Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion

by KURODA TOSHIO

Translated by JAMES C. DOBBINS and SUZANNE GAY

Shinto has long been regarded as a crucial element in Japanese reli- gion that gives it distinctiveness and individuality. The common man's view of Shinto usually includes the following assumptions: Shinto bears the unmistakable characteristics of a primitive religion, including nature worship and taboos against kegare (impurities), but it has no system of doctrine; it exists in diverse forms as folk belief but at the same time possesses

certain features of organized religion-for example, rituals and institutions such as shrines; it also plays an important role in Japan's ancient mythology and provides a basis for ancestor and emperor worship. In short, Shinto is viewed as the indigenous religion of Japan, continuing in an

unbroken line from prehistoric times down to the present. Many people have discussed the role of Shinto in Japanese his- tory and culture, but depending on the person there are slight differ- ences in interpretation. These can be divided into two general cate- gories. The first includes those who believe that, despite the dis- semination of Buddhism and Confucianism, the religion called Shinto has existed without interruption

throughout Japanese his- tory. This has become the common man's view, and it is the convic- tion of Shinto scholars and priests particularly. The second includes those who think that, aside from whether it existed under the name Shinto, throughout history there have always been Shinto-like be- liefs and customs (shinko). This kind of interpretation is frequently found in studies of Japanese culture or intellectual history. This view I would like to thank Suzanne Gay and James C. Dobbins for their suggestions during the writing of this article. 1

can be traced back to the National Learning (kokugaku) scholar Motoori Norinaga in the eighteenth century, and it is reflected more recently in Yanagida Kunio's work on Japanese folklore. The same trend is discernible in the writings of Hori 1chir6, who claims an opinion similar to Robert

Bellah's and Sir Charles Eliot's.' Hori defines Shinto and "Shinto-ness" as "the underlying will of Japanese culture." He argues that Shinto has been the crucial ele- ment bringing the "great mix" of religions and rituals absorbed by the Japanese people into coexistence. Moreover, it has forced

them to become Japanese in character. Maruyama Masao, speaking as an intellectual historian on the historical consciousness of the Japanese people, is also of this school. He maintains that the thought pro- cesses found in the myths of the Kojiki and the Nihon shoki continue to exist as an

"ancient stratum," even though other layers of thought have been superimposed in subsequent ages.2 Maruyama is somewhat sympathetic to "Shinto thinkers of the Edo period"- including of course Motoori Norinaga-"down to the nationalistic moralists of the 1930's," and he even construes their

assertions to be "a truth born of a certain kind of intuition." Of these two groups, the views of the second demand special attention, but they should not be looked upon separately from those of the first. The two represent in a sense the external and the internal aspects of the same

phenomenon. The views of the second group can be summarized as follows: 1) Shinto, with the Japanese people, is enduring. It is "the underlying will of Japanese culture," to borrow Hori Ichir6's phrase, an underlying autonomy which transforms and assimilates diverse cultural elements imported from

outside. In the words of Motoori, any cultural element of any period (even Buddhism and Con- fucianism) is, "broadly speaking, the Shinto of that peri~d."~ 2) Even though one can speak of Shinto as a religion along with Buddhism and Taoism, "Shinto-ness" is something deeper. It is the cultural will or energy of the Japanese people, embodied in conven- tions which precede or transcend religion. Here, the "secularity of

1. Hori Ichird, Hijiri to zoku no kattB (Heibonsha, 1975). 2. Maruyama Masao, "Rekishi ishiki no kosd," Rekishi shisdshfi, ed. Maruyama Masao (Chikuma Shobd, 1972). 3. Taken from the TBmonroku by Motoori Norinaga, thought to have been written between 1777 and 1779. This work is a compilation of answers to questions asked by his students. Motoori Norinaga zenshii, Vol. 1 (Chikuma Shobd, 1968), p. 527.

Shinto" is stressed. Whether people who maintain this position like it or not, what they advocate is akin to the Meiji Constitution, which did not regard State Shinto as a religion and on that basis placed restraints upon the thought and beliefs of Japanese citizens. It is also similar to the

rationale adopted by certain movements today which seek to revive State Shinto. 3) Based on this line of thought, "the miscellaneous nature of Japanese religion," whereby a person may be Buddhist and Shinto at the same time, is taken as an unchanging characteristic of Japanese culture. When such a fomma is applied to all cultural phenomena in history, then a miscellaneous, expedient, irrational, and non-intellectual frame of mind, more

than any effort at a logical, unified, and integrated world view, is extolled as that which is most Japanese. The views of the second group when compared to those of the first differ in conception and central argument, but insofar as they both regard Shinto as a unique religion existing independently throughout history, the two share a common premise and reinforce one another. This view, however, is not only an incorrect perception

of the facts but also a one-sided interpretation of Japanese history and culture. It is hoped that this article will demonstrate that before modern times Shinto did not exist as an independent religion. The main points of my argument will be as follows: 1) It is generally held that an indigenous self-consciousness is embodied in the word Shinto. I would argue that the original mean- ing of the word differs from how it is understood today. 2)

