Difference between revisions of "Shinran’s Indebtedness to T’an-luan"
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− | Shinran’s Indebtedness to T’an-luan by Shōjun Bandō | + | [[Shinran’s]] Indebtedness to [[T’an-luan]] by Shōjun Bandō |
− | Source: Studies in Comparative Religion, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Autumn, 1971). © World Wisdom, Inc. | + | Source: Studies in Comparative [[Religion]], Vol. 5, No. 4 (Autumn, 1971). © [[World]] [[Wisdom]], Inc. |
www.studiesincomparativereligion.com | www.studiesincomparativereligion.com | ||
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− | THE significance of Hōnen’s appearance in Japanese Buddhism lies in his epoch-making task of achieving the independence of the Pure Land School, which had long been regarded merely as a by-stream of Mahayana Buddhism. From various Buddhist disciplines he adopted the Nembutsu practice, insisting that in the latter days of the Dharma, Nembutsu practice is the only way through which all people, men and women, young and old, noble and mean, may equally be saved by virtue of the great saving power of Amida’s Original Vow. As his teaching spread rapidly to all parts of Japan, a strong reaction to it arose. Myōe Shōnin (1173-1232) of the Kegon Sect was a representative of the older sects. He published a work entitled Saijarin (“Smashing a Heterodox Dharma | + | THE significance of Hōnen’s [[appearance]] in [[Japanese Buddhism]] lies in his epoch-making task of achieving the {{Wiki|independence}} of the [[Pure Land School]], which had long been regarded merely as a by-stream of [[Mahayana Buddhism]]. From various [[Buddhist]] [[disciplines]] he adopted the [[Nembutsu]] practice, insisting that in the [[latter]] days of the [[Dharma]], [[Nembutsu]] practice is the only way through which all [[people]], men and women, young and old, [[noble]] and mean, may equally be saved by [[virtue]] of the great saving power of [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]]. As his [[teaching]] spread rapidly to all parts of [[Japan]], a strong {{Wiki|reaction}} to it arose. [[Myōe]] [[Shōnin]] (1173-1232) of the [[Kegon]] [[Sect]] was a representative of the older sects. He published a work entitled Saijarin (“Smashing a {{Wiki|Heterodox}} [[Dharma Wheel]]”), in which he severely criticized Hōnen’s radical standpoint. |
− | By and large, his criticisms against Hōnen centred round the question of bodhicitta. Myōe held that whereas the position of bodhicitta (man’s aspiration for Enlightenment) in the Way of the Buddha is crucial, Hōnen totally neglected its importance, replacing it by Nembutsu, and therefore that Honen’s doctrine could not possibly be called Buddhism. | + | By and large, his {{Wiki|criticisms}} against [[Hōnen]] centred round the question of [[bodhicitta]]. [[Myōe]] held that whereas the position of [[bodhicitta]] (man’s [[aspiration for Enlightenment]]) in the Way of the [[Buddha]] is crucial, [[Hōnen]] totally neglected its importance, replacing it by [[Nembutsu]], and therefore that [[Honen’s]] [[doctrine]] could not possibly be called [[Buddhism]]. |
− | As Myōe was one of the most revered Buddhist priests of his time, a strict follower of Buddhist discipline himself and free from any sectarian or political prejudices, the penetrating question he raised was thought deserving of serious consideration. As Hōnen passed away immediately after he was released from exile on the island of Shikoku, it was only natural that Shinran, who inherited Hōnen’s teaching, should have felt obliged to answer Myōe’s crucial question. The situation in which Shinran thus found himself became one of the main motives for his Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. | + | As [[Myōe]] was one of the most revered [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|priests}} of his time, a strict follower of [[Buddhist]] [[discipline]] himself and free from any {{Wiki|sectarian}} or {{Wiki|political}} prejudices, the penetrating question he raised was [[thought]] deserving of serious [[consideration]]. As [[Hōnen]] passed away immediately after he was released from exile on the [[island]] of [[Shikoku]], it was only natural that [[Shinran]], who inherited Hōnen’s [[teaching]], should have felt obliged to answer Myōe’s crucial question. The situation in which [[Shinran]] thus found himself became one of the main motives for his Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. |
− | According to the Mahayana conception of a Bodhisattva (bodhi-citta inspired man; a seeker of Enlightenment), arising of bodhi-citta is regarded as the starting point of the Bodhisattva’s career. There is no Bodhisattva apart from bodhicitta: bodhicitta is what makes a man a Bodhisattva. In Nāgārjuna’s Mahāprajñā pāramitopadeśa is a statement, “When bodhicitta arises in man, at that very moment he attains | + | According to the [[Mahayana]] {{Wiki|conception}} of a [[Bodhisattva]] (bodhi-citta inspired man; a seeker of [[Enlightenment]]), [[arising]] of [[bodhi-citta]] is regarded as the starting point of the [[Bodhisattva’s]] career. There is no [[Bodhisattva]] apart from [[bodhicitta]]: [[bodhicitta]] is what makes a man a [[Bodhisattva]]. In [[Nāgārjuna’s]] [[Mahāprajñā]] pāramitopadeśa is a statement, “When [[bodhicitta]] arises in man, at that very [[moment]] he attains [[Enlightenment]]”. |
− | The first movement of bodhicitta in man’s mind is a crucial moment, at which a Bodhisattva is born out of an ordinary man. A Bodhisattva is a man who is bodhi-centred, and no longer ego-centred. His mind is now oriented towards benefitting others rather than himself; he is ever ready to devote himself for the benefit of all the other beings, even at the cost of his own life. | + | The first {{Wiki|movement}} of [[bodhicitta]] in man’s [[mind]] is a crucial [[moment]], at which a [[Bodhisattva]] is born out of an [[ordinary man]]. A [[Bodhisattva]] is a man who is bodhi-centred, and no longer ego-centred. His [[mind]] is now oriented towards benefitting others rather than himself; he is ever ready to devote himself for the [[benefit]] of all the other [[beings]], even at the cost of his [[own]] [[life]]. |
− | A Bodhisattva embodies altruism. He identifies his own destiny with that of all sentient beings to the extent he feels, in Vimalakīrti’s words, that “A Bodhisattva is sick because all sentient beings are sick.” Therefore the appearance or presence of bodhicitta should be the central concern in all ages for all people who would call themselves Buddhists, not to mention the eminent figure Myōe of the Kamakura Period. | + | A [[Bodhisattva]] [[embodies]] [[altruism]]. He identifies his [[own]] [[destiny]] with that of all [[sentient beings]] to the extent he [[feels]], in [[Vimalakīrti’s]] words, that “A [[Bodhisattva]] is sick because all [[sentient beings]] are sick.” Therefore the [[appearance]] or presence of [[bodhicitta]] should be the central [[concern]] in all ages for all [[people]] who would call themselves [[Buddhists]], not to mention the {{Wiki|eminent}} figure [[Myōe]] of the [[Kamakura Period]]. |
− | It was no wonder, therefore, that Hōnen’s insistence upon the Nembutsu practice as the only means for securing the ideal of universal salvation should have aroused in the minds of his contemporaries a grave doubt as to the authenticity of his doctrine. It was under such circumstances that the question was raised as to whether the Nembutsu teaching expounded by Hōnen denied bodhicitta or not. Shinran’s life-long task was to inquire into what Hōnen had actually intended to reveal, and to express his own conviction in his own terms. His main work Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is none other than the outcome of his spiritual inquiries into the teaching of salvation through Nembutsu alone. | + | It was no [[wonder]], therefore, that Hōnen’s insistence upon the [[Nembutsu]] practice as the only means for securing the {{Wiki|ideal}} of [[universal]] {{Wiki|salvation}} should have aroused in the [[minds]] of his contemporaries a grave [[doubt]] as to the authenticity of his [[doctrine]]. It was under such circumstances that the question was raised as to whether the [[Nembutsu]] [[teaching]] expounded by [[Hōnen]] denied [[bodhicitta]] or not. [[Shinran’s]] life-long task was to inquire into what [[Hōnen]] had actually intended to reveal, and to express his [[own]] conviction in his [[own]] terms. His main work Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is none other than the outcome of his [[spiritual]] inquiries into the [[teaching]] of {{Wiki|salvation}} through [[Nembutsu]] alone. |
− | Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is made up of six chapters. It is written in Chinese. It was customary for Buddhist scholar-priests at that time to write in Chinese since all the sources from which they quoted were Chinese. In view of the fact that Shinran also left a number of writings in Japanese, clearly meant for the generally illiterate common people, it may safely be said that his main work was addressed to his contemporary scholar-priests who were able to read classical Chinese. He purposely accommodated himself to this style of writing in order to appeal to the understanding of the educated Buddhist circle of his age. | + | [[Shinran’s]] Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is made up of six chapters. It is written in {{Wiki|Chinese}}. It was customary for [[Buddhist]] scholar-priests at that time to write in {{Wiki|Chinese}} since all the sources from which they quoted were {{Wiki|Chinese}}. In view of the fact that [[Shinran]] also left a number of writings in [[Japanese]], clearly meant for the generally illiterate [[common people]], it may safely be said that his main work was addressed to his contemporary scholar-priests who were able to read classical {{Wiki|Chinese}}. He purposely accommodated himself to this style of [[writing]] in order to appeal to the [[understanding]] of the educated [[Buddhist]] circle of his age. |
− | In any case, there is no doubt that Chinese in his time was not only a literary and formal medium but a means of communication and a common language among intellectuals. He entitled his main work, “A Collection of Important Passages Revealing the Truth of the Pure Land Teaching, Practice, and Attainment.” In spite of this title, we find in this work a lengthy volume on | + | In any case, there is no [[doubt]] that {{Wiki|Chinese}} in his time was not only a {{Wiki|literary}} and formal {{Wiki|medium}} but a means of [[communication]] and a common [[language]] among intellectuals. He entitled his main work, “A Collection of Important Passages Revealing the [[Truth]] of the [[Pure Land]] [[Teaching]], Practice, and [[Attainment]].” In spite of this title, we find in this work a lengthy volume on “[[Faith]]” in its [[own]] right which is divided into two parts. |
− | He, nevertheless, did not mention | + | He, nevertheless, did not mention “[[Faith]]” in the title of his work. Herein also we find a clue to his {{Wiki|motive}} of addressing it mainly to learned [[Buddhists]] such as [[Myōe]], for he was fully {{Wiki|aware}} of his position and of his responsibilities to his age, since “[[Teaching]], Practice, and [[Attainment]]” are [[traditional]] categories of the way of a [[Bodhisattva]]. Namely, a Way-seeker is first of all expected to listen to the “[[teaching]]” and then “practice” it faithfully, so as to reach the final “[[Attainment]]” or [[Enlightenment]]. [[Shinran]] tried to transcend [[tradition]] by first accommodating himself to it. |
− | Hōnen, in his main work, Senchaku Hongan Nembutsu Shū, had quoted extensively from a number of sutras and commentaries in addition to the Five Eminent Pure Land masters in order to show that Pure Land Buddhism is truly Mahayana and not his own arbitrary invention. Shinran followed the pattern of his predecessors in his main work, in which he mentions the Seven Pure Land Patriarchs including Hōnen. How highly both Hōnen and Shinran regarded the tradition, rather than neglecting it, may be seen from the above-mentioned facts. | + | [[Hōnen]], in his main work, Senchaku [[Hongan]] [[Nembutsu]] [[Shū]], had quoted extensively from a number of [[sutras]] and commentaries in addition to the Five {{Wiki|Eminent}} [[Pure Land]] [[masters]] in order to show that [[Pure Land Buddhism]] is truly [[Mahayana]] and not his [[own]] arbitrary invention. [[Shinran]] followed the pattern of his predecessors in his main work, in which he mentions the Seven [[Pure Land]] [[Patriarchs]] [[including]] [[Hōnen]]. How highly both [[Hōnen]] and [[Shinran]] regarded the [[tradition]], rather than neglecting it, may be seen from the above-mentioned facts. |
− | One important fact to be remembered in this connection is that in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran’s own words amount to no more than one tenth of the whole volume, showing that Shinran thereby intended to make the centuries-old tradition speak for itself. | + | One important fact to be remembered in this [[connection]] is that in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō [[Shinran’s]] [[own]] words amount to no more than one tenth of the whole volume, showing that [[Shinran]] thereby intended to make the centuries-old [[tradition]] speak for itself. |
− | Both Hōnen’s Senchaku Hongan Nembutsu Shū and Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō adopt the form of monrui (collected passages), derived from Sung Dynasty China, which serves to demonstrate that one’s opinions are not arbitrary but are based upon scriptural evidence. As it is customary for Buddhist scholars to argue in a dual form of theoretical reasoning and textual evidence, monrui was the form commonly adopted by Buddhist scholars, both more forward-looking and more conservative. | + | Both Hōnen’s Senchaku [[Hongan]] [[Nembutsu]] [[Shū]] and [[Shinran’s]] Kyō-gyō-shin-shō adopt the [[form]] of monrui (collected passages), derived from [[Sung Dynasty]] [[China]], which serves to demonstrate that one’s opinions are not arbitrary but are based upon [[scriptural]] {{Wiki|evidence}}. As it is customary for [[Buddhist scholars]] to argue in a dual [[form]] of {{Wiki|theoretical}} {{Wiki|reasoning}} and textual {{Wiki|evidence}}, monrui was the [[form]] commonly adopted by [[Buddhist scholars]], both more forward-looking and more conservative. |
− | Though Shinran was traditional in his outward forms, his thought was, in reality, drastically original. His way of reading scriptural texts was highly characteristic of this. For example, he construed a passage in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra related to | + | Though [[Shinran]] was [[traditional]] in his outward [[forms]], his [[thought]] was, in [[reality]], drastically original. His way of reading [[scriptural]] texts was highly [[characteristic]] of this. For example, he construed a passage in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]] related to ‘[[merit]] [[transference]]’ (parināma) to refer to [[Amida]] and not to man as had been interpreted by all his predecessors. [[Shinran]] was firmly convinced that his way of reading best revealed the profound implications of the text. In the selected texts of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō we find not a few similar examples. |
− | Firstly, Shinran wrote the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō out of devotion to Hōnen, his spiritual master, as an expression of his gratitude for the latter’s religious guidance. It is also true that it was Shinran’s formal answer to the established sects with his scathing criticisms of heretical views outside as well as inside of the Pure Land School. But it is above all the first systematic exposition of Pure Land teaching ever attempted. | + | Firstly, [[Shinran]] wrote the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō out of [[devotion]] to [[Hōnen]], his [[spiritual master]], as an expression of his [[gratitude]] for the latter’s [[religious]] guidance. It is also true that it was [[Shinran’s]] formal answer to the established sects with his scathing {{Wiki|criticisms}} of [[heretical views]] outside as well as inside of the [[Pure Land School]]. But it is above all the first systematic [[exposition]] of [[Pure Land teaching]] ever attempted. |
− | Shinran’s mission after his master’s death was to make explicitly clear the quality of Nembutsu | + | [[Shinran’s]] [[mission]] after his [[master’s]] [[death]] was to make explicitly clear the [[quality]] of [[Nembutsu]] “[[Faith]]” accorded by [[Amida]] and not created by man. This [[quality]] of [[Nembutsu]] “[[Faith]]” was expressed by [[Shinran]] as being [[tariki]] [[ekō]] (“accorded by the Other Power” or “motivated by [[Amida]]”). In this way [[Shinran]] proceeded to demonstrate the fact that [[Nembutsu]] “[[Faith]]” is none other than the genuine [[bodhicitta]], because of its freedom from man’s agency motivated by self-will ([[jiriki]]). In the following, I should like to [[delineate]] in what manner [[Shinran]] tried to demonstrate the [[intrinsic nature]] of “[[Faith]]” implied in [[Nembutsu]] practice, with special regard to his indebtedness to T’an-luan’s [[thought]]. |
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− | Throughout his life Shinran was possessed of four names: Hannen, Shakkū, Zenshin and Shinran. He named his first son Zenran. Seeing these names, we are naturally reminded of the Seven Pure Land Patriarchs to whom, by his own acknowledgment, he was indebted for the formation of his thought. They are: Ryūju (Nāgārjuna), Tenjin (Vasubandhu) of India; Donran (T’an-luan), Dōshaku (Tao-ch’o), Zendō (Shan-tao) of China; Genshin and Genkō (Hōnen) of Japan. Apart from “Hannen,” the names of Shinran and his son are formed from characters used in the names of those eminent masters. However, when we focus our attention on the two characters that form the name Shinran, we realize that they derive from Tenjin and Donran, and this not without reason in view of the fact that in Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran shows his special reverence for T’an-luan by designating him as a Bodhisattva. | + | Throughout his [[life]] [[Shinran]] was possessed of four names: Hannen, [[Shakkū]], [[Zenshin]] and [[Shinran]]. He named his first son [[Zenran]]. [[Seeing]] these names, we are naturally reminded of the Seven [[Pure Land]] Patriarchs to whom, by his [[own]] [[acknowledgment]], he was indebted for the formation of his [[thought]]. They are: Ryūju ([[Nāgārjuna]]), [[Tenjin]] ([[Vasubandhu]]) of [[India]]; [[Donran]] ([[T’an-luan]]), [[Dōshaku]] ([[Tao-ch’o]]), [[Zendō]] ([[Shan-tao]]) of [[China]]; [[Genshin]] and [[Genkō]] ([[Hōnen]]) of [[Japan]]. Apart from “Hannen,” the names of [[Shinran]] and his son are formed from characters used in the names of those {{Wiki|eminent}} [[masters]]. However, when we focus our [[attention]] on the two characters that [[form]] the [[name]] [[Shinran]], we realize that they derive from [[Tenjin]] and [[Donran]], and this not without [[reason]] in view of the fact that in Kyō-gyō-shin-shō [[Shinran]] shows his special reverence for [[T’an-luan]] by designating him as a [[Bodhisattva]]. |
− | Shinran was strict in his use of the three Chinese characters which denote “to say or | + | [[Shinran]] was strict in his use of the three {{Wiki|Chinese}} characters which denote “to say or [[state]]” using one for [[sutras]], another for commentaries and a third one for sub-commentaries. Despite the fact that T’an-luan’s commentary on [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Treatise on the Pure Land]] (which is a commentary on the Larger [[Sukhāvati vyūha]] [[Sūtra]]) is a [[sub-commentary]] to which he should have applied the third [[character]], he used the second [[character]], which is only used for a commentary. |
− | Thus it is clear that Shinran equated the value of T’an-luan’s thought as expounded in his main work, Jōdo Ronchū (Wang-sheng-lun Chu) with the thought expressed in Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land, upon which T’an-luan commented. Elsewhere in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō we notice Shinran extensively quoting from T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū; the chapter on Attainment in particular is occupied mostly by quotations from the Jōdo Ronchū. Above all, we find that at the very beginning of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran introduces the key term of ekō in its dual aspects, going and returning, which is none other than Shinran’s inheritance from T’an-luan. All these facts are clear evidence that T’an-luan’s position in Shinran’s thought is predominant. Undoubtedly in Shinran’s case, the name does show reality. | + | Thus it is clear that [[Shinran]] equated the value of T’an-luan’s [[thought]] as expounded in his main work, [[Jōdo]] Ronchū (Wang-sheng-lun Chu) with the [[thought]] expressed in [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Treatise on the Pure Land]], upon which [[T’an-luan]] commented. Elsewhere in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō we notice [[Shinran]] extensively quoting from T’an-luan’s [[Jōdo]] Ronchū; the [[chapter]] on [[Attainment]] in particular is occupied mostly by quotations from the [[Jōdo]] Ronchū. Above all, we find that at the very beginning of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō [[Shinran]] introduces the key term of [[ekō]] in its dual aspects, going and returning, which is none other than [[Shinran’s]] inheritance from T’an-luan. All these facts are clear {{Wiki|evidence}} that T’an-luan’s position in [[Shinran’s]] [[thought]] is predominant. Undoubtedly in [[Shinran’s]] case, the [[name]] does show [[reality]]. |
− | It was Hōnen who designated the three sutras and one commentary as the most revealing of the truth of salvation through Nembutsu. They are the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra, the Meditation Sūtra, the Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra, and T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū (Commentary on Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land). Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land is a product of his devotion to Amida Buddha and is characteristic of his systematic representation of the Pure Land, the detailed description of which is found in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. It might be said that both Hōnen and Shinran are indebted to Vasubandhu and T’an-luan for a full appreciation of the purport of the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. | + | It was [[Hōnen]] who designated the three [[sutras]] and one commentary as the most revealing of the [[truth]] of {{Wiki|salvation}} through [[Nembutsu]]. They are the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]], the [[Meditation]] [[Sūtra]], the Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]], and T’an-luan’s [[Jōdo]] Ronchū (Commentary on [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Treatise on the Pure Land]]). [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Treatise on the Pure Land]] is a product of his [[devotion]] to [[Amida Buddha]] and is [[characteristic]] of his systematic [[representation]] of the [[Pure Land]], the detailed description of which is found in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]]. It might be said that both [[Hōnen]] and [[Shinran]] are indebted to [[Vasubandhu]] and [[T’an-luan]] for a full [[appreciation]] of the purport of the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]]. |
− | While Shinran was among the disciples of Hōnen at Yoshimizu in Kyoto, he made an assiduous and extensive study of those scriptures. Among the documents now preserved by Nishi Honganji in Kyoto is a one-volume copy of the Meditation Sūtra and Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra that was apparently used by Shinran at Yoshimizu. Tiny characters are written on the page margins, and among them is found the name of Jōdo Ronchū, clear evidence that in his early thirties Shinran was already acquainted with T’an-luan’s thought. Therefore, it is highly probable that Shinran was introduced to T’an-luan by his master Hōnen. | + | While [[Shinran]] was among the [[disciples]] of [[Hōnen]] at [[Yoshimizu]] in {{Wiki|Kyoto}}, he made an assiduous and extensive study of those [[scriptures]]. Among the documents now preserved by [[Nishi Honganji]] in {{Wiki|Kyoto}} is a one-volume copy of the [[Meditation]] [[Sūtra]] and Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]] that was apparently used by [[Shinran]] at [[Yoshimizu]]. Tiny characters are written on the page margins, and among them is found the [[name]] of [[Jōdo]] Ronchū, clear {{Wiki|evidence}} that in his early thirties [[Shinran]] was already acquainted with T’an-luan’s [[thought]]. Therefore, it is highly probable that [[Shinran]] was introduced to [[T’an-luan]] by his [[master]] [[Hōnen]]. |
− | After Hōnen’s death, it was mainly through the guidance of T’an-luan’s thoughts that Shinran succeeded in making clear what was left unclarified by his master as to the true significance of | + | After Hōnen’s [[death]], it was mainly through the guidance of T’an-luan’s [[thoughts]] that [[Shinran]] succeeded in making clear what was left unclarified by his [[master]] as to the true significance of “[[Faith]]” in [[Nembutsu]] practice originally expounded in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]]. Before going into an analysis of [[Shinran’s]] indebtedness to [[T’an-luan]], let us consider two important factors: the [[nature]] of [[Shinran’s]] life-long [[mission]], and T’an-luan’s contribution to [[Pure Land]] [[Buddhist]] [[thought]]. |
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− | As the founder of an independent Pure Land sect, Jōdo Shū, Hōnen occupies a prominent position in the history of Japanese Buddhism. The leader of a newly established sect, he was naturally preoccupied with the task of defending the doctrine of his sect as well as his political stand, besides being engaged in his authentic mission of expounding among the people at large the doctrine of salvation through Nembutsu only. He had to face violent attacks from conservative minds belonging to existing sects jealous of his popularity. However, for his successor, Shinran, it was to be expected that the nature of his mission should differ somewhat from Hōnen’s. | + | As the founder of an {{Wiki|independent}} [[Pure Land sect]], [[Jōdo Shū]], [[Hōnen]] occupies a prominent position in the history of [[Japanese Buddhism]]. The leader of a newly established [[sect]], he was naturally preoccupied with the task of defending the [[doctrine]] of his [[sect]] as well as his {{Wiki|political}} stand, besides being engaged in his [[Wikipedia:Authenticity|authentic]] [[mission]] of expounding among the [[people]] at large the [[doctrine]] of {{Wiki|salvation}} through [[Nembutsu]] only. He had to face [[violent]] attacks from conservative [[minds]] belonging to [[existing]] sects [[jealous]] of his [[popularity]]. However, for his successor, [[Shinran]], it was to be expected that the [[nature]] of his [[mission]] should differ somewhat from Hōnen’s. |
− | After Hōnen’s death there appeared among his disciples a variety of views or different interpretations of his teachings. Some insisted that, for a man to be saved, incessant recitation of Nembutsu was necessary, while others insisted that faith mattered rather than the reciting act. Shinran thus keenly felt the need for clarifying the true meaning of Hōnen’s Nembutsu teaching. The Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is nothing less than the fruition of Shinran’s life-long endeavour. It might be said that Shinran’s task consisted of the critical examination of the quality of | + | After Hōnen’s [[death]] there appeared among his [[disciples]] a variety of [[views]] or different interpretations of his teachings. Some insisted that, for a man to be saved, {{Wiki|incessant}} {{Wiki|recitation}} of [[Nembutsu]] was necessary, while others insisted that [[faith]] mattered rather than the reciting act. [[Shinran]] thus keenly felt the need for clarifying the true meaning of Hōnen’s [[Nembutsu]] [[teaching]]. The Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is nothing less than the [[fruition]] of [[Shinran’s]] life-long endeavour. It might be said that [[Shinran’s]] task consisted of the critical {{Wiki|examination}} of the [[quality]] of “[[Faith]]” in [[Nembutsu]] practice. |
− | It is certain that Hōnen’s definition of Nembutsu was comprehensive. Therefore his Nembutsu was inclusive of all levels, whether motivated by tariki or by jiriki. Hence his | + | It is certain that Hōnen’s [[definition]] of [[Nembutsu]] was comprehensive. Therefore his [[Nembutsu]] was inclusive of all levels, whether motivated by [[tariki]] or by [[jiriki]]. Hence his [[disciples]]’ [[confusion]] regarding “[[Faith]],” with all manner of interpretations presented. In [[Honen’s]] [[eyes]], there were two categories of practice: [[Nembutsu]] and all other miscellaneous practices. In his main work, he declared that all practices other than [[Nembutsu]] are not efficacious for [[attaining]] {{Wiki|salvation}} in this [[latter age]] of [[Dharma]], since they are not in accordance with the [[spirit]] of the Original [[Vow]] of [[Amida]]. His typical [[attitude]] towards the problem of [[Buddhist practice]] was obviously that of “either-or.” This [[attitude]] is widely known as Senchaku (to select and to discard). In his [[lifetime]], critical {{Wiki|examination}} of [[Nembutsu]] had not been thoroughly undertaken. This task was consequently taken up by [[Shinran]]. |
− | There are two main Pure Land streams in China, Shan-tao’s (A.D. 613-681) and Hui-yūan’s (A.D. 334-416). The former is based upon the Meditation Sūtra and the latter upon the Pratyutpanna-samādhi-Sūtra. T’an-luan, Hōnen, and Shinran belong to the former stream. Although Nembutsu recitation is common to both traditions, the former saw a harmonious unity of the thoughts of Non-being (prajñārpāramitā philosophy based upon the principle of sūnyatā) and Being (Yogācāra or vijñaptimātratā philosophy based upon the principle of prajñapti or phenomenal being), while the latter was more inclined to emphasize the principle of sūnyatā. Therefore the ultimate source of their teaching differed: for the former it was the three Pure Land sutras and T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū, for the latter it was the Prajñāpāramitā sutras. The former spread among the common people while the latter remained confined to a small minority. | + | There are two main [[Pure Land]] streams in [[China]], Shan-tao’s (A.D. 613-681) and Hui-yūan’s (A.D. 334-416). The former is based upon the [[Meditation]] [[Sūtra]] and the [[latter]] upon the Pratyutpanna-samādhi-Sūtra. [[T’an-luan]], [[Hōnen]], and [[Shinran]] belong to the former {{Wiki|stream}}. Although [[Nembutsu]] {{Wiki|recitation}} is common to both [[traditions]], the former saw a harmonious {{Wiki|unity}} of the [[thoughts]] of [[Non-being]] (prajñārpāramitā [[philosophy]] based upon the [[principle]] of [[sūnyatā]]) and Being ([[Yogācāra]] or [[vijñaptimātratā]] [[philosophy]] based upon the [[principle]] of [[prajñapti]] or [[phenomenal]] being), while the [[latter]] was more inclined to {{Wiki|emphasize}} the [[principle]] of [[sūnyatā]]. Therefore the [[Wikipedia:Absolute (philosophy)|ultimate]] source of their [[teaching]] differed: for the former it was the [[three Pure Land sutras]] and T’an-luan’s [[Jōdo]] Ronchū, for the [[latter]] it was the [[Prajñāpāramitā sutras]]. The former spread among the [[common people]] while the [[latter]] remained confined to a small minority. |
− | T’an-luan was most instrumental in clarifying and systematizing the doctrinal points in the former tradition of unifying the principles of Being and Non-being. His contribution to Pure Land thought in general is so enormous that it is extremely difficult for us properly to assess it. However, the following points may be mentioned as they seem to have special bearing on Shinran’s thought: (1) A harmonious combination of Nāgārjuna’s sūnyatā philosophy and Vasubandhu’s Vijñaptimātratā philosophy. (2) The concepts of jiriki and tariki. (3) The idea of ekō. In the following pages let us examine, mainly from the above-mentioned points, Shinran’s indebtedness to T’an-luan’s thought. | + | [[T’an-luan]] was most instrumental in clarifying and systematizing the [[doctrinal]] points in the former [[tradition]] of unifying the {{Wiki|principles}} of [[Being and Non-being]]. His contribution to [[Pure Land]] [[thought]] in general is so enormous that it is extremely difficult for us properly to assess it. However, the following points may be mentioned as they seem to have special bearing on [[Shinran’s]] [[thought]]: (1) A harmonious combination of [[Nāgārjuna’s]] [[sūnyatā]] [[philosophy]] and [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Vijñaptimātratā]] [[philosophy]]. (2) The [[Wikipedia:concept|concepts]] of [[jiriki]] and [[tariki]]. (3) The [[idea]] of [[ekō]]. In the following pages let us examine, mainly from the above-mentioned points, [[Shinran’s]] indebtedness to T’an-luan’s [[thought]]. |
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− | The state of enlightenment is beyond man’s descriptive power. Yet nothing is more real or effective than enlightenment, for once we are actually faced with a man of enlightenment his spiritual radiance is unmistakably felt and its effect is overpowering. Since ancient times, this indescribable experience of enlightenment found various ways of expression. An Upanishadic philosopher refused to express it in terms other than “n’eti, n’eti.” Nāgārjuna contended that the ultimate reality can only be expressed in negative terms, and revealed his famous categories of eightfold negation. | + | The [[state of enlightenment]] is beyond man’s descriptive power. Yet nothing is more real or effective than [[enlightenment]], for once we are actually faced with a man of [[enlightenment]] his [[spiritual]] radiance is unmistakably felt and its effect is overpowering. Since [[ancient]] times, this [[indescribable]] [[experience of enlightenment]] found various ways of expression. An [[Upanishadic]] [[philosopher]] refused to express it in terms other than “n’eti, n’eti.” [[Nāgārjuna]] contended that the [[ultimate reality]] can only be expressed in negative terms, and revealed his famous categories of eightfold {{Wiki|negation}}. |
− | In the Upanishadic tradition itself, however, there did appear the attempt to express the transcendental experience of salvation or deliverance (vimukti or moksa) in such positive terms as sacchidānanda (sat, substance; cit, consciousness; ānanda, joy). These terms may be said to be aspects of the experience of moksa. In the Mahayana Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra, along with a number of negative expressions, we find an equal number of positive expressions of the state of enlightenment: | + | In the [[Upanishadic]] [[tradition]] itself, however, there did appear the attempt to express the [[transcendental]] [[experience]] of {{Wiki|salvation}} or [[deliverance]] ([[vimukti]] or [[moksa]]) in such positive terms as sacchidānanda (sat, [[substance]]; cit, consciousness; [[ānanda]], [[joy]]). These terms may be said to be aspects of the [[experience]] of [[moksa]]. In the [[Mahayana]] Mahāparinirvāna [[Sūtra]], along with a number of negative {{Wiki|expressions}}, we find an {{Wiki|equal}} number of positive {{Wiki|expressions}} of the [[state of enlightenment]]: “[[refuge]],” “[[cave]],” “{{Wiki|light}},” “[[lamp]],” “Other Shore,” “[[Peaceful]] Place,” “[[serenity]],” “vastness,” and so forth. |
− | The term | + | The term “[[Pure Land]]” is obviously one such expression, that points ultimately to the [[state of enlightenment]], or [[nirvāna]]. In other words, “[[Pure Land]]” is a positive concrete expression of “[[nirvāna]].” The [[reason]] the term “[[Jōdo]]” ([[Pure Land]]) has survived to this day may be due to the {{Wiki|Chinese}} [[mentality]] which favours concreteness over {{Wiki|abstraction}}. [[Vasubandhu]] was the first in the [[history of Buddhism]] to show the {{Wiki|structure}} of the [[Pure Land]]. |
− | This he did in terms of 29 categories, a result of his encounter with the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. He did not come to this sutra out of mere intellectual curiosity. He existentially encountered the spirit expounded in this sutra upon his conversion. This encounter constituted the motive for his Treatise on the Pure Land, at the very beginning of which we find his famous words of confession in praise of Amida: “O, Bhagavat, I take single-hearted refuge in the Tathāgata of unobstructed light penetrating through ten directions!” | + | This he did in terms of 29 categories, a result of his encounter with the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha [[Sūtra]]. He did not come to this [[sutra]] out of mere [[intellectual]] {{Wiki|curiosity}}. He existentially encountered the [[spirit]] expounded in this [[sutra]] upon his [[conversion]]. This encounter constituted the {{Wiki|motive}} for his [[Treatise on the Pure Land]], at the very beginning of which we find his famous words of {{Wiki|confession}} in praise of [[Amida]]: “O, [[Bhagavat]], I take single-hearted [[refuge]] in the [[Tathāgata]] of unobstructed {{Wiki|light}} penetrating through [[ten directions]]!” |
− | As is well known, a detailed description of Amida’s land of bliss (Sukhāvati) is unfolded in the Larger Sukhāvati vyūha Sūtra. From devotion to Amida, Vasubandhu attempted to systematize the main features of the Pure Land that are described in detail in the Larger Sutra. He classified all Pure Land constituents into three categories: land, Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas. The first refers to the place itself, and the second and the third refer to the beings who dwell therein. As to each category he mentions 17 qualities (gunas) for the land, 8 for the Buddhas and 4 for the Bodhisattvas. Altogether he mentions 29 qualities for the whole of the Pure Land, thereby delineating the Pure Land’s content. T’an-luan inherited Vasubandhu’s Pure Land ontology. This was accepted in his turn by Shinran. | + | As is well known, a detailed description of [[Amida’s]] [[land of bliss]] ([[Sukhāvati]]) is unfolded in the Larger [[Sukhāvati vyūha]] [[Sūtra]]. From [[devotion]] to [[Amida]], [[Vasubandhu]] attempted to systematize the main features of the [[Pure Land]] that are described in detail in the Larger [[Sutra]]. He classified all [[Pure Land]] constituents into three categories: land, [[Buddhas]], and [[Bodhisattvas]]. The first refers to the place itself, and the second and the third refer to the [[beings]] who dwell therein. As to each category he mentions 17 qualities ([[gunas]]) for the land, 8 for the [[Buddhas]] and 4 for the [[Bodhisattvas]]. Altogether he mentions 29 qualities for the whole of the [[Pure Land]], thereby [[delineating]] the [[Pure]] Land’s content. [[T’an-luan]] inherited [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Pure Land]] {{Wiki|ontology}}. This was accepted in his turn by [[Shinran]]. |
− | Vasubandhu’s inclination towards something concrete and objective, as is exemplified by his acceptance of the substantive description of Pure Land in the Larger Sutra, may easily be understood by looking into his philosophical background. Although Nāgārjuna’s Mādhyamika philosophy refuses to represent nirvāna in positive or material terms, Vasubandhu’s Yōgācāra philosophy makes allowances for doing so. This accounts for the basic feature of Pure Land Buddhism which, embracing the Yōgācāra standpoint through Vasubandhu, has had a wide following among the common people in the course of history, in sharp contrast to Zen Buddhism which, adhering throughout to Mādhyamika philosophy, has remained a religion for a relatively small minority. | + | [[Vasubandhu’s]] inclination towards something concrete and [[objective]], as is exemplified by his [[acceptance]] of the substantive description of [[Pure Land]] in the Larger [[Sutra]], may easily be understood by looking into his [[philosophical]] background. Although [[Nāgārjuna’s]] [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]] refuses to represent [[nirvāna]] in positive or material terms, [[Vasubandhu’s]] Yōgācāra [[philosophy]] makes allowances for doing so. This accounts for the basic feature of [[Pure Land Buddhism]] which, embracing the Yōgācāra standpoint through [[Vasubandhu]], has had a wide following among the [[common people]] in the course of history, in sharp contrast to [[Zen Buddhism]] which, adhering throughout to [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]], has remained a [[religion]] for a relatively small minority. |
− | On the other hand, T’an-luan, with a background of Mādhyamika philosophy, attempted to re-interpret Vasubandhu’s interpretations of the Pure Land. Thus the unity of two opposing philosophical streams comes to be realized in the thought of T’an-luan. T’an-luan had submerged himself in the study of Mādhyamika philosophy with Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā, Dvadaśanikāya-śāstra, Māhaprajñāpāramitopadeśa, and Aryadeva’s Sataśāstra before his conversion to Pure Land Buddhism. If supra-experiential reality is to be expressed, it must inevitably take the form of “Being.” | + | On the other hand, [[T’an-luan]], with a background of [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]], attempted to re-interpret [[Vasubandhu’s]] interpretations of the [[Pure Land]]. Thus the {{Wiki|unity}} of two opposing [[philosophical]] streams comes to be [[realized]] in the [[thought]] of [[T’an-luan]]. [[T’an-luan]] had submerged himself in the study of [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]] with [[Nāgārjuna’s]] [[Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā]], Dvadaśanikāya-śāstra, Māhaprajñāpāramitopadeśa, and [[Aryadeva’s]] Sataśāstra before his [[conversion]] to [[Pure Land Buddhism]]. If supra-experiential [[reality]] is to be expressed, it must inevitably take the [[form]] of “Being.” |
− | This “Being” may be said to be the essence of the so-called | + | This “Being” may be said to be the [[essence]] of the so-called “[[mythology]].” [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]] refused to resort to the [[upāya]] of [[mythology]]. [[T’an-luan]] found himself in a position to deal with the “[[mythological]] {{Wiki|expressions}}” resorted to by his predecessor, [[Vasubandhu]]. Thus, it could be said that he performed the task of “transmythologizing” the [[Pure Land]] so as to bring all those who are faced with this [[mythology]] into direct [[contact]] with its inner [[spiritual]] meaning on an experiential level. [[T’an-luan]] executed this epoch-making task resolutely, and the result of his efforts bore fruit in his [[Jōdo]] Ronchū. |
− | It is noteworthy that T’an-luan, who had once encountered the depths of Mādhyamika philosophy, is seen positively affirming the “Being” of the Pure Land with its various adornments. T’an-luan says: | + | It is noteworthy that [[T’an-luan]], who had once encountered the depths of [[Mādhyamika]] [[philosophy]], is seen positively [[affirming]] the “Being” of the [[Pure Land]] with its various adornments. [[T’an-luan]] says: |
− | Since Suchness is the state in which all illusions have disappeared, Dharmakāya is formless. Because if its very formlessness it can take all conceivable forms. Therefore, all the adornments of the Pure Land with various qualities are Dharmakāya itself. | + | Since [[Suchness]] is the [[state]] in which all [[illusions]] have disappeared, [[Dharmakāya]] is [[formless]]. Because if its very [[formlessness]] it can take all conceivable [[forms]]. Therefore, all the adornments of the [[Pure Land]] with various qualities are [[Dharmakāya]] itself. |
− | These lines have a Lao-tzean tone. It is quite obvious that here T’an-luan is seeing oneness amidst diversity. After touching upon the relationship between the oneness of Enlightenment and the diversity of the adornments of Pure Land specified by Vasubandhu, T’an-luan says: | + | These lines have a Lao-tzean tone. It is quite obvious that here [[T’an-luan]] is [[seeing]] [[oneness]] amidst diversity. After [[touching]] upon the relationship between the [[oneness]] of [[Enlightenment]] and the diversity of the adornments of [[Pure Land]] specified by [[Vasubandhu]], [[T’an-luan]] says: |
− | Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are made up of two-fold Dharmakāya: Dharmakāya in its aspect of suchness, and Dharmakāya in its upāya aspect. Out of the former the latter appears. By way of the latter is the former realized. Though distinct from each other, these two aspects of Dharmakāya are inseparable. Though they are one, they should never be confused. | + | [[Buddhas]] and [[Bodhisattvas]] are made up of two-fold [[Dharmakāya]]: [[Dharmakāya]] in its aspect of [[suchness]], and [[Dharmakāya]] in its [[upāya]] aspect. Out of the former the [[latter]] appears. By way of the [[latter]] is the former [[realized]]. Though {{Wiki|distinct}} from each other, these two aspects of [[Dharmakāya]] are [[inseparable]]. Though they are one, they should never be confused. |
− | T’an-luan is trying to say that although Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are mentioned together with the land among the 29 adornments of Pure Land as if they were separate entities in their own right, they are simply an element of Dharmakāya itself. In other words, he points to the fact that they are authentic manifestations of the same Enlightenment that constitutes the essence of the Pure Land. To T’an-luan’s enlightened eye the diversity is by no means a hindrance to his vision of the true essence of the Pure Land. | + | [[T’an-luan]] is trying to say that although [[Buddhas]] and [[Bodhisattvas]] are mentioned together with the land among the 29 adornments of [[Pure Land]] as if they were separate entities in their [[own]] right, they are simply an [[element]] of [[Dharmakāya]] itself. In other words, he points to the fact that they are [[Wikipedia:Authenticity|authentic]] [[manifestations]] of the same [[Enlightenment]] that constitutes the [[essence]] of the [[Pure Land]]. To T’an-luan’s [[enlightened]] [[eye]] the diversity is by no means a [[hindrance]] to his [[vision]] of the true [[essence]] of the [[Pure Land]]. |
− | With regard to the Pure Land expressed in objective terms, T’an-luan declares: | + | With regard to the [[Pure Land]] expressed in [[objective]] terms, [[T’an-luan]] declares: |
− | The so-called Pure Land is none other than a path which leads ultimately to Buddhahood; it is a supreme upāya. | + | The so-called [[Pure Land]] is none other than a [[path]] which leads ultimately to [[Buddhahood]]; it is a supreme [[upāya]]. |
− | Shinran quotes these statements in the Chapter on Attainment of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Therefore, as with the other important statements, these may be taken as Shinran’s own views. | + | [[Shinran]] quotes these statements in the [[Chapter]] on [[Attainment]] of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Therefore, as with the other important statements, these may be taken as [[Shinran’s]] [[own]] [[views]]. |
− | One cannot but be amazed at the boldness of these words. For when people hear the word upāya, they are apt to take it in the sense of something adulterated or superficial, as if upāya were almost a synonym for falsehood. Regarded in its essence, upāya belongs wholly to truth, being none other than its dynamic aspect. The activity of transcendental wisdom (prajñā) itself is upāya. However, what interests us most in this context is that T’an-luan did not hesitate to make such a statement. Through this statement it is apparent that he wanted to express the essentially non-dual relationship between nirvāna or ultimate state of enlightenment and the so-called Pure Land. For he was firmly convinced that once a man is in touch with upāya, somehow or other he is already in contact with truth because of the intrinsic solidarity of the two. To attempt to objectify what can never be objectified—this is one of the characteristics of Pure Land Buddhism. | + | One cannot but be amazed at the boldness of these words. For when [[people]] hear the [[word]] [[upāya]], they are apt to take it in the [[sense]] of something adulterated or [[superficial]], as if [[upāya]] were almost a {{Wiki|synonym}} for falsehood. Regarded in its [[essence]], [[upāya]] belongs wholly to [[truth]], being none other than its dynamic aspect. The [[activity]] of [[transcendental wisdom]] ([[prajñā]]) itself is [[upāya]]. However, what interests us most in this context is that [[T’an-luan]] did not hesitate to make such a statement. Through this statement it is apparent that he wanted to express the [[essentially]] [[non-dual]] relationship between [[nirvāna]] or [[Wikipedia:Absolute (philosophy)|ultimate]] [[state of enlightenment]] and the so-called [[Pure Land]]. For he was firmly convinced that once a man is in {{Wiki|touch}} with [[upāya]], somehow or other he is already in [[contact]] with [[truth]] because of the intrinsic solidarity of the two. To attempt to objectify what can never be objectified—this is one of the [[characteristics]] of [[Pure Land Buddhism]]. |
− | As to the soteriological problems, T’an-luan makes, among others, the following statements: | + | As to the [[soteriological]] problems, [[T’an-luan]] makes, among others, the following statements: |
− | Among a number of passages in the Mahayana sutras and commentaries, we often see the statements, | + | Among a number of passages in the [[Mahayana sutras]] and commentaries, we often see the statements, “[[Sentient beings]] are after all ‘non [[arising]]’ just like vast [[space]].” Why is it, then, that [[Vasubandhu]] [[Bodhisattva]] spoke of ‘[[desiring]] [[birth]] [in the [[Pure Land]]]’? |
− | All such things as the substance of sentient beings as imagined by an ordinary man, and the substance of | + | All such things as the [[substance]] of [[sentient beings]] as [[imagined]] by an [[ordinary man]], and the [[substance]] of “[[birth]] and [[death]]” as seen by an [[ordinary man]], are in the last analysis unreal, like the [[hair]] of a [[tortoise]] or a vast [[space]]. What is meant by the “[[Birth]]” sought for by [[Vasubandhu]] [[Bodhisattva]] is “[[dependent arising]],” and so it was only tentatively so called. |
− | In these lines T’an-luan is discussing in the form of question and answer the question of who it is that desires birth in the Pure Land. | + | In these lines [[T’an-luan]] is discussing in the [[form]] of question and answer the question of who it is that [[desires]] [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]]. |
− | By his question and answer T’an-luan suggests that there is no substance in the abstract concept of | + | By his question and answer [[T’an-luan]] suggests that there is no [[substance]] in the abstract {{Wiki|concept}} of “[[sentient beings]]” who are supposed to be leaving this [[world]] and going to the other [[world]] desirous of [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]]. In these lines we can clearly see T’an-luan’s rootage in the soil of [[sūnyatā]] [[philosophy]]. [[T’an-luan]] further states: |
− | Why is birth in the Pure Land expounded? When the Five-fold Path of Nembutsu is practised by the so-called human beings of this world, a fore-thought becomes the cause of an after-thought. The so-called human beings of the defiled land and those of the Pure Land are neither decidedly identical with each other nor decidedly different from each other. The same holds true with the fore-thought and the after-thought. Why? | + | Why is [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]] expounded? When the Five-fold [[Path]] of [[Nembutsu]] is practised by the so-called [[human beings]] of this [[world]], a fore-thought becomes the [[cause]] of an after-thought. The so-called [[human beings]] of the [[defiled]] land and those of the [[Pure Land]] are neither decidedly [[identical]] with each other nor decidedly different from each other. The same holds true with the fore-thought and the after-thought. Why? |
− | Because if they were identical, there would be no law of cause and effect; if different, there would be no continuity between them. | + | Because if they were [[identical]], there would be no [[law of cause and effect]]; if different, there would be no continuity between them. |
− | This two-fold question and answer is highly significant in that T’an-luan is suggesting that | + | This two-fold question and answer is highly significant in that [[T’an-luan]] is suggesting that “[[birth]]” ultimately means “[[conversion]].” “The so-called [[human being]] of the deified [[world]]” is an unenlightened man and “the so called [[human being]] of the [[Pure Land]]” is an [[enlightened]] man. The relationship between these two types may be compared to that of Saul and Paul. Saul was a man bent on persecuting {{Wiki|Jesus}}, Paul was a man who faithfully followed the footsteps of {{Wiki|Jesus}}. |
− | Are these two men different or the same? The same relationship is seen in the life of Shinran. Yamabushi Bennen may correspond to Saul in that he was bent on persecuting Shinran. Myōhōbō, known as Bennen before he was converted by Shinran, would thus correspond to Paul. Is Bennen different from Myōhōbō or is he the same? In answering such a question, T’an-luan resorted to the typical dialectic of Mādhyamika logicians. In these particular passages, we must not overlook the fact that T’an-luan had drawn out the innermost meaning of | + | Are these two men different or the same? The same relationship is seen in the [[life]] of [[Shinran]]. [[Yamabushi]] [[Bennen]] may correspond to Saul in that he was bent on persecuting [[Shinran]]. Myōhōbō, known as [[Bennen]] before he was converted by [[Shinran]], would thus correspond to Paul. Is [[Bennen]] different from Myōhōbō or is he the same? In answering such a question, [[T’an-luan]] resorted to the typical [[dialectic]] of [[Mādhyamika]] [[logicians]]. In these particular passages, we must not overlook the fact that [[T’an-luan]] had drawn out the innermost meaning of “[[birth]]” (ōjō) by suggesting the [[spiritual]] [[transformation]] that takes place in man’s [[mind]] at the [[experience]] of [[conversion]]. The above shows clearly that [[T’an-luan]] interpreted the [[religious experience]] of “[[birth]]” not in terms of actually leaving this [[world]] and going to the other [[world]], but in terms of the inner [[experience]] of man’s [[mind]]. This might be said to be another example of T’an-luan’s way of transcending the formal aspects of a [[mythology]] by relating them directly to their [[spiritual essence]] in the here and the now. |
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− | We have seen in the above how T’an-luan made a great contribution to the Pure Land ontology and soteriology through his characteristic interpretations. Shinran understood the experience of enlightenment or salvation in terms of | + | We have seen in the above how [[T’an-luan]] made a great contribution to the [[Pure Land]] {{Wiki|ontology}} and {{Wiki|soteriology}} through his [[characteristic]] interpretations. [[Shinran]] understood the [[experience of enlightenment]] or {{Wiki|salvation}} in terms of “[[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]],” mainly through T’an-luan’s [[dialectical]] {{Wiki|exegesis}}. [[Shinran]] thus had through T’an-luan’s {{Wiki|exegesis}} a great deal to learn from [[Vasubandhu’s]] presentation of the full significance of “[[Pure Land]].” [[T’an-luan]], while taking his stand upon [[sūnyatā]] [[philosophy]], positively accepted the schematized [[representation]] of the [[Pure Land]], in full {{Wiki|recognition}} of the raison d’être of [[Pure Land Buddhism]] which arose in defence of the [[cause]] of [[universal]] {{Wiki|salvation}}. |
− | Nevertheless, T’an-luan was well aware that the ultimate meaning of | + | Nevertheless, [[T’an-luan]] was well {{Wiki|aware}} that the [[Wikipedia:Absolute (philosophy)|ultimate]] meaning of “[[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]]” consisted not in the {{Wiki|matter}} of {{Wiki|geography}} or [[physical]] {{Wiki|movement}} but in [[spiritual]] [[birth]] or [[conversion]], which he clearly expressed in [[Mādhyamika]] terms as “[[birth]] of [[non-birth]].” On the other hand, the final [[realization]] [[Shinran]] [[attained]] was that the [[essence]] of [[Nembutsu]] is none other than the whole connotation of “[[Pure Land]],” for the [[essence]] of [[Pure Land]] is [[nirvāna]] itself. [[Pure Land]] is not a static or [[physical]] place but a dynamic [[reality]] or a ceaseless functioning of [[satori]] itself. It is not only a place all men are expected to reach, it is something to be [[realized]] amidst the actual [[human existence]] beset with all [[forms]] of predicament and [[suffering]]. |
− | Shinran was perceptive enough to see the essence of Nembutsu practice in Vasubandhu’s | + | [[Shinran]] was perceptive enough to see the [[essence]] of [[Nembutsu]] practice in [[Vasubandhu’s]] “[[single-mindedness]],” which was expressed in his {{Wiki|confession}} in praise of [[Amida]]. He reached the conclusion that Vasubandu’s “[[single-mindedness]]” was the key to unlock the {{Wiki|mystery}} of [[Nembutsu]] practice. With his keen [[insight]], he [[perceived]] that it did not in fact belong to [[Vasubandhu]] as a man, but that it was [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]] materialized as [[Vasubandhu’s]] aspiring [[heart]]. [[Shinran]] also [[perceived]] in the “[[single-mindedness]]” a {{Wiki|unity}} of the so-called three minds—sincerity, [[faith]], [[aspiration]] for birth—contained in [[Amida’s]] [[Eighteenth Vow]]. |
− | In other words, he discerned the essence of the Eighteenth Vow realized in Vasubandhu’s | + | In other words, he discerned the [[essence]] of the [[Eighteenth Vow]] [[realized]] in [[Vasubandhu’s]] “[[single-mindedness]]” led by his [[awareness]] that [[Vasubandhu]] achieved the {{Wiki|unity}} in order to enable unenlightened [[sentient beings]] to acquire [[understanding]], since although [[Amida]] put forth the [[three minds]] as a prerequisite ensuring the efficacy of [[Nembutsu]], there is no other [[Wikipedia:Authenticity|authentic]] [[cause]] for [[attaining]] [[nirvāna]] than “[[Faith]].” |
− | Shinran’s contention was that Nembutsu can be a right cause for all people to attain nirvāna because the Faith in Nembutsu is essentially not man’s but Amida’s. He used the term | + | [[Shinran’s]] contention was that [[Nembutsu]] can be a right [[cause]] for all [[people]] to attain [[nirvāna]] because the [[Faith]] in [[Nembutsu]] is [[essentially]] not man’s but [[Amida’s]]. He used the term “[[tariki]]” (Other Power) in order to express this. Defining “[[tariki]]” in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō [[chapter]] on Practice, he states: “The ‘Other Power’ is none other than the Power of [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]],” [[Hōnen]] was also, of course, fully convinced that the practice of reciting [[Nembutsu]] was effective for all [[people]] of the [[latter]] days as the sole [[cause]] of [[attaining]] nirvāna,—that it was not because [[Nembutsu]] is sincerely recited by men, but because [[Nembutsu]] was in accordance with the [[spirit]] of [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]]. This is the very [[reason]] why he could be so emphatic in expounding the [[teaching]] of [[Nembutsu]] as the founder of the [[Jōdo]] [[Sect]]. However, he did not distinguish precisely enough the two aspects of [[Nembutsu]]: [[jiriki]] and [[tariki]]. |
− | For Hōnen all Nembutsu was, so to speak, tariki, because Nembutsu itself, as the sacred practice selected by Amida’s Compassionate Vow, was superior to all other practices. On the other hand, Shinran’s historical mission was to scrutinize the inner motive of Nembutsu practice. He made a minute examination of the sacred practices leading one to birth in the Pure Land, which he recorded in the | + | For [[Hōnen]] all [[Nembutsu]] was, so to speak, [[tariki]], because [[Nembutsu]] itself, as the [[sacred]] practice selected by [[Amida’s]] [[Compassionate]] [[Vow]], was {{Wiki|superior}} to all other practices. On the other hand, [[Shinran’s]] historical [[mission]] was to scrutinize the inner {{Wiki|motive}} of [[Nembutsu]] practice. He made a minute {{Wiki|examination}} of the [[sacred]] practices leading one to [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]], which he recorded in the “[[Faith]]” [[Chapter]] of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. |
− | In the course of this process, the ideas of jiriki and tariki played a vital role. The examination of | + | In the course of this process, the [[ideas]] of [[jiriki]] and [[tariki]] played a [[vital]] role. The {{Wiki|examination}} of “[[Faith]]” cannot help but lead to the {{Wiki|examination}} of the [[vows]] and [[sutras]] from which it derives and the modes of [[birth]] which it gives rise to. For [[vows]] are the basic [[principle]] or the prime [[spiritual force]] of which the [[sutras]] are the {{Wiki|expressions}}, and the ensuing modes of [[birth]] are an indication of the [[quality]] of [[faith]] which produced them. |
− | The terms jiriki and tariki which Shinran adopted from T’an-luan can of course be traced to their popular usage. Ordinarily jiriki stands for | + | The terms [[jiriki]] and [[tariki]] which [[Shinran]] adopted from [[T’an-luan]] can of course be traced to their popular usage. Ordinarily [[jiriki]] stands for “[[self-power]]” or “self-effort,” and [[tariki]] for “other power” or “external help.” It was [[T’an-luan]], however, who gave a [[religious]] significance to these popular terms. For [[T’an-luan]], [[tariki]] was not simply an antonym to [[jiriki]], but also covered the [[transcendental]] extension of the term itself. It is not that he totally discarded the popular, [[relative]] meaning of [[tariki]], but that he added to it a [[transcendental]] meaning to make it a [[religious]] term. [[T’an-luan]] [[transformed]] a popular term into a [[religious]] one. So the term [[tariki]] itself was not created by [[T’an-luan]]. It had existed far prior to him, and it can even be found in [[Vasubandhu’s]] [[Treatise on the Pure Land]]. |
− | In the following let us look into the significance of the task T’an-luan performed in clarifying the dual meaning of tariki. When tariki means simply a dependence upon something else, and as long as the | + | In the following let us look into the significance of the task T’an-luan performed in clarifying the dual meaning of [[tariki]]. When [[tariki]] means simply a [[dependence]] upon something else, and as long as the “[[faith]]” is characterized as such, such a “[[faith]]” is not instrumental in leading to one’s [[enlightenment]], to one’s true {{Wiki|independence}} from all external things. |
− | By tariki | + | By [[tariki]] “[[Faith]]” [[T’an-luan]] meant the establishment of the [[Wikipedia:True Self|True Self]], while by [[jiriki]] “[[faith]]” he meant our enslavement to our [[self-power]], our limited, [[relative]] [[human]] power, [[tariki]] “[[Faith]]” must be something that enables man to establish his True [[Subjectivity]]. The establishment of True [[Subjectivity]] is none other than {{Wiki|salvation}}, [[nirvāna]], [[moksa]] or “[[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]].” Only the [[tariki]] “[[Faith]]” in its [[religious]] [[sense]] makes man truly autonomous or sets him free. |
− | It is generally believed that when we embrace the faith of tariki, we lose our subjectivity. In such a case, tariki would mean not Vow Power but simply dependency upon something else. Such a faith enslaves man rather than sets him free. When we accept Vow Power through Nembutsu, Vow Power is realized in us. Then it is Vow Power that is our real Subjectivity. As long as faith remains jiriki, our subjectivity also remains relative, enslaved, limited and dependent. | + | It is generally believed that when we embrace the [[faith]] of [[tariki]], we lose our [[subjectivity]]. In such a case, [[tariki]] would mean not [[Vow]] Power but simply [[dependency]] upon something else. Such a [[faith]] enslaves man rather than sets him free. When we accept [[Vow]] Power through [[Nembutsu]], [[Vow]] Power is [[realized]] in us. Then it is [[Vow]] Power that is our real [[Subjectivity]]. As long as [[faith]] remains [[jiriki]], our [[subjectivity]] also remains [[relative]], enslaved, limited and dependent. |
− | It is at this moment that a transformation takes place. Furthermore, T’an-luan went so far as to see tariki | + | It is at this [[moment]] that a [[transformation]] takes place. Furthermore, [[T’an-luan]] went so far as to see [[tariki]] “[[Faith]]” as the effect rather than the beginning of the [[Vow]]. In other words, he considered that the fact of man’s embracing [[tariki]] [[Faith]] is the [[realization]] of the Original [[Vow]] of [[Amida]], and not the beginning of man’s [[religious]] [[life]]. He saw the effect ([[realization]] or [[accomplishment]]) in the [[cause]] where an [[ordinary man]] would see merely the beginning. To the [[eyes]] of an unenlightened man, our act of believing is the start of [[religious]] [[life]]. For [[T’an-luan]], however, our [[belief]] is none other than the [[realization]] of [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]]. This interaction between [[Amida]] and man (though, [[essentially]], they are not necessarily {{Wiki|distinct}} from each other as are [[God]] and man) was called by [[T’an-luan]] “[[ekō]].” This [[Shinran]] inherited from him. |
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− | We have seen in the above that the term ekō has an important bearing on the event of | + | We have seen in the above that the term [[ekō]] has an important bearing on the event of “[[transformation]]” or the [[moment]] of [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]]. As with [[tariki]], [[ekō]] was a common term in [[India]]. It meant either “[[transformation]]” or “transferring of [[merit]] [[accumulated]] by someone for the [[benefit]] of others.” In this case, too, everyday [[language]] came to be given a [[religious]] meaning: “parināma” which in [[Sanskrit]] originally meant a “change” or a “[[transformation]],” came to be used by [[Buddhists]] as “merit-transference.” At least until the time of [[Honen]], [[ekō]] invariably meant man’s act of transferring [[merit]] to others. |
− | But for the first time in Buddhism, the term ekō was taken to mean Amida’s transference of merit in the direction of men. For Honen Nembutsu was always man’s ekō while for Shinran it was always Amida’s. It was Vasubandhu who used the term ekō for the first time, presenting its two directions: going and returning He meant by “going | + | But for the first time in [[Buddhism]], the term [[ekō]] was taken to mean [[Amida’s]] [[transference of merit]] in the [[direction]] of men. For [[Honen]] [[Nembutsu]] was always man’s [[ekō]] while for [[Shinran]] it was always [[Amida’s]]. It was [[Vasubandhu]] who used the term [[ekō]] for the first time, presenting its two [[directions]]: going and returning He meant by “going [[ekō]]” a [[Pure Land]] aspirant’s [[direction]] from the [[defiled]] [[world]] to the [[Pure Land]], while by “returning [[ekō]]” he meant an [[enlightened]] [[Bodhisattva’s]] [[direction]] from [[Pure Land]] to the [[defiled]] [[world]]. That is to say, for [[Vasubandhu]] there were two [[directions]] of [[ekō]]: one from the [[realm]] of [[mayoi]] ([[illusion]]) to the [[realm]] of [[satori]] ([[enlightenment]]), the other from the [[realm]] of [[satori]] to the [[realm]] of [[mayoi]]. |
− | T’an-luan accepted Vasubandhu’s conceptions of the two directions of ekō and developed them further. T’an-luan, while accepting the ideas of the two directions of ekō shown by Vasubandhu, finally concluded that they were in fact reducible to one, the “returning | + | [[T’an-luan]] accepted [[Vasubandhu’s]] conceptions of the two [[directions]] of [[ekō]] and developed them further. [[T’an-luan]], while accepting the [[ideas]] of the two [[directions]] of [[ekō]] shown by [[Vasubandhu]], finally concluded that they were in fact reducible to one, the “returning [[ekō]]” alone, the [[direction]] of [[ekō]] from [[satori]] to [[mayoi]]. He showed it to be [[Amida’s]] and not man’s, and he qualified it as [[tariki]] [[ekō]], the [[ekō]] motivated by the Power of [[Amida’s]] Original [[Vow]]. |
− | It was accordingly thought to be Amida’s working when man acquires Faith, for essentially there is only one ekō. It is now apparent that Shinran’s well-known teaching of | + | It was accordingly [[thought]] to be [[Amida’s]] working when man acquires [[Faith]], for [[essentially]] there is only one [[ekō]]. It is now apparent that [[Shinran’s]] well-known [[teaching]] of “[[Faith]] in the Other Power” is thus indebted to this [[insight]] of [[T’an-luan]] into the [[nature]] of [[ekō]]. In the [[Jōdo]] Ronchū [[T’an-luan]] declares: |
− | If we clearly look into the source of this idea, Tathāgata Amida is the promotive agent. | + | If we clearly look into the source of this [[idea]], [[Tathāgata]] [[Amida]] is the promotive agent. |
− | This declaration was quoted by Shinran in the Chapter on Practice of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. T’an-luan pointed out that ultimately our aspiration for the Pure Land itself originates from Amida. He then continues: | + | This declaration was quoted by [[Shinran]] in the [[Chapter]] on Practice of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. [[T’an-luan]] pointed out that ultimately our [[aspiration]] for the [[Pure Land]] itself originates from [[Amida]]. He then continues: |
− | Of all things our birth in the Pure Land and the works of the Bodhisattvas of other lands arise from the power of the vows of Tathāgata Amida. Why is it so? Should things not arise from the power of the forty-eight vows of the Buddha, they would have been taken in vain. | + | Of all things our [[birth]] in the [[Pure Land]] and the works of the [[Bodhisattvas]] of other lands arise from the power of the [[vows]] of [[Tathāgata]] [[Amida]]. Why is it so? Should things not arise from the power of the [[forty-eight vows]] of the [[Buddha]], they would have been taken in vain. |
− | Shinran expressed the meaning of tariki ekō in his own words as “fu-ekō” (“non-ekō”). Fu-ekō means “not man’s ekō,” hence Amida’s. He states in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō: | + | [[Shinran]] expressed the meaning of [[tariki]] [[ekō]] in his [[own]] words as “fu-ekō” (“non-ekō”). Fu-ekō means “not man’s [[ekō]],” hence [[Amida’s]]. He states in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō: |
− | Therefore it is clearly known that this Nembutsu practice is not the practice of self-power by common men and sages. Therefore it is called the practice of fu-ekō. | + | Therefore it is clearly known that this [[Nembutsu]] practice is not the practice of [[self-power]] by common men and [[sages]]. Therefore it is called the practice of fu-ekō. |
− | Again, Shinran reversed the meaning of the expression “Hotsugan | + | Again, [[Shinran]] reversed the meaning of the expression “Hotsugan [[ekō]]” (To aspire for [[birth]] and transfer the [[merit]]) that had invariably been taken as man’s [[action]] toward [[Amida]], and says: |
− | Hotsugan ekō refers to the Tathāgata’s (Amida’s) aspiration, in which he, having already taken the Vow, endows sentient beings with their Practice. | + | Hotsugan [[ekō]] refers to the [[Tathāgata’s]] ([[Amida’s]]) [[aspiration]], in which he, having already taken the [[Vow]], endows [[sentient beings]] with their Practice. |
− | In this way Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō might be said to be permeated throughout by the insight of tariki ekō. In this respect T’an-luan’s influence upon Shinran’s teaching is indeed considerable. | + | In this way [[Shinran’s]] Kyō-gyō-shin-shō might be said to be permeated throughout by the [[insight]] of [[tariki]] [[ekō]]. In this [[respect]] T’an-luan’s influence upon [[Shinran’s]] [[teaching]] is indeed considerable. |
− | In conclusion, it may be said that in the light of T’an-luan’s insight, Shinran carried out the task of examining the quality of Nembutsu Faith mainly from the view-points of tariki and ekō, and made clear that the Original Vow of Amida, which is usually regarded by man, as the Other Power realizes itself in man’s Faith, thus truly establishing his Subjectivity. | + | In conclusion, it may be said that in the {{Wiki|light}} of T’an-luan’s [[insight]], [[Shinran]] carried out the task of examining the [[quality]] of [[Nembutsu]] [[Faith]] mainly from the view-points of [[tariki]] and [[ekō]], and made clear that the Original [[Vow]] of [[Amida]], which is usually regarded by man, as the Other Power realizes itself in man’s [[Faith]], thus truly establishing his [[Subjectivity]]. |
− | That Amida’s Vow realizes itself as man's Faith and at the same time that Faith proves the presence of the Vow, and that the evidence of the realization of the Vow is none other than man’s Faith—all this is the central theme of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Without the prior help of T’an-luan’s genius Shinran could not have succeeded in clarifying this truth to the extent that he did. | + | That [[Amida’s]] [[Vow]] realizes itself as man's [[Faith]] and at the same time that [[Faith]] proves the presence of the [[Vow]], and that the {{Wiki|evidence}} of the [[realization]] of the [[Vow]] is none other than man’s Faith—all this is the central theme of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Without the prior help of T’an-luan’s genius [[Shinran]] could not have succeeded in clarifying this [[truth]] to the extent that he did. |
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NOTES | NOTES | ||
− | [1] Acknowledgements are due to the Editor of The Eastern Buddhist where this article previously appeared. | + | [1] Acknowledgements are due to the Editor of The Eastern [[Buddhist]] where this article previously appeared. |
Latest revision as of 19:42, 11 February 2020
Shinran’s Indebtedness to T’an-luan by Shōjun Bandō
Source: Studies in Comparative Religion, Vol. 5, No. 4 (Autumn, 1971). © World Wisdom, Inc.
www.studiesincomparativereligion.com
Shinran’s Position in Pure Land Tradition
THE significance of Hōnen’s appearance in Japanese Buddhism lies in his epoch-making task of achieving the independence of the Pure Land School, which had long been regarded merely as a by-stream of Mahayana Buddhism. From various Buddhist disciplines he adopted the Nembutsu practice, insisting that in the latter days of the Dharma, Nembutsu practice is the only way through which all people, men and women, young and old, noble and mean, may equally be saved by virtue of the great saving power of Amida’s Original Vow. As his teaching spread rapidly to all parts of Japan, a strong reaction to it arose. Myōe Shōnin (1173-1232) of the Kegon Sect was a representative of the older sects. He published a work entitled Saijarin (“Smashing a Heterodox Dharma Wheel”), in which he severely criticized Hōnen’s radical standpoint.
By and large, his criticisms against Hōnen centred round the question of bodhicitta. Myōe held that whereas the position of bodhicitta (man’s aspiration for Enlightenment) in the Way of the Buddha is crucial, Hōnen totally neglected its importance, replacing it by Nembutsu, and therefore that Honen’s doctrine could not possibly be called Buddhism.
As Myōe was one of the most revered Buddhist priests of his time, a strict follower of Buddhist discipline himself and free from any sectarian or political prejudices, the penetrating question he raised was thought deserving of serious consideration. As Hōnen passed away immediately after he was released from exile on the island of Shikoku, it was only natural that Shinran, who inherited Hōnen’s teaching, should have felt obliged to answer Myōe’s crucial question. The situation in which Shinran thus found himself became one of the main motives for his Kyō-gyō-shin-shō.
According to the Mahayana conception of a Bodhisattva (bodhi-citta inspired man; a seeker of Enlightenment), arising of bodhi-citta is regarded as the starting point of the Bodhisattva’s career. There is no Bodhisattva apart from bodhicitta: bodhicitta is what makes a man a Bodhisattva. In Nāgārjuna’s Mahāprajñā pāramitopadeśa is a statement, “When bodhicitta arises in man, at that very moment he attains Enlightenment”.
The first movement of bodhicitta in man’s mind is a crucial moment, at which a Bodhisattva is born out of an ordinary man. A Bodhisattva is a man who is bodhi-centred, and no longer ego-centred. His mind is now oriented towards benefitting others rather than himself; he is ever ready to devote himself for the benefit of all the other beings, even at the cost of his own life.
A Bodhisattva embodies altruism. He identifies his own destiny with that of all sentient beings to the extent he feels, in Vimalakīrti’s words, that “A Bodhisattva is sick because all sentient beings are sick.” Therefore the appearance or presence of bodhicitta should be the central concern in all ages for all people who would call themselves Buddhists, not to mention the eminent figure Myōe of the Kamakura Period.
It was no wonder, therefore, that Hōnen’s insistence upon the Nembutsu practice as the only means for securing the ideal of universal salvation should have aroused in the minds of his contemporaries a grave doubt as to the authenticity of his doctrine. It was under such circumstances that the question was raised as to whether the Nembutsu teaching expounded by Hōnen denied bodhicitta or not. Shinran’s life-long task was to inquire into what Hōnen had actually intended to reveal, and to express his own conviction in his own terms. His main work Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is none other than the outcome of his spiritual inquiries into the teaching of salvation through Nembutsu alone.
Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is made up of six chapters. It is written in Chinese. It was customary for Buddhist scholar-priests at that time to write in Chinese since all the sources from which they quoted were Chinese. In view of the fact that Shinran also left a number of writings in Japanese, clearly meant for the generally illiterate common people, it may safely be said that his main work was addressed to his contemporary scholar-priests who were able to read classical Chinese. He purposely accommodated himself to this style of writing in order to appeal to the understanding of the educated Buddhist circle of his age.
In any case, there is no doubt that Chinese in his time was not only a literary and formal medium but a means of communication and a common language among intellectuals. He entitled his main work, “A Collection of Important Passages Revealing the Truth of the Pure Land Teaching, Practice, and Attainment.” In spite of this title, we find in this work a lengthy volume on “Faith” in its own right which is divided into two parts.
He, nevertheless, did not mention “Faith” in the title of his work. Herein also we find a clue to his motive of addressing it mainly to learned Buddhists such as Myōe, for he was fully aware of his position and of his responsibilities to his age, since “Teaching, Practice, and Attainment” are traditional categories of the way of a Bodhisattva. Namely, a Way-seeker is first of all expected to listen to the “teaching” and then “practice” it faithfully, so as to reach the final “Attainment” or Enlightenment. Shinran tried to transcend tradition by first accommodating himself to it.
Hōnen, in his main work, Senchaku Hongan Nembutsu Shū, had quoted extensively from a number of sutras and commentaries in addition to the Five Eminent Pure Land masters in order to show that Pure Land Buddhism is truly Mahayana and not his own arbitrary invention. Shinran followed the pattern of his predecessors in his main work, in which he mentions the Seven Pure Land Patriarchs including Hōnen. How highly both Hōnen and Shinran regarded the tradition, rather than neglecting it, may be seen from the above-mentioned facts.
One important fact to be remembered in this connection is that in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran’s own words amount to no more than one tenth of the whole volume, showing that Shinran thereby intended to make the centuries-old tradition speak for itself.
Both Hōnen’s Senchaku Hongan Nembutsu Shū and Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō adopt the form of monrui (collected passages), derived from Sung Dynasty China, which serves to demonstrate that one’s opinions are not arbitrary but are based upon scriptural evidence. As it is customary for Buddhist scholars to argue in a dual form of theoretical reasoning and textual evidence, monrui was the form commonly adopted by Buddhist scholars, both more forward-looking and more conservative.
Though Shinran was traditional in his outward forms, his thought was, in reality, drastically original. His way of reading scriptural texts was highly characteristic of this. For example, he construed a passage in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra related to ‘merit transference’ (parināma) to refer to Amida and not to man as had been interpreted by all his predecessors. Shinran was firmly convinced that his way of reading best revealed the profound implications of the text. In the selected texts of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō we find not a few similar examples.
Firstly, Shinran wrote the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō out of devotion to Hōnen, his spiritual master, as an expression of his gratitude for the latter’s religious guidance. It is also true that it was Shinran’s formal answer to the established sects with his scathing criticisms of heretical views outside as well as inside of the Pure Land School. But it is above all the first systematic exposition of Pure Land teaching ever attempted.
Shinran’s mission after his master’s death was to make explicitly clear the quality of Nembutsu “Faith” accorded by Amida and not created by man. This quality of Nembutsu “Faith” was expressed by Shinran as being tariki ekō (“accorded by the Other Power” or “motivated by Amida”). In this way Shinran proceeded to demonstrate the fact that Nembutsu “Faith” is none other than the genuine bodhicitta, because of its freedom from man’s agency motivated by self-will (jiriki). In the following, I should like to delineate in what manner Shinran tried to demonstrate the intrinsic nature of “Faith” implied in Nembutsu practice, with special regard to his indebtedness to T’an-luan’s thought.
Shinran and T’an-luan
Throughout his life Shinran was possessed of four names: Hannen, Shakkū, Zenshin and Shinran. He named his first son Zenran. Seeing these names, we are naturally reminded of the Seven Pure Land Patriarchs to whom, by his own acknowledgment, he was indebted for the formation of his thought. They are: Ryūju (Nāgārjuna), Tenjin (Vasubandhu) of India; Donran (T’an-luan), Dōshaku (Tao-ch’o), Zendō (Shan-tao) of China; Genshin and Genkō (Hōnen) of Japan. Apart from “Hannen,” the names of Shinran and his son are formed from characters used in the names of those eminent masters. However, when we focus our attention on the two characters that form the name Shinran, we realize that they derive from Tenjin and Donran, and this not without reason in view of the fact that in Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran shows his special reverence for T’an-luan by designating him as a Bodhisattva.
Shinran was strict in his use of the three Chinese characters which denote “to say or state” using one for sutras, another for commentaries and a third one for sub-commentaries. Despite the fact that T’an-luan’s commentary on Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land (which is a commentary on the Larger Sukhāvati vyūha Sūtra) is a sub-commentary to which he should have applied the third character, he used the second character, which is only used for a commentary.
Thus it is clear that Shinran equated the value of T’an-luan’s thought as expounded in his main work, Jōdo Ronchū (Wang-sheng-lun Chu) with the thought expressed in Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land, upon which T’an-luan commented. Elsewhere in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō we notice Shinran extensively quoting from T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū; the chapter on Attainment in particular is occupied mostly by quotations from the Jōdo Ronchū. Above all, we find that at the very beginning of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō Shinran introduces the key term of ekō in its dual aspects, going and returning, which is none other than Shinran’s inheritance from T’an-luan. All these facts are clear evidence that T’an-luan’s position in Shinran’s thought is predominant. Undoubtedly in Shinran’s case, the name does show reality.
It was Hōnen who designated the three sutras and one commentary as the most revealing of the truth of salvation through Nembutsu. They are the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra, the Meditation Sūtra, the Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra, and T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū (Commentary on Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land). Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land is a product of his devotion to Amida Buddha and is characteristic of his systematic representation of the Pure Land, the detailed description of which is found in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. It might be said that both Hōnen and Shinran are indebted to Vasubandhu and T’an-luan for a full appreciation of the purport of the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra.
While Shinran was among the disciples of Hōnen at Yoshimizu in Kyoto, he made an assiduous and extensive study of those scriptures. Among the documents now preserved by Nishi Honganji in Kyoto is a one-volume copy of the Meditation Sūtra and Smaller Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra that was apparently used by Shinran at Yoshimizu. Tiny characters are written on the page margins, and among them is found the name of Jōdo Ronchū, clear evidence that in his early thirties Shinran was already acquainted with T’an-luan’s thought. Therefore, it is highly probable that Shinran was introduced to T’an-luan by his master Hōnen.
After Hōnen’s death, it was mainly through the guidance of T’an-luan’s thoughts that Shinran succeeded in making clear what was left unclarified by his master as to the true significance of “Faith” in Nembutsu practice originally expounded in the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. Before going into an analysis of Shinran’s indebtedness to T’an-luan, let us consider two important factors: the nature of Shinran’s life-long mission, and T’an-luan’s contribution to Pure Land Buddhist thought.
The Roles of Shinran and T’an-luan
As the founder of an independent Pure Land sect, Jōdo Shū, Hōnen occupies a prominent position in the history of Japanese Buddhism. The leader of a newly established sect, he was naturally preoccupied with the task of defending the doctrine of his sect as well as his political stand, besides being engaged in his authentic mission of expounding among the people at large the doctrine of salvation through Nembutsu only. He had to face violent attacks from conservative minds belonging to existing sects jealous of his popularity. However, for his successor, Shinran, it was to be expected that the nature of his mission should differ somewhat from Hōnen’s.
After Hōnen’s death there appeared among his disciples a variety of views or different interpretations of his teachings. Some insisted that, for a man to be saved, incessant recitation of Nembutsu was necessary, while others insisted that faith mattered rather than the reciting act. Shinran thus keenly felt the need for clarifying the true meaning of Hōnen’s Nembutsu teaching. The Kyō-gyō-shin-shō is nothing less than the fruition of Shinran’s life-long endeavour. It might be said that Shinran’s task consisted of the critical examination of the quality of “Faith” in Nembutsu practice.
It is certain that Hōnen’s definition of Nembutsu was comprehensive. Therefore his Nembutsu was inclusive of all levels, whether motivated by tariki or by jiriki. Hence his disciples’ confusion regarding “Faith,” with all manner of interpretations presented. In Honen’s eyes, there were two categories of practice: Nembutsu and all other miscellaneous practices. In his main work, he declared that all practices other than Nembutsu are not efficacious for attaining salvation in this latter age of Dharma, since they are not in accordance with the spirit of the Original Vow of Amida. His typical attitude towards the problem of Buddhist practice was obviously that of “either-or.” This attitude is widely known as Senchaku (to select and to discard). In his lifetime, critical examination of Nembutsu had not been thoroughly undertaken. This task was consequently taken up by Shinran.
There are two main Pure Land streams in China, Shan-tao’s (A.D. 613-681) and Hui-yūan’s (A.D. 334-416). The former is based upon the Meditation Sūtra and the latter upon the Pratyutpanna-samādhi-Sūtra. T’an-luan, Hōnen, and Shinran belong to the former stream. Although Nembutsu recitation is common to both traditions, the former saw a harmonious unity of the thoughts of Non-being (prajñārpāramitā philosophy based upon the principle of sūnyatā) and Being (Yogācāra or vijñaptimātratā philosophy based upon the principle of prajñapti or phenomenal being), while the latter was more inclined to emphasize the principle of sūnyatā. Therefore the ultimate source of their teaching differed: for the former it was the three Pure Land sutras and T’an-luan’s Jōdo Ronchū, for the latter it was the Prajñāpāramitā sutras. The former spread among the common people while the latter remained confined to a small minority.
T’an-luan was most instrumental in clarifying and systematizing the doctrinal points in the former tradition of unifying the principles of Being and Non-being. His contribution to Pure Land thought in general is so enormous that it is extremely difficult for us properly to assess it. However, the following points may be mentioned as they seem to have special bearing on Shinran’s thought: (1) A harmonious combination of Nāgārjuna’s sūnyatā philosophy and Vasubandhu’s Vijñaptimātratā philosophy. (2) The concepts of jiriki and tariki. (3) The idea of ekō. In the following pages let us examine, mainly from the above-mentioned points, Shinran’s indebtedness to T’an-luan’s thought.
Unity of Being and Non-Being
The state of enlightenment is beyond man’s descriptive power. Yet nothing is more real or effective than enlightenment, for once we are actually faced with a man of enlightenment his spiritual radiance is unmistakably felt and its effect is overpowering. Since ancient times, this indescribable experience of enlightenment found various ways of expression. An Upanishadic philosopher refused to express it in terms other than “n’eti, n’eti.” Nāgārjuna contended that the ultimate reality can only be expressed in negative terms, and revealed his famous categories of eightfold negation.
In the Upanishadic tradition itself, however, there did appear the attempt to express the transcendental experience of salvation or deliverance (vimukti or moksa) in such positive terms as sacchidānanda (sat, substance; cit, consciousness; ānanda, joy). These terms may be said to be aspects of the experience of moksa. In the Mahayana Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra, along with a number of negative expressions, we find an equal number of positive expressions of the state of enlightenment: “refuge,” “cave,” “light,” “lamp,” “Other Shore,” “Peaceful Place,” “serenity,” “vastness,” and so forth.
The term “Pure Land” is obviously one such expression, that points ultimately to the state of enlightenment, or nirvāna. In other words, “Pure Land” is a positive concrete expression of “nirvāna.” The reason the term “Jōdo” (Pure Land) has survived to this day may be due to the Chinese mentality which favours concreteness over abstraction. Vasubandhu was the first in the history of Buddhism to show the structure of the Pure Land.
This he did in terms of 29 categories, a result of his encounter with the Larger Sukhāvati-vyūha Sūtra. He did not come to this sutra out of mere intellectual curiosity. He existentially encountered the spirit expounded in this sutra upon his conversion. This encounter constituted the motive for his Treatise on the Pure Land, at the very beginning of which we find his famous words of confession in praise of Amida: “O, Bhagavat, I take single-hearted refuge in the Tathāgata of unobstructed light penetrating through ten directions!”
As is well known, a detailed description of Amida’s land of bliss (Sukhāvati) is unfolded in the Larger Sukhāvati vyūha Sūtra. From devotion to Amida, Vasubandhu attempted to systematize the main features of the Pure Land that are described in detail in the Larger Sutra. He classified all Pure Land constituents into three categories: land, Buddhas, and Bodhisattvas. The first refers to the place itself, and the second and the third refer to the beings who dwell therein. As to each category he mentions 17 qualities (gunas) for the land, 8 for the Buddhas and 4 for the Bodhisattvas. Altogether he mentions 29 qualities for the whole of the Pure Land, thereby delineating the Pure Land’s content. T’an-luan inherited Vasubandhu’s Pure Land ontology. This was accepted in his turn by Shinran.
Vasubandhu’s inclination towards something concrete and objective, as is exemplified by his acceptance of the substantive description of Pure Land in the Larger Sutra, may easily be understood by looking into his philosophical background. Although Nāgārjuna’s Mādhyamika philosophy refuses to represent nirvāna in positive or material terms, Vasubandhu’s Yōgācāra philosophy makes allowances for doing so. This accounts for the basic feature of Pure Land Buddhism which, embracing the Yōgācāra standpoint through Vasubandhu, has had a wide following among the common people in the course of history, in sharp contrast to Zen Buddhism which, adhering throughout to Mādhyamika philosophy, has remained a religion for a relatively small minority.
On the other hand, T’an-luan, with a background of Mādhyamika philosophy, attempted to re-interpret Vasubandhu’s interpretations of the Pure Land. Thus the unity of two opposing philosophical streams comes to be realized in the thought of T’an-luan. T’an-luan had submerged himself in the study of Mādhyamika philosophy with Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā, Dvadaśanikāya-śāstra, Māhaprajñāpāramitopadeśa, and Aryadeva’s Sataśāstra before his conversion to Pure Land Buddhism. If supra-experiential reality is to be expressed, it must inevitably take the form of “Being.”
This “Being” may be said to be the essence of the so-called “mythology.” Mādhyamika philosophy refused to resort to the upāya of mythology. T’an-luan found himself in a position to deal with the “mythological expressions” resorted to by his predecessor, Vasubandhu. Thus, it could be said that he performed the task of “transmythologizing” the Pure Land so as to bring all those who are faced with this mythology into direct contact with its inner spiritual meaning on an experiential level. T’an-luan executed this epoch-making task resolutely, and the result of his efforts bore fruit in his Jōdo Ronchū.
It is noteworthy that T’an-luan, who had once encountered the depths of Mādhyamika philosophy, is seen positively affirming the “Being” of the Pure Land with its various adornments. T’an-luan says:
Since Suchness is the state in which all illusions have disappeared, Dharmakāya is formless. Because if its very formlessness it can take all conceivable forms. Therefore, all the adornments of the Pure Land with various qualities are Dharmakāya itself.
These lines have a Lao-tzean tone. It is quite obvious that here T’an-luan is seeing oneness amidst diversity. After touching upon the relationship between the oneness of Enlightenment and the diversity of the adornments of Pure Land specified by Vasubandhu, T’an-luan says:
Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are made up of two-fold Dharmakāya: Dharmakāya in its aspect of suchness, and Dharmakāya in its upāya aspect. Out of the former the latter appears. By way of the latter is the former realized. Though distinct from each other, these two aspects of Dharmakāya are inseparable. Though they are one, they should never be confused. T’an-luan is trying to say that although Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are mentioned together with the land among the 29 adornments of Pure Land as if they were separate entities in their own right, they are simply an element of Dharmakāya itself. In other words, he points to the fact that they are authentic manifestations of the same Enlightenment that constitutes the essence of the Pure Land. To T’an-luan’s enlightened eye the diversity is by no means a hindrance to his vision of the true essence of the Pure Land.
With regard to the Pure Land expressed in objective terms, T’an-luan declares:
The so-called Pure Land is none other than a path which leads ultimately to Buddhahood; it is a supreme upāya. Shinran quotes these statements in the Chapter on Attainment of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Therefore, as with the other important statements, these may be taken as Shinran’s own views.
One cannot but be amazed at the boldness of these words. For when people hear the word upāya, they are apt to take it in the sense of something adulterated or superficial, as if upāya were almost a synonym for falsehood. Regarded in its essence, upāya belongs wholly to truth, being none other than its dynamic aspect. The activity of transcendental wisdom (prajñā) itself is upāya. However, what interests us most in this context is that T’an-luan did not hesitate to make such a statement. Through this statement it is apparent that he wanted to express the essentially non-dual relationship between nirvāna or ultimate state of enlightenment and the so-called Pure Land. For he was firmly convinced that once a man is in touch with upāya, somehow or other he is already in contact with truth because of the intrinsic solidarity of the two. To attempt to objectify what can never be objectified—this is one of the characteristics of Pure Land Buddhism.
As to the soteriological problems, T’an-luan makes, among others, the following statements:
Among a number of passages in the Mahayana sutras and commentaries, we often see the statements, “Sentient beings are after all ‘non arising’ just like vast space.” Why is it, then, that Vasubandhu Bodhisattva spoke of ‘desiring birth [in the Pure Land]’?
All such things as the substance of sentient beings as imagined by an ordinary man, and the substance of “birth and death” as seen by an ordinary man, are in the last analysis unreal, like the hair of a tortoise or a vast space. What is meant by the “Birth” sought for by Vasubandhu Bodhisattva is “dependent arising,” and so it was only tentatively so called. In these lines T’an-luan is discussing in the form of question and answer the question of who it is that desires birth in the Pure Land.
By his question and answer T’an-luan suggests that there is no substance in the abstract concept of “sentient beings” who are supposed to be leaving this world and going to the other world desirous of birth in the Pure Land. In these lines we can clearly see T’an-luan’s rootage in the soil of sūnyatā philosophy. T’an-luan further states:
Why is birth in the Pure Land expounded? When the Five-fold Path of Nembutsu is practised by the so-called human beings of this world, a fore-thought becomes the cause of an after-thought. The so-called human beings of the defiled land and those of the Pure Land are neither decidedly identical with each other nor decidedly different from each other. The same holds true with the fore-thought and the after-thought. Why?
Because if they were identical, there would be no law of cause and effect; if different, there would be no continuity between them.
This two-fold question and answer is highly significant in that T’an-luan is suggesting that “birth” ultimately means “conversion.” “The so-called human being of the deified world” is an unenlightened man and “the so called human being of the Pure Land” is an enlightened man. The relationship between these two types may be compared to that of Saul and Paul. Saul was a man bent on persecuting Jesus, Paul was a man who faithfully followed the footsteps of Jesus.
Are these two men different or the same? The same relationship is seen in the life of Shinran. Yamabushi Bennen may correspond to Saul in that he was bent on persecuting Shinran. Myōhōbō, known as Bennen before he was converted by Shinran, would thus correspond to Paul. Is Bennen different from Myōhōbō or is he the same? In answering such a question, T’an-luan resorted to the typical dialectic of Mādhyamika logicians. In these particular passages, we must not overlook the fact that T’an-luan had drawn out the innermost meaning of “birth” (ōjō) by suggesting the spiritual transformation that takes place in man’s mind at the experience of conversion. The above shows clearly that T’an-luan interpreted the religious experience of “birth” not in terms of actually leaving this world and going to the other world, but in terms of the inner experience of man’s mind. This might be said to be another example of T’an-luan’s way of transcending the formal aspects of a mythology by relating them directly to their spiritual essence in the here and the now.
Ideas of jiriki and tariki
We have seen in the above how T’an-luan made a great contribution to the Pure Land ontology and soteriology through his characteristic interpretations. Shinran understood the experience of enlightenment or salvation in terms of “birth in the Pure Land,” mainly through T’an-luan’s dialectical exegesis. Shinran thus had through T’an-luan’s exegesis a great deal to learn from Vasubandhu’s presentation of the full significance of “Pure Land.” T’an-luan, while taking his stand upon sūnyatā philosophy, positively accepted the schematized representation of the Pure Land, in full recognition of the raison d’être of Pure Land Buddhism which arose in defence of the cause of universal salvation.
Nevertheless, T’an-luan was well aware that the ultimate meaning of “birth in the Pure Land” consisted not in the matter of geography or physical movement but in spiritual birth or conversion, which he clearly expressed in Mādhyamika terms as “birth of non-birth.” On the other hand, the final realization Shinran attained was that the essence of Nembutsu is none other than the whole connotation of “Pure Land,” for the essence of Pure Land is nirvāna itself. Pure Land is not a static or physical place but a dynamic reality or a ceaseless functioning of satori itself. It is not only a place all men are expected to reach, it is something to be realized amidst the actual human existence beset with all forms of predicament and suffering.
Shinran was perceptive enough to see the essence of Nembutsu practice in Vasubandhu’s “single-mindedness,” which was expressed in his confession in praise of Amida. He reached the conclusion that Vasubandu’s “single-mindedness” was the key to unlock the mystery of Nembutsu practice. With his keen insight, he perceived that it did not in fact belong to Vasubandhu as a man, but that it was Amida’s Original Vow materialized as Vasubandhu’s aspiring heart. Shinran also perceived in the “single-mindedness” a unity of the so-called three minds—sincerity, faith, aspiration for birth—contained in Amida’s Eighteenth Vow.
In other words, he discerned the essence of the Eighteenth Vow realized in Vasubandhu’s “single-mindedness” led by his awareness that Vasubandhu achieved the unity in order to enable unenlightened sentient beings to acquire understanding, since although Amida put forth the three minds as a prerequisite ensuring the efficacy of Nembutsu, there is no other authentic cause for attaining nirvāna than “Faith.”
Shinran’s contention was that Nembutsu can be a right cause for all people to attain nirvāna because the Faith in Nembutsu is essentially not man’s but Amida’s. He used the term “tariki” (Other Power) in order to express this. Defining “tariki” in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō chapter on Practice, he states: “The ‘Other Power’ is none other than the Power of Amida’s Original Vow,” Hōnen was also, of course, fully convinced that the practice of reciting Nembutsu was effective for all people of the latter days as the sole cause of attaining nirvāna,—that it was not because Nembutsu is sincerely recited by men, but because Nembutsu was in accordance with the spirit of Amida’s Original Vow. This is the very reason why he could be so emphatic in expounding the teaching of Nembutsu as the founder of the Jōdo Sect. However, he did not distinguish precisely enough the two aspects of Nembutsu: jiriki and tariki.
For Hōnen all Nembutsu was, so to speak, tariki, because Nembutsu itself, as the sacred practice selected by Amida’s Compassionate Vow, was superior to all other practices. On the other hand, Shinran’s historical mission was to scrutinize the inner motive of Nembutsu practice. He made a minute examination of the sacred practices leading one to birth in the Pure Land, which he recorded in the “Faith” Chapter of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō.
In the course of this process, the ideas of jiriki and tariki played a vital role. The examination of “Faith” cannot help but lead to the examination of the vows and sutras from which it derives and the modes of birth which it gives rise to. For vows are the basic principle or the prime spiritual force of which the sutras are the expressions, and the ensuing modes of birth are an indication of the quality of faith which produced them.
The terms jiriki and tariki which Shinran adopted from T’an-luan can of course be traced to their popular usage. Ordinarily jiriki stands for “self-power” or “self-effort,” and tariki for “other power” or “external help.” It was T’an-luan, however, who gave a religious significance to these popular terms. For T’an-luan, tariki was not simply an antonym to jiriki, but also covered the transcendental extension of the term itself. It is not that he totally discarded the popular, relative meaning of tariki, but that he added to it a transcendental meaning to make it a religious term. T’an-luan transformed a popular term into a religious one. So the term tariki itself was not created by T’an-luan. It had existed far prior to him, and it can even be found in Vasubandhu’s Treatise on the Pure Land.
In the following let us look into the significance of the task T’an-luan performed in clarifying the dual meaning of tariki. When tariki means simply a dependence upon something else, and as long as the “faith” is characterized as such, such a “faith” is not instrumental in leading to one’s enlightenment, to one’s true independence from all external things.
By tariki “Faith” T’an-luan meant the establishment of the True Self, while by jiriki “faith” he meant our enslavement to our self-power, our limited, relative human power, tariki “Faith” must be something that enables man to establish his True Subjectivity. The establishment of True Subjectivity is none other than salvation, nirvāna, moksa or “birth in the Pure Land.” Only the tariki “Faith” in its religious sense makes man truly autonomous or sets him free.
It is generally believed that when we embrace the faith of tariki, we lose our subjectivity. In such a case, tariki would mean not Vow Power but simply dependency upon something else. Such a faith enslaves man rather than sets him free. When we accept Vow Power through Nembutsu, Vow Power is realized in us. Then it is Vow Power that is our real Subjectivity. As long as faith remains jiriki, our subjectivity also remains relative, enslaved, limited and dependent.
It is at this moment that a transformation takes place. Furthermore, T’an-luan went so far as to see tariki “Faith” as the effect rather than the beginning of the Vow. In other words, he considered that the fact of man’s embracing tariki Faith is the realization of the Original Vow of Amida, and not the beginning of man’s religious life. He saw the effect (realization or accomplishment) in the cause where an ordinary man would see merely the beginning. To the eyes of an unenlightened man, our act of believing is the start of religious life. For T’an-luan, however, our belief is none other than the realization of Amida’s Original Vow. This interaction between Amida and man (though, essentially, they are not necessarily distinct from each other as are God and man) was called by T’an-luan “ekō.” This Shinran inherited from him.
(3) ==The Idea of Ekō==
We have seen in the above that the term ekō has an important bearing on the event of “transformation” or the moment of birth in the Pure Land. As with tariki, ekō was a common term in India. It meant either “transformation” or “transferring of merit accumulated by someone for the benefit of others.” In this case, too, everyday language came to be given a religious meaning: “parināma” which in Sanskrit originally meant a “change” or a “transformation,” came to be used by Buddhists as “merit-transference.” At least until the time of Honen, ekō invariably meant man’s act of transferring merit to others.
But for the first time in Buddhism, the term ekō was taken to mean Amida’s transference of merit in the direction of men. For Honen Nembutsu was always man’s ekō while for Shinran it was always Amida’s. It was Vasubandhu who used the term ekō for the first time, presenting its two directions: going and returning He meant by “going ekō” a Pure Land aspirant’s direction from the defiled world to the Pure Land, while by “returning ekō” he meant an enlightened Bodhisattva’s direction from Pure Land to the defiled world. That is to say, for Vasubandhu there were two directions of ekō: one from the realm of mayoi (illusion) to the realm of satori (enlightenment), the other from the realm of satori to the realm of mayoi.
T’an-luan accepted Vasubandhu’s conceptions of the two directions of ekō and developed them further. T’an-luan, while accepting the ideas of the two directions of ekō shown by Vasubandhu, finally concluded that they were in fact reducible to one, the “returning ekō” alone, the direction of ekō from satori to mayoi. He showed it to be Amida’s and not man’s, and he qualified it as tariki ekō, the ekō motivated by the Power of Amida’s Original Vow.
It was accordingly thought to be Amida’s working when man acquires Faith, for essentially there is only one ekō. It is now apparent that Shinran’s well-known teaching of “Faith in the Other Power” is thus indebted to this insight of T’an-luan into the nature of ekō. In the Jōdo Ronchū T’an-luan declares:
If we clearly look into the source of this idea, Tathāgata Amida is the promotive agent. This declaration was quoted by Shinran in the Chapter on Practice of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. T’an-luan pointed out that ultimately our aspiration for the Pure Land itself originates from Amida. He then continues:
Of all things our birth in the Pure Land and the works of the Bodhisattvas of other lands arise from the power of the vows of Tathāgata Amida. Why is it so? Should things not arise from the power of the forty-eight vows of the Buddha, they would have been taken in vain. Shinran expressed the meaning of tariki ekō in his own words as “fu-ekō” (“non-ekō”). Fu-ekō means “not man’s ekō,” hence Amida’s. He states in the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō:
Therefore it is clearly known that this Nembutsu practice is not the practice of self-power by common men and sages. Therefore it is called the practice of fu-ekō. Again, Shinran reversed the meaning of the expression “Hotsugan ekō” (To aspire for birth and transfer the merit) that had invariably been taken as man’s action toward Amida, and says:
Hotsugan ekō refers to the Tathāgata’s (Amida’s) aspiration, in which he, having already taken the Vow, endows sentient beings with their Practice. In this way Shinran’s Kyō-gyō-shin-shō might be said to be permeated throughout by the insight of tariki ekō. In this respect T’an-luan’s influence upon Shinran’s teaching is indeed considerable.
In conclusion, it may be said that in the light of T’an-luan’s insight, Shinran carried out the task of examining the quality of Nembutsu Faith mainly from the view-points of tariki and ekō, and made clear that the Original Vow of Amida, which is usually regarded by man, as the Other Power realizes itself in man’s Faith, thus truly establishing his Subjectivity.
That Amida’s Vow realizes itself as man's Faith and at the same time that Faith proves the presence of the Vow, and that the evidence of the realization of the Vow is none other than man’s Faith—all this is the central theme of the Kyō-gyō-shin-shō. Without the prior help of T’an-luan’s genius Shinran could not have succeeded in clarifying this truth to the extent that he did.
NOTES
[1] Acknowledgements are due to the Editor of The Eastern Buddhist where this article previously appeared.