The Autobiography of Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las (1642-1715)

The Autobiography of Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las (1642-1715) 1. Introduction Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las (1642-1715) was a 17th century Khalkha Mongolian Dge-lugs-pa monk scholar. He was upheld during the 17th century as one of the ‘Three Butter Lamps’ (Olziibuyan & Chuluun 2002:1) of Buddhism in Mongolia along with the first Jebtsundamba Khutukthu Zanabazar (1635-1723) and the first Lamin Gegeen Blo-bzang bstan-'dzin rgyal-mtshan (1639-1704). Together with the Lamin Gegeen, the two of them were also titled the ‘two sun and moon like disciples’ of the Jebtsundamba Khutukktu (Lhasayoure 2012:31). He was an influential and accomplished Buddhist master renowned throughout Khalkha Mongolia, Inner Mongolia, China and Tibet. At the time, Mongolia was lacking individuals to commentate on various aspects of Buddhist philosophy, sūtras, existing Indian and Tibetan commentaries and philosophical root texts such as the works by Nāgārjuna and Śāntideva. Dza-ya Paṇḍita was one of the few Mongolians who went on to answer this need and throughout his lifetime, he compiled many works on various aspects of Buddhism such as sūtra, tantra, astrology and medicine. His gsung 'bum (collected works) are preserved in six volumes printed in a clear Beijing block-print in the early 19th century with the last four volumes consisting of the thob yig (records of teachings received). His teacher and friend, the First Jebtsundamba who was the most notable Mongolian Buddhist figure of religio-political significance of his times did not leave behind many writings. Due to this fact, Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s compilations are given even higher value. The present paper introduces the figure of Dza-ya Paṇḍita and the historical setting in which the thob yig was written.

This paper structurally and stylistically analyses Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s autobiography found in the second volume of his gsung 'bum against the backdrop of the existing scholarship on Tibetan Buddhist biographical writing. The content of his rang rnam (autobiography) will be contextualised within the Dge-lugs-pa dominated religio-historical and socio-political setting of 17th century Tibet with regard to his teachers, patrons, monastic education and personal experiences.

2. Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las (1642-1715)

There are two biographies of Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las that can serve as a starting point for a study of his life. The first is his rang rnam found in the second volume of his gsung 'bum entitled “shAk bstun blo bzang 'phrin las kyi // ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las // rang gi 'khor bar spyod pa'i tshul // shin tu gsal ba'i sgron me bzhugs //” “The lamp which completely clarifies the manner in which he himself [the monk Dza-ya Paṇḍita] lived his life in saṃsāra, compiled from the words of the Shākya monk Blo-bzang 'phrin-las”. The second work is the rnam thar (biography) by his disciple Bka'-'gyur-ba Mer-gen no-mon-han titled Dkyil 'khor rgyal mtshog'i [rgyal mchog] mna' bdag rdo rje 'chang dza ya pan dti blo bzang 'phrin las dpal bzang po'i rnam thar dpag bsam yongs 'du'i dbang po” “The rnam thar of the master of the dkyil ’khor rgyal mchog, the Vajra holder Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las dpal-bzang-po, [which is like] the “Lord of the Wish-fulfilling Trees”. The rang rnam is preserved in the 19th century Beijing block print of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s gsung 'bum and comprises 33 folios. It is fully compiled in verse with nine syllable lines (- - / - - / - - / - - --) with the exception of a quotation from the teaching given to Tsong-kha-pa by his teacher Don-grub rin-chen (1309-1385) which consists of seven syllable lines (- - / - - / - - -). This work was presumably compiled by Dza-ya Paṇḍita or scribed by one of his disciples soon after his return to Mongolia from Tibet as it does not span the entirety of Dza-ya Paṇdita’s life, leaving out important historical episodes which occurred during his lifetime such as the revolt of Dga'-ldan sbo-sho-thu, and his travels to Inner Mongolia and the Manchu court. The colophon of the work cuts the narrative short as if it was finished in a hurry and does not give much information about the circumstances surrounding its compilation: [F33a] ‘…I offered the empowerment of Yamāntaka, the eleven faced Avalokiteśvara etc. and many classes of permissions, transmissions and empowerments and so on. May prosperity and happiness increase!’ Although it does not account for Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s whole life, this rang rnam gives detailed information about his education and activities during his time in Tibet. The content and stylistic features of this rang rnam will be discussed in detail later.

As for the rnam thar compiled by his disciple Bka'-'gyur-pa Mer-gen no-mon-han, its exact whereabouts is uncertain to this day. There is however, a short summary of this rnam thar on tbrc.org spanning seven pages, which I have employed as reference for the summary of the life of Dza-ya Paṇḍita below. Aside from these two rnam thars, there are also some secondary Mongolian sources kept at the National Library of Ulaanbaatar that have been taken into account. However, in many of these sources, the lack of proper referencing and ambiguity of the information means one can only speculate and refer to them with a certain amount of caution. Nevertheless, the life of Dza-ya Paṇḍita in a nutshell is as follows. In Mongolia today, tradition accepts that the reincarnation lineage of Dza-ya Paṇḍita began in India. He is said to have been born in India five times, born in Tibet twice and then once in Mongolia before being reborn as Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las. His reincarnation lineage has been kept alive and the present reincarnation Sodnomdorjiin Lubsantuvden Choijinnyam (recognised in 1999) lives in Ulaanbaatar.

His reincarnations until the present as accepted widely in Mongolia are:
India:
Galdan Sonom
Galsan
Bumbasambuu
Gubamhara
Ratnasad

Tibet:
Lodoirabdan
Chogloinamjl

Mongolia:
Onokhuizengiin Tumenkhan Sain Noyon (1558-1640)
Khyondlön Obshiin Luvsanprinlei (1642-1715)
Bandriin Lubsannyamdeleg – Namjil (1717-1765)
Tsengenjabîn Luvsanchoinjinvanchig [Luvsandorj] (1804-1867)
Dannrangiin Luvsanjigmednamjil [Luvsannanjil] (1868-1904)
Vanchinbazarîn Luvsanchoinjinvanchig (1905-1932)
Sodnomdorjiin Lubsantuvden Choijinnyam (1972-present)

(Ӧlzii 1992:46)

The incarnation directly preceding Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las was a renowned individual named Khun-du-lung Tshos-khur. He was the brother of Abadai Sain Khan and the fourth son of Ogonokhu Ueizen Noyon. Ogonkhu Ueien Noyon was the third son of Zaliir Khung Taij Geresenz, who belonged to the direct bloodline of Chinggis Khan (Bira 2002:8). He played a major role in spreading Buddhism in Mongolia in the 16th century and was the first to initiate the tradition of going for pilgrimage from Mongolia to Tibet as well as the construction of Erdenizuu Monastery together with his brother Abadai Khan in 1586.

Dza-ya Paṇḍita himself was born in Ha-su-lung, Hu-cir-thu in the Hang-ga'i-hang region of Khalkha Mongolia. His father Gzung-thar was an ex-monk under the Dharma lord Sbyin-pa dar-rgyas of Coni Monastery, and his mother was named Orkhitai. Dza-ya Paṇḍita had one older sister, one younger brother and two younger sisters. He was born at daybreak on the 15th day of the auspicious month of Sa-ga-zla-wa in the year 1642, which coincides with the enthronement of the Fifth Dalai Lama as the supreme ruler of Tibet. At the age of five, he received his dge bsnyen (lay) vows in the presence of Rabs-byams-pa Blo-gros rgya-mtsho. In 1653, he met the First Jebtsundamba Zanabazar and was bestowed the title Noyon Khutukhtu. In 1656, at the age of fourteen, he became famous in Mongolia as the “Deed Ertöntsiin Nud” (The Eye of the World) (Boldbaatar 2004:68). In the summer of 1657, he attended the gathering of the four banners that the lord Jebtsundamba headed for the first time in celebration of his safe return from Tibet. In 1658, Dza-ya Paṇḍita started studying medicine. In the spring of 1659, he compiled a supplication prayer of the lord Jebtsundamba based on the Bla-ma rgyang-'bod compiled by the Panchen Lama and requested permission for going to Tibet to study the dharma.

In the autumn of 1660, he left Mongolia and arrived in Lhasa in 1661, the same year as the enthronement of Enkh Amgalan Khaan of the Manchu empire. On the 1st day of the 10th month, he met the Great Fifth Dalai Lama for the first time and received his śrāmaṇera (novice) vow from him. On the 9th day of that same month, he met the Fourth Panchen Lama. In the first Mongolian month of 1662, he arrived in Bkra-shis lhun-po monastery, which would later become his main place of study and residence in Tibet. In that same year, when the Fourth Panchen Lama passed away, he attended all the funeral rituals. In 1664, he travelled to Dbus and received his full ordination from the Fifth Dalai Lama and received the dharma name Blo-bzang 'phrin-las. In the 10th month of 1667, Dza-ya Paṇḍita fell ill but still attended the enthroning feast for the Fifth Panchen Lama at Bkra-shis lhun-po. Between 1668 and 1674, he travelled extensively between Lha-sa, Pha-bong-kha, Se-ra, 'Bras-spungs, Bkra-shis-lhun-po, Dga'-ldan and Rgod-tshang monasteries, where he received many teachings, instructions, practices, permissions and transmissions of texts. Towards the end of 1673, Tushetu Khan of the left banner of Khalkha Mongolia came to Lha-sa, and Dza-ya Paṇḍita arrived in Lha-sa on the 2nd day of the first Mongolian month of 1674 to meet him. He travelled together with the Khan to the main monasteries of Dbus and Gtsang to pay respects to the Fifth Dalai Lama, the Fifth Panchen Lama, the Dga'-ldan khri-pa and the abbots of the major monastic colleges. When the Khan was getting ready to leave, he expressed his wish for Dza-ya Paṇḍita to return to Mongolia with him. However, the Dalai Lama advised Dza-ya Paṇḍita to stay in Tibet for the time being and go back to Mongolia at a later time. Before the Khan departed, Dza-ya Paṇḍita composed a rnam thar of the Khan as an offering. After the Khan departed, he spent the next few years travelling between the major monastic colleges to complete his training.

In the winter of 1676, a number of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s patrons including Yelteng Noyon, Ta'i-ching kho-tsho'-chi, Mergen Ahai, the mistress Magata, Sechen Noyon and U'itsen Noyon came as pilgrims to Lha-sa, so Dza-ya Paṇḍita went to meet them. On the 11th day of the 5th month of the year 1679, he left Lha-sa to return to Mongolia and travelled via Dga'-ldan. When he arrived in Nag-chu, he stayed there for ten days, then crossed the 'Bring-chu river and arrived in 'Brong-chung grags-pa via the Kokonor-Lhasa highway. Then, he reached Sku-'bum monastery; he left Kokonor on the first day of the 8th Mongolian month, arriving at Er-tsha on the 19th of the 9th Mongolian month. On the 3rd day of the 12th month, Dza-ya Paṇḍita arrived at his own home. Later that month he carried out the smon lam prayer for lo gsar. In 1679, he built the Gungereg and Demchig monasteries in a place called Tamir Bulag. Later on in the year, he built a monastery called Buyanig Delgeruuegch with his own funds. In 1686, he met the Lcang-skya Khutukhtu Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang chos-ldan (1642-1714) who came from Amdo and exchanged many tantric initiations with him (Dashbadrah 2002:26). In 1686, when the retired Dga'-ldan khri-pa Ngag-dbang blo-gros rgya-mtsho came to Mongolia, Dza-ya Paṇḍita met him at Zhu-ring pil-chir (TBRC.org:356). In 1688, due to the Dga-ldan sbo-sho-thu war, he went to Inner Mongolia together with the Jebtsundamba and stayed in Huhhot, Dolonuur and Beijing (Ӧlzii 1992:48). During the various periods of time he spent in Huhhot, as well as building a monastery of his own at the foothills of the Dalan Har mountain range behind the city, he also stayed at Yehe Zuu monastery. In 1691 he went to meet the Enkh Amgalan Khaan at his palace in Beijing and was bestowed with the title of Dza-sag by the Khan. In 1694 he went to Beijing again to meet the emperor and spent lo gsar there. According to the summary of the rnam thar written by Bka'-'gyur-pa Mer-gen No-mon-khan, Enkh Amgalan Khan wished for Dza-ya Paṇḍita to stay in the Manchu court, but he rejected the offer due to his wish to pursue his religious activities. In 1697, the Dalai Manjushri Neich Toin invited him to Huhhot. There, he blessed the statues of the three Buddhas of the three times. In 1699, he gave the title of Buyanîg Iltgegch Monastery to the monastery he built in Huhhot. This monastery became the place where his inner Mongolian disciples remained from then on. According to the Inner Mongolian scholar S. Ӧlzii, Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s main Inner Mongolian disciples were:

Hoh-hotîn Rabjamba

Uradîn Gush Rabjamba

Choijav Dayanchiin Khuvilgaan

Mergen Gajidba

Khaivanchoiji

Tunamal Erdene Lam

Erkh Bilegt Nanso (Ӧlzii 1992:48)

In 1696, after his return from Inner Mongolia and China, he built his own monastery Gunden monastery that became his permanent place of residence in Khalkha Mongolia thereafter (Dashbadrah 2002:26). His personal monastery complex was home to 1000 monks at its peak with 4000 at the time of Nomiin Hural (religious festivals). He had over 1000 disciples and 5000 people who were subject to his monastery (Ӧlzii 1992:61). His personal library was full of Chinese, Tibetan, Manchu and Sanskrit books (Ӧlzii 1992:51). His father Gzung-thar passed away in 1700 after which he took care of the funeral rites. In 1703 he went to Dolonuur and met again with the Lcang-skya Khutukhtu Ngag-dbang chos-ldan. Although he always wished to return to Tibet and finally went to seek permission from the Enkh Amgalan Khan to do so in 1711, after detailed discussion of the matter with his friend and teacher the Jebtsundamba Zanabazar, he decided not to go due to his age and poor health (Dashbadrah 2012:27). On the 20th day of the 1st month of the year 1715 he passed away at the age of 73.

3. The rang rnam of Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las

3.1. Tibetan Buddhist Biographical Writing

According to the “Oxford English Dictionary”, the term biography originates from the Greek words bios ‘life’ and graphia ‘writing’. It is defined as ‘an account of someone’s life written by someone else’. At a glance, Tibetan biographical literature appears interpretable through Western biographical literary theories and genres. However, Tibetan biographical writings developed during very different periods of history and socio-cultural settings (Gyatso, 1992:476). Some postmodern theorists have even argued that a diary is the trust-worthiest type of biographical writing, as the “self” does not go through retrospective analysis (Gyatso 1998:109). This type of understanding of biographical writing poses a problem when applied to Tibetan Buddhist biographies, which are often laced with myths, legends, dreams, prophecies and visions that are presented as facts. Furthermore, Tibetan literary genres (just like literary genres in other languages and cultures) are not strictly defined, since “genres” can often contain defining characteristics of other genres. Types of writing that can fall under Tibetan biographical literature are rtogs brjod (great deeds or activities), mi tshe'i (life story), rgyal rabs (account/story of kings), lam yig (travel accounts), thob yig/gsan yig (records of teachings received), rang rnam (autobiography), and stories of gter ma (treasure texts) revelation as well as others (van der Kuijp 1996:39). Nevertheless, Tibetan biographical literature has many features, which allow for it to be analysed through Western literary theory, which may be a useful tool in engaging with their content and context.

The main term used for biographies, “rnam thar” is the contracted form of the term “rnam par thar pa” corresponding to Sanskrit “vimokṣa”. It can be translated as ‘life of liberation’ or ‘liberation story’ and represents one of the most popular Tibetan Buddhist literary genres. The term can refer to any biography of a religious figure but also to sacred biography or hagiography in a sense comparable to medieval European hagiographies (Roesler 2014:116). In Tibet, it came to represent the genre of biographical literature for all Tibetan Buddhist schools across the board from approximately around the 11th century onwards (Roberts 2010:181). The term almost always carries religious connotations with only about 23 out of 1225 biographies and autobiographies dating between the 11th -20th centuries on tbrc.org belonging to secular figures (Schaeffer 2010:296). Compelling reasons for self-assertion and distinction can be traced to the dawn of the hegemony of Buddhism in Tibet. In this competitive climate, personal accomplishments of the individual religious masters became the centrepiece in the struggle to establish a lineage and eventually an institution and power base (Gyatso 1998:116). Out of the many different schools of Tibetan Buddhism, the Dge-lugs-pa tradition to which Dza-ya Paṇḍita belonged were the most prolific producers of biographical writing. In his analysis of rnam thars archived by tbrc.org, Schaeffer noted that the number of Dge-lugs-pa biographies and autobiographies amounted almost the same as the Sa-skya, Rnying-ma and Bka'-brgyud rnam thars combined (Schaeffer 2010:296).

3.2. Autobiographical writing in Tibet

The 1809 print of the “Oxford English Dictionary” gives the earliest dictionary usage of the term autobiography: “the story of one’s life written by himself”. In essence of Western biographical theory, an autobiography can only be written from living experience, and the narrator must also be the subject (Shaw 2010:23). Bruss defines autobiography from the perspective of the reader, proposing that a key feature of what readers consider to be autobiography is that the experiences and events reported therein are presented as true and are believed to be true by the author (Bruss 1976). In this light, Tibetan autobiographical writing would fit the Western interpretation. Lejeune stated that the author of the work should be the same as the principle character and the narrator (Lejeune 2009). This is slightly problematic for the Tibetan autobiographical tradition as the narrative voice does not always tell us who the author is. The master often narrates his life events to his disciple or disciples who then composes the rnam thar or rang rnam in the first person. The title of the rang rnam suggest that this very well may be the case for Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam. Therefore, only the colophon can clarify for us by whom and when it was written. Nonetheless, the necessity of presenting the events of a life “without exaggeration or deprecation” is “certainly not shared by all authors, but can be considered typical of the more historically minded and scholarly forms of life-writing” (Roesler 2014:134). Tibetan Buddhism, amongst the various Buddhist traditions all around the world, has by far the most prominent corpus of religious autobiographical literature. India has over millennia’s of literary history and tradition of Buddhist literature, which has had huge impacts on the literary tradition in Tibet. However, there is no evidence that suggests that Tibetan autobiographical writing also originated in India, since the Indian Buddhist tradition never developed this genre on a larger scale (see the remarks in Roesler 2010:5). Chinese Buddhism has an autobiographical tradition but it’s significantly smaller in size than the Tibetan (Gyatso 1998:115). The Tibetan term for autobiography is “rang rnam”, rang meaning “self” and rnam short for rnam thar. In comparison to rnam thars, the number of rang rnams are considerably fewer. Shaw stated, “autobiography tends to emerge at times when there is a particular need to assert a single identity… “I” autobiographies tend to come at times when the “I” feels that it differs a little from other “I’s” that happen to be around” (Shaw 2010:25).

Overall, authors of both rnam thars and rang rnams follow a standardised style and structure which contains elements that can be traced back to the most exemplary of all Buddhist lives, the life of the Buddha. The Buddha biographies including the jātaka narratives identify lineages that link the Buddha to his karmic past as well as the lineages of previous and future Buddhas. These lineages have been employed by many Buddhist traditions and their affiliated Buddhist rulers for legitimising and empowering their respective civil institutions as part of the genealogy of world rulers who are able to trace their heritage back to the Buddha (Schober 1997:17). The life of the Buddha is often divided into “deeds” representing the most notable events in his life. There are two common divisions, one of “eight deeds” and a later division of “twelve deeds” with the latter being the most favoured model in Tibet:

 Descent from Tuṣita heaven
 Conception in the womb
 Birth in Lumbini
 Learning royal arts and skills
 Marriage and fatherhood
 Renunciation
 Ascetic practices
 Meditating in Bodhgaya
 Victory over Mara
 Enlightenment
 Teaching the dharma
 Nirvāṇa

(Roesler 2014:121)

The chronological structure of the Buddha’s life represents the most exemplary life model for all later Buddhist traditions including the Tibetan. In Tibet, biographical writing never forgot the traditional Buddha biography prototype. However, as stated by Shaw, “autobiographies and biographies at all historical periods are like plants that adapt and grow in soils, dependent on readership or audience, intention, the type of text involved, social, personal, and religious expectations, and even economic considerations” (Shaw 2010:19). The socio-cultural and religio-political context and the pre-Buddhist historiographical traditions of Tibet caused biographical writing in Tibet to develop in a unique way. Tibetans were concerned with origin myths and royal genealogies long before the influence of Buddhist literature from India. The Dunhuang finds show that bone lists, royal and clan genealogies and family statistics were produced not long after the invention of the Tibetan script (Gyatso 2010:117). The knowledge of one’s divine origin represented one’s power and authority. Thus, the recitation of these origin narratives demonstrated the Yarlung kings’ and the royal clans’ direct link to the divine past. With the fall of the empire and the entrance of Buddhism, the Buddhist lineages and religious origins became the source of empowerment for the emerging Buddhist schools and their powerful patrons. In this world, Buddhist teachers were the living embodiment of the source of this new power, which ultimately led up to the sprul sku (reincarnation) tradition. These charismatic individuals in turn were the composers as well as the subjects of religious rnam thar writing that now encompassed the origin myths and replaced the royal genealogies (ibid).

In the west, autobiographical writing was particularly vibrant under the drive of modernity at key moments of historical change such as the protestant reformation, the Copernican revolution, enlightenment movement, industrial revolution and the age of romanticism (Gyatso 1998:116). Comparably, religious life writing in Tibet came into proper existence after the demise of the Yarlung dynasty and in the wake of newly emerging local kingdoms whose rulers traced their origins back to the empire. Post-imperial Tibet was a chaotic period with no central governance, where the newly formed Buddhist schools backed by different royal clans and kingdoms were fighting amongst themselves for power. As the situation developed, the sprul sku phenomenon also changed the transference of power in Tibet from inheritance based to reincarnation based (ibid.), positing the Buddhist teachers closer to the centre of the competition for power. Their need to demonstrate legitimacy and authority is paralleled by the explosion in the number of rnam thar writing. The earliest Tibetan autobiographers include Gtsangs-pa rgyas-ras (1161-1211) and the second Karmapa Karma Pakshi (1206-1282) (Gyatso 1992:466). Later on, the 15th and 16th centuries bore witness to heated sectarian competition backed by powerful families as well as foreign Mongolian princes and Khans descended from the bloodline of Chinggis Khan who were also seeking power amongst themselves. This period was characterised by the development of a highly sophisticated scholastic systematisation and a progressive solidification of teaching lineages a well as scholastic and monastic establishments into religious sects (Rheingans 2009: 249). By the 17th century, the Dge-lugs-pas had emerged as the supreme religious and secular authority in Tibet, but competition and strife was not dis-continued. It was then more necessary than ever for the lineage holders and teachers of the Dge-lugs-pas to compile their life stories in order to uphold the image of a strong tradition with legitimacy and authority of lineage. This was not only true for the Dge-lugs-pas but also for the other schools, as biographies documenting exemplary lives of teachers showed the strength, unity and authority of each tradition not only for their rivals but also for their disciples, who are the future of the tradition. This is mirrored by the rise in the number of biographical writing in the 17th century, especially the Dge-lugs-pas (Schaeffer 2010:294).

The rise to power of the Dge-lugs-pas headed by the Dalai Lama unified Tibet under indigenous rule for the first time since the fall of the Yarlung Empire. Nevertheless, the rival schools still remained powerful due to their patrons, both Tibetan and Mongolian. In this world, the charismatic reincarnate lamas of the different schools were in a sense the axis mundi of their respective schools holding authority over the legitimacy and authenticity of their traditions. An outstanding figure in this respect is the Great Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (1617-1682), who was a great Buddhist scholar, cunning politician and prolific writer. The corpus of biographical writing left behind by him is the largest recorded in Tibetan history, and the stylistic and structural features of his writing became somewhat of a prototype for Tibetan Buddhist biographical writing thereafter. The autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama is self-consciously styled as a departure from earlier autobiographies, which he deemed either too difficult to understand or evasive when treating their subject’s actions (Roesler 2014:265). His autobiography is structured like a diary recording the innumerable services he presided over, consecrations he performed, sermons he gave, audiences he granted and envoys he received (Gyatso 1998:101). The writing of the Fifth Dalai Lama hugely influenced Dza-ya Paṇḍita himself as he himself states in the colophon of his thob yig. Common elements found in the majority of Tibetan Buddhist biographical and autobiographical writing, summarised from the analysis given by Cousens, Ruegg, Smith and van Schaik, is as follows:

 Dedications to the Bodhisattvas, the gurus and the protectors of the teachings.  (In the case of autobiographies:) Apologetic beginning where the religious master is at first reluctant or apologetic in telling his life narrative which he deems “unworthy of recording” and only later concedes due to the urging of his disciples or patrons or both.  Accounts of previous incarnations are often referred to as the “Garland or Rosary of [Previous] Births” in which only notable rebirths are usually mentioned as it amplifies one’s lineage.

 Prophecies foretell the individual’s rebirth in the world.  Birth, usually includes the names of his (or her) parents, often tracing their ancestry back to an illustrious teacher or one of the important clans from the imperial period.

 Renunciation is represented by one’s ordination as a dge tshul (novice) and the later ordination as a dge slong (fully ordained monk) corresponding to the Buddha’s renunciation of palace life.  Training and education often include extensive lists of teachings received. In many cases, the author supplies a more detailed thob yig/gsan yig (record of teachings and transmissions received) compiled from the notes kept by the teacher during his life.  Practices of meditation, is usually accomplished in retreat. This is often the period when a teacher will undergo hardship and austerities in pursuit of the goal, mirroring the Buddha’s six years of ascetic practice.

 Awakening as a result of the austerities and intensive practice of meditation in retreat, corresponding to the process that led up to the awakening of the Buddha.  Work and activity of the individual, describing teachings and activities for the benefit of sentient beings, corresponding to the Buddha’s choice to stay in saṃsāra to teach the dharma for the benefit of all sentient beings.  Death of a teacher, usually presented as a moment of triumph, echoing the Buddha’s own parinirvāṇa.  A list of the main disciples of the teacher is added at the end of

lineage biographies, which acts to ensure the continuity of the tradition. 

In this sense, the life of a Tibetan Buddhist master is understood by himself and also by those in his lineage in the context of spiritual and religious experiences as well as in light of the exemplary life of the Buddha himself; the ultimate Buddhist teacher. In the West, the main emphasis of biographical writing is on the individual’s life where the life narrative is driven by a curiosity about the individual’s personality, i.e., the creation of Western man and his ego (Kindall 1980:10011). On the contrary, individual life stories in the Tibetan Buddhist traditions are written to strengthen the image of an authoritative and legitimate lineage to which the individual belongs. Furthermore, they also serve as inspiration and role models for the disciples within that lineage upon whom the task of maintaining the tradition into the future depends. This is reflected in the popular saying still maintained amongst Tibetan Buddhist monks today:

sngon byon mkhas pa'i rnam thar / The biographies of the previous scholars

rjes 'jug gdul bya'i nyams len /

Are the practices of the disciples that follow.

In this sense, individual rnam thars can be seen as pieces of a more comprehensive puzzle that maps out different Tibetan Buddhist lineages that again come together to form a tradition. Each life story can be compared to a chapter within a much bigger “biography” of the lineage. This is reflected in the large collections of biographies kept by different Tibetan Buddhist traditions, often titled ‘rosary’ or ‘necklace’ suggesting the unbroken chain of religious transmission, often structured like family trees rather than a rosary, with stress on transmission lineage rather than individual life (Roesler 2014:123). As part of a larger whole, it would seem fitting that the individual rnam thars follow standardised stylistic and structural features. In comparison to the standardised structure of Tibetan rnam thar writing, Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam can be broken down as follows:

Structure of a proto-typical Tibetan rang rnam Structure of Dza-ya Paṇḍita's rang rnam

Dedications Dedications

Apologetic beginning Apologetic beginning

Previous incarnations Previous incarnations

Prophecies

Birth Birth

Renunciation Renunciation

Training and education Training and education

Practice Practice

Dreams Dreams

Prophetic experiences Prophetic experiences

Awakening

Work and activity Return to Mongolia

Death

The incompleteness of the full account of his life leading up to his death can be attributed to the rang rnam being compiled very soon upon his return to Mongolia, speculatively sometime in or soon after 1680 as he returned home from Tibet in the last month of 1679. Therefore, aside from the missing accounts of prophecies regarding his birth and awakening, the structural features and order of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam fits the standard rnam thar model very well. Something worth noting is the way in which the prophecies, dreams and practices are all woven in and around his religious training and education, as for example in the following two episodes: “In the summer, at the time when I was drawing a body image of the chos skyong (dharma protector) as requested by the attendant lama, one night, in a dream, two golden ācāryas of light from Rgod-tshang said “you should compose a complete stanza of praise for the gtor ma ritual for inviting the chos skyong". The morning after the dream, I made a request in the vicinity of the feet of the great scholar and tantric master Bsod-nams grags-pa, and he said “it is likely to be the blessing of the guru and you should compose it”. So I composed it accordingly, and after having finished the thangka, I offered it and he was pleased.” “On the 22nd day after Losar, the physician Sgo-ma rag-pa performed a colon purification rite. That night, in a dream, I dreamt that I was lying down with my head placed in the lap of the Panchen Rinpoche with a Yama standing on my belly, pressing me down with his foot. So, the Panchen Rinpoche said, “by this [pressing down of Yama’s feet] may your sickness be purified.” Because of dreaming so, I woke up and a happy feeling arose.” These dreams and prophecies thus support the legitimacy of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s experiences and practices by strengthening the value of his religious achievements.

At a closer investigation the sub-sections that make up the 33 folio (or 66 pages) rang rnam can be divided up as follows.
 Dedications: 0.25 folios
Homage to Mañjughoṣa, the teachers, yidams, Ḍākas and Ḍākinis, and the protectors.
 Apologetic beginning: 0.75 folios
- An account of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s disciples and patrons urging time and time again for him to record his life story, and he himself giving a list of reasons as to why his life is one not worthy of recording.
 Previous incarnations: 1 folio
- Dza-ya Paṇḍita lists the life and merits of his most notable Mongolian incarnation Tumenkhan Khundlen Duuregch Sain Noyon (1558-1640).
- He also mentions another incarnation between Tumenkhan Khundlen Duuregch Sain Noyon and himself which is not recorded in any secondary source I have come across so far:
 “I was born as a son of one who was blind who went to play games and upon returning thirsty from play, due to the thirst, I drank some contaminated water. It is said that because of this, I had died and then I was reborn. I heard this from my parents.”
 Birth: 0.5 folio
 Religious Training and education in Mongolia: 3.5 folios
- Taking his upāsaka vow from the Vinaya holder Rab-byams-pa Blo-gros rgya mtsho (1610-1659).
- Taking his abhiṣeka vow from the dharma lord Dge-'dun bsod-nams.
- Meeting and recognising the Jebstundamba Khutukhtu Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan as his friend and teacher.
- Receiving teachings from Mongolian masters:
• His first teacher Shes-rab Rin-chen
• 'Jam-dbyangs chos-rje
• Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i rgyal-msthan
• Dharmarāja Ngag-dbang blo-bzang dpal-bzang-po
• Dge-'dun bsod-nams
• Blo-bzang bstan-'dzin 'phrin-rgyam-pa
• Lo-tsa-ba Dharmarāja Mahāpaṇḍita
 Training and education in Tibet: 22 folios
- Taking his śrāmaṇera vow from the Fifth Dalai Lama in the spring of 1655
- Making the decision to stay in Bkra-shis lhun-po monastery
- Receiving teachings, practices, rjes gnang (practice permissions), dbang (empowerments) and lung (textual transmissions) from prolific Tibetan masters. I have listed below the most important ones:
- Fifth Dalai Lama Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (1617-1682)
- Forth Panchen Lama Blo-bzang chos-gyi rgyal-mtshan (1570-1662)
- Fifth Panchen Lama Blo-bzang ye-shes (1663-1737)
- Dga'-ldan khri-pa Dpal-ldan rgyal-mtshan (1655-1662)
- Dge-'dun don-grub (17th century)
- Gling-stod zhabs-drung Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho (1590-?)
- 'Jam-dbyangs grags-pa (17th century)
- Blo-bzang bstan-pa dar-rgyas (17th century)
- Bka'-'gyur-pa Sbyin-pa rgya-mtsho (1629-1695)
- Rgod-tshang Khams-pa Drung-'thos nan-chen-po
- Ngag-dbang blo-gros (17th century)
- Dreams, divinations and prophecies associated with his religious training and practice.
- Overcoming various obstacles such as sickness, challenges of his monastic education and rivalry of his peers.
- Receiving advice from his teachers such as the Fifth Dalai Lama.
 Return to Mongolia: 3.5 folios
- Passing on the instructions given to him by the Fifth Dalai Lama regarding specific teachings and practices upon his return to Mongolia.
- Gives teachings, permissions, initiations and transmissions.
The following graph shows the number of folios dedicated to each subsection of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam:
 

As with any Tibetan Buddhist rnam thar or rang rnam, this autobiography must have been composed for particular reasons. It is clear that in Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam, the sections about his training and education by far outnumber the other sections, suggesting that this rang rnam was primarily compiled to demonstrate that he received an exemplary religious education during his 19 years of religious training in Tibet. In this respect, we could say that Dza-ya Paṇḍita chose to represent his life through his religious training and education. The majority of the rang rnam consists of lists of teachings, permissions, instructions and transmission received, which is reminiscent of the rang rnam of the Fifth Dalai Lama. The various transmissions of teachings and practices have corresponding sections in his thob yig which means we can approach the rang rnam as “contents” for the thob yig, which makes it a good point of comparison for the thob yig itself.

If we take a closer look at his religious training and education, it closely parallels the Dge-lugs-pa monastic education structure still upheld today by Dge-lugs-pa monastic institutions. Dreyfus distinguished three main stages within Tibetan monastic education today:

1) Memorisation and acquisition of basic literacy

2) Commentary

3) Debate (Dreyfus 2003:79)

In Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam, these stages are clearly present. At the age of ten, he started studying the different Tibetan scripts and the Mongolian language:

“I learned reading and writing the Tibetan dbu can [[[script]]] and dbu med script (gzab bshur) without much effort. As for Mongolian, I studied it extensively, trained and strove for the sake of it.” By the age of 14, there is evidence that he was still continuing to familiarise himself with the Tibetan language: “I was sent away and furthermore, I learned a little bit about the way to read Tibetan and speak Tibetan.” As for memorisation of texts and commentaries, the entire rang rnam is full of the names of texts he memorised, for example: “From that time onwards, at the time of apprehending the commentaries, because I was told that it would be beneficial, I also thoroughly memorised about two verses daily of the root text of the second volume. Then after continuously doing so, I thoroughly memorised the root text of Dharmakīrti's commentary on Dignāga's Pramāṇavārttika… During that time, I thoroughly memorised the commentary of all four chapters of the commentary on Dignāgas's Pramāṇavārttika by the supreme scholar Shintapa”. It is clear from the stages of his education that as he memorised he also engaged in the practice of debating. There are quite a number of examples he gives for his debate topics: “My teacher kindly taught me a fairly extensive debating method using the topic of the eight auspicious symbols titled “Bkra shis brtags brgyad gang rung yin pa'i phyir”. At that time, it appeared in my mind that I could use the parasol and the goldfish to refute the proposition. After the practice of rtsi bzhag (debate manual), a monk from my college took the debating subject of cause and effect on a basic level and challenged me, to which I answered back with a nice answer. For that performance he and some others said: "It seems like you stayed in Sku-'bum or some other monastery in Amdo".” Another prominent aspect of monastic education is the study of the ten Buddhist sciences. Today, monks still engage in five major and five minor branches of learning at the IBD (Institute of Buddhist Dialectics) in Dharamsala. These ten sciences are also present in Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s education and training. The two major sciences that he brings up more often than the rest are those of medicine and arts and crafts: “For a month and a half, I trained a little bit as a thangka painter and although I wished to learn for a longer period, I was not able to because my teacher obtained a sickness in his foot. After my teacher returned home, because of carelessly passing time, I only painted two or three thangkas and was not able to continue to learn thangka painting with any serious devotion. So learning thangka painting was in name only but essentially a futile effort”. Although he is very modest about his skills as a thangka painter, later in his career he paints many thangkas and is also commissioned to paint them for his teachers:

“During the spring, according to the instructions of my incomparable teacher, the great Dge bshes with incomparable kindness Bsod-nams grags-pa, I drew a thangka of the Buddha which he wanted as his tutelary object of worship and offered it to him. Because of this, he was extremely pleased and as a result I generated immeasurable merits. Similarly the Skyid-shod sprul-sku said that he needed a miniature flash card picture of Sitātapatrā, so because I drew and offered it, he was extremely pleased.” The topic of medicine comes up a lot throughout the rang rnam. He records his study of Buddhist medicine in detail right from an early age in Mongolia:

“…the profound scholar translator, the Dharmarāja Mahāpaṇḍita became the head of our teachers, and in his presence I learnt the art of translation. He said 'Because you have all the good qualities and talents, it is a great loss that you are not learning other arts, so you need to learn the art of medicine'. He then introduced me to many ways of preparing raw medicinal ingredients and general medicine. Afterwards, I learned how to diagnose by taking the pulse and he gave me a manuscript of how to take pulse and examine urine. Although I had no desire to learn this, I did it in accordance with his instructions and became able to prepare several powders from the “bzhi bad bdun” (chapter from Rgyud bzhi). As a result, I became able to benefit those who are sick by prescribing them medicine.” It seems at a young age of 14, he was not so keen in the study of medicine but later on, after his arrival in Tibet, he notes: “In the presence of the second reincarnation Mtsho-smad mkhan-chen (“the great scholar from Amdo”), Gling-stong zhabs-drung Blo-bzang rgya-mtsho, I received the oral transmission of Bka' bsgo, Spyod 'jug and the root tantra of medicine. Saying that we two had a connection from previous lives, he gave me a Buddha statue as symbol of our karmic connection. He also told me 'As for staying in Central Tibet, during your religious study break sessions etc. you can come to me and I will teach you the science of medicine'. He expressed extreme pleasure in our meeting.”

It is widely known in Khalkha Mongolia even today that after his return from Tibet Dza-ya Paṇḍita reformed the practice of Buddhist medicine and was renowned throughout Mongolia for his knowledge and talents in the medicinal arts. This reflects in his rang rnam as well as the thob yig, where the section regarding medicine is one of the most extensive. It is also worth mentioning that Dza-ya Paṇḍita himself appears to have been ill quite a number of times during his life and these instances he records with just as much detail as the texts he studied: “In the fire male horse year, although I was continuously ill with bad phlegm, by the grace of the three jewels, I memorised the scriptures and went to the debating sessions, studied the lessons on wisdom, and received the oral transmissions without a break. I endeavoured to do these as best I could.” “From the next day, because a great epidemic arose in the monastery, due to sickness and infectious disease, I could not go for the debating sessions or sponsored tea services.” “When I was practising on my yidam, I was continuously ill. However, I acted in endurance and memorised the verse composition on the path, “The Comfortable Road to Omniscience”, and the verse composition of the Lam rim composed by the great tantrika Dkon-mchog mchog-rgyan.” These are but a few of the many examples of illnesses he endured during his life. This suggests that his illnesses may have been one of the main motivations for his interest in studying and mastering the art of Buddhist medicine.

As for philosophical study along with the commentarial curriculum, Dreyfus notes that the first layer of the monastic curriculum is based upon the fundamental Madhyamaka root texts Abhisamayālaṃkāra, Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā, and Candrakīrti’s Madhyamakāvatāra (Dreyfus 2003:104). He also divides the study of the commentarial literature into a “lower” and a “higher” curriculum. The texts that make up the lower curriculum are:

Nāgārjuna’s Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (Treatise of the Middle Way)

Āryadeva’s Catuḥśataka (Four Hundred Stanzas)

Candrakīrti’s Madhyamakāvatāra (Introduction to the Middle Way)

Asaṅga’s Abhidharmasamuccaya (Compendium of Abhidharma)

Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośa (Treasury of Abhidahrma)

Dharmakīrti’s Pramāṇavārttika (Commentary on Valid Cognition)

The higher curriculum consists of: Mahāyānottaratantra/Ratnagotravibhāga (The Ultimate Doctrine)

Abhisamayālaṃkāra (Ornament of Realisation)

Mahāyānasūtrālaṃkāra (Ornament of the Mahāyāna Sūtras)

Madhyāntavibhāga (Differentiation of the Middle and the Extremes)

Dharmadharmatāvibhāga (Differentiation of Phenomena and Ultimate Nature)

Pratimokṣasūtra

Guṇaphrabha’s Vinayasūtra

All of these texts are in the list of texts Dza-ya Paṇḍita studied, and the order in which he studies them is also matching. This suggests that the monastic education he received in Tibet in the 17th century is echoed in the monastic education received by monks today at the IBD; the newest of the Buddhist institutions to be opened in the 20th century under the guidance of the fourteenth Dalai Lama. This fact was further pointed out to me during the many hours I spent with Lama Tenzin Tselek, who is a current monk just reaching the end of his study at the IBD, looking over the rang rnam of Dza-ya Paṇḍita, as he himself often delighted in the way the structure of his education mirrored that of Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s over three centuries ago.

Dza-ya Paṇḍita went to study in Tibet at a time when Dge-lugs-pa monastic institutions were starting to transform into the powerful centres of religion and politics they were to remain for the next few centuries. Being from a noble background and receiving patronage from high-ranking political and religious individuals of Khalkha Mongolia, he received the most exemplary monastic education when he was in Tibet. He was also trained under the most prolific teachers at the top monastic colleges of Central Tibet. Although at first glance, the education he received closely follows the model used today, deeper analysis of the contents of his thob yig is necessary to outline exactly how monastic education was being systematised then. Before we venture into the thob yig, the way Dza-ya Paṇḍita presents himself in his own life story is worth mentioning as it is a characteristic that is maintained throughout the thob yig as well. 3.3. Observations on the style of the rang rnam

Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las was a highly learned scholar with many talents, which becomes clear from his biographical writing, even from a glance at his rang rnam which he decided to compile in verse. However, he presents himself in a very modest way and often questions the validity of his experiences and merits with rational criticism, sometimes even taking on a humorous light-hearted tone in doing so. For example: “…because my merit had decreased, the gracious lord the ācārya Shes-rab rin-chen passed away. I was distracted for some years with distractions and although I am not completely certain about my memories, in a dream one night, a lama calling himself the Victorious Tsong-kha-pa was sat atop a throne at the right of my yurt. Seeing this, it occurred to me that the hearsay “the lord [[[Tsong-kha-pa]]] has a big nose” is untrue. Thus, with devotion arising in my mind, at that moment, I saw him appearing in the centre of the sky and then I woke up with a great feeling of happiness arising in my mind.” Although dreaming of Lama Tsong-kha-pa is indeed very auspicious for a Dge-lugs-pa monk, he jokingly includes the point about his nose, giving the whole narrative a light-hearted feel, which at the same time makes it more believable and down to earth. Another example would be:

“While I was staying in Lhasa, the great Yelteng Noyon became sick with fever. Although the physicians etc. of the Dpon-tshang dar-mo family and the skilled highest physicians gave him medicine, the disease was not removed. He said to me that he needed medicine. Despite my saying that I was not properly trained and thus not daring to offer medicine properly, due to his increased persistence, I offered him some courses of medicine. As a result, his sickness was quickly removed. I understood this according to the saying [from the medical point of view] ‘if the patient and the doctor have karmic relations, then the disease will be cured’, and as due to the power of faith.” Dza-ya Paṇḍita mentions his study of medicine a number of times and we know that he learnt it from great teachers. However, when he records his experience of practising it, he humbly gives the credit to faith in the teachings of the Buddha.

In his writing, he quotes the advice and instructions of his main teachers word-for-word, adding to the personal and honest tone of his autobiography. An example of this is the poem the Fifth Dalai Lama compiled for Dza-ya Paṇḍita upon his departure from Tibet to Mongolia: “May the merits of offering the first print (phud) of this seal (tham kha) that looks like the blazing imprint of sunrise [dus mtshams, the time between day and night] before the eyes of Buddha Shakyamuni, who is the sole ornament of the world, flow ceaselessly towards great enlightenment, like the stream of the Ganges flows into the ocean.” The people who come under the rule of the Chinggis Khan who holds the lineage of heaven, are numerous like the constellations of stars. May this system of leading the sentient beings towards the path of liberation and The rulers who are the charioteers of the Buddha activity last so long as cyclic existence lasts. May all the followers of the Dharmarāja of the three times, Lama Tsong-kha-pa, Like beings in the cool shade of the foliage and fruits of the divine tree, Be blessed to enjoy the nectar of Dharma and do whatever practice they wish For the benefit of all sentient beings and find joy [These stanzas] were bestowed and on a day of auspicious planets and stars (constellations) and after wrapping it up in a great virtuous offering scarf, I offered it”.

4. Conclusion

Dza-ya Paṇḍita weaves together the narrative of his rang rnam focusing on his religious training and education, but overall following a very standardised Dge-lugs-pa structural and biographical writing style that echoes the structure and presentation of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s rang rnam. Like most Tibetan Buddhist biographical writing, the contents of his rang rnam creates an image of a highly learned Buddhist master who was part of a strong and authoritative tradition. The numerous practices and teachings listed within his autobiography demonstrate that the religious training he received was an exemplary one and gives him the authority to pass them on to his own disciples in the future, ensuring the continuity of his lineage. As a Mongolian Dge-lugs-pa master who would return to his own country where the task of propagating his tradition would fall on him and a handful of other learned masters, his position had to be strong and his education comprehensive to insure his ability to carry out that task. In this case, not only does his rang rnam serve as inspiration for later disciples and contributes to an image of a strong lineage with accomplished masters, it also acts as a “Monastic Curriculum Vitae” ensuring his authority for his religious activities after his return to Mongolia. His identity is represented through his religious education and training, so that this rang rnam can almost be interpreted as a summarised thob yig or as an acting content for the thob yig in its own right and can also be used as a point of comparison when analysing the thob yig. As Aris stated about Tibetan historical writing: “[These historical works] were written from an exclusively Buddhist viewpoint to celebrate the past glories of clans and principalities, religious schools, cults and monasteries and the Tibetan state itself. The histories met, and continue to meet, the urgent need for legitimising present conditions or aspirations through the vigorous assertions of authority. In their sheer multiplicity they reveal the intensely competitive and diversified world that gave them birth. By providing models to be emulated, the histories impose highly selective views of the past on the present that continue even today to shape a strong sense of local national identity”.

(Aris 1989:9) Dza-ya Paṇḍita’s rang rnam should not be taken alone, but rather as part of a larger whole. It is only one of many pieces forming the larger image of a strong and authoritative tradition that has over the centuries produced a continuity of highly learned masters who are capable of upholding their tradition in a competitive and sectarian world. For a fuller understanding of the life and thought of the author himself, this rang rnam has to be taken together with the rest of his large corpus of writings, including first and foremost his thob yig. The closer scrutiny of this work will allow the presentation of a more comprehensive image of his identity and religious activities. Bibliography Tibetan Sources Tbrc.org. (2014). Mi-nyag mgon-po, Ye-shes rdo-rje, Thub-bstan nyi-ma, Dpal-rdor, Lha-mo-skyabs. "dza ya paN+Di ta blo bzang 'phrin las kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus/." In gangs can mkhas dbang rim byon gyi rnam thar mdor bsdus. TBRC W25268. 1: 384 - 390. pe cin: krung go'i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1996-2000. http://tbrc.org/link?RID=O2JT3895%7CO2JT38952JT7635$W25268. (Accessed 2014). Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las. “shAk bstun blo bzang 'phrin las kyi // ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las // rang gi 'khor bar spyod pa'i tshul // shin tu gsal ba'i sgron me bzhugs //” (The lamp which completely clarifies the manner in which he himself [the monk Dza-ya Paṇḍita] lived his life in saṃsāra from the compiled words of the Shākya monk Blo-bzang 'phrin-las). Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang ‘Phrin-las. “Shakya'i btsun pa blo bzang 'phrin las kyi zab pa dang rgya che ba'i dam pa'i chos kyi thob yig gsal pa'i me long” ('the clear mirror of the profound and extensive noble teachings received by the Buddhist Monk Dza-ya Paṇḍita Blo-bzang 'phrin-las).

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