The ceremonies of Ise Shrine, as well as those of the imperial court and the early provincial government, are said to have been forms of "pure Shinto." I would like to show that they actually became one component of a unique system of Buddhism which emerged in Japan and were perceived as an extension of Buddhism. 3) It is said that Shinto played a secular role in society and existed in a completely different sphere from Buddhism. I would

maintain that this very secularity was permeated with Buddhist con- cepts and was itself religious in nature. The greater part of this paper will examine this question and the preceding two in their ancient and medieval contexts. 4) Finally, I would like to trace the historical stages and the rationale whereby the term Shinto came to mean the indigenous religion or national faith of Japan and to clarify how and when Shinto came to be viewed as an independent religion.

I. Shinto in the Nihon shoki

The word Shinto is commonly taken to mean Japan's indigenous religion and to have had that meaning from fairly early times. It is difficult, however, to find a clear-cut example of the word Shinto used in such a way in early writings. The intellectual historian Tsuda Sdkichi has studied the

occurrences of the word Shinto in early Japanese literature and has divided its meaning into the following six categories: 1) "religious beliefs found in indigenous customs passed down in Japan, including superstitious beliefs"; 2) "the authority, power, activity, or deeds of a kami, the status of kami, being a kami, or the kami itself"; 3) concepts and teachings concerning kami; 4) the teachings propagated by a particular shrine; 5)

"the way of the kami" as a political or moral norm; and 6) sectarian Shinto as found in new religion^.^ From these it is clear that the word Shinto has been used in a great variety of ways. Tsuda maintains that in the Nihon shoki Shinto means "the religious beliefs found in indigenous customs in Japan," the first definition, and that it was used from that time to distinguish "Japan's indigenous religion from Buddhism." He also claims that

this basic definition underlies the meaning of Shinto in the other five categories. It is far from conclusive, however, that the word Shinto was used in early times to denote Japan's indigenous religi~n,~ and for that reason Tsuda's analysis of examples in the Nihon shoki should be re-examined. The following three sentences are the only instances of the word Shinto in the Nihon shoki:

1) The emperor believed in the teachings of the Buddha (Buppd or hotoke no min~ri)~ and revered Shinto (or kami no michi). (Pro- logue on Emperor Ydmei) 2) The emperor revered the teachings of the Buddha but scorned Shinto. He cut down the trees at Ikukunitama Shrine. (Prologue on Emperor Kdtoku)

3) The expression "as a kami would" (kamunagara) means to con- form to Shinto. It also means in essence to possess one's self of Shinto.

4. Tsuda Sdkichi, Nihon no Shintd (Iwanami Shoten, 1949),chapter one.

Kami is the Japanese word for a deity or spirit. The word Shintd, which is of Chinese origin, is made up of two characters: shin meaning karni and td meaning way or upright con- duct.

5. Nihon shoki, 11, Vol. 68 of Nihon koten bungaku taikei (Iwanami Shoten, 1965), note on "Shintd," p. 556.

6. In an early manuscript, the Japanese gloss hotoke no rninori is added to the

In examples one and two it is possible to interpret Shinto as distinguishing "Japan's indigenous religion from Buddhism," but that need not be the only interpretation. Tsuda himself indicates that in China the word Shinto originally meant various folk religions, or Taoism, or sometimes Buddhism,

or even religion in general.7 Therefore, the word Shinto is actually a generic term for popular beliefs, whether of China, Korea, or Japan, even though in examples one and two it refers specifically to Japan's ancient customs, rituals, and beliefs, regardless of whether they were Japanese in origin. Since the Nihon shoki was compiled with a knowledge of China in mind, it is hard to imagine that its author used the Chinese word Shinto

solely to mean Japan's indigenous religion. Though there may be some validity in what Tsuda says, the word Shinto by itself probably means popular beliefs in general. In examples one and two Shinto is used in contrast to the word Buppo, the teachings of the Buddha. Tsuda takes this to mean "Ja- pan's indigenous religion," but there are other possible interpreta- tions of this without construing it to be the name of a religion. For example,

it could mean "the authority, power, activity, or deeds of a kami, the status of kami, being a kami, or the kami itself," Tsuda's second definition of Shinto. In fact, during this period the character do or to, which is found in the word Shinto, meant not so much a road or path but rather conduct or right a~tion.~ Hence, Shinto could easily refer to the conduct or action of the kami. In example three there are two instances of the word Shinto.

While it is not unthinkable to interpret them as "popular beliefs in general," Tsuda's second definition, "the authority, power, activ- ity, or deeds of a kami. . . ," is perhaps more appropriate, since the word kamunagara in the quotation means "in the nature of a kami" or "in the state of being a kami." The sentences in example three were originally a note explaining the word kamunagara as it ap- peared in the emperor's decree issued on the

day of this entry, and according to Edo period scholars it was added sometime after the ninth century when the work was tran~cribed.~ Therefore, it is not reliable as evidence for what Shinto meant at the time the Nihon Chinese characters Buppd. Of course this was written after the ninth century, but it may have been read that way from the time of the manuscript. 7.

Tsuda, chapter one. 8. Jidaibetsu kokugo daijiten (Sanseidd, 1967); Iwanami kogo jiten (Iwanami Shoten, 1967). Both works give examples of michi used to refer to Buddhist doc- trines, but this is not to say that the meaning doctrine is included in the word michi. 9. Nihon shoki, 11, p. 574.

shoki was compiled. Even if it were, it is more likely that the com- piler did not use the same word in two different ways but rather applied the same definition, "the authority, power, activity, or deeds of a kami. . . ," in all three examples. Another possible interpretation of Shinto in the

Nihon shoki is Taoism. Based on recent studies, it is clear that Shinto was another term for Taoism in China during the same period.1° Moreover, as Taoist concepts and practices steadily passed into Japan between the first century A.D. and the period when the Nihon shoki was compiled, they no doubt exerted a considerable influence on the ceremonies and the beliefs of communal groups bound by blood ties or geographical proximity and on

those which emerged around im- perial authority. Among the many elements of Taoist origin trans- mitted to Japan are the following: veneration of swords and mirrors as religious symbols; titles such as mahito or shinjin (Taoist meaning-perfected man, Japanese meaning-the highest of eight court ranks in ancient times which the emperor bestowed on his descendants), hijiri or sen (Taoist-immortal, Japanese-saint, emperor, or recluse), and

tennd (Taoist-lord of the universe, Japanese-emperor); the cults of Polaris and the Big Dipper; terms associated with Ise Shrine such as jinga (Taoist-a hall enshrining a deity, Japanese-Ise Shrine), naikfi (Chinese-inner palace, Japanese-inner shrine at Ise), geka (Chinese-detached palace, Japanese--outer shrine at Ise), and taiichi (Taoist-the undifferentiated origin of all things, Japanese-no longer in general use, except at Ise Shrine where it has been used since ancient times on flags signifying Amaterasu Omikami); the concept of daiwa (meaning a state of ideal peace, but in Japan used to refer to Yamato, the center of the country); and the Taoist concept of immortality. Early Japanese perhaps regarded their ceremonies and beliefs as Taoist, even though they may have differed from those in China. Hence, it is possible to view these teachings, rituals, and even the

concepts of imperial authority and of nation as remnants of an attempt to estab- lish a Taoist tradition in Japan. If that is so, Japan's ancient popular beliefs were not so much an indigenous religion but merely a local brand of Taoism, and the word Shinto simply meant Taoism. The accepted theory today is that a systematic form of Taoism did not

10. Fukunaga Kdji, "Ddkyd ni okeru kagami to tsurugi-sono shisd to genryfi," T6h6 gakuhd, 45 (Kydto, 1973); Fukunaga Kdji, "Tennd to shikyu to shinjin- Chugoku kodai no Shinto," Shisd, 637 (1977). 11. Here both hijiri and sen are written with the character ninben with yama.

enter Japan in ancient times,12 but it is not unreasonable to think that over a long period of time Taoism gradually pervaded Japan's reli- gious milieu until medieval times when Buddhism dominated it com- pletely. Three possible interpretations of the word Shinto in the Nihon shoki have been

presented above. It is not yet possible to say which of these is correct, but that should not preclude certain conclusions about Shinto. What is common to all three is that none view Japan's ancient popular beliefs as an independent religion and none use the word Shinto as a specific term for such a religion. Also, there is no evidence that any other specific term existed. Moreover, when Buddhism was introduced into Japan there was a

controversy over whether or not to accept it, but there is no indication that these popular beliefs were extolled as an indigenous tradition. Hence, Shinto need not imply a formal religion per se, and it need not indicate something which is uniquely Japanese. II. The Significance of Shinto Deities in the Ancient Period

In the previous section the word Shinto was analyzed to show how it was used and what it meant in ancient times. Now it is necessary to consider the institutional significance and place of kami in Japan during that period, especially as evidenced in the jingiryd laws and in Shinto-Buddhist syncretism. The jingiryd is a set of laws of ancient Japan which instituted ceremonies to the kami. Needless to say, these laws include only those

rites which had state sponsorship, but they nonetheless repre- sent a fair sampling of the ceremonies current at that time. In brief thejingiryd laws cover the following topics: 1) the season, title, and content of official annual ceremonies; 2) imperial succession cere- monies and imi (seclusion to avoid things tabooed); 3) the supervi- sion and administration of ceremonies; 4) dharai (an official cere- mony to exorcise evils and offenses

from people); and 5) the administration of government shrines. It is well known that the ritsuryd law code of ancient Japan was modeled on the codes of Sui and T'ang China. Many scholars have already pointed out that the jingiryd, one section of the ritsuryd, was based on the Chinese shiryd or tz'u-ling code, which has been recon- structed in forty-six articles.13 When compared to the T'ang shiryd, 12. Shimode Sekiyo, Nihon kodai no jingi to Ddkyd (Yoshikawa Kdbunkan, 1972). 13. Ritsuryd, Vol. 3 of Nihon shisd taikei (Iwanami Shoten, 1976), p.

the jingiryd is seen to occupy an identical position in the overall order of the law code and to correspond to the shiryd in topic and sentence structure. The official ceremonies described in the shiryd include: 1)shi or, in Chinese, ssu (veneration of kami of heaven); 2) sai or chi

(veneration of kami of earth); 3) kd or heng (deification of the spirits of the dead); and 4) sekiten or shih-tien (deification of ancient sages and masters). From these the jingiryd of Japan incor- porated only the first two and then added imperial succession cere- monies and dharai ceremonies, not found in the shiryd. These changes probably reflect differences in the use of ceremonies in Japan and China which the compilers of the ritsuryd

code took into account. Notwithstanding these differences, both codes are alike in that they record popular ceremonies of society at that time, even though they include only those ceremonies which had official or political significance. The importance which Japan's ritsuryd code placed on kami derived ultimately from such ceremonies. Originally, kami were popular local deities connected to communal groups bound by blood ties or geographical

proximity, and later to the impe- rial concept of state as well. The kami associated with ancestor worship are one example of such local deities. As the section follow- ing the jingiryd in the ritsuryd, the government drew up the sdniryd, laws for Buddhist institutions, to regulate priests and nuns. By com- piling the sdniryd separately from the jingiryo, the government placed ceremonies for kami in a different dimension from religions such

as Buddhism which exerted a special influence on society through its high doctrines. In subsequent centuries the significance of kami changed some- what from what it had been under the original ritsuryd system. Dur- ing the eighth century the state enthusiastically embraced Bud- dhism, and the Empress Shdtoku, in collusion with the priest Ddkyd, established a policy that was pro-Buddhist in the extreme. Recent scholars have shown how this

policy met with opposition in aristo- cratic and court circles, and they claim that in conjunction with politi- cal reforms at the beginning of the ninth century there emerged the concept of Shinto as an independent indigenous religion.l4 Cer- tainly, it was during these ninth century reforms that court Shinto ceremonies and Ise Shrine's organization were formalized. Nonethe- less, it is highly unlikely that Shinto was perceived as an

indepen- dent religion in opposition to Buddhism at this time. As is already well known, between the late eighth century and 14. Takatori Masao, Shinto no seivitsu (Heibonsha, 1979).

the eleventh century Shinto and Buddhism gradually coalesced with one another (shinbutsu shfig6)--or, more precisely, veneration of the kami was absorbed into Buddhism through a variety of doctrinal innovations and new religious forms. Among the doctrinal explana- tions of the kami were the

following:

1) the kami realize that they themselves are trapped in this world of samsara and transmigration and they also seek liberation through the Buddhist teachings;

2) the kami are benevolent deities who protect Buddhism;

3) the kami are transformations of the Buddhas manifested in Japan to

save all sen- tient beings (honji suijaku); and

4) the kami are the pure spirits of the Buddhas (hongaku). Among new religious forms were thejingfiji (a combination shrine and temple) and S6gy6 Hachiman (the kami Hachiman in the guise of a Buddhist monk). Such religious forms are exemplary of

ceremonies and objects of worship which could not be distinguished specifically as Shinto or as Buddhist. The first stage in this process of Shinto-Buddhist syncretization covered the late eighth and early ninth century. During that period the first two doc- trinal explanations of kami, mentioned

above, became current. It is only natural that at this stage people became more cognizant of the kami, especially in relation to the Buddhas. Examples of this are found in the Shoku Nihongi. The entry there for 78217129 states that Shinto cannot be deceived and that numerous recent calamities are retribution meted out by the great kami of Ise and all the other kami in return .for the negligent use of mourning garb widespread among men. Such disrespect for decorum, and by extension for the kami, indicates implicitly the popularity of the Buddhas over the kami. Another

example from the Shoku Nihongi is an imperial edict of 83611 1, which states that there is nothing superior to MahiiyFina Buddhism in defending Shinto and that one should rely on the efficacy of Buddhist practices to transform calamity into good. This passage indicates that it is the Buddhas who guarantee the authority of the kami. These examples reflect a heightened awareness of kami during this period, but they by no means imply that Shinto was looked upon as an independent and inviolable entity. On the contrary, there was more of a sense that Shinto occupied a subordinate

position and role within the broader scheme of Buddhism.

111. The Meaning of the Word Shinto in Medieval Times

The Konjaku monogatarishl?, composed around the eleventh century, contains the following two references. First, an old woman in China was possessed with heretical views: she served Shinto and did not believe in Buddhism. Second, there was an outlying province in India which was a land of kami,

and to this day the words of Buddhism have not been transmitted there. l5 Here "Shinto" and "land of kami" have nothing to do with Japan but clearly indicate "local deities" and "a land devoted to its local deities." Although these references are from a collection of Buddhist tales, they show that

even in this period the word Shinto was used in its classical sense, as it was in China and in the Nihon shoki. In medieval times the word Shinto generally meant the authority, power, or activity of a kami, being a kami, or, in short, the state or attributes of a kami. For example, the Nakatomi

no harai kunge, a work on Ry6bu Shinto of Shingon Buddhism, discusses the relation- ship of kami and Buddha in the following way: "The Buddha as- sumes a state in which kami and Buddha are not two different things but are absolutely identical. The Buddha constantly confers his mark (suijaku) on

Shint~."'~ Here Shinto must mean kami or the state of being a kami. The word Shinto is used in the same way in the ShintGshu, a collection of tales from the Sannd Shinto tradition of Tendai Buddhism:

Question: For what reason do the Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas manifest themselves in the form of Shinto? Answer: The Buddhas and the Bodhisattvas manifest themselves in various forms out of compassion for and to save all living beings."

Besides these there are numerous other examples of Shinto used to mean kami. A saying in common parlance in medieval times was, "Shinto is a difficult thing to speculate about." This example, if any, is represen- tative of what Shinto ordinarily indicated in that period. It does not mean

that one cannot conjecture about the religion or doctrines of the kami but rather that it is difficult to fathom the conduct, the intentions, and the existence of the kami by human intellect. Such a definition of Shinto was current throughout the medieval period, and even the Japanese Portuguese

Dictionary of 1603 contains the fol- lowing entry: "Xinto (camino michi). Kami [camis in the original] or 15. Konjaku monogatarishri, fasc. 7, story 3; fasc. 3, story 26. 16. Kdbd Daishi zenshri, Vol. 5 (Yoshikawa Kdbunkan, 1909), p. 160. 17. Akagi bunkobon Shintdshri, Vol. 1 of Kichd kotensekisdkan (Kadokawa Sho- ten, 1968), p. 12.

matters pertaining to k~mi."'~The camino michi recorded here is the Japanese reading of the Chinese characters for Shinto. It is clear that this word michi likewise does not mean doctrine. Michi in the medieval period, just as in ancient times, indicated conduct or ideal state like the michi in

mononofu no michi or yumiya no michi (the way of the warrior). Hence kami no michi means the state of being a kami or the conduct of a kami. Even when michi is compounded with another character and read td or dd as in Shinto, the compound can have the meaning of the other character alone. An example of this is found in the Gishi wajinden which states in reference to Himiko that "she served the kid6 (demons)." The same can be said of the

db and td of my6d6 (deities of the world of the dead) and tent6 (deities such as Bonten and Taishakuten), words which appear in kishdmon, medieval documents containing oaths sworn before kami and Buddhas. The next question that must be dealt with is what religious con- tent this word Shinto was said to have contained. As pointed out earlier, during medieval times Shinto was generally interpreted as one part of Buddhism. This was possible

because the concepts con- tained in MahByBna Buddhism provided a rationale for absorbing folk beliefs. Just as a unique form of Buddhism evolved in Tibet, so in medieval Japan Buddhism developed a distinctive logic and sys- tem of its own. Nominally, medieval Buddhism comprised eight sects, but it was not unusual for individuals to study the teachings and rituals of all the sects. The reason is that the eight held a single doctrinal system

in common, that of mikkyd or esoteric Buddhism (Skt. VajrayBna). The Buddhist teachings that were recognized as orthodox during the medieval period had mikkyd as their base, combined with the exoteric teachings or kengyd (Buddhist and other teachings outside of mikkyd) of each of the eight schools-Tendai, Kegon, Yuishiki (HossG), Ritsu, etc. These eight sects, sometimes called kenmitsu or exoteric-esoteric Buddhism, acknowledged their

interdependence with state authority, and together they dominated the religious sec- tor. This entire order constituted the fundamental religious system of medieval Japan. Shinto was drawn into this Buddhist system as one segment of it, and its religious content was replaced with Bud- dhist doctrine, particularly mikkyd and Tendai philosophy. The term

18, Vocabvlario da Lingoa de Iapam (Nagasaki, 1603); Nippo jisho (Iwanami Shoten, 1960).

kenmitsu used here refers to this kind of system.19 At the end of the twelfth century, various reform movements arose in opposition to this system, and there even appeared heretical sects which stressed exclusive religious practices-the chanting of the nembutsu, zen meditation, etc. Nonetheless,

the kenmitsu system maintained its status as the orthodox religion until the beginning of the sixteenth century. In kenmitsu Buddhism, the most widespread interpretation of the religious content of Shinto was the honji suijaku theory, based on Tendai doctrine. According to this theory, the

kami are simply an- other form of the Buddha, and their form, condition, authority, and activity are nothing but the form and the acts by which the Buddha teaches, guides, and saves human beings. Shinto, therefore, was independent neither in existence nor in system of thought. It was merely one

means among many by which the Buddha guides (ked6) and converts (kegi) sentient beings. The Shintbshzl cited earlier contains about fifty tales in which the Buddha takes on the form of a kami and saves human beings. The word Shinto in its title presup- poses this meaning-i.e., conversion by the

Buddha. With Shinto interpreted in this way and with people's beliefs based on this kind of interpretation, individual Shinto shrines sought to emphasize the distinctive capacities and lineage of their own kami as a manifesta- tion (suijaku) of the Buddha, as well as the unique teachings and

practices passed down in their shrine or school. These claims were expanded through complicated doctrines and tortuous theories into a class of teachings now called' sectarian or shake Shinto (Tsuda's fourth definition of the word Shinto, "the teachings propagated by a particular shrine").

Rydbu Shinto of the Shingon tradition and Sannd Shinto of the Tendai tradition are typical examples of such teachings. Individual shrines in different areas adapted these teach- ings in such a way that during the medieval period countless theories of Shinto arose. The theory of Shinto

propounded by the Ise Shrine tradition, sometimes called Ise or Watarai Shinto, is of decisive importance in a consideration of medieval Shinto. Modem intellectual and Shinto historians have generally regarded Ise Shinto, which became active in the thirteenth century, as evidence of Shinto's

tenacious, though hidden, existence as "Japan's indigenous religion" throughout me- dieval times. Moreover, they see it as the starting point for subse- 19. Kuroda Toshio, Nihon chasei no kokka to shaky0 (Iwanami Shoten, 1975), chapter three.

quent medieval theories of Shinto as they began to break away from Buddhi~m.~~ It is well-known that even during Buddhism's apex in the medi- eval period Ise Shrine maintained ancient rites-whether uniquely Japanese or Taoist in origin-and upheld proscriptions against Buddhist terminology,

practices, and garb. But it is equally impor- tant to realize that Ise Shrine did not completely reject Buddhism, for Buddhist priests would visit the shrine and Ise priests themselves possessed considerable knowledge of Buddhism. In this light, the proscription against anything Buddhist was

probably regarded as a peculiar and mysterious practice, incomprehensible to society in general and even to the Shinto priests at Ise. This proscription, for example, is treated as strange in Mujii's Shasekishd and Tsiikai's Daijingd sankeiki, works closely associated with Ise Shrine, and

in treatises by outstanding priests of Ise, such as the Daijingd rydgu no onkoto by Watarai Tsunemasa. For the medieval mind this was only a natural response. The problem that arises here is how to explain in Buddhist terms what was a truly peculiar practice for the times, or even more so, how to advocate it in all good conscience as a praiseworthy feature of the shrine. The works mentioned above actually begin with this kind of question and

end up expounding the immeasurable virtues of the kami at Ise. Also in Ise Shinto there is the expression "not to breathe a word about Buddhism." This in fact does not imply a rejection of Buddhism but rather indicates a special attitude or etiquette assumed in the presence of the kami. As stated previously in another article, this view draws on the philoso- phy of innate Buddhahood (hongaku shisd) found in esoteric Bud- dhism which was

popular at that time, the thirteenth century.21 In the final analysis, Ise Shinto was nothing more than one form of sectarian Shinto, which took for granted the existence of the Bud- dha~.~~ In the Hieisha eizan gydkdki of the early fourteenth century, it states: There are identical as well as differing aspects in the method of conversion used by the shinmei (kami) in other lands and that used by Shinto in our own land. Our land, which is a land of the kami, is

20. Osumi Kazuo, "Chiisei Shintdron no Shisdteki Ichi," hasei Shintdron, Vol. 19 of Nihon shisd taikei (Iwanami Shoten, 1977). 21. Kuroda, p. 521. 22. Kuroda Toshio, "Chiisei shiikydshi ni okeru Shintd no ichi," in Kodai ChCsei no shakai to shisd: Zenaga Saburd kydju taikan kinen (Sanseidd, 1979), p. 151 ff.

superior in that human beings are benefitted by "the light of the Buddha melded to become one with our world of dust" (wakd ddjin, i.e., the power of the Buddha harmonized with our mundane world and manifested as k~rni).~~ This passage is indicative of how the word Shinto was interpreted in medieval times. It was not used to distinguish popular beliefs from Buddhism but rather to signify the form in which the Buddha con- verts and saves human beings.

Shinto's Secular Role

If Shinto is a manifestation of the Buddha and one form in which he converts and saves human beings, there arises the question of whether kami play precisely the same role as the Buddha. Here it is important to note the secular character of Shinto in medieval times. Many of the representations of

kami familiar to people in the medi- eval period were secular in form. Admittedly, there were also nu- merous examples of syncretism with Buddhism, for instance, Sanskrit letters used to symbolize invisible kami or a Buddhist image enshrined in the inner sanctuary (shinden) of a shrine, or again Hachimanshin portrayed as a Buddhist monk, or Za6 Gongen as the Buddhist deity My66 (Skt. Vidyariija). Nevertheless, in many of the Shinto statues,

portraits, and narrative drawings that survive today, kami were depicted in such secular guises as noblemen, ladies, old men, young boys, Chinese gentlemen, travelers, and hunters. A number of these became formalized iconographically during the thir- teenth century.24 The same can also be said of how the word suijaku (manifesta- tion) was comprehended. Suijaku, as understood by the common people in medieval times, was not the abstract or

philosophical idea found in the doctrines of MahayBna Buddhism but was mythological in nature or perhaps associated with concrete places or events. The term suijaku literally meant to descend from heaven to a given spot and to become the local or guardian kami of that spot.25 Hence, at that spot

there would arise a legend of the mysterious relationship between men and kami, and the very area enshrining the kami would 23. Okami Masao hakase kanreki kinen kankdkai, Mu~ornachi gokoro+hasei bungaku shirydsha (Kadokawa Shoten, 1978), p. 366. 24. For Hie Shichisha, see

Enryakuji gokoku engi in Dai Nihon Bukkyd zensho, chapter one; for Kasugasha, see Kageyama Haruki, Shintd bijutsu (Ynzankaku, 1973), p. 170. 25. Kuroda, Nihon Chfisei, p. 451.

be looked upon as sacred ground where profound doctrinal princi- ples lay concealed. The history of this manifestation-that is, its development over time-was related in the form of an engi (a histor- ical narrative), and the positioning of its enshrinement-that is, its location in space-was depicted in the form of a mandala (a rational layout). This indicates that the legends, the architectural form of early shrines, and the rituals of

worship were interpreted as mysteri- ous principles expressing Buddhist philosophy. In short, secular representations in Shinto actually expressed an essence which was strongly Buddhist. The link between Buddhism and Shinto in medi- eval times is exemplified by the Kike school at Enryakuji. This school, which specialized in chronicles, concentrated on mysterious legends, especially Shinto legends, as a means of plumbing the depths of

B~ddhism.~~ Also in the medieval period Shinto was associated with numer- ous secular functions and duties. Shinto observances at court, such as the Daijde (a rite performed by the emperor upon his succession) and the Jinkonjiki (a biannual offering to the kami by the emperor) had no other purpose than to enshroud in mystery secular authority. Nonetheless, they derived their meaning from the fact that secular mystery lay within a world

encompassed by Buddhist law. Eventu- ally, the worship of kami became inseparable from secular authority, but at the same time it was incorporated into the multi-leveled ken- mitsu system with its unique logic and structure resulting from Buddhism's development in Japan. Secular though it was, Shinto did not coexist aloof from Buddhism, nor did it constitute a nonBuddhist stronghold within the Buddhist sphere. Rather, its secular- ity

functioned, in the final analysis, within a Buddhist world. Because shrines were Buddhism's secular face, their upkeep was the responsibility of the secular authority, even though they them- selves were integrated into Buddhism's system of control. For that reason, the imperial court made regular offerings to twenty-two spe- cially designated shrines, and the provincial government bore the responsibility for ceremonies and maintenance at major

shrines (sbsha, ichinomiya, and ninomiya) in the provinces. In the Kama- kura period the bakufu stipulated in article one of the Goseibai shikimoku, the Jdei law code, that "efforts must be made to keep shrines in repair and not to neglect their ceremonies," thereby stress- ing the importance of

maintaining shrines in the provinces and on sh8en under bakufu supervision. In article two it dealt with Buddhist 26. Hazama Jikd, Nihon Bukkyd no kaiten to sono kichd, Vol. 2, p. 245ff.

temples and their functions. These indicate not only the respon- sibilities that the bakufu inherited from the provincial government of the previous period but also the obligations which secular adminis- trative authority had to fulfill to religion. As stated earlier, Shinto was looked upon as a

skillful means by which the Buddha, in his compassion, might lead people to en- lightenment or deliver them to his Pure Land. Nonetheless, it is important to note that in actuality Shinto played an important role in the administrative power upholding the secular order. As pointed out in the previous section, the ability of "the light of the Buddha to meld and to become one with our world of dust" (wakd ddjin) was constantly stressed in

medieval times, but that expression reflects an understanding of Shinto's ultimate significance or its final objective. On an everyday level, people felt a strong sense of fear toward the kami. For example, in many medieval oaths (kishdmon), it is re- corded, "If I violate this pledge, may the punishments of Bonten and Taishakuten, of the karni of the provinces, and especially of the guardian kami of this shden be visited upon this body of mine." It goes without saying that what was sworn in such oaths was, without exception, actions of wordly significance or things relating to the

preservation of the secular order, rather than anything to do with religious affairs. It is true that in Buddhism also people would peti- tion the Buddha for "peace in this world and good fortune in the next" (gense annon gosei zenshd), but as a general rule matters of this world were addressed

to the kami and those of the coming world to the Buddha. In times of worldly difficulty one might pray for the protection of the kami and the Buddha, but first and foremost for that of the kami. Or, when heading into battle, one would beseech the kami for good fortune in war. Concerning the kami and their power, it was generally said that they were strict in both reward and punishment. Such views simply highlight the influence and control

which religion exerted over secular life. Though there is not enough space to deal with it adequately here, the belief that "Japan is the land of the kami," with both its political and religious implications, was based on the secular role of Shinto described above. The secularity of Shinto and the political applica- bility of the concept of "the land of the kami" does not indicate that Shinto was without any religious character but rather shows

that the Buddhist system which lay behind it pervaded all aspects of every- day life. The present-day illusion that Shinto is not a religion derives historically from a misunderstanding of this point.

V. The Emergence of the Concept of Shinto as an Indigenous Religion

The following two sentences are found in the Shintoshcl:

1) Question: On what basis do we know that Shinto reveres the Buddha's teachings?

2) Question: How are we to understand the statement that the Buddha's realm and Shinto differ in their respective forms but are one and the same in essence?27

Both of these questions pose kami and Buddha against one another. In the first Shinto clearly indicates the kami themselves, whereas in the second Shinto may be interpreted as the deeds, state, or author- ity of the kami, but it also conveys the idea of a realm of the kami by contrasting it to the Buddha's realm. A similar passage is found in the Daijingcl sankeiki by Tsiikai:

Amaterasu Omikami is paramount in Shinto and the TathHgata Dainichi is paramount in Buddhist teachings. Hence in both suijaku (manifestation) and honji (origin or source) there is the supreme and the inc~mparable.~~

In this case Shinto may be understood as the ideal state of being a kami, but it is also important that, as a concept juxtaposed to "Buddhist teachings," it assumes a sphere of its own, meaning "the realm of suijuku," teaching and converting in the form of a kami. This is especially true of the Ise school's theory of Shinto. For example, in the Hoki hongi Shinto is contrasted to the "three jewels" (the three basic components of Buddhism-

the Buddha, the Buddhist teachings, and the Buddhist order), or in the Ruishcl jingi hongen it is juxtaposed to bukke (Buddhist schools).29 These imply that Shinto and Buddhism belong to separate spheres in the phe- nomenal world even though they are identical in essence. Examples which

transfer emphasis to the word Shinto in this way are quite conspicuous in Ise Shinto. This was a natural tendency, since the Ise school's theory of Shinto had to stress the efficacy of Shinto above all, even more than other schools of sectarian Shinto. The word Shinto, when set up as an object of contrast in this

27. Akagi bunkobon Shintdsho, pp. 226-27. 28. Jingo sankeiki taisei, in Daijingo sdsho, p. 70. 29. Watarai Shintd taisei, I, in Dai Jingo Sdsho, pp. 54, 695.

way, emerged with a sectarian meaning or with a special sphere of its own, even though fundamentally it meant the authority of the kami or the condition of being a kami. This is not to say that it immediately assumed the meaning of a separate teaching or religion liberated from the framework

of Buddhism. Rather, what Ise Shinto tried to do was to cast the realm of Shinto in a resplendent light. This was attempted by reducing the terms contrasted with Shinto to purely Buddhist phenomenon and forms-i.e., Buddhist teachings, "three jewels," Buddhist schools, etc.-and by defining Shinto relative to them. All the while, Buddhism, the overarching principle which embraced and unified both, was left intact as the ultimate basis.

The Ise school also attempted to aggrandize Shinto by diverse embellishments and additions to Shinto that were non-Buddhist and by cloaking it in a dignity similar to that of the Buddhist scriptures. Nonetheless, in this case also the principles which Shinto held in common with Buddhism were

likewise stressed. In this way the word Shinto came to refer to a Japanese phenom- enon, school, or sphere of Buddhism qua religious truth. This meaning of the word paved the way for later stages in which Shinto became a term for Japan's indigenous religion. The writings of the priests at Ise

as well as the theories of fourteenth century Shinto thinkers such as Kitabatake Chikafusa, Jihen, and Ichijii Kanera (corresponding to Tsuda's third definition of Shinto, "concepts and teachings concerning kami") played a particularly important role in this process. Nevertheless, it was not

because these thinkers were critical of kenmitsu Buddhism, which was the orthodox religion of the medieval period. Rather, they were all adherents of the orthodox teachings, so that any statements they made, which might at first seem to oppose those teachings, were nothing more than an attempt,

extreme though it may have been, to enshroud in mystery the authority of the governing system at a time when it was isolated and in decline. With the rise of the Shinto-only school (Yuiitsu or Yoshida Shinto) at the end of the fifteenth century, the word Shinto became more and more identified as an

indigenous form of religion. It was even interpreted as the highest religion, though identical in essence with Buddhