ‘roar’. '
 
The {{Wiki|evidence}} (to be considered in detail below) suggests that it
 
was the [[existence]] of this simile which inspired the reciters to
 
attribute a content to, or to invent a content for the [[Buddha’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]].
 
 
 
Having set the scene, so to speak, with regard to the early
 
. reciters, we can now show how our [[investigation]] of the texts
 
about the [[lion’s roar]] supports these [[ideas]].
 
 
 
First of all there is the invention of situating the [[Buddha’s]]
 
[[lion’s roar]] within a [[tradition]] of [[debate]]. The term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is
 
not connected with the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]. It occurs neither in
 
the [[Upanisads]] nor in the [[Brahmanas]]. As the [[Buddhist texts]] can be
 
so [[faithful]] and so accurate in their [[representation]] of the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
[[tradition]] 120 , we can conclude from this that the term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’
 
for a challenge is an invention of the [[Buddhist]] reciters. We can
 
further conclude that it was part, of this invention fictitiously to
 
situate the [[lion’s roar]] challenge within the [[debate]] [[tradition]]. Some
 
details placed within the [[Buddha’s]] [[lion’s roar]] probably authen¬
 
tically belong to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]: the [[Buddha’s]] re¬
 
futation of a potential challenge to his capacities as a debater
 
may be among these 121 , though 1 specify that I mean that these
 
 
 
 
 
118 See Monicr-Williams. s.v, sirnhu for many examples.
 
 
 
119 We have ihc {{Wiki|expressions}} ‘a [[lion]] among men, ‘the strength of a [[lion]]’, etc.
 
 
 
120 See Witzcl, op. ci/; Manne (1990). (1992).
 
 
 
121 [[Formula]] (4). See also Manne (1992).
 
 
 
 
 
represent the demands of the [[tradition]] on a debater and not that
 
the [[Buddha]] himself uttered these very phrases. There is no way
 
we can establish as a fact which phrases the [[Buddha]] ever uttered.
 
Other details have to be accounted for differently.
 
 
 
I have argued that the early reciters spontaneously created
 
similes, and with them, in this example of the [[lion’s roar]],
 
frameworks within which they could {{Wiki|present}} their accounts. With
 
regard to the aspects of the [[Teaching]] that come within the [[lions]]
 
roar’ and the [[powers]] and confidences of the [[Tathagata]], 1 think
 
that here we see redactors usihg such a framework inventively.
 
The framework is that of the simile that compares the [[Buddha]] to
 
a [[lion]] and [[attributes]] content to his roar. The [[existence]] of this
 
framework, and the illogicality (why these particular aspects?) of
 
the examples that remain to us of the Teachings placed within it,
 
suggest the likelihood that many other aspects of the [[Teaching]]
 
were also placed within it but those cited here are the only ones
 
that have' come down to us in these texts. With regard to the
 
qualities of the [[Tathagata]] that are placed within this framework,
 
these are not particularly coherent, those in quote (8) comprising
 
adaptations of other [[formulas]], especially that of paras. 40-94 of
 
the Samaiinaphala [[Sutta]], those in quote (11) perhaps based upon a
 
challenge that was once made against the [[Buddha]] and of which
 
no record remains in these texts.
 
 
 
Having invented the attribution of a [[lion’s roar]] to the
 
[[Buddha]], the redactors generalised this invention to include ironks
 
as well. With regard to the [[monk’s]] lion’s roars, the permission to
 
the [[monks]] to make a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ about the four types of sarnana
 
is an example of textual muddle 122 . Probably [[Sariputta’s]] great inv
 
 
 
 
 
122 See Manne (1990>. 4.1
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, .1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
portancc attracted to him al'o the attribution of various lion’s
 
roars. One of oariputta’s lion's roars is a piece of [[pure]] {{Wiki|propaganda}},
 
while the other two [[form]] part of dramatic stories. The anomaly
 
between these lion’s roars, two being designated as such by the
 
[[Buddha]] while the third docs not possess such purported authori¬
 
sation may reflect the different {{Wiki|tendencies}} on the part of the
 
reciters regarding what they would or would not put into a [[lion’s roar]]. The examples in the [[Thera]]- and Therl-gatha are clearly
 
[[poetry]], as is the attribution of the [[epithet]] ‘lion’s roarer’ to a [[monk]].
 
 
 
A simile is invented, a [[lion’s roar]] is created for the [[Buddha]],
 
and then for the [[monks]]. The next step is to impose this invention
 
on [[suttas]] (the inclusion of the term slliandda in their titles may
 
reflect late [[ideas]] in which [[suttas]] were particularly important).
 
Thus is [[tradition]] created!
 
 
 
 
 
[[ABHIDHAMMA]] STUDIES
 
 
 
At the [[British]] [[Buddhist]] Association, [[London]], we shall..be
 
reading again from September DhammasaAgani, [[Vibhanga]],
 
[[Patthana]] and Commentaries in English translation. We
 
welcome those wishing to study along with us. They should
 
[[contact]]:
 
 
 
A Haviland-Nye
 
11 Biddulph Road
 
[[London]] W9 1JA
 
Tel/Fax: 0171 286 5575.
 
 
 
[[DEATH]] AS [[MEDITATION]] SUBJECT IN THE [[THERAVADA]] TRADITION
 
 
 
 
 
In 1986, headlines such as ‘[[U.S.]] [[Buddhist monk]] [[meditates]] on
 
[[decaying corpses]]’ 1 and ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’ 1
 
were on the front page of [[Sinhalese]] newspapers. The articles were
 
describing the peculiar [[meditation practice]] of an [[American]] [[monk]]
 
named Alokadhamma. three years after his [[ordination]], [[Bhikkhu]]
 
Alokadhamma had become famous throughout the [[island]] of [[Sri Lanka]] because he resided in a [[cave]] in the company of two
 
decomposing [[bodies]] placed in a glass cage, with four other [[bodies]]
 
laid outside. These reports became the impetus for the attempt to
 
answer the question that this paper is revolving around: what is
 
the place and the role of the [[meditation]] on [[death]] within the
 
contemporary [[Theravada Buddhist tradition]]?
 
 
 
Alokadhamma’s practice was most probably derived from the
 
Satipatfhana [[Sutta]], where the [[Buddha]] describes the nine types of
 
[[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]]. In order to clarify this unusual prac¬
 
tice, however, the position as put forth in [[Theravada]] {{Wiki|literature}}
 
first needs to be investigated. This will clarify the boundaries-of
 
the two major [[meditation practices]] centred on [[death]], i a. [[asubha]]-
 
[[bhavana]] and rnaranasati. Secondly, in an attempt to conceptualise
 
the contemporary practice, 1 will allude to eleven qualitative
 
interviews that I conducted with [[Buddhist monks]] and with a [[dasa]]
 
sil matavo in [[Sri Lanka]] during May 1993; it is important to em-
 
 
 
 
 
* 1 [[Dharmasiri]] Gamage, VS. [[Buddhist monks]] [[meditates]] on [[decaying corpses]]'. The
 
[[Sunday]] Observer , {{Wiki|Colombo}}. 2 November 1986.
 
 
 
2 [[Id]]^ ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’, op, cil^ 9 November 1986.
 
 
 
phasise that all the interviewees belonged to hermitages (arah-
 
[[haka]]) where [[meditation]] is given priority. The two-fold procedure
 
of textual and contemporary analyses will allow us further to
 
understand the {{Wiki|theoretical}} and {{Wiki|modern}} {{Wiki|expressions}} of these
 
practices.
 
 
 
[[Bhikkhu]] Alokadhamma’s [[meditation]] on [[death]] seems to stem
 
from the description of the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[meditations]] men¬
 
tioned in the [[Satipatthana Sutta]]. This [[discourse]], [[traditionally]]
 
considered the {{Wiki|theoretical}} base for [[meditation practice]], is divided
 
into four main [[sections]]: [[meditation]] on the [[body]] ( [[kayanupassana]] ,),
 
on the [[sensations]] ( [[vedananupassana]] ), on the [[mind]] {cittanu pas Sa¬
 
na) and on the [[mental]] contents ( [[dhammanupassana]] ). The section
 
concerned with the [[body]] is often regarded as the most eclectic of
 
the four since it adumbrates different types of [[meditation]]. It
 
discusses [[successively]] l) [[anapanasati]], [[mindfulness]] of the [[breath]],
 
2) [[mindfulness]] of the [[four postures]] (walking, [[standing]], sitting and
 
{{Wiki|lying}} down), 3) [[mindfulness]] of whatever [[activities]] one is involved
 
in, 4) [[mindfulness]] of the repulsivcness by reviewing the thirty-one 3
 
 
 
 
 
3 These 31 pans of the [[body]], along with the {{Wiki|brain}}, are the 32 [[subjects of meditation]] (katnmauhdna) that Buddhughosa includes in kayagatasati. ( ,..dvat •
 
limsakamkammauhanam: — idam [[idha]] kayagaia sail ti adhippetam. Vism 240).
 
We must point to the fact, however, that kayagaiasati is not restricted to those
 
32 parts of the [[body]] in the Suita {{Wiki|literature}}, for it includes all the practices des¬
 
cribed in the [[kayanupassana]] of the [[Satipatthana Sutta]] (see Kayagaiasati [[Sutta]], M
 
111 89). We must also remark that although this portion of the [[Satipatthana]] is
 
commonly known as the [[meditation]] on [[asubha]] (the ‘not-beautiful’), the term
 
[[asubha]] is neither employed within the [[Satipatthana Sutta]] itself nor in commen-
 
tarial {{Wiki|literature}} referring to this passage; in the [[Sumangalavilasini]], [[Buddhaghosa]]
 
uses the term patikula (or [[patikkula]] ), meaning '{{Wiki|disgust}}*. Yet. the two practices
 
seem to be analogous, for the [[Girimananda Sutta]] (A V [[108]]) defines [[asubha]] -
 
sahha as the [[awareness]] of these 31 parts of the [[body]]. Although a slight {{Wiki|nuance}}
 
may be introduced between [[asubha]] and asubhasahha we will, for the [[sake]] of
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
parts’of the [[body]], 5) [[mindfulness]] of the four .[[elements]] and finally,
 
the practice that interests us, 6) the nine [[charnel-ground]] medi¬
 
tations (nava slvathikapabbanlY. For each of these nine types of
 
contemplation, a standard [[formula]] is used throughout. The only
 
{{Wiki|nuance}} lies in the [[degree]] of decomposition of the [[body]] (or what
 
is left of it) from the [[body]] that [[died]] the same day, to the rotten
 
[[bones]] that have started [[transforming]] into dust. The [[formula]] runs
 
like this: ‘as if'a [[monk]] were to see a corpse thrown aside in the
 
[[charnel-ground]] [either [[dead]] since only one day, or since many
 
months depending on the type of [[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]] one
 
is involved in], he focuses on this [meaning his) [[body]] thus: "this
 
[[body]] has the same [[nature]], it will become the same as that [[body]];
 
 
 
 
 
[[simplicity]], adopt the common [[interpretation]] and refer to this practice as one
 
belonging to [[asubha]] [[meditation]].
 
 
 
4 However, these six different typos of [[meditation]] within the section on the
 
[[body]] ([[kayanupassana]]) may not be as eclectic as it seems- if considered from a
 
particular {{Wiki|perspective}}. Since this portion of the [[Satipatthana]] deals with the [[body]],
 
it might be possible that the [[Buddha]] classified the [[six meditations]] related to the
 
[[body]] temporarily, i.e in the same order as the [[evolution]] of the [[body]]. The first
 
[[bodily]] [[activity]] to take place after [[birth]] is [[breathing]] (anapiina) and the baby re¬
 
mains in the position he was laid (more or less); later the child learns to sit,
 
stand and walk (the [[four postures]]); subsequently, the child becomes {{Wiki|aware}} of his
 
[[own]] [[person]], his separate [[existence]] and [[activities]] on which he can reflect ([[mind]]¬
 
fulness of whatever [[activities]] one is involved in); when the child reaches his
 
teens, [[passion]] emerges and therefore [[mindfulness]] of the repulsiveness by review¬
 
ing the 31 parts of the [[body]] becomes appropriate; when the individual’s intellec¬
 
tual capacity is at its peak, the more introspective practice of the [[four elements]]
 
might be more appropriate; at the very end of [[life]], when the [[body]] returns to
 
ashes, we find the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[meditations]] (nava sivathikapabbani). This
 
{{Wiki|hypothetical}} scheme demands further [[investigation]] and does not imply that a
 
specific practice ought to be undertaken exclusively during a particular period
 
of [[life]].
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
it cannot escape it'" 5 6 . The recurring aspect of this [[formula]] stresses
 
that the [[monk]] must establish a parallel with his own‘body by
 
{{Wiki|reflecting}} on the fact that it possesses the same [[nature]] ( evarfi -
 
[[dhammo]]) and that it will eventually reach the same [[state]] as that
 
decaying [[body]] (evam- bliavi). V;
 
 
 
We may raise the question of whether this particular passage
 
prescribes the actual contemplation of [[corpses]], for the only expli¬
 
cit prescription is to reflect on the fact that one’s [[own]] [[body]] will
 
eventually be similar to those {{Wiki|lying}} in charnel-grounds. The text
 
does not necessarily require that the [[practitioner]] observe a corpse*.
 
According to this passage, therefore, it does not seem {{Wiki|imperative}}
 
for someone practising the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[contemplations]]
 
actually to observe [[corpses]] at that [[moment]]; it is only said that this
 
[[person]] must reflect on the fact that his [[own]] [[body]] is possessed of
 
the same [[nature]] as that of the [[bodies]] at different stages of [[decay]].
 
 
 
HowSver, in the sixth [[chapter]] of the [[Visuddhimagga]] ( [[Asubha]] -
 
kamrncitthananiddesa), [[Buddhaghosa]] elaborates on the method of
 
pursuing such a practice and describes the observation of [[corpses]]
 
at one of the ten different stages of decomposition. In this
 
[[chapter]] [[ten stages]] are enumerated as asubhakammaffliaha ([[object of meditation]] for the practice of the non-beautiful); the bloated,
 
the livid, the festering, the cut up, the gnawed, the scattered, the
 
hacked and scattered, the bleeding, the worm-infested and the
 
skeleton. These are basically the same as those nine described in
 
 
 
 
 
5 puna ca [[param]] bhikkhavc [[bhikkhu]] seyyatha pi passeyya [[sari]] [[ram]] sivathikaya
 
chadditam ckiimatam va dvihamalam va lihamatam vit uddhumatakam vinilakam
 
vipubbakdjdiam. so imam eva kayam upasamharanli: ‘Ayam pi kho kayo evam-
 
[[dhammo]] evam-bhitvi clam li'. D 11 295.
 
 
 
6 The verb of ihc subordinate clause (passeyya) is in the optative tense
 
 
 
(sailami) and is preceded by an adverb (seyyatha) meaning ‘just as'.
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
 
 
the SatipaUhana [[Sutta]], the primary difference being that in the
 
[[latter]], the {{Wiki|classification}} is arranged according to the period of
 
[[decay]], while in the former it is according to the qualitative [[state]]
 
of the [[corpses]]. Elaborate {{Wiki|training}} and preparation are prescribed
 
prior to the culmination of practice — the actual contemplation
 
of decaying [[bodies]] 7 . The commentator also explains the different
 
approaches one ought to take during the actual contemplation*
 
and also warns the reader that one should not use the [[body]] pf tbe
 
opposite {{Wiki|sex}} for this practice. As Kevin Truinor has remarked*,
 
[[Buddhaghosa]] does not seem to take into [[consideration]] the section
 
 
 
 
 
7 A [[monk]] must intensively prepare himself before selling forth lo the char¬
 
nel-ground (or a similar place). According to [[Buddhaghosa]] (Vism 180X the prac¬
 
titioner must first find a [[teacher]] to supervise him; one cannot undertake this
 
[[discipline]] without guidance. Only after having learned everything from him,
 
should the [[disciple]] find a proper dwelling (this ‘proper dwelling* is described ii*
 
C1UV of Vism, §§1-20) and abide [[meditating]] (investigating; pariyesantena) on the
 
[[subject]] that was given to him. Later, if he hears that a corpse is {{Wiki|lying}} at the
 
[[root]] of a [[tree]], a village gate, a [[charnel-ground]], etc., he must first inform his
 
{{Wiki|superior}} before setting forth and {{Wiki|undertaking}} his contemplation, the [[reason]] being
 
that if he does not return due lo [[lions]], [[tigers]], {{Wiki|robbers}}, or others t . X the su¬
 
perior could send some younger [[monk]] to rescue him. Then only, the text says,
 
can he proceed ‘as [[happy]] as a [[warrior]] longing to {{Wiki|witness}} an inauguration', Bud¬
 
dhaghosa also says that the [[yogi]] ought to go alone (eko adutiyo gacchali ) and
 
should not approach the charncl-ground against the [[wind]] {pativata ), for his [[own]]
 
[[body]] might react to the {{Wiki|smell}} and he might [[repent]] havmg undertaken this
 
project.
 
 
 
8 The [[yogi]] ought to apprehend the sign ( nimitla ) (of the bloated. . . .) by 1)
 
its {{Wiki|colour}}, 2) its mark (the three phases of [[life]]), 3) its shape, 4) its [[direction]], 5)
 
its location, 6) its limitations, (Vism 184), 7) its joints, 8) its openings, 9) its
 
concavities, 10) its convexities, and 11) all round (Vism 185). The last five
 
4 approaches are only recommended if the [[practitioner]] has not grasped the sign.
 
i 9 Trainor, Kevin. ‘In the [[Eye]] of the Beholder; NonaUachment and the [[Body]] in
 
Subha‘s Verse ([[Therigatha]] 71)*, JAAR LXJ/l, note 35. pp.68-9. The verses referred
 
to are Theragalha 393-8.
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
of the rheragithi where an [[arahant]] is portrayed as [[contemplating]]
 
a woman’s corpse in a [[charnel-ground]].
 
 
 
In this [[chapter]], although the [[objects of meditation]] are
 
cadavers, the {{Wiki|concept}} of [[death itself]] is totally absent. The chief
 
aim of this practice is to develop [[asubha]] towards our [[own]] [[body]] ,
 
and that of others, in order to eradicate any kind of [[lust]] or
 
[[passion]] that may arise 10 . The {{Wiki|purpose}} of this [[meditation]] was not
 
to develop an [[awareness]] of [[death itself]], but rather to stimulate
 
some [[sense]] of [[repulsion]]. [[Buddhaghosa]] further characterises these
 
[[ten meditations]] as belonging to asubhabhdvand, and he [[perceives]]
 
them as {{Wiki|distinct}} from the [[meditation]] on [[death]] ( marandnussaii ),
 
 
 
* for he devotes a full [[chapter]] to this type of [[meditation]], to which
 
wc will soon return. [[Buddhaghosa]] explains that the [[meditation]] on
 
[[asubha]] particularly fits the [[greedy]] {{Wiki|temperament}} ( ragacarita ), and
 
he further elaborates by correlating each of the ten degrees of
 
[[decay]] to a specific [[greed]]".
 
 
 
Although this correlation with the ten {{Wiki|expressions}} of [[greed]] is
 
probably the construct of the commentator, the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} —
 
 
 
 
 
10 ’This filthy [[body]] stinks outright / Like ordure, like a privy’s site / This
 
[[body]] men that have [[insight]] / Condemn, is [[object]] of a fools [[delight]] / A {{Wiki|tumour}}
 
where nine holes abide / Wrapped in a coat of clammy hide / And trickling
 
filth on every side / Polluting the [[air]] with stenches far and wide / If it per¬
 
chance should come about / That what is inside came out / Surely a man
 
wo’ild need u knout / With which to put the [[crows]] 'tend [[dogs]] to rout*. (Vism VI
 
93, translation taken from The [[Path of Purification]] , p.203). It is [[interesting]] to
 
note that in the Vism, the meaning of the term [[asubha]] is very similar to that
 
of [[patikkula]] , i.e. rcpulsivcncss.
 
 
 
11 Vism, p.193 ff; Abhidiiamma and commeniarial {{Wiki|literature}} classifies
 
personalities into six types of {{Wiki|temperament}} ([[carita]]): [[greedy]] ( rega ), hating ( [[dosa]]),
 
deluded ([[moha]]), [[faithful]] {s add hi i), {{Wiki|intelligent}} ( bud d hi ) and speculative ([[vitakka]]).
 
On these, see Vism, p.101 ff.
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] os [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
and especially the older [[sections]] — establishes an explicit link
 
between the practice of [[asubha]] [[meditation]] and the [[greedy]]
 
{{Wiki|temperament}}. The Theragathii, for example, depicts the story of
 
Singalapita who got rid of [[greed]] towards [[sensual desire]] through
 
the contemplation of a skeleton (or at least the [[idea]], sahhd, of a
 
skeleton) 12 . However, the two most explicit passages correlating
 
the [[awareness]] of [[asubha]] with the diminution of [[lust]] arc found in
 
the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] and [[Anguttara Nikaya]] where it is clearly
 
stated that [[asubha]] should be developed in order to rid oneself of
 
[[lust]] 13 . Moreover, the various classifications of the qualities neces¬
 
sary for the eradication of [[lust]] always include [[asubha]] .or [[asubha]]-
 
sahhd 1 *. Other passages in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} indicate that these
 
qualities do not eradicate [[lust]], but lead to the {{Wiki|deathless}}, a term
 
often equated with [[Nibbana]] 15 . More precisely, the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] indicates that properly [[cultivating]] the {{Wiki|recognition}} (sahhd)
 
of any of five types of cadavers (the skeleton, the worm-eaten,
 
the discoloured, the fissured and the inflated corpse) 14 can induce
 
.[[arahanthood]] or the [[state]] of non-return 11 . From what wc have
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
12 [[Thag]]. p.4 (18).
 
 
 
13 Asubhaya [[cittam]] bhavehi. A 1 11K; [[asubha]] bhaveiabbii ragassa puhimaya. A
 
IV 358.
 
 
 
14 In a list of 10. see A V 309-10; in a list of 9, A IV 465; in a list of 7. A
 
 
 
IV 148; in a list of 5. A IV 276.
 
 
 
15 In a list of 9, at A IV 3B7; in a list of 7, A IV 46.
 
 
 
16 Aff/iiJtd, pulavaka, [[vinilaka]] . vicehiddaka. uddumutuka. These 5 are members
 
 
 
of Budtlhaghosa’s ten-fold list of axubhakkatnmauhana referred to previously.
 
 
 
17 S V 129-31. The Vism exemplifies this statement by presenting the story of
 
[[Mahatissa]] [[Thera]]: upon [[seeing]] the {{Wiki|teeth}} (danUttlfuktc the lames of the {{Wiki|teeth}}. The
 
author stresses that is it the [[bones]] \atthika\ that [[Mahatissa]] [[perceives]], for they are
 
part of the skeleton and fall into the asubhakammaithana) of a woman running
 
uway from her husband, [[Mahatissa]] acquired asubhasahha and [[attained]] [[Nibbana]].
 
When her husband, seeking his wife, asked him whether lie had seen a woman
 
C*yBD*>UOraLi^- :V17*54 VsIMKjn: V> i"W* f. • . "9WWiM*^f ~ * V-*~.- V
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
seen so far, the place ascribed to [[asubha]] within [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] [[Pali literature]] is unequivocal: its [[cultivation]] car. lead to [[Nibbana]], or at
 
least to great benefits such as the eradication of [[passion]] 18 .
 
 
 
This type of [[meditation]] is dependent, to a certain extent, up¬
 
on [[death]], for in many instances it uses [[death]] as an [[object]]. We use
 
the term [[object]] in the [[sense]] that there is something [[visible]] or
 
{{Wiki|tangible}} that can be observed. In these cases, the [[practitioner]] con¬
 
templates cadavers. Although [[death]] as an [[object]] is not necessary
 
to practise [[asubha]] [[meditation]], as with the contemplation of the
 
thirty-one parts of the [[body]], it is often considered a crucial re¬
 
quirement. It has already been noted that [[Buddhaghosa’s]] [[ten objects]] of [[meditation]] for the [[cultivation]] of [[asubha]] arc [[corpses]] at
 
different stages of [[decay]]. Although [[Buddhaghosa’s]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} on
 
contemplation of [[corpses]] is not accentuated in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}},
 
1 have found passages referring to it. There is, however, another
 
type of [[meditation]] on [[death]], known as maratyasati , which is
 
 
 
 
 
pass by, Mahiiiissa replied wilh \hc verses which later became famotis*in the
 
Thcravada [[tradition]]: Whether it was a man or a woman / That went by \
 
noticed not / But only that on this high road / There goes a group of [[bones]].
 
(Vism, p.2L Translation quoted from The [[Path of Purification]], p22\
 
 
 
18 However, this practice has to be undertaken with extreme [[care]]. A passage
 
of the [[Vinaya]] (Vin. Ill iSultavibhahga), p.68 fO reports that [[monks]] who have
 
been instructed by the [[Buddha]] to cultivate [[asubha]] asked a [[samana]] named Miga-
 
landaka to deprive them of [[life]], for their [[bodies]] had become an inconvenience
 
to them. U is said that Migalandaka killed 60 [[monks]] in one day. The [[Buddha]],
 
noticing that the number of [[monks]] had decreased, requested [[Ananda]] to assemble
 
all the [[monks]]. To counteract ihe effect of this practice of [[asubha]], the [[Buddha]]
 
[[taught]] [[anapanasati]] [[meditation]], the [[meditation]] on respiration. Although it is not
 
explicit in the text, it seems that [[anapanasati]] is used to counterbalance the
 
negative effects that may arise from the practice of [[asubha]], Thh incident is
 
used in the [[Vinaya]] to explain the {{Wiki|rule}} ( [[parajika]] III) that a [[monk]] should not
 
[[intention]] illy kill anyone or be the instrument in the {{Wiki|killing}} of anyone.
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
 
 
radically different from [[asubha]] [[meditation]], for it docs not use
 
[[death]] as an [[object]], but rather as a [[subject]]. [[Death]] becomes the
 
theme of the [[meditation]], and the [[practitioner]] is not required to
 
[[contemplate]] [[corpses]]. *
 
 
 
Very few {{Wiki|allusions}} to [[maranasati]] are made in the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]]
 
{{Wiki|literature}} 19 , yet this practice seems central to the [[tradition]]. Most
 
[[Buddhist traditions]] share the [[myth]] that before [[Gotama]] decided to
 
leave the householder’s [[life]] to become a reduse, he came in con¬
 
tact with [[four sights]]: [[sickness]], [[old age]], [[death]] and [[asceticism]]. It is
 
these [[four sights]] that triggered [[Gotama’s]] [[desire]] to go forth. It is
 
[[interesting]] to note that the middle two sights are [[elements]]
 
| belonging to the paficcasamuppada, a [[doctrine]] central to the
 
 
 
j [[tradition]]. [[Old age]] and [[death]] cannot be avoided and, on account of
 
 
 
j them, a whole {{Wiki|mass}} of [[suffering]] arises in the {{Wiki|future}} 20 . Facing the
 
 
 
continuous presence of [[suffering]], as well as the inevitability of
 
I [[death]] which may be [[sensed]] through [[ageing]] and [[old age]], [[Gotama]]
 
 
 
sought [[release]] from this ongoing [[cycle of life and death]]. Quests
 
j triggered by a similar realisation were also undertaken by other
 
 
 
I . characters in the [[Canon]], especially in the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} 21 . All
 
 
 
 
 
19 Actually, the term [[maranasati]] appears rarely in [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] {{Wiki|literature}}. Jp my
 
[[knowledge]], only 4 [[discourses]] of the Angultara [[Nikaya]] (A III 303-8; A IV
 
316-22) arc centred around the them. 1 have not found occurrences elsewhere in .
 
the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}}.
 
 
 
20 E\>am ctassa dukJJtakkhandhassa satnudaya hoti. S II 5.
 
 
 
21 For example, the [[Bodhisatta]], in one of his [[previous lives]], is reported to
 
have said: 'Our [[life]] as [[living beings]] is similar U) dew drops on the grass; having
 
asked my mother and father, l ought to go forth in order to subjugate [[sickness]],
 
[[old age]] and [[death]]’ (J IV 121). One of the [[elders]] of the Theragitha uttered a
 
comparable verse: 'Having seen an aged [[person]], someone afflicted by [[sickness]]
 
and someone whose [[life]] [[faculties]] have vanished, I became a wandering renun-
 
date, [[abandoning]] all enticing [[pleasures]]' ([[Thag]], pjl). Many other passages from
 
the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} show that [[desire]] to {{Wiki|renounce}} [[worldly life]] arose from the
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
of the ITheragatha where an [[arahant]] is portrayed as [[contemplating]]
 
a woman’s corpse in a [[charnel-ground]].
 
 
 
In this [[chapter]], although the [[objects of meditation]] are
 
cadavers, the {{Wiki|concept}} of [[death itself]] is totally absent. The chief
 
aim of this practice is to develop [[asubha]] towards our [[own]] [[body]]
 
and that of others, in order to eradicate any kind of [[lust]] or
 
[[passion]] that may arise 10 . The {{Wiki|purpose}} of this [[meditation]] was not
 
to develop an [[awareness]] of [[death itself]], but rather to stimulate
 
some [[sense]] of [[repulsion]]. [[Buddhaghosa]] further characterises these
 
[[ten meditations]] as belonging to [[asubhabhavana]], and he [[perceives]]
 
them as {{Wiki|distinct}} from the [[meditation]] on [[death]] ( marananussati ),
 
« for he devotes a full [[chapter]] to this type of [[meditation]], to which
 
we will soon return. [[Buddhaghosa]] explains that the [[meditation]] on
 
[[asubha]] particularly fits the [[greedy]] {{Wiki|temperament}} ( ragacarita ), and
 
he further elaborates by correlating each of the ten degrees of
 
[[decay]] to a specific [[greed]]".
 
 
 
Although this correlation with the ten {{Wiki|expressions}} of [[greed]] is
 
probably the construct of the commentator, the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} —
 
 
 
 
 
10 'This filthy [[body]] slinks outright / Like ordure, like a privy's site / This
 
[[body]] men that have [[insight]] / Condemn, is [[object]] of a fool's [[delight]] / A {{Wiki|tumour}}
 
where nine holes abide / Wrapped in a coal of clammy hide / And trickling
 
filth on every side / Polluting the [[air]] with stenches far and wide / If it per¬
 
chance should come about / That what is inside came out / Surely a man
 
would need a knout / With which to put the [[crows]] 'and [[dogs]] to rout'. (Vism VI
 
93, translation taken from The [[Path of Purification]] , p.203). It is [[interesting]] to
 
note that in the Vism, the meaning of the term [[asubha]] is very similar to that
 
of [[patikkula]], i.e. rcpul&ivcncss.
 
 
 
U Vism. p.193 ff: Abhidiiamma and {{Wiki|commentarial}} {{Wiki|literature}} classifies
 
0 personalities into six types of {{Wiki|temperament}} ( [[carita]]): [[greedy]] (rega), hating {[[dosa]]\
 
deluded (tnoha). [[faithful]] {[[saddha]]), {{Wiki|intelligent}} {[[buddhi]]) and speculative ([[vitakka]]).
 
On these, see Vism. p.101 ff.
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
 
 
and especially the older [[sections]] — establishes an explicit link
 
between the practice of [[asubha]] [[meditation]] and the [[greedy]]
 
{{Wiki|temperament}}. The [[Theragatha]], for example, depicts the story of
 
Singalapita who got rid of [[greed]] towards [[sensual desire]] through
 
the contemplation of a skeleton (or at least the [[idea]], sahha, of a
 
skeleton) 15 . However, the two most explicit passages correlating
 
the [[awareness]] of [[asubha]] with the diminution of [[lust]] are found in
 
the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] and [[Anguttara Nikaya]] where it is clearly
 
stated that asul)ha should be developed in order to rid oneself of
 
[[lust]] 13 . Moreover, the various classifications of the qualities neces¬
 
sary for the eradication of [[lust]] always include [[asubha]] pr [[asubha]]-
 
sahha'*. Other passages in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} indicate that these
 
qualities do- not eradicate [[lust]], but load to the {{Wiki|deathless}}, a term
 
often equated with [[Nibbana]] 15 . More precisely, the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] indicates that properly [[cultivating]] the {{Wiki|recognition}} (sanhS)
 
of any of five types of cadavers (the skeleton, the worm-eaten,
 
the discoloured, the fissured and the inflated corpse) 16 can induce
 
.[[arahanthood]] or the [[state]] of non-return 17 . From what wc have
 
 
 
 
 
12 [[Thag]]. p.4 (181
 
 
 
13 As ub hay a citlarn bhavchi. A \ UK. [[asubha]] bhavelabha rdgassa pahdndya. A
 
IV 358.
 
 
 
\4 a list of 10. see A V 309-10; in a list of 9, A IV 4(>5; in a list of 7. A
 
 
 
IV 148; in a list of 5. A IV 276.
 
 
 
15 In a list of 9, at A IV 387; in a list of 7. A IV 4b.
 
 
 
16 Atthika, pulavaka , vinilaJuu vice hi dd aka. uddumiiluka. These 5 are members
 
of [[Buddhaghosa]] s len-foid list of asubhakkatntnatihdna referred to previously.
 
 
 
17 S V 129-3L The Vism exemplifies this statement by presenting the story of
 
[[Mahatissa]] [[Thera]]: upon [[seeing]] the {{Wiki|teeth}} (dant atthika: the hones of the {{Wiki|teeth}}. The
 
author stresses that is it the [[bones]] \atlhika\ that [[Mahatissa]] [[perceives]], for they are
 
part of the skeleton and fall into the asubhakammatthdna) of a woman running
 
away from her husband. [[Mahatissa]] acquired asubhasanfta and [[attained]] [[Nibbana]].
 
When her husband, seeking his wife, asked him whether he had seen a woman
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
seen so far, the place ascribed to [[asubha]] within [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] [[Pali literature]] is unequivocal: its [[cultivation]] can lead to N-ibbana, or at
 
least to great benefits such as the eradication of [[passion]] 18 .
 
 
 
This type of [[meditation]] is dependent, to a certain extent, up¬
 
on [[death]], for in many instances it uses [[death]] as an [[object]]. We use
 
the term [[object]] in the [[sense]] that there is something [[visible]] or
 
{{Wiki|tangible}} that can be observed. In these cases, the [[practitioner]] con¬
 
templates cadavers. Although [[death]] as an [[object]] is not necessary
 
to practise [[asubha]] [[meditation]], as with the contemplation of the
 
thirty-one parts of the [[body]], it is often considered a crucial re¬
 
quirement. It has already been noted that [[Buddhaghosa’s]] [[ten objects]] of [[meditation]] for the [[cultivation]] of [[asubha]] are [[corpses]] at
 
different stages of [[decay]]. Although [[Buddhaghosa’s]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} on
 
contemplation of [[corpses]] is not accentuated in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}},
 
1 have found passages referring to it. There is, however, another
 
type of [[meditation]] on [[death]], known as maravasati, which is
 
 
 
 
 
pass by. Mahutissa replied with "the verses which later became'famous*in the
 
[[Theravada tradition]]: Whether it was a man or a woman / That went by 1
 
noticed not / But only that on this high road / There goes a group of [[bones]].
 
(Vism, p.21. Translation quoted from The [[Path of Purification]], p22).
 
 
 
18 However, (his practice has to be undertaken with extreme [[care]]. A passage
 
of the [[Vinaya]] (Vin. Ill iSuttavibhahga), p.68 fO reports that [[monks]] who have
 
been instructed by the [[Buddha]] to cultivate [[asubha]] asked a [[samana]] named Miga-
 
landaka to deprive them of [[life]], for their [[bodies]] had become an inconvenience
 
to them. U is said that Migalandaka killed 60 [[monks]] in one day. The [[Buddha]],
 
noticing that the number of [[monks]] had decreased, requested [[Ananda]] to assemble
 
all the [[monks]]. To counteract the effect of this practice of [[asubha]], the [[Buddha]]
 
[[taught]] [[anapanasati]] [[meditation]], the [[meditation]] on respiration. Although it is not
 
explicit in (he text, it seems that [[anapanasati]] is used to counterbalance the
 
negative effects that may arise from the practice of [[asubha]]. Thh incident is
 
used in the [[Vinaya]] to explain the {{Wiki|rule}} ( [[parajika]] 111) that a [[monk]] should not
 
[[intention]] illy kill anyone or to the instrument in the {{Wiki|killing}} of anyone.
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
radically different from [[asubha]] [[meditation]], for it does not use
 
[[death]] as an [[object]], but rather as a [[subject]]. [[Death]] becomes the
 
theme of the [[meditation]], and the [[practitioner]] is not required to
 
[[contemplate]] [[corpses]]. *
 
 
 
Very few {{Wiki|allusions}} to mara^asati are made in the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]]
 
{{Wiki|literature}} 19 , yet this practice seems central to the [[tradition]]. Most
 
[[Buddhist traditions]] share the [[myth]] that before [[Gotama]] decided to
 
leave the householder’s [[life]] to become a [[recluse]], he came in con¬
 
tact with [[four sights]]: [[sickness]], [[old age]], [[death]] and [[asceticism]]. It is
 
these [[four sights]] that triggered [[Gotama’s]] [[desire]] to go forth. It is
 
[[interesting]] to note that the middle two sights are [[elements]]
 
belonging to the paficcasamuppada, a [[doctrine]] central to the
 
[[tradition]]. [[Old age]] and [[death]] cannot be avoided and, on account of
 
them, a whole {{Wiki|mass}} of [[suffering]] arises in the {{Wiki|future}} 80 . Facing the
 
continuous presence of [[suffering]], as well as the inevitability of
 
[[death]] which may be [[sensed]] through [[ageing]] and [[old age]], [[Gotama]]'
 
sought [[release]] from this ongoing [[cycle of life and death]]. Quests
 
triggered by a similar realisation were also undertaken by other
 
characters in the [[Canon]], especially in the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} 81 . All
 
 
 
 
 
19 Actually, the term maranasali appears rarely in [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] {{Wiki|literature}}. X<> tty
 
[[knowledge]], only 4 [[discourses]] of the [[Anguttara Nikaya]] (A Ill 303-8; A IV
 
316*22) arc centred around the them. I have not found occurrences elsewhere in,
 
the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}}.
 
 
 
20 E\>am ctassa dukUiakkhandhassa [[samudaya]] hoti, S II 5.
 
 
 
21 For example, the [[Bodhisatta]], in one of his [[previous lives]], is reported to
 
have said: ‘Our [[life]] as [[living beings]] is similar U> dew drops on the grass; having
 
asked my mother and father, I ought to go forth in order to subjugate [[sickness]],
 
[[old age]] and [[death]]* 0 IV 121). One of the [[elders]] of the [[Thera]] gal ha uttered a
 
comparable verse: ‘Having seen an aged [[person]], someone afflicted by [[sickness]]
 
and someone whose [[life]] [[faculties]] have vanished, I became a wandering renun-
 
ciate, [[abandoning]] all enticing [[pleasures]]* ([[Thag]], p.11). Many other passages from
 
the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} show that [[desire]] to {{Wiki|renounce}} [[worldly life]] arose from the
 
 
 
 
 
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
 
 
these passages underscore the urgency ( [[samvega]] ) that is felt when •
 
[[death]] approaches.
 
 
 
[[Buddhaghosa]], however, places considerable {{Wiki|emphasis}} on the
 
practice of [[maranasati]] 22 . He first introduces the [[subject]] by [[cir]]¬
 
cumscribing what is meant by [[marana]] in this particular context. ^
 
 
 
[[Death]] is simply the termination of one’s life.faculty, '.e. the en<j 1
 
 
 
of one’s life span. He then proceeds to define marananussati itself {
 
and what is entailed in this practice:
 
 
 
So mindfulness of death is the remembering of death, in
 
other words, of the interruption of the life faculty. One
 
who wants to develop this should go into solitary retreat
 
and exercise attention wisely in this way: ‘Death will take
 
place; the life faculty will be interrupted’ or ‘Death, death' 23 .
 
 
 
According to the commentator, this exercise ought to generate
 
mindfulness {sati\ the sense of urgency {samvega) and knowledge
 
(nana¥\ If it is not successful, the practitioner should recollect
 
death in eight different ways: 1) as a murderer (who appears sud-
 
 
 
 
 
mere fact of realising that we are not immune to old age. King Makhadeva, for
 
example, uttered the following verse upon noticing one single grey hair on his
 
head: ‘These grey hairs that appear on my head are deaths own messengers that
 
come to rob my life. Now ix the time that I renounce the worldly life* (J I 138.
 
The Susima Jataka (J III 237J, Cullasutasoma Jataka [J V 91) and Nimi Jataka [J
 
VI 53] are of the same character).
 
 
 
22 U is interesting to note that Buddhaghosa does not use the term marana¬
 
sati but rather marananussati. Though one wouUJ lend to think that the com¬
 
mentator used a different terminology than the one used in the Sutta in order
 
to underline a nuance between two practices, Buddhaghosa himself wrote that
 
sati itself \\ an anussaii and the main distinction is that the latter ‘occurs only
 
in those instances where it should occur* {The Path of Purification , p.204).
 
 
 
23 The Path of Purification . p.248.
 
 
 
24 Ibid .
 
 
 
denly and takes away life), 2) as the ruin of success (for death is
 
the ruining of life’s success), 3) by comparison ((i.e. by comparing
 
onself to others who have died), 4) as to the sharing of the body
 
with many (kinds of worms and creatures), 5) as to the fragility
 
of life, 6) as signless (in the sense of unpredictable), 7) as to the
 
limit of the extent, and 8) as to the brevity of the moment (in the
 
sense that one is alive only for the duration of one’s conscious*
 
ness). This last perspective on death contradicts the definition that
 
the commentator himself had set at the beginning of the chapter.
 
Death, in this context, ought to be seen as the termination of the
 
life faculty and does not include the constant dissolution of the
 
aggregates — what is technically termed momentary death
 
( Ichanikamaranain ). Yet, having excluded momentary death at the
 
outset, Buddhaghosa reintegrates it with the eighth perspective.
 
 
 
In modern Sri Lanka, whore Buddhaghosa lived some 1,500
 
years ago, -charnel-grounds arc basically non-existent. Bodies are
 
either- burned, when the finanical situation of a family allows it,
 
or our ted. Monks wishing to practise asubhabhavana, as described
 
... by Buddhaghosa, have to find alternatives. Since one of the ten
 
stages of decomposition of corpses is known as ‘cut up’ ( [vicchid -
 
dakam) a possible option for monks wishing to follow Buddha-
 
ghosa’s prescription is to attend sessions where bodies are actually
 
cut up: postmortem examinations are the ideal modern alternative.
 
Although Buddhaghosa originally suggested locations such as
 
• battlefields, forests infested with robbers or charnel-grounds where
 
 
 
« kings have theives cut up”, the autopsy room seems a viable
 
 
 
compromise.
 
 
 
25 Vicchiddakam yaddhamandalc vd cardtaviyam vd susdne vd , yaitha rdjano
 
core chindapenti, arannd vd pana sthavyagghchi chinnapurisat thane labbhati.
 
Vism 190.
 
 
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
iTMn’mii'iMMlarrri' - m -
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
During my research, I had the opportunity to observe one
 
monk who attended an autopsy at the Colombo General Hospital 26 *
 
 
 
I interviewed a monk of British origin who mentioned that he
 
was planning to attend an autopsy a few days later. He invited
 
me to accompany him. On that day, 1 met him at the hospital
 
temple around 9.30 am and proceeded directly to the room where
 
postmortems were performed. When we entered, two cadavers
 
were already being autopsied, with a third one laid on the ground
 
waiting its turn. All were males. Since the monk had not enquired
 
\ as to the sex of the bodies, it did not seem that Buddhaghosa’s
 
 
 
restriction carried much weight.
 
 
 
The smell was paradoxically vivid. The monk approached one
 
j of the bodies. Two men were working on the abdomen, emptying
 
 
 
i it of its contents. The monk remained beside the body for ap-
 
 
 
) proximately five minutes, then walked around, keeping his eyes
 
 
 
on the object of his meditation. He asked me how 1 was coping
 
with the situation three times. The two technicians were now
 
working on the head, cutting it open with a saw. The monk
 
£ approached to have a closer view of the process. Two minutes
 
 
 
later, he moved to the other body, whose autopsy was already
 
 
 
completed. He looked at all the internal organs (lungs, heart, liver,
 
ly* n S on the table, took the hand of the dead man in his, and
 
asked me: ‘you can feci death, do you want to touch?* 7 . I politely
 
 
 
 
 
26 We were supposed to attend a second one at the Kandy General Hospital,
 
with 2 other monks. The morning of the autopsy, we all went to the hospital as
 
planned with the medical authorities, and wailed in vain for 2 hours for the
 
judicial medical officer. At 11.00 am. we had to return to the monastery since
 
monks have to eat before noon.
 
 
 
27 Buddhaghosa. when describing the practice of asubha in reference to the
 
cut up. continue, by stressing that the yogi should never tctuch the body; the
 
dismembc.ed P arls should be reassembled by a monastery attendant, someone
 
 
 
reminded him that my task was simply to observe him and his
 
practice, nothing else. He then proceeded to the body of the
 
elderly man lying on the floor, after which we left. We had spent
 
approximately twenty minutes in the autopsy room before
 
heading back to the hospital temple where 1 interviewed him.
 
 
 
Immediately following the autopsies, when asked how he felt,
 
the monk answered that he still had a feeling of unease and that
 
disgust was still pre-eminent in his mind. By witnessing an au¬
 
topsy, he continued, one is able to investigate at a deeper level
 
the nature of the body, that'is, the foulness inherent in the body
 
we often perceive as attractive. It is also crucial, he stressed, to
 
couple this particular practice with vipassana meditation. The
 
emotions, sensations and images that arise when one witnesses an
 
autopsy need to be dealt with. In order to transform this ex¬
 
perience into a meditative process, one has to develop constant
 
and objective awareness of these sensations and emotions. This
 
enables the practitioner to cultivate an understanding of the
 
reality as it is, without generating hatred or disgust towards
 
individuals themselves.
 
 
 
After reflecting on the extreme nature of this particular
 
practice, I questioned the monk as to its relation to one of the
 
central teachings of the Buddha — what is known as the middle-
 
path 0 majjhimapatipada). He explained that what is meant by
 
‘middle-path’ is not moderation, but rather the capacity to develop
 
a stable state of mind, a sort of indifference — or rather equa¬
 
nimity — regardless of the situation. The middle-path is avoiding
 
 
 
 
 
studying to become an ascetic, or by the yogi himself with the help of a stick.
 
The reason given is that**he would come to handle it without disgust as a
 
corpse-burner would’ (Paramatthamanjusa 176; translation taken from The Path
 
of Purification , p.197, n.ll).
 
 
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
these passages underscore the urgency ( samvega ) that is felt when
 
death approaches.
 
 
 
" Buddhaghosa, however, places considerable emphasis on the
 
practice of maranasati 22 . He first introduces the subject by cir¬
 
cumscribing what is meant by marana in this particular context.
 
Death is simply the termination of one’s life faculty, '.e. the en<j
 
of one’s life span. He then proceeds to define marananussati itself
 
and what is entailed in this practice:
 
 
 
So mindfulness of death is the remembering of death, in
 
other words, of the interruption of the life faculty. One
 
who wants to develop this should go into solitary retreat
 
and exercise attention wisely in this way: ‘Death will take
 
place; the life faculty will be interrupted’ or ‘Death, death’ 23 .
 
 
 
According to the commentator, this exercise ought to generate
 
mindfulness (sati), the sense of urgency (samvega) and knowledge
 
(nana) 2 \ If it is not successful, the practitioner should recollect
 
death in eight different ways: 1) as a murderer (who appears sud-
 
 
 
 
 
mere fact of realising that we are not immune to old age. King Makhadeva, for
 
example, uttered the following verse upon noticing one single grey hair on his
 
head: 'These grey hairs that appear on my head are death’s own messengers that
 
come to rob my life. Now is the time that I renounce the worldly life* (J I 138.
 
The Susirnu Jataka (J III 237), Cullasutasoma Jataka (J V 91) and Nimi Jataka [J
 
VI 53) are of the same character).
 
 
 
22 It is interesting to note that Buddhaghosa does not use the term marana -
 
sati but rather marananussati Though one wouhj lend to think that the com¬
 
mentator used a different lenninology than the one used in the Sutta in order
 
to underline a nuance between two practices, Buddhaghosa himself wrote that
 
sati itself is an anussaii and the main distinction is that the latter 'occurs only
 
in those instances where it should occur (The Path of Purification , p204).
 
 
 
23 The Path of Purification . p.248.
 
 
 
24 Ibid .
 
 
 
denly and takes away life), 2) as the ruin of success (for death is
 
the ruining of life’s success), 3) by comparison ((i.e. by comparing
 
onself to others who have died), 4) as to the sharing of the body
 
with many (kinds of worms and creatures), 5) as to the fragility
 
of life, 6) as signless (in the sense of unpredictable), 7) as to the
 
I limit of the extent, and 8) as to the brevity of the moment (in the
 
 
 
j sense that one is alive only for the duration of one’s conscious¬
 
 
 
ness). This last perspective on death contradicts the definition that
 
the commentator himself had set at the beginning of the chapter.
 
Death, in this context, ought to be seen as the termination of the
 
life faculty and does not include the constant dissolution of the
 
aggregates — what is technically termed momentary death
 
(khariikamaranam). Yet, having excluded momentary death at the
 
outset, Buddhaghosa reintegrates it with the eighth perspective.
 
 
 
In modern Sri Lanka, where Buddhaghosa lived some 1,500
 
years ago, -charnel-grounds arc basically non-existent. Bodies are
 
either- burned, when the finanical situation of a family allows it,
 
or ouried. Monks wishing to practise asubhabhavana, as described
 
by Buddhaghosa, have to find alternatives. Since one of the ten
 
stages of decomposition of corpses is known as ‘cut up’ (vicchid-
 
dakam) a possible option for monks wishing to follow Buddha-
 
ghosa’s prescription is to attend sessions where bodies arc actually
 
cut up: postmortem examinations are the ideal modern alternative.
 
Although Buddhaghosa originally suggested locations such as
 
battlefields, forests infested with robbers or charnel-grounds where
 
kings have theives cut up 25 , the autopsy room seems a viable
 
compromise.
 
 
 
 
 
25 Vicchiddakam yaddhamandalc vd carat aviyam vd suscinc vd, yattha rajano
 
core chinddpenti, arafxhd vd pana sthavyaxghchi chinnapuri sal thane labbhati.
 
Visin 190.
 
 
 
 
 
Uuddlilst Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
During my research, 1 had the opportunity to observe one
 
monk who attended an autopsy at the Colombo General Hospital 26 .
 
 
 
I interviewed a monk of British origin who mentioned that he
 
was planning to attend an autopsy a few days later. He invited
 
me to accompany him. On that day, I met him at the hospital
 
temple around 9.30 am and proceeded directly to the room where
 
postmortems were performed. When we entered, two cadavers
 
were already being autopsied, with a third one laid on the ground
 
waiting its turn. All were males. Since the monk had not enquired
 
as to the sex of tne bodies, it did not seem that Buddhaghosa’s
 
restriction carried much weight.
 
 
 
The smell was paradoxically vivid. The monk approached one
 
of the bodies. Two men were working on the abdomen, emptying
 
it of its contents. The monk remained beside the body for ap¬
 
proximately five minutes, then walked around, keeping his eyes
 
on the object of his meditation. He asked me how I was coping
 
with the situation three times. The two technicians were now
 
working on the head, cutting it open with a saw. The monk
 
approached to have a closer view of the process. Two minutes
 
later, he moved to the other body, whose autopsy was already
 
completed. He looked at all the internal organs (lungs, heart, liver,
 
•..) lying on the table, took the hand of the dead man in his, and
 
asked me: ‘you can feel death, do you want to touch?’ 27 .1 politely
 
 
 
 
 
26 We were supposed lo allend a second one al the Kandy General Hospiul,
 
with 2 other monks. The morning of the autopsy, we all went to the hospital as
 
planned with the medical authorities, and wailed in vain for 2 hours for the
 
judicial medical officer. At 11.00 am. we had to return to the monastery since
 
monks have to eat before noon.
 
 
 
27 Buddhaghosa, when describing the practice of asubha in reference to the
 
cut up, continue* by stressing that the yogi should never much the body; the
 
dismembe.ed parts should be reassembled by a monastery attendant, someone
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
reminded him that my task was simply to observe him and his
 
practice, nothing else. He then proceeded to the body of the
 
elderly man lying on the floor, after which we left. We had spent
 
approximately twenty minutes in the autopsy room before
 
heading back to the hospital temple where I interviewed him.
 
 
 
Immediately following the autopsies, when asked how he felt,
 
the monk answered that he still had a feeling of unease and that
 
disgust was still pre-eminent in his mind. By witnessing an au¬
 
topsy, he continued, one is able to investigate at a deeper level
 
the nature of the body, lhat'is, the foulness inherent in the body
 
we often perceive as attractive. It is also crucial, he stressed, to
 
couple this particular practice with vipassana meditation. The
 
emotions, sensations and images that arise when one witnesses an
 
autopsy need to be dealt with. In order to transform this ex-
 
perience into a meditative process, one has to develop constant
 
and objective awareness of these sensations and emotions. This
 
enables the practitioner to cultivate an understanding of the
 
reality as it is, without generating hatred or disgust towards
 
individuals themselves.
 
 
 
After reflecting on the extreme nature of this particular
 
practice, I questioned the monk as to its relation to one of the
 
central teachings of the Buddha - what is known as the middle-
 
path ( majjhimapatipada ). He explained that what is meant by
 
‘middle-path’ is not moderation, but rather the capacity to develop
 
a stable state of mind, a sort of indifference - or rather equa¬
 
nimity — regardless of the situation. The middle-path is avoiding
 
 
 
 
 
studying to become an ascetic, or by the yogi himself with the help of a stick.
 
The reason given is ihal,*he would come lo handle it without disgust as a
 
corpse-burner would’ (Paramatthamanjusa 176; translation taken from The Path
 
of Purification , p.197, n.ll).
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
extremes in the sense that the mind remains aloof from pleasure
 
and pain; the mind simply becomes a detached observer of the
 
situations being experienced. However, he admitted that this was
 
an extreme and occasional situation that he decided to place
 
himself into in order to observe the reactions that would arise.
 
During the seven years that he has been a monk, this was only
 
the second time he witnessed an autopsy. His own specific
 
practice is grounded in an interest in understanding how the mind
 
manufactures emotions and how these are related to thoughts. To
 
achieve this comprehension, he practises the more traditionally
 
accepted form of meditation, i.e. vipassana.
 
 
 
I also interviewed ten other members of the Sangha 28 , most
 
of whom had practised this postmortem-meditation at least once.
 
When asked to explain how they understood maranasati, all
 
agreed with Buddhaghosa’s interpretation that maranasati re¬
 
quires the practitioners to remind themselves constantly of the
 
proximity of death. From the subsequent analyses of the inter¬
 
views, I noticed that two other practices had also been classified
 
as maranasati. Without ever challenging Buddhaghosa’s definition,
 
eight of the eleven interviewees suggested that maranasati was
 
broader than this mere awareness of the potentiality of death.
 
First, they considered meditation on asubha, as described by
 
Buddhaghosa (i.e. the ten types of charnel-ground contemplations
 
or their modern expression in the autopsy room) as belonging to
 
maranasati as long as the yogis perceived and constantly con¬
 
templated the fragility of life. This falls in-line with the Sati-
 
 
 
 
 
, 28 The of ihe dasa sil matavo is ihe object of a controversy among the
 
 
 
Sinhalese monastic community. IFor more information on the subject, see Tessa
 
Barlholomcus/. Womdn under the Do Tree. Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka.
 
Cambridge 1994]
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
i patthana’s suggestion that practitioners must reflect on the fact
 
| that their body possesses the same nature. In fact, many monks in
 
Sri Lanka have witnessed autopsies in order to cultivate
 
! asubha and/or maranasati. Moreover, photographs of autopsies
 
j are broadly available for the Thai monastic community and these
 
 
 
. are widely circulated in Sri Lanka. Most of the hermitages where
 
 
 
the interviews were conducted had at least a few of these photo-
 
| graphs and/or partial or complete skeletons used for meditation
 
purposes. All the monks using these tools, however, strongly
 
emphasised that without reflecting on their own body, the
 
charnel-ground contemplations (or the contemplation of the
 
photographs or the skeletons) remain solely at the asubha level.
 
 
 
These same eight monastics perceived maranasati as the
 
natural result of their daily riieditatidn. As the abbot in charge of
 
a major meditatibn centre in Colombo remarked, -death itself is
 
merely a concept which is totally devoid of substance For this
 
reason, it is impossible to focus on it’. He further explained that
 
what we conventionally call death does not exist, for the simple
 
reason that in order for something/someone to die, it needs to
 
possess an independent existence which Buddhist doctrine denies
 
with the theories of anicca, anatta and paticcasamuppada. A
 
person docs not merely die at the end of one’s existence for, at
 
the deepest level, this person never existed. What we normally
 
term 'person’ is an amalgam of five aggregates which arc con¬
 
stantly changing. Every moment, each of these aggregates arises
 
and passes away ( upajjhitva , nirujjhanti). Therefore, maranasati,
 
viewed from this angle, cannot be separated from the normal
 
practice of vipassana meditation which aims, as the tradition
 
claims, at seeing things as they really are. Practitioners of vi¬
 
passana who simply observe their own mind and body soon
 
notice the transitory character of existence. Eventually, they
 
become aware that birth and death happen at every single mo-
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
ment. Material particles arise and vanish: death is present through¬
 
out the life-process. Such an awareness helps, on the one hand, to
 
cope with what we conventionally call death. By becoming
 
increasingly aware of the presence of death, at the experiential
 
level, practitioners are no more intimidated when the final mo¬
 
ment comes. Death is nothing but the culmination of successive
 
deaths which one had gradually learned to deal with. On the other
 
hand, this same process helps them live a less egocentric,.more
 
detached, cquanimous and compassionate life, for they have come
 
to understand that nothing is worth clinging to, and that human
 
suffering is directly related to the cultivation of the awareness of
 
impermanence, the core of Theravada Buddhist meditation. In
 
fact, when one practises one of these two thoroughly, the other is
 
also automatically practised, whether consciously or not.
 
 
 
The view that maranasati is intimately linked with vipas-
 
sand is also corroborated by the fact that the former is one of
 
the four protections ( caturarakklia ). Members of the Sangha as
 
well as lay-meditators in intensive training are encouraged to
 
recite daily the verses of protections. By recollecting the qualities
 
of the Buddha, promoting loving-kindness, restraining sexual
 
desires through asubha and promoting the awareness of death, the
 
practitioners’ ability to deepen their meditation is supposed to in¬
 
crease. It is also noteworthy that lay people going to the temple
 
in order to pay respect to the Buddha often recite a standard
 
verse similar to those found in the four protections: I pay respect
 
to the Buddha; may I obtain some merit This body [of mine] will
 
be destroyed just as these flowers will fade”. This indicates that
 
 
 
 
 
29 Pujcmi buddham kusumena nena I Punncna me te fabhami mukham /
 
Puppham milayati yatha idam me / Kayo tatha yali vinasa bhavam II A simitar
 
verse stressing that all are subject to Uealh is also frequently used by lay follow¬
 
 
 
 
 
the practice of maranasati as such is not only followed by medi¬
 
tators but, to a certain extent, by most devout Buddhists as well.
 
 
 
When asked how a monk should practise marariasati, the
 
abbot suggested two methods, the second being much more effec¬
 
tive than the first. One may start by the simple recital of the four
 
protections discussed above. When meditators are more advanced
 
in their practice of vipassana, they can embark on a radically
 
different practice. They should lie like a corpse, preferably at
 
night and, as suggested by Buddhaghosa, recall that Buddhas,
 
kings, neighbours and parents have died. They then remind them¬
 
selves that death is inevitable. It is at this stage that they must
 
‘feel life go out from every part of the body, from the toes
 
upwards. If this practice is accomplished properly, one actually
 
dies’. The- abbot himself refused to answer when 1 asked if he
 
practises this sort of meditation, for members of the Sangha are
 
not supposed to brag about their accomplishments. Neither did he
 
clarify whether he meant that the body technically dies and is
 
r.eanimatcd, or that one symbolically dies by becoming aware of
 
the ever presence of death throughout the body, a presence
 
manifesting itself through the constant process of impermanence.
 
This second interpretation would be in line with the traditional
 
practice of vipassana.
 
 
 
It is clear from these eight interviews that the practice of
 
maranasati not only includes a. constant remembrance of the
 
finitude of life, but also incorporates asubhabhavana and the
 
awarness of anicca. This perception of maranasati differs radi¬
 
cally from Buddhaghosa’s, for the latter only considered the aware-
 
 
 
 
 
ers: Namami buddham gunasdgaram lam l Sail ha saddha honiu sukhi avira /
 
Kayo jigujjo sakalo dugandho / Gacchanti sabbe maranam aham ca ll
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
extremes in the sense that the mind remains aloof from pleasure
 
and pain; the mind simply becomes a detached observer of the
 
situations being experienced. However, he admitted that this was
 
an extreme and occasional situation that he decided to place
 
himself into in order to observe the reactions that would arise.
 
During the seven years that he has been a monk, this was only
 
the second time he witnessed an autopsy. His own specific
 
practice is grounded in an interest in understanding how the mind
 
manufactures emotions and how these are related to thoughts. To
 
achieve this comprehension, he practises the more traditionally
 
accepted form of meditation, i.e. vipassana.
 
 
 
I also interviewed ten other members of the Sangha 28 , most
 
of whom had practised this postmortem-meditation at least once.
 
When asked to explain how they understood maranasati, all
 
agreed with Buddhaghosa’s interpretation that maranasati re¬
 
quires the practitioners to remind themselves constantly of the
 
proximity of death. From the subsequent analyses of the inter¬
 
views, I noticed that two other practices had also been classified
 
as maranasati. Without ever challenging Buddhaghosa’s definition,
 
eight of the eleven interviewees suggested that maranasati was
 
broader than this mere awareness of the potentiality of death.
 
First, they considered meditation on asubha, as described by
 
Buddhaghosa (i.e. the ten types of charnel-ground contemplations
 
or their modern expression in the autopsy room) as belonging to
 
maranasati as long as the yogis perceived and constantly con¬
 
templated the fragility of life. This falls in-line with the Sati-
 
 
 
 
 
28 The stilus of ihe dasa sit malavo is the object of a controversy among the
 
Sinhalese monastic community. [For more information on the subject, sec Tessa
 
Barihoiomcusz. Women under the Do Tree. Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka.
 
Cambridge 1994]
 
 
 
 
 
i patthana’s suggestion that practitioners must reflect on the fact
 
that their body possesses the same nature. In fact, many monks in
 
Sri Lanka have witnessed autopsies in order to cultivate
 
asubha and/or maranasati. Moreover, photographs of autopsies
 
j are broadly available for the Thai monastic community and these
 
 
 
i are widely circulated in Sri Lanka. Most of the hermitages where
 
 
 
! the interviews were conducted had at least a few of these photo-
 
 
 
| graphs and/or partial or complete skeletons used for meditation
 
 
 
purposes. All the monks using these tools, however, strongly
 
emphasised that without reflecting on their own body, the
 
charnel-ground contemplations (or the contemplation of the
 
photographs or the skeletons) remain solely at the asubha level.
 
 
 
These same eight monastics perceived maranasati as the
 
natural result of their daily riieditatidn. As the abbot in charge of
 
a major meditatibn centre in Colombo remarked, -death itself is
 
merely a concept which is totally devoid of substance. For this
 
reason, it is impossible to focus on it’. He further explained that
 
what we conventionally call death does not exist, for the simple
 
reason that in order for something/someone to die, it needs to
 
possess an independent existence which Buddhist doctrine denies
 
with the theories of anicca , anatta and paticcasamuppada. A
 
person docs not merely die at the end of one’s existence for, at
 
the deepest level, this person never existed. What we normally
 
term ‘person’ is an amalgam of five aggregates which arc con¬
 
stantly changing. Every moment, each of these aggregates arises
 
and passes away ( upajjhitva, nirujjhanti). Therefore, maranasati,
 
viewed from this angle, cannot be separated from the normal
 
practice of vipassana meditation which aims, as the tradition
 
claims, at seeing things as they really are. Practitioners of vi¬
 
passana who simply observe their own mind and body soon
 
notice the transitory character of existence. Eventually, they
 
become aware that birth and death happen at every single mo-
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
 
 
ment. Mater-al particles arise and vanish: death is present through¬
 
out the life-process. Such an awareness helps, on the one hand, to
 
cope with what we conventionally call death. By becoming
 
increasingly aware of the presence of death, at the experiential
 
level, practitioners are no more intimidated when the final mo¬
 
ment comes. Death is nothing but the culmination of successive
 
deaths which one had gradually learned to deal with. On the other
 
hand, this same process helps them live a less egocentric,.more
 
detached, cquanimous and compassionate life, for they have come
 
to understand that nothing is worth clinging to, and that human
 
suffering is directly related to the cultivation of the awareness of
 
impermanence, the core of Theravada Buddhist meditation. In
 
fact, when one practises one of these two thoroughly, the other is
 
also automatically practised, whether consciously or not
 
 
 
The view that maranasati is intimately linked with vipas¬
 
sana is also corroborated by the fact that the former is one of
 
the four protections ( caiurarakkha ). Members of the Sangha as
 
well as lay-meditators in intensive training are encouraged to
 
recite daily the verses of protections. By recollecting the qualities
 
of the Buddha, promoting loving-kindness, restraining sexual
 
desires through asubha and promoting the awareness of death, the
 
practitioners’ ability to deepen their meditation is supposed to in¬
 
crease. It is also noteworthy that lay people going to the temple
 
in order to pay respect to the Buddha often recite a standard
 
verse similar to those found in the four protections: I pay respect
 
to the Buddha; may I obtain some merit This body [of mine] will
 
be destroyed just as these flowers will fade”. This indicates that
 
 
 
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
 
 
 
 
 
! the practice of maranasati as such is not only followed by medi-
 
 
 
! tators but, to a certain extent, by most devout Buddhists as well.
 
 
 
When asked how a monk should practise maranasati, the
 
I abbot suggested two methods, the second being much more effec- •
 
j tive than the first. One may start by the simple recital of the four
 
I protections discussed above. When meditators are more advanced
 
in their practice of vipassana , they can embark on a radically
 
different practice. They should lie like a corpse, preferably at
 
' night and, as suggested by Buddhaghosa, recall that Buddhas,
 
 
 
1 kings, neighbours and parents have died. They then remind them¬
 
selves that death is inevitable. It is at this stage that they must
 
‘feel life go out from every part of the body, from the toes
 
upwards. If this practice is accomplished properly, one actually
 
1 dies’. The- abbot himself refused to answer when 1 asked if he
 
practises this sort of meditation, for members of the Sangha are
 
not supposed to brag about their accomplishments. Neither did he
 
v clarify whether he meant that the body technically dies and is
 
reanimated, or that one symbolically dies by becoming aware of
 
the ever presence of death throughout the body, a presence
 
manifesting itself through the constant process of impermanence.
 
This second interpretation would be in line with the traditional
 
practice of vipassana.
 
 
 
It is clear from these eight interviews that the practice of
 
: maranasati not only includes a_ constant remembrance of the
 
 
 
1 finitude of life, but also incorporates asubhabhavana and the
 
 
 
awarness of anicca. This perception of maranasati differs radi¬
 
cally from Buddhaghosa’s, for the latter only considered the aware-
 
 
 
 
 
29 Pujcmi buddham Lusumena nena / Puhncna me te tabhami mukham /
 
Puppham mitayali yalha idam me / Kayo latha yali vinasa bhavam II A simitar
 
verse stressing thal all are subject to death is also frequently used by lay follow-
 
 
 
ers: Namami buddham gunasagaram lam f Salt ha saddhd hortiu sukhi avira /
 
Kayo jigujjo sakalo dugandho / Gacchanti sabbe maranam aham ca //
 
 
 
 
 
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
 
 
ness of dcaih as the essence of this practice. I must stress, how- j
 
ever, that three other monastics categorically stated that
 
maranasati was solely the awareness of death, and that the nine
 
charnel-ground meditations belonged exclusively to the realm of
 
asubhabhavana.
 
 
 
I would like to conclude by summarising the divergences of {
 
 
 
interpretation that have been alluded to in this paper — that is, |
 
 
 
divergences between canonical literature, the Visuddhimagga and
 
contemporary practice. The description of maranasati in canoni¬
 
cal literature is sparse and limited to the awareness of ageing and
 
the proximity of death. Two simple methods for developing this
 
awareness are described in the Ahguttara 30 , while many passages
 
of, the Jiitakas and Thera- Thcrigatha praise this awareness by
 
offering numerous examples of persons who, having realised the
 
inexorability of their fate, cither decided to renounce worldly life
 
or attained enlightenment. Buddhaghosa, however, built an eight¬
 
fold method for developing this awareness, a systematised method
 
that is absent in earlier Pali literature. Yet contemporary practice
 
shows a much wider interpretation which, according to the ma¬
 
jority of the monastics interviewed, includes asubhabhavana and
 
the awareness of anicca.
 
 
 
copyrighted © Mathieu Boisvert
 
(Director of graduate studies
 
dep. des sciences religieuses
 
Universite du Quebec a Montreal)
 
 
 
 
 
30 The fir^i thing is constantly to remind oneself that death could happen at
 
any moment: after one day, one night, a meal, a single bite [A 111 303 and also
 
at A IV 3161. The other being the different reasons for dying such as being
 
bitten by a centipede, a snake or a scorpion, or falling, choking ... [A HI 307,
 
5nd also at A IV 3201
 
 
 
 
 
EKOTTARAGAMA (XX)
 
 
 
Translated from the Chinese Version by
 
Thich Huycn-Vi and Bhikkhu Piisadika
 
in collaboration with Sara Boin-Webb
 
 
 
Ninth Fascicle
 
Part 18
 
 
 
(Shame and Remorse)
 
 
 
6. ‘‘Thus have I heard. At one time the Buddha was staying in
 
SravastI, at the Jeta Grove, in Anathapipdada’s Park. Then
 
Venerable Nanda donned exquisite robes, and with eye-shadow he
 
brightened up his eye[lids],« wearing slippers ornamented with
 
gold. Again, he rubbed 2 the cosmetic off his eye[lids] and, holding
 
in his hands jiisutlms-bowl, he was about to enter the city of
 
SravastI.
 
 
 
From afar many bhik$us saw Venerable Nanda [on the point
 
of] entering the city to beg for alms-food, while he was wearing
 
exquisite robes. New those bhiksus went to the whereabouts of
 
the Exalted One, bowing down their heads at his feet, and sat
 
down at one side. Hardly had [they taken their seats) when they
 
stood up [again], saying to the Exalted One: As far as Bhiksu
 
Nanda is concerned, he has donned exquisite robes and brightened
 
up his eyetlids] with eye-shadow and is [thus] entering the city of
 
 
 
 
 
1 See T 2, 591a8 ff; Hayashi. p.153 ff.
 
 
 
2 For & Hayashi reads & (to compare; to criticise; to oppose), which does not
 
seem appropriate.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
NOTES
 
 
 
1 • ^ or details of these developments, see D. D. Kosambi, The Culture and
 
Civilization of Ancient India (London, 1905), pp. 103 ff.; a more recent devel-
 
opment of this theme is offered by Jaimal Rai in his The Rural-Urban Economy
 
and Social Changes in Ancient India (Delhi, 1974), pp. 165 ff.
 
 
 
2. On the chronology of these texts, sec M. Wintemitz, A History of tfj
 
 
 
Indian Literature (New York 1971), 11, pp. 17 IT.; for the dates of the Buddha I
 
and Asoka, sec B. G. Gokhalc, Asoka A laurya (New York, 1971), pp. 35, 63; y
 
also sec B. G. Gokhalc, Buddhism in Maharashtra , (Bombay, 1976), pp. 23 ff.; :|
 
on these “elite * groups, see B. G. Gokhalc, “The Early Buddhist Elite "Jour-
 
nal of Indian History, XL1 ll/ll (August 1965), pp. 391-402. '
 
 
 
3. J. Kashyap (cd.). The Cullavagga (Nalanda, 1956), pp. 406—409-
 
 
 
4. See G. P. Malalasckera, Dictionary of Tali Proper Names (London,
 
 
 
- I960), 11, pp. 1126—1127; hereafter referred to as DPPN .
 
 
 
5. DPPN , 11, pp. 1126-1127; B. N. Chaudhury, Buddhist Centres in >
 
{{Wiki|Ancient India}} ([[Calcutta]], 1969), pp. 71-74 (hereafter abbreviated as BCAl)',
 
Halram Srivastavii, Trade and Commerce in {{Wiki|Ancient India}} ([[Varanasi]], 1968), pp.
 
75-76.
 
 
 
6. BCAL pp. 99-105; DPPN, 11. pp. 721-724.
 
 
 
7. BCAl , pp. 43-45; DPPN , l, pp. 516-520; B. G. Gokhalc, [[Asoka]]
 
[[Maurya]] ([[New York]], I960), pp. 75, 164.
 
 
 
8. BCAL pp. 56-60; DPPN, II, p. 940-943; J. [[Kashyap]] (cd.). The [[Digha]]
 
Nikdya ([[Nalanda]], 1958), II, pp. 92-93.
 
 
 
9. BCAL pi). 85-87; DPPN, l, pp. 692-695; Gokhale, op. cit., p. 163.
 
 
 
10. BCAl, pp. 182-184; DPPN, I, pp. 344-345; also see B. C. Law,
 
Ujjay ini in {{Wiki|Ancient India}} (Gwalior, 1944), pp. 2-4, 13-15, 32-33; J. [[Kashyap]] *
 
(cd.). The Malta [[vagga]] ([[Nalanda]], 1956), pp. 214-217; [[T. W. Rhys Davids]] and
 
H. [[Oldenberg]] (traus.), Vi nay a Texts ([[Delhi]], 1965), pp. 32-40.
 
 
 
11. BCAL pp. 122-123: DPPN, I, pp. 855-856; J. [[Kashyap]] (cd.). The
 
Mahdiwgga, pp. 327 ff.
 
 
 
12. For the term [[nigama]], see Jaimal Rai, op. cit. , pp. 160-161.
 
 
 
13. For the Brdhmanagamas, sec B. G. Gokhale, “[[Brahmanas]] in Early
 
[[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|Literature}}, M in Journal of [[Indian History]] , XLV11I/1, pp. 51-61.
 
 
 
14. See C.S.J\ Misra, The Age of [[Vinaya]] ({{Wiki|New Delhi}}, 1972), pp.
 
249-260; also see Balratn Srivastava, op. cit. f pp. 268-283.
 
 
 
15. For the rccmergcncc of “villagism” sec D. D. [[Kosambi]], op. cit., pp.
 
 
 
103 ff. v
 
 
 
16. For the [[Buddha]] and the “[[caste]]** system of his times see B. G. Gok-
 
b . [[Buddhism]] in {{Wiki|Maharashtra}}, pp. 26 ff.
 
 
 
17. DPPN. II, p. 27.
 
 
 
18. See I* »*.. Gokhale, op., cit.. ' 162; for inscripuoual {{Wiki|evidence}} of the
 
 
 
Sunga-Kan *‘»d. see H. Ludc; \frpendix to Epigraphia [[Indica]] ([[Calcutta]],
 
1912). X,N 248,299.867
 
 
 
 
 
[[Pilgrimage]] and the Structure
 
of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhism ]]*
 
 
 
by John C. Holt oa JbS]l
 
 
 
Throughout the [[history of Buddhism]] in [[South]] and {{Wiki|Southeast Asia}}, [[Buddhists]] have undertaken [[religious]] [[pilgrimages]] to sa¬
 
cred place's where, according to [[tradition]], [[bodily relics]] of the
 
[[Buddha]] are enshrined. This ‘‘{{Wiki|cult}} of traces”’ has been so wide¬
 
spread and powerful that at least one [[scholar]] has suggested that
 
in the formative period of Thcravada [[Buddhism in Sri Lanka]],
 
it provided the primary focal point of [[spiritual]] orientation for
 
jnuch of the lay [[tradition]].* As the [[monastic community]] focused
 
its cultic '[[activities]] upon the study, {{Wiki|recitation}} and [[interpretation]]
 
of the [[Buddha’s teachings]] ( dhammukdyu ), the laity propitiated
 
the [[Buddha]] through venerating the remains of his [[physical body]] ([[rupakaya]]). These two orientations represent the means by
 
which the [[monastic]] and lay segments of the early [[Buddhist community]] sustained the legacy of the [[Buddha’s]] [[life]] and teach*
 
 
 
; ings. The origins of this [[division]] of [[spiritual]] labor may be found
 
in texts that are as [[ancient]] as the Mahaparinibbdna Sulla of the
 
Dlgha Nikdya, articulated perhaps within one hundred years of
 
the [[death of the Buddha]].
 
 
 
However, [[pilgrimage]] to [[sacred places]] where relies of the
 
k [[Buddha]] are enshrined is more than a {{Wiki|matter}} of commemorat-
 
l : ing the [[great master]]. The [[Buddha’s]] [[relics]] were popularly be-
 
lieved to be latent [[manifestations]] of [[miraculous power]]. Pious
 
[• {{Wiki|political}} rulers assumed that possession of the [[Buddha’s]] [[relics]]
 
it legitimated and strengthened their {{Wiki|abilities}} to {{Wiki|rule}}.* From the
 
| time of the [[Indian]] [[emperor]] [[Asoka]] in the third century B.C.,
 
| [[relics]] were closely associated with {{Wiki|temporal}} power.
 
 
 
. in {{Wiki|modern}} [[Sri Lanka]], [[kingship]] is now a {{Wiki|matter}} of {{Wiki|past}} his-
 
 
 
f, tory. Yet [[pilgrimage]] to [[sacred places]] associated with the Bud-
 
 
 
 
 
(Ilia’s [[relics]] continues to be a widespread [[religious practice]]. One-|
 
of tiie holiest [[shrines]] in [[Sri Lanka]] is the Da|ada Maligawa-f
 
(I emple of the Tooth) in [[Kandy]]. At all times during the yeaiy||
 
especially during the annual Asa|a Perahara {{Wiki|festival}} in July-*!
 
August, thousands of traditional-minded [[Buddhists]] make a
 
grimage in order to [[honor]] the [[Buddha’s]] [[relic]]. This is a brief j
 
study of [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] and its wider significance within *
 
the {{Wiki|structure}} of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhism]]. i
 
 
 
 
 
I he [[Symbolism]] uj the [[Relic]] and its [[Ritual]] Importance $jjH
 
 
 
Of the several [[reasons]] [[lor]] the da(add's (tooth-relic’s) contin- <1$
 
ous charismatic appeal for traditional Buddhists, one of the
 
most important is its past association with the power of Sinha* 1 ^
 
lese Buddhist kings.
 
 
 
The Dalhavattisa —written by Dhammakitti in the twelfth^
 
century A.D. and purportedly based upon an ancient Sinhalese:^
 
poem, the Daladdvatiisa —contains a mythic account 1 of how the)|B
 
relic remained in Dantapura r> under the {{Wiki|patronage}} of a longiffij
 
line of righteous [[kings]]. According to this account, in the fouith|ra
 
century A.D. an [[Indian]] [[king]], Guhaslva, converted to Bud^S
 
dhism, thereby angering the brahmapical {{Wiki|priests}} of his cour^lB
 
[[War]] followed when the {{Wiki|priests}} complained to the Papcju klngaJB
 
[[Pataliputra]]. lo insure the continued safety of the'relic, Cu rfgj
 
haslva gave it to his daughter and son-in-law and told them to|fi|
 
take it to [[Ceylon]]. When they arrived with the [[relic]], the Sinha^fl
 
lese [[king]] paid it great homage and placed it in a [[shrine]] known^S
 
as the Dhammacakha . From that time, [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] protectedJK
 
the tooth-relic as if its well-being constituted one of their pri^H
 
mary responsibilities.
 
 
 
The Da(havavisa's account contains a number of significant^B
 
motifs familiar to the [[traditional]] chronicles of [[Sri Lanka]]. In dbugM
 
first instance, off-spring of a converted [[Indian Buddhist]] mon ^M
 
arch are sent on a {{Wiki|royal}} [[mission]] to take [[relics]] to [[Sri Lanka]]. Th isa B
 
parallels the Mahdvayisa's account of how the [[alms-bowl]] ReMcM
 
and scion of the [[Bodhi Tree]] were brought to Sri Lankaj,b y|||
 
[[Mahinda]] and Sahghamitta during Asoka’s [[kingship]]. 6 Second^B
 
its placement by the [[Sinhalese]] [[king]] in the [[Dhamma-cakka]] [[shrine]] M
 
explicitly identifies the [[relic]] with the king’s [[duty]] to “{{Wiki|rule}} by iS
 
 
 
 
 
[[righteousness]].” 7 Third, the legend helps to sustain a national
 
[[belief]] that the {{Wiki|future}} well-being of the [[Buddha’s]] [[religion]] is in
 
the hands of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]].”
 
 
 
An earlier account of the relic’s importance is given by the
 
{{Wiki|Chinese}} [[pilgrim]] [[Fa-Hien]], who traveled in [[Ceylon]] during the
 
5lh century. By the time of Fa-Hien’s account, venerating the
 
tooth-relic had become an [[auspicious]] means [[lor]] the [[king]] and
 
the laity to “amass [[merit]] for themselves.” 11 Ten days bclore the
 
[[king]] sponsored a grand procession of the [[relic]] from his palace
 
to the Abhyagiri [[monastery]] in [[Anuradhapura]], a {{Wiki|royal}} an¬
 
nouncement containing a description ot the [[Buddha’s]] career as
 
a [[bodhisattva]] was issued. The description, reminiscent of the
 
[[Vessantara]] Jdtaka , cmphasiy.es hOw the [[Buddha]] sacrificed his
 
entire {{Wiki|kingdom}} out of [[compassion]] [[lor]] the well-being ol the
 
[[world]] and implies that the [[bodhisattva]] career ot the [[Buddha]]
 
had already become an {{Wiki|ideal}} model for [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] to emu-
 
| late. Thus, by the fifth century, the [[tooth relic]] seems already to
 
* have become the king's [[own]] personal talisman and “palladium
 
| of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]].” 10
 
 
 
S ' Bardwell Smith writes that the [[tooth relic]] continued lo Ik*
 
of immense [[symbolic]] importance to [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] during the
 
| early {{Wiki|medieval}} Polonnaruva period: “The regalia needed by
 
j monarchs to authenticate their {{Wiki|sovereignty}} included the [[Tooth Relic]] and the Alms-Bowl [[Relic]]. 'Flic [[suspicion]] or dubious lin-
 
1 cage that their absence implied s|K*lled the promise of dire.
 
| {{Wiki|consequences}}. When taken, they were to be retrieved at any
 
r cost.” 11 The [[symbolic]] importance of the [[tooth relic]] for the le¬
 
ft gitimacy of [[Buddhist]] [[kingship]] was not lost upon the [[people]] of
 
ft the {{Wiki|kingdom}}. The king's close association with the [[relic]] under-
 
| scored the popular [[belief]] that the [[king]] was actually a “[[Buddha]]-
 
| ;in-the-making,” the most pious [[religious]] [[layman]] of the [[realm]]. 12
 
| His possession of the [[relic]] gave him access to [[sacral]] power
 
| which, ideally, he would use for the general well-being and
 
{{Wiki|security}} of his [[people]]. In this way, “{{Wiki|royal}} power was regarded
 
|-ias ap instrument of [[cosmic]] power.'* 15
 
 
 
'The king's relationship to this [[cosmic]] power was graphical-
 
ily illustrated in the [[ritual]] [[life]] of the city, a [[ritual]] [[life]] in which the
 
H [[tooth relic]] played an important role. The capital seems to have
 
H functioned as a [[sacred]] center, an {{Wiki|axis mundi}} , from which righ-
 
&| teous power through [[ritual]] performance was [[thought]] to be
 
 
 
 
 
{{Wiki|magically}} radiated to the outlying provinces to insure stability
 
and order. The [[king]], thus, occupied a mediating position be¬
 
tween [[cosmic]] power and his [[people]]. [[Rituals]] and [[relics]] were
 
[[magical]] conduits of power enabling the [[king]] to meet his pre¬
 
scribed {{Wiki|royal}} duties.
 
 
 
During the [[Kandyan]] period, the king’s relationships to cos¬
 
mic power and to his [[people]] were brought into unparalleled
 
high relief with the inauguration of the annual AVaja Pcrahara
 
procession. In the middle of the eighteenth century, [[King]] Klrti
 
Sri Rajasiipha [[initiated]] sweeping [[religious]] and {{Wiki|political}} reforms
 
that he hoped would legitimate his [[South Indian]] Nayakkar
 
{{Wiki|dynasty}} in the [[eyes]] of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]]." Early in his reign,
 
he reestablished [[orthodox]] lines of [[monastic ordination]] for the
 
[[Asgiriya]] and Malwalta nikdyas ([[monastic]] chapters) in [[Kandy]].
 
 
 
, Since the [[sahgha]] was also a [[traditional]] source of legitimation
 
for [[Buddhist]] [[kings]], the importation of [[Siamese]] [[monks]] to con¬
 
fer ufmumjHidd ([[ordination]]) upon aspiring [[Sinhalese]] aristo¬
 
cratic [[monks]] constituted a calculated move to strengthen his
 
{{Wiki|rule}}. But the move almost backfired. The [[Siamese]] became
 
grievously offended when they witnessed the [[king]] promoting a
 
pcrahara (procession) in which [[Hindu gods]] wre publically ven¬
 
erated and dignified to the exclusion of the [[Buddha]]. 15 Klrti Sri
 
reacted to the [[monks]]' condemnation with discretion: “A new
 
daladd ([[tooth relic]]) pcrahara was introduced into the general
 
 
 
• ritual'complex and was given primacy over all other perahdras.
 
The pcrahara in this [[form]] reestablished the primacy of Bud¬
 
dhism within the [[Sinhalese]] [[religious]] system." 1 ®
 
 
 
In so doing, the [[king]] wittingly or unwittingly fused to-
 
 
 
• gether two powerful and [[ancient]] [[ritual]] [[traditions]]. Before the
 
inclusion of the [[tooth relic]] into the [[ritual]] proceedings of the
 
Asa|a Pcrahara, the {{Wiki|ceremony}} consisted chiefly in the propitia¬
 
tion of [[deities]] who were petitioned by [[Hindu]] {{Wiki|priests}} to insure
 
the {{Wiki|fertility}} and [[prosperity]] of the tealin. Although the inclusion
 
of the daladd in the [[ritual]] proceedings may have reestablished
 
the primacy of [[Buddhism]], the [[gods]] were by no means banished
 
 
 
* from the annual [[rites]]. Today, one of the major events of the
 
Asa|a {{Wiki|festival}} is a [[ritual]] circumambulation of four wooden kapa
 
(poles), which [[symbolizes]] the king’s former petitions to the [[gods]]
 
for the kingdom’s {{Wiki|fertility}} and [[prosperity]]. 17 This [[ritual]] tradi¬
 
tion complements the second [[rite]] of circumambulation, which
 
 
 
 
 
was introduced to accommodate the importance of the daladd.
 
 
 
In that second circumambulation, the [[king]], with the daladd ca¬
 
parisoned on a {{Wiki|royal}} [[elephant]],* led a procession around the—
 
[[boundaries]] of [[Kandy]] in a [[symbolic]] “capture” or “righteous con¬
 
quest.” Together, the two circumambulation [[rites]] represent a
 
dramatic theatrical enactment of what numerous [[scholars]] refer
 
to as “the [[doctrine]] of the exemplary center.’’"* More specilkal-
 
ly, these [[rites]] represent an ontogeny of the king’s power, which
 
was rooted in [[ritually]] currying favor with the [[gods]] aiul invok¬
 
ing the power of the [[Buddha]]. The former insured [[prosperity]],
 
the [[latter]] righteous {{Wiki|political}} order.
 
 
 
When the [[British]] seized the [[relic]] during their takeover of
 
[[Kandy]] in 1815, some [[Buddhists]] openly worried about the [[fu]]¬
 
ture of [[Buddhism]], while others ([[including]] tiie British)"'.be¬
 
lieved that possession of the daladd would guarantee colonial
 
hegemony. But since 1847 (when the [[British]], under severe
 
pressure from [[Christian]] groups in [[Britain]] as well as in [[Ceylon]],
 
turned over custody of the [[relic]] to the [[Asgiriya]] and Malwalta
 
[[monasteries]]), th q^dalada has officially been regarded as a reli¬
 
gious [[object]] only. Thus, [[Wilhelm Geiger]] has written:
 
 
 
*At the {{Wiki|present}} the Dajada is no longer a [[symbol]] of {{Wiki|political}}
 
 
 
E owcr, but is the revered centre of {{Wiki|worship}} for all pious
 
>uddhists living in [[Ceylon]] and for many thousands of
 
[[pilgrims]] who come from abroad'cach year to profess their
 
veneration and [[devotion]] for that {{Wiki|holy}} [[relic]] of the [[Great Master]] of the [[World]]. 2 "
 
 
 
Although [[Geiger’s]] statement is formally correct, it cannot be
 
denied that the relic’s continued [[popularity]] is due in part to a
 
resurgence in “civil [[religion]]” among [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] in the
 
19th and 20th centuries. 21 That is, the [[relic]] continues *o sym¬
 
bolize the [[traditional]] {{Wiki|cultural}} and {{Wiki|social}} values of [[Sinhalese]]
 
{{Wiki|culture}}. Government tourism officials actively promote the
 
Asaja Pcrahara at home and abroad as a national holiday cele¬
 
brating indigenous customs and {{Wiki|cultural}} ideality. The relic’s
 
continued {{Wiki|political}} [[symbolism]] is [[recognized]] by modern-day
 
[[Sinhalese]] politicians, who find it expedient to participate in the
 
da(add 's [[ritual]] procession or conspicuously to visit the Dajada
 
Maligava. 22 It is also evident that the Asaja Pcrahara procession
 
continues to depict [[symbolically]] the {{Wiki|social}} {{Wiki|structure}} ol [[Kandyan]]
 
 
 
 
 
[[society]].*' What these {{Wiki|social}} and {{Wiki|political}} facts reF.ect is that|
 
du[ada is a public [[symbol]] which expresses the continuing d
 
association between [[religion]] and {{Wiki|politics}} in this ccntempoi
 
{{Wiki|Asian}} [[society]].-' -4
 
 
 
Therefore, [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] constitutes both a religi
 
and {{Wiki|political}} act, especially in these times when [[Tamil]] sepajjii
 
ism appears to be regaining some momentum in Sri Lanl
 
While it is clear that many [[traditional]] [[Buddhists]] undertake.^
 
[[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] for purely [[religious]] [[reasons]], and thattb
 
[[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} exhibits a personal [[devotion]] to the Bud<
 
resembling that of Hindu bhakti, the entire pilgrimage coq9
 
plex retains something of its medieval ethos. From its partici^g
 
pants, it commands a reverential “civitas.” Even the three dad;
 
prayers offered by officiating bhikkhus at the Dalada M&lig§\;
 
repcsent petitions to the Buddha for the continued moral qi^
 
der and prosperity of the realm.* 5 H. L. Seneviratne, wfo ’
 
studies of ritual life in Kandy are especially definitive, has i^
 
ferred to the public Asala l’erahiira performances and ritua^
 
life in the temple as part of a “creative and selective process”^
 
which a traditional culture is asserting its indigenous systems pf
 
value and power in response to changes brought abotU
 
modernity.* 1 That is, while significant numbers of traditiot
 
Sinhalese have remained separated from new forms of cultut^j
 
and social, economic and political power, pilgrimage td^Kahd
 
remains a means to assert and maintain beliefs in iridigenou|
 
concepts of power aiid cultural legitimation. Or, pilgrimage
 
Kandy is a religious act affirming traditional modes of powajj
 
used to maintain order and prosperity.
 
 
 
 
 
II. Pilgrimage to Kandy and the Structure of Sinhalese Buddhism
 
 
 
The comparative study of pilgrimage has much in con
 
with the comparative study of religion in general. Pilgrimage!
 
patterns arc cross-cultural, historically archaic, and persistently
 
popular. Within these patterns both cognitive and affective fop
 
mutations of spiritual piety may be significant for both the per?
 
sonal and social orientations of existence. Also, while pilgrii
 
age, like religion, can be defined in relatively simplistic termsS
 
there is no single body of critical theory that can serve as aj
 
 
 
wholly adequate framework for its definitive interpretation.-
 
 
 
ike religion in general, pilgrimage seems to resist facile reduc¬
 
tions. It is no doubt true that the pilgrimage process ill general,
 
pecially from an existential perspective, manifests a uniform
 
ructure. Turner is largely correct in identifying that process
 
in terms of separation, liminality and re-aggregation.* 7 More¬
 
over, it is equally clear that, pilgrimage, as a devotional act, can
 
Result in a transformation or regenertion of social and religious
 
identities. However, differing types of religious behavior ob¬
 
servable at various sacred places of pilgrimage also indicate that
 
pilgrimage may not necessarily climax in “exterior mysticism,”
 
pr in an anti-structural, convivial,' egalitarian “communitas.” 28
 
Rather, a comparative study of religious behavior at various
 
pilgrimage sites indicates that certain sacred places are settings
 
for specific types of religious behaviors, not all of which con¬
 
form to Turner’s notion. In the case of Kandy, 1 have charac¬
 
terized this behavior as reverential “civitas.” 1 will now deter¬
 
mine the significance of pilgrimage to Kandy first within the
 
context of Sinhalese Buddhist religion and then within a cross*
 
^cultural comparative context.
 
 
 
While pilgrimage to Kandy sustains the ethos of the public
 
d.’il religion formerly administered and symbolized by the
 
presence of the king, other sacred places in Sri Lanka and India
 
express other dominant spiritual orientations of great impor¬
 
tance to the Sinhalese. Bodh Gaya in India, the seal of Golama’s
 
|enlightenment, and Sarnath, the place of the Buddha's first
 
sermon, have been for centuries the destinations of pious Bud¬
 
dhist pilgrims, especially Thcravada bhikkhus. Gunawardana
 
has pointed out that pilgrimage to sacred places in India associ¬
 
ated with the most important events in the life of Gotama con¬
 
tinuously resulted in the cross-fertilization of Thcravada Bud¬
 
dhist traditions during the medieval periods of Sinhalese
 
history . 2U Then, as now, Sarnath and, especially, Bodh Gaya,
 
are centers of Buddhist cultural integration,
 
t More importantly, howpver, observable religious behavior
 
at Bodh'Gaya and Sarnath has very little in common with the
 
ritual life carried out in Kandy. At Bodh Gaya, except for the
 
T. remnants of an Asokan gateway, signs of kingship and civil
 
^religion arc totally absent. There are no public pageants or
 
^processions celebrating ethnicity or nationalism. Here, the fo-
 
 
 
 
 
cus is upon the mythic events surrounding the enlightenment
 
of the Buddha. Buddhist pilgrims, escorted either by Tibetan,
 
Japanese, Burmese, Thai or Sinhalese monks, visit seven holy
 
sites within the boundaries of the Mahiibodhi shrine that com¬
 
memorate the Buddha’s activities before, during and after his
 
enlightenment. The emphasis, in all forms of ritual behavior at
 
Bodh Gaya, is upon the paradigmatic spirituality of the Bud¬
 
dha, a spirituality which can be and has been emulated for
 
centuries by Buddhist religious virtuosos. In each of the na¬
 
tional temples representing the various strands of Buddhist
 
tradition, the lile of the Buddha is depicted cither in mural
 
paintings or in a series of framed pictures. Thus, at Bodh Gaya,
 
what is venerated is not the “this-worldly” power of the Buddha
 
and the means by which that power can be utilized to sustain
 
the moral order and prosperity of a nation, realm of kingdom.
 
Rather, what is quietly celebrated, in meditation and com¬
 
memoration, is the path to nibbana through enlightenment, of
 
which the lile'of the Buddha is a model. Therefore, in refer¬
 
ence to a frequently employed metaphor for describing the
 
structure ol Thcravada Buddhism (the “two wheels of
 
Dhamma" M> ), [[pilgrimage]] to [[Bodh Gaya]] constitutes a cultic affir¬
 
mation of the [[religious]] quest for an “other-worldly” [[nibbana]].
 
That is, in contrast to [[Kandy]], where “this-worldly” Buddhaic
 
power is [[symbolized]] by the tooth-relic and its association with
 
. [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist]] ethnicity or nationhood, [[Bodh Gaya]] is a
 
place of [[pilgrimage]] celebrating [[spiritual]] {{Wiki|transcendence}} of the
 
{{Wiki|social}} and {{Wiki|temporal}} [[world]], the [[path]] which leads beyond condi¬
 
tioned, saipsaric [[existence]]. To pul it another way, [[Kandy]] is an
 
axis muiuti for the establishment of orderly power in this [[world]]
 
while [[Bodh Gaya]] [[symbolizes]] the [[Buddhist]] quest for [[liberation]]
 
beyond all [[forms]] of order. Unlike [[pilgrims]] to [[Kandy]], most
 
[[pilgrims]] to [[Bodh Gaya]], at least until {{Wiki|modern}} times, have been
 
[[bhikkhus]]. In the [[life of the Buddha]] and in the [[Bodhi Tree]] that
 
[[symbolizes]] the [[Buddha's enlightenment]], [[bhikkhus]] envisaged
 
the possibility of their [[own]] [[spiritual]] emancipations. In the Bud¬
 
dha’s lile they find a personal model which inspires emulation.
 
Here, the [[pilgrimage]] [[experience]] is one of commemorating the
 
[[spiritual]] [[paradigm]] of the [[master]].
 
 
 
But the {{Wiki|social}} “this-worldly" and personal “other-worldly”
 
orientations represented by [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] on the one
 
 
 
hand and [[pilgrimage]] to [[Bodh Gaya]] on the other do not exhaust
 
all {{Wiki|dimensions}} of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist]] [[spirituality]]. Neither the
 
[[Buddha]] nor the power [[symbolized]] by his [[relics]] can come to the .
 
direct aid of those [[faithful]] experiencing an immediate personal
 
crisis. In times of [[physical]] [[affliction]] or [[mental]] [[anxiety]], many
 
[[Buddhist]] laity undertake [[pilgrimages]] to the [[shrines]] of [[deities]]
 
who, although occupying subordinate positions in [[relation]] to
 
the [[Buddha]], within the [[Sinhalese]] hierarchical [[pantheon]], arc
 
believed to have the power and disposition to respond to the
 
fervent pleas of their [[faithful]]. In modern-day [[Sri Lanka]], in¬
 
creasing numbers of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] make [[pilgrimages]] to
 
the [[shrine]] of [[Skanda]], the son of [[Siva]], also known as [[Murugan]],
 
or more popularly, as [[Kataragama]]. Although [[Kataragama]] is
 
the [[god]] par [[excellence]] of the [[Ceylon]] [[Tamils]] ol the Jallnn pen¬
 
[[insula]], many [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] participate in Kataragama’s
 
annual, peralidra {{Wiki|festival}}, which recalls the [[god’s]] [[mythic]] [[love]]
 
affair with a Vedda maiden and his establishment of a [[shrine]]
 
where he responds'to the needs of his {{Wiki|devotees}}. Here, [[religious experience]] and [[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} cannot be characterized in.
 
terms of reverential “civitas” or commemoration of the Bud¬
 
dha’S 1 paradigmatic [[spirituality]]. Ralhef, the {{Wiki|cult}} ol [[Kataragama]]
 
involves an astonishing array of [[ascetic]] and exotic [[forms]] of
 
[[ritual]] {{Wiki|behavior}}, all engaged in out of either intense [[emotional]]
 
[[gratitude]] to [[Kataragama]] for [[healing]] various [[afflictions]], or as a
 
means of persuading him to intervene on the devotee’s behalf.
 
The cultic ambience at [[Kataragama]] is utterly [[bhakti]]. That is, it
 
is decidedly [[emotional]] and devotional in tone and Ircquently
 
culminates in states of intense [[ecstasy]]. :u Furthermore, {{Wiki|worship}}
 
here is highly personal, {{Wiki|emphasizing}} the intimacy between the
 
[[devotee]] and his [[god]].
 
 
 
While [[Bodh Gaya]] represents the [[nibbanic]] orientation or
 
model of [[spiritual]] quest ideally emulated by the Thcravada
 
[[bhikkhu]], and while [[Kandy]] represents the public civil [[religion]]
 
legitimated by the presence of the tooth-relic and its {{Wiki|past}} associ¬
 
ation with [[traditional]] power, [[Kataragama]] is a [[sacred place]]
 
where {{Wiki|individuals}} can appeal to [[perceived]] active [[divine power]]
 
to intercede on their behalf. [[Kataragama]] is not a [[Buddha]] who
 
has transcended saipsara, nor is he a [[protector]] ol the {{Wiki|nation}}¬
 
[[state]]. He represents a [[form]] of [[sacral]] power that is immediately
 
accessible to the common [[person]] in times of great personal
 
 
 
 
 
need. Ecstatic and petitionary devotionalism at [[Kataragama]] is
 
thus quite different from the [[spirituality]] of the [[bhikkhus]], ■
 
whose [[religious]] quests are based upon rigorous self-ellort or <
 
[[spiritual]] [[discipline]]. [[Kataragama]] represents “[[other-power]]”
 
[[manifest]] in “this-world.” Although the power of the tooth-relic
 
in [[Kandy]] might also be described in this way, its power was (and
 
is) [[traditionally]] appropriated for the general well-being of the
 
[[king]] and thus the {{Wiki|nation}}, while the power of the [[god]] Katara¬
 
[[gama]] is enlisted for the [[benefit]] of any {{Wiki|individual}} [[devotee]] who is
 
willing to undertake austerities of [[self-mortification]] to express
 
deep [[faith]].
 
 
 
By comparing [[pilgrimage]] to Bodh {{Wiki|Gay}}& and [[Kataragama]]
 
with [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]], we see beginning to emerge a struc¬
 
ture reflective of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist religion]] in general, a reli¬
 
gion replete with varying modalities of [[religious experience]]
 
and [[religious]] expression. That is, none of the [[pilgrimages]] can
 
be singled out as [[embodying]] a [[root]] {{Wiki|metaphor}} [[characteristic]] of
 
the general [[spiritual]] quest of all [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]]. Rather,
 
what this comparison suggests is that there are at least three
 
major orientations within [[Sinhalese]] [[religion]]: 1) [[Bodh Gaya]], a
 
[[pilgrimage]] site commemorating the [[enlightenment experience]]
 
of the paradigmatic [[Gotama]], represents the [[spiritual]] orienta¬
 
tion of the [[Theravada]] [[bhikkhu]] quest for nibb&na through- en-
 
lightenmem; 2) [[Kataragama]], a [[pilgrimage]] site where-access to
 
transformative “this-worldly" [[sacral]] power is sought, represents
 
the orientation of the [[faithful]] [[lay devotee]] for whom the enlight¬
 
enment quest of the [[bhikkhu]] is but a distant {{Wiki|future}} possibility;
 
and 3) [[Kandy]], a [[pilgrimage]] site where [[religion]] legitimates a
 
people’s [[religious]], {{Wiki|cultural}} and {{Wiki|political}} {{Wiki|past}} and {{Wiki|present}}
 
through civil {{Wiki|ceremony}}, represents an orientation shared by
 
[[bhikkhu]] and [[layman]] alike: a national quest to preserve and
 
promote the [[religion]] of the [[Buddha]] and consequently to main¬
 
tain [[prosperity]] and [[moral]] order in [[society]] as a whole.
 
 
 
These three [[religious]] orientations, which are evident from
 
this [[consideration]] of types of [[pilgrimage]] within [[Sinhalese]] reli¬
 
gion, arc not, however, entirely unrelated. What all three pil¬
 
grimages have in common is functional in [[nature]]: the need to
 
cope with various [[manifestations]] of [[dukkha]] ([[suffering]], unsatis-
 
factoriness), the basic problem of [[human existence]] as [[perceived]]
 
from within the [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|world view}}. 3 * Thus, [[Sinhalese]] rcli-
 
 
 
gious [[beliefs]] and practices, as they can be ascertained through a
 
study of [[pilgrimages]], represent complementary modes of re¬
 
sponse to specific aspects of the [[human]] [[condition]]. While [[dukkha]]
 
is specified in particular fashion by {{Wiki|individuals}} on the basis of
 
their [[own]] personal [[experiences]], types of response are in part
 
determined by [[religious]] role (lay or [[monastic]]). From this per¬
 
spective, [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] is [[ritual]] participation in public
 
{{Wiki|ceremonies}} [[traditionally]] designed to avert civil, {{Wiki|ethnic}}, or na¬
 
tional {{Wiki|disintegration}}. That is, within the total field ol [[Sinhalese]]
 
[[religion]], {{Wiki|mass}} [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] represents continued affir¬
 
mation of the sacralizing power of the [[Buddha]] to meet the
 
collective material and social'needs of the [[people]]. The “emo¬
 
tional response” 33 of thousands of peasants to the tooth-relic’s
 
annual procession attests to its continuing [[perceived]] efficacy as
 
[[sacral]] power. Or finally, to [[phrase]] this another way, [[pilgrimage]]
 
to [[Kandy]] is [[ari]] act of collective allegiance to the [[traditional]]
 
[[religious]] way of [[life]] upon which the indigenous order of {{Wiki|social}}
 
and economic [[existence]] has been based.
 
 
 
 
 
III. Cross-cultural Comparisons to the [[Kandyan]] [[Pilgrimage]]
 
 
 
In his recent [[book]] on [[pilgrimage]] and [[Christian]] {{Wiki|culture}}, Victor
 
Turner has identified [[Kandy]] as a “prototypical" [[pilgrimage]]. By
 
“prototypical," he means “those [[pilgrimages]] which, on the au¬
 
thority of documentary or widespread [[traditional]] {{Wiki|evidence}},
 
were established by the founder of a historical [[religion]], by his
 
first [[disciples]], or by important national evangelists....’’ He
 
continues: “Such [[pilgrimages]], though sometimes founded on
 
[[ancient]] sites, dramatically manifest—in their [[symbolism]],
 
charter [[Wikipedia:narrative|narratives]], {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} {{Wiki|structure}}, and general interna¬
 
tional repute—the {{Wiki|orthodoxy}} of the [[faith]] from which they have
 
sprung, and remain consistent with [[root]] [[paradigms]].” He goes,
 
on to cite as examples [[Jerusalem]] and {{Wiki|Rome}} for [[Christianity]],
 
Me£ca for {{Wiki|Islam}}, [[Benares]] and Ml. [[Kailas]] for [[Hinduism]] and
 
[[Kandy]] for [[Buddhism]]. {{Wiki|Syncretic}} or arcliaic [[pilgrimages]], which
 
constitute his second type, are {{Wiki|distinguished}} from “prototypi¬
 
cal” [[pilgrimages]] in that they [[manifest]] “quite evident traces of
 
[[syncretism]] with older [[religious]] [[beliefs]] and [[symbols]].” Finally,
 
limiting the third and fourth types of [[pilgrimages]] to examples
 
 
 
taken only from the [[Christian]] [[tradition]], he distinguishes be--|8|
 
tween “{{Wiki|medieval}}” [[pilgrimages]] “which take their tone from the.
 
{{Wiki|theological}} and [[philosophical]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} of that epoch,” and 's|jj
 
“{{Wiki|modern}}” [[pilgrimages]] which “are characterized by a highlyfjgK
 
devotional tone and the fervent personal piety of their adher- ? ^J
 
ents.” With further regard to {{Wiki|modern}} [[pilgrimages]], he stales 9
 
that they “[[form]] an important part of the system df apologetics Jp|
 
deployed against the advancing secularization of the post-Dar-SaS
 
winian [[world]].”-' 1 -
 
 
 
'the great strength of Turner’s interpretive model and htsiH
 
typological {{Wiki|schema}} is that it attempts to ascertain the intimate'|B
 
[[nature]] of relations which might [[exist]] between {{Wiki|metaphor}} andJra
 
[[ritual]], [[belief]] and practice, or [[spiritual]] and {{Wiki|social}} [[experiences]].^^
 
By appealing to [[Wikipedia:cognition|cognitive]] structures ([[myth]], [[beliefs]] and their)3g
 
{{Wiki|metaphorical}} {{Wiki|expressions}}) on the one hand, and their idiomatici^
 
[[ritual]] expression within historical and {{Wiki|social}} contexts on thecal
 
other, Turner has advanced a {{Wiki|theoretical}} tour de force that is||j
 
especially relevant to diachronic frames of-reference. r|j|
 
 
 
Yet, it does not necessarily follow that his classification3p
 
{{Wiki|schema}}, developed to interpret the significance of [[pilgrimage]]^
 
in [[Christian]] {{Wiki|culture}}, is easily portable. .
 
 
 
In attempting to confirm Turncr*s*classification of Kandy,j8
 
as a “prototypical" [[pilgrimage]], I have encountered a variety ofaB
 
problems. For instance, [[Kandy]] [[scents]] to meet all of the criteria'll
 
Turner cites as indicative of his last three types of [[pilgrimage]]: it9
 
is highly {{Wiki|syncretic}} (veneration of [[Hindu gods]] [[forms]] an impor-ii
 
tant part of the [[ritual]] proceedings), it is late {{Wiki|medieval}} (havingJ|
 
been established by Klrti Sri in the middle of the eighteenth]?
 
century), and, as Scncviratne argues, it is an indigenous cul^l
 
tural response to modernity. With reference to its being “{{Wiki|protons}}
 
typical,” while it is true that [[Kandy]] is regarded, especially with-1
 
in [[Sri Lanka]], as a center of {{Wiki|orthodoxy}} (given the presence ofl
 
two prestigious [[monastic]] chapters), one wonders about lhe|
 
{{Wiki|orthodoxy}} of the “[[root]] [[paradigm]]" to which it is “[[faithful]].” Whai|
 
[[ritual]] [[life]] at [[Kandy]] does depict is the intimate relationship estab-y
 
lished in [[Sri Lanka]] between [[spiritual]] and {{Wiki|temporal}} power, or#
 
between [[religion]] and {{Wiki|politics}} and the {{Wiki|structure}} of [[society]]. Pci-*§
 
haps this may be regarded as a “[[root]] [[paradigm]]” for a tradi||
 
lional public {{Wiki|structure}}, but it does not really reflect a [[spiritual]]^
 
[[paradigm]] to be emulated personally by {{Wiki|individual}} [[Buddhist]]^
 
 
 
 
 
[[Bodh Gaya]] bn the other hand, does, and [[Kataragama]] and oth¬
 
er [[shrines]] provide a complementary personal orientation for
 
the laity. I do not mean to ignore the private orientation of
 
[[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]]; but even when one takes into account
 
that {{Wiki|individual}} [[pilgrims]] petition the power of the [[relic]] for their
 
[[own]] personal [[reasons]], one is still left with the problem of recon¬
 
ciling this kind of [[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} to the "[[root]] [[paradigm]]” of
 
the [[Buddha's]] quest of [[enlightenment]] through self-effort.
 
These considerations lead me to call into question the compari¬
 
son of [[Kandy]] to other such “prototypiad” [[pilgrimages]].
 
 
 
[[Kandy]] is not a “[[Mecca]]” of the [[Buddhist]] [[world]]. While An-
 
garika Dharmnpala once referred to [[Bodh Gaya]] as “the Bud¬
 
dhist Jersusalem”* 5 during his fight to return [[Buddhist]] [[sacred places]] in [[India]] to [[Buddhist]] hands, nowhere docs one find re¬
 
ferences within the [[tradition]] that make such grandiose claims
 
about [[Kandy]]. More accurately, [[Kandy]] represents simulta¬
 
neously a [[sacred]] palce of [[pilgrimage]] anil the traditional-center
 
of [[Sinhalese]] highland ethnicity. [[Kandy]] is not a “center out
 
'r there,” in the peripheral [[sense]] in which Turner coined the
 
[[phrase]]. Rather, it has more in common with regional {{Wiki|cultural}}
 
r ccntefS in [[India]] that are also accorded sacralily due the promi-
 
[ nent presence of a [[ritual]] [[symbol]] that evokes recurrent send-
 
I ments of religio-cthnic heritage and autonomy legitimated by
 
I- [[sacral]] power. In considering comparable sacrcu places, [[Kandy]]
 
| has more in common with the [[Sikh]] center of Amritsar in the
 
'/ [[Punjab]] with its [[Golden Temple]], within which is housed the
 
[[Guru]] Granlh Sahib, a [[symbol]] of [[God’s]] continuing providence.
 
| Or again, [[Kandy]] is somewhat similar to Santa Fe, [[New Mexico]],
 
s; and the associated [[symbol]] of Our Lacly of Conquest.™ In both
 
f of these examples, [[ritual]] proceedings, cither in the [[form]] of
 
jf annual processions or in {{Wiki|individual}} acts of [[devotion]] which take
 
l place at specific [[shrines]] within the precincts of a [[sacred]] center,
 
f celebrate the special {{Wiki|past}} relationship enjoyed between a [[people]]
 
i and the [[divine]], however the [[divine]] is [[perceived]]. That is, [[sacred]]
 
 
 
( places like [[Kandy]] arc sustained in [[popularity]] because they af¬
 
firm the unique religio-cultural [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]] of a given [[people]].
 
Thus, the attnictive power of [[Kandy]] as a [[sacred place]] of pil-
 
• grimage is due less to pan-Buddhist associations than to a par-
 
. ticular people’s [[understanding]] of its special, historical [[relation]]-
 
: ship to [[sacral]] power, which in the {{Wiki|past}} insured their continued
 
 
 
 
 
collective legitimated [[existence]] in the face of the ambiguities of
 
[[life]], understood [[traditionally]] by them as [[dukkha]].
 

Latest revision as of 14:39, 31 July 2021

Buddhism in Sweden

Couple of weeks ago I found a page in Facebook called or group of people called Buddhism in Sweden . I wrote couple of words myself an english on their page and immediately reacted on my words site Admin Peter Olin and told that everybody here on this page have to use only Swedish because it's a swedish buddhist site. He sound quite convincible.

I explained to Olin that I have been doing the Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia for 18 hours every day for 8 years After which he started to explain to me that many links in Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia what are linked to Wikipedia are suspicious and may change over time, and what,ll happened with these articles in my encyclopedia when there,ll be changes in Wikipedia , He seemed quite excited and determined in their own deliberations and positions.

Then I posted couple of thangkas made by me and lot of critics or by other words a large avalanche of criticism arrived at my address. compared to my attitude towards the Encyclopedia and other activities in Asia, Sweden had an extremely negative and rusty cold attitude.

With this, I felt like the admin's ironic logic killed me wanting to participate in this site on Facebook and of course since the admin of the page was quite specific in his attitude, I asked him what have you done for Buddhism yourself? He didn't answer. At the end I just left the swedish group of buddhists..

I spend there on site just 2 days. And then left because people started to scream about my work with Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia. My secretary who has been a member of this group started to defend me and almost all people on the page started to talk that I serve the interests of the Chinese government and they pay me for that.

I started the encyclopedia in Australia and interestingly there were no negative attitude towards my work . Australia gave me a Distinguished Talented Visa for my activities and work in Buddhism .

I am struck by how two countries may have so different views on Buddhism. I arrived back to Sweden a year ago and turned to Swedish government and asked if they would like to help me with the encyclopedia. I also wrote to the Swedish Academy of Sciences and asked them for a positive attitude towards my work. I wrote to 60 politicians in the government but did not receive any response to my letters at all.

The Academy of Sciences was silent in Swedish way. I thought when I arrived first time to Sweden most of the world's press was present and even Swedish journalists but now it seemed embarrassing for Sweden that they gave me swedish citizenship, Which shows that my political activities suited them but not Buddhist .

I have organized a major international Buddhist conferences and (Buddhism and Nordland) and (Buddhism and Australia) what lasted 9 years. I myself have attended other conferences at the University of Berkeley, but I have never seen such a derogatory and monotonous attitude as in Europe, and especially in Scandinavia haven't seen such negative attitude anywhere in world. We can say openly Sweden denies Buddhism.

This summer, I approached the University of Kalmar with a proposal to hold an international conference on Buddhism. In a month's time, my secretary, Marju Broder, sent them letters with a proposal to meet to discuss cooperation and activities in connection with the conference. the university replied to me w month later with such this letter;

Dear Marju Broder,

I’m professor in the study of religions and like all my colleagues in the study of religions we are regularly contacted by, besides of course scholars of religions, RELIGIONISTS OF DIFFERENT SORTS, NOT RARELY WITH DEEP THEOLOGICAL ERUDITION.

Stefan Arvidsson Professor in the History of Religions, Linnæus University

At least someone dared to answer and say what is thought about of Buddhist activities in Sweden . It is interesting that Sweden is talking about religious freedom. How to understand it ?

This freedom seems to exist only for Christians but not for Buddhists . In addition, we wrote to many other Swedish organizations, but the answer was silence

My secretary Marju Broder also wrote to others in Scandinavia, but the answer from them was either silence or a negative attitude. The same attitude was observed by those Swedes on Facebook who call themselves a Buddhists.

That's what they wrote in Swedish newspaper;

Buddhism is a relatively small religion in Sweden, but has seen an increase in recent years. The number of Buddhists in April 2011 is estimated at around 45,000 people or close to 0.5% of Sweden's population, making it Sweden's third largest religion after Christianity and Islam. Most practitioners have an Asian background and come mostly from Thailand, China or Vietnam.

In addition, the Swedish government requested that donations to Buddhists be taxed on the basis of income.

http://religionsvetenskapligakommentarer.blogspot.com/2012/09/strukturell-diskriminering-nar.html

http://religionsvetenskapligakommentarer.blogspot.com/2019/08/buddhistiska-tempel-beskattas-for.html

It,s a shame to take a money from buddhist monks. Interesting how much Swedish government pays for Christian church to keep it alive.

it shows specifically how the Swedish government and people view Buddhism. You could say frankly that they hate Buddhism

It shows how wrong country I chose when I was expelled from the Soviet Union by Gorbachev when I made, first time in Soviet history, an opposition party against Communist Party, My idea that erupted the Soviet Union and perestroika.

Having lived in Sweden for years, I did not come to the idea or understanding that Sweden does not like a Buddhism because I was not involved in promoting Buddhism in Sweden.

I have been actively involved in Buddhism for 45 years, I established the Nyingma Buddhist tradition in Estonia, built 5 stupas there, My friends also actively contributed to the translation of a large amount of Buddhist literature. Soviet times nobody paid attention to my work in field of Buddhism.

Now when I went back to Estonia and started to build a new stupa the new Estonian government arrested me and my friends and accused me that I am hiding weapons in my country house what I haven't visited already 15 years .

They hold me in jail two days until swedish ambassador Dag Hartelius called to the police. Why it's happened? Because in Estonia old communists are still in power. And they hate me because I destroyed the Soviet Union.

I built a stupa and large prayer wheel then left Estonia., 1982 I build 4 stupas with my friends in Estonia, first Buddhist thangkas were made by Arno Arrak it was the start for Buddhism in Estonia.

At the same time, the University of Tartu in Estonia was extremely contemptuous of my activities, led by Linnart Mäll,who was a chronic alcoholic plus his students Märt Läänemets and Maret Kark supported him.

It is striking that instead of cooperation, there is an immediate denigration against Buddhist activities from scientific side . Now that everyone is talking about a multicultural era, both freedom of speech and freedom of religion, the Swedish government is asking to tax donations to Buddhists .

An example my secretary asked Oxford University to participate on coming conference Buddhism and Nordland and she got such answer :

I am sorry to say that I cannot give you any encouragement. The OCBS is a small institute with very limited resources. We are not even able to pay any academic salaries. We also have nobody here who knows anything about Buddhism and Nordland, so we cannot offer any expertise

Yours sincerely, Richard Gombrich

And it is a solid old university with English traditions.

The same time we have big site in Internet dedicated to this conference.

The question arises as how Buddhists do not notice what other Buddhists are talking about Buddhism in their work on conference Buddhism and Nordland.

It shows the stupidity and short-sightedness of the Europeans and its universities, And we talk about religious freedom here . Compared to the University of Berkeley, who immediately agreed to collaborate with leading professor Lewis Lancaster .The only company that is actively involved in translating texts and spreading knowledge about Buddhism,in our days which is Lotsawa house and its a very big contribution to European Buddhism,

https://www.lotsawahouse.org/

It,s interesting most of those people doesn't belong to Europe who translate in Lotsawa House. I know Erik Pema Kunsang because when I started with Chinese Encyclopedia he connected me and his relationship to my project was very positive and favorable. He is from Denmark . And well known translator from Tibetan.

https://lotsawahouse.blog/interviews/erik-pema-kunsang/

Another person who has helped me a lot is from Holland. I asked money to buy a new computer and new glasses for myself because the old computer is too old and slow he reacted immediately . The rest of the europe was quiet.

I understand because it,s a war in our days accely between christianity and Buddhism what has found new territories here in Europe,.

When I was 11 years old I read the book about Buddhism and it was written that Buddha was talking about huge amount of other worlds and universes the same time I head in school that Galileo, on the other hand, was tried by the Inquisition after his book was published.

He said that the Earth revolved around the sun, a theory now known to be true, I understood immediately value of the christianity who was telling such rubbish about cosmology . Buddhism for me as always been a science and I don't understand why others haven't found such values in Buddhist teachings.

And Europe still holds the same principles as you can see here in Sweden. For them Sweden is a center of the universe with his 10.23 million (2019) population. So narrow minded people here.When you use your brain at least little bit you can understand who,ll be the winner in this war.

Buddhist psychology has existed two thousand years , Europe discovered it just couple of hundred years back. It seems now that European way of thinking is really slow and and related to Christian thought.

One thing is a religion another is scientific approach. Buddhism is science because it helps you to understand yourself Christianity reveals that Jesus is your liberator. In Buddhism you have to liberate yourself. It means different way of thinking and understanding about the world and about your own mind.

Now you can see in web often word tantra what Christianity uses for own purposes it means borrowing from Buddhism, but I havent noticed that Buddhism is using christian terminology. It means Europe and European knowledge has nothing to offer anymore new ideas in field of spirituality and for a person’s personal spiritual development,Christianity has only one most important book the Bible Buddhism has them thousands.

People always like to have a rich friends then what about religion? Books consist ideas , teachings view of the world and I understand why people in our days who choose a buddhism. Because it has more real intellectual values then christianity. I understand how most of the people in Europe and specially in Sweden react on my words but someone have to be the first who says that king is naked.

I was first who told the truth in Soviet Union publicly and I was expelled does it mean that Europe or Sweden will expel me too ? You can see everywhere the new political approach to be friendly, peaceful, not to protest or fight with the government.

Why? Because the masses are being asked to be pushed into certain frames so that someone can calmly empty the people's pockets of money. Banks rule everywhere, but if you ask them for money for their own activities, you can die before they help you.

If you look at governments, they are filled with politicians, people who do not even have a specific education to work in a given place or area, and they all always vote diligently in an area that is distant and incomprehensible to them. Recalling Alfred Nobel's message about democracy, he can be said that he was a wise and the only Swede who understood the basic principles of democracy and expressed them exactly.

Sweden uses his money to share prizes in science, but does not notice when someone is trying to spread knowledge about Buddhism. I was told in Öland by local politicians who need this encyclopedia of no use or need for the people. Then I immediately understood what the term politician means today, Sven Hedin, who was an eastern investigator, has been overlooked by the Swedish government because he had correspondence with Hitler.

Although he is highly valued and talked about by other countries. Not that he was in correspondence with Hitler, but his scientific work is appreciated. I have realized over the years that I have lived in Sweden and understood , Swedes are no longer Vikings but a mass with whom the elective class does what they want.

if you do not belong to the official nomenclature does not support your work and activities it doesn't have any value for them, the same principle was chosen in the Soviet Union, no authority in Sweden responds positively to what I do. The University of Berkeley immediately supported my activities in Sweden they does not understand what it means.

They have their own Swedish opinion. expressed himself in very Swedish wayas said Stefan Arvidsson Professor in the History of Religions, Linnæus University ;RELIGIONISTS OF DIFFERENT SORTS, NOT RARELY WITH DEEP THEOLOGICAL ERUDITION. He even didn't want to meet us a or ask what kind of education I have. No authority in Sweden responds positively to what I do. The same way reacted Swedish buddhists on facebook.

The University of Berkeley immediately supported my activities in Sweden does not understand what it means. Why and what i do it for. which raises the question may be should the government choose people based on IQ .

I have huge pile of different support letters from different universities and scientist who support my work and project. But Sweden does not think so , Why? Because they have their own Swedish opinion. It can be understood he has having more knowledge about Buddhism and about Eastern culture as well than Berkeley and other universities in world , which I deeply doubt.

I call such phenomenon connected to stupidity Another words it's a swedish knowledge about Eastern culture and knowledge about Buddhism . Most stupid last political maneuver what Sweden made with China - Stockholm was grappling with China over a book publisher's imprisonment , unthinking what is useful or harmful for swedish business .

Like many countries, Sweden shares significant trade and business dealings with China -- including Chinese ownership of one of its most iconic brands, Volvo Cars. Gui Congyou, China's ambassador in Stockholm, warned of "bad consequences" if it went ahead, Swedish Prime Minister Stefan Lofven could be barred from visiting China. "We treat our friends with fine wine," Gui said on a Swedish radio show. "But for our enemies we've got shotguns.

Now I understand why Sweden does not like my work with Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia.

China and Russia are friends now again what means its quite powerful friendship. China has plans to double his population on next 20 years. It means there,ll be 4 billion chinese. China is building a aircraft mother ships. It seems they are planning to move to other continents soon.

If they build ships for tourism then its a peaceful action it means they have an interest or need to explore other countries and continents but aircraft mother ships serve another purpose,

It's like Sweden doesn't notice it. Maybe swedish politicians doesn't understand what's going on in world because lack of education and IQ. And chinese have a lot of money, And soon lot of people too. China has already worlds biggest army . It means something especially in politics soon.

Now about my own work . I understand that my Chinese Buddhist Encylopedia has not the same quality to compare with Wikipedia where thousand people are working because I am alone and have to do everything myself. But I have totally different approach to compare with wikipedia. I want o educate people about buddhism.

Like one swedish politician said to me, that I am using material what others are have produced it,s not your work.He is totally right . Seems that He didn't know that Encyclopedias mostly are based on other peoples work.

Only difference is that an encyclopedia is a reference work or compendium providing summaries of knowledge either from all branches or from a particular field or discipline. Encyclopedia entries are longer and more detailed than those in most dictionaries.

Historically, both encyclopedias and dictionaries have been researched and written by well-educated, well-informed content experts. Encyclopedia article is typically not limited to simple definitions, and is not limited to defining an individual word, but provides a more extensive meaning for a subject or discipline.

It seems that this politician doesn't use wikipedia what quite exactly explains lot of things and meanings in our days in our world. And he is a politician.I was away from sweden years and so much has changed here during this time. Swedish politics has changed, everything cost more , prizes has been doubled , life costs more but people earn the same amount money as before .

Totally different country is Sweden now to compare when I arrived here. The general opinion today is that one should not be critical about anything or negative then you are enemy of the state.

There is a mass of people in our days who has the same opinion about everything as the state dictates and at the same time we speculate on freedom of speech. I wonder what it is about. We saw what happened when people in Germany started to protest against Coronavirus. Police used water cannons against demonstrators.

It's called freedom and free speech but for whom? Only government has right to express free speech and those who are against it are enemies. of the state , In Soviet Union was very popular to use psychiatric hospitals for those. It's time to use the same tactics in our days. Nothing new in here. Totalitarian way of thinking is flourishing everywhere .

Bunch of people without special knowledge deciding what is useful and what is not. It's called sick society and sickness comes not from people but from the government side .Why because bunch of elected politicians vote and decide what to do and how.

How they know what's best for me when they even don't know how I think and digest intellectually. When we go to the restaurant we choose what to order. Soon it,ll change we all have to eat the same food and drink the same drink not drinks. The difference enriches the culture, society and people's minds . Everything is dictated by government. We call it democracy. But is it?

Small businesses have disappeared thanks for coronavirus. It means society or people get poorer and some of them get richer. It's called democracy. I wrote to 60 politicians and got no reaction it's called democracy. I don't blame society . I talk about government who likes to feed people with slogans what are fake.

I talk about buddhism what is not welcome to Sweden. It's strange we talk about free speech but it seems that we have forgotten about what is free thinking. And education looks different. Stefan Arvidsson is a product of education system who has taught him that religion is opium for people.

In Marxism it's very popular view. So I got answer from communist who declares that he knows Buddhism better than me. It's the same view had so called university workers in Estonia in Taru university. But then it was Estonia part of the Soviet Union. Coming back to Sweden after 10 years I feel as I returned back to Soviet Union.

I understand what reaction, ll be on my article from so called politicians side. So what I give a F,, as I did in Soviet Union. Brain of the human is magnificent and able to do things which seem impossible at first glance. As one professor at the University of Berkeley said to me; how you were the only one who came up with such idea to dismantle the Soviet Union and no one else wanted to do it.

My answer to him was; My idea was that religion was banned in the Soviet Union and the only way for Buddhism to re-emerge as a source of knowledge for many Buddhists was to change this social order. Interesting when such an idea will come in connection to Sweden ? As a monk I have no right to think about this because we live in sansara and big changes in society will bring a lot of problems in my next life. So I am already doomed.

I hope Chinese Buddhist Encyclopedia will be as the lifebuoy for me but Swedish society and government doesn't want to help me with mu problems because they are doomed too I think. Sooner or later there must be certain reforms otherwise there ,ll appear someone who wants to change something in social order. I understand that my talk and thoughts seem absurd and out of mind for Sweden but it,s a life what dictates our actions and survival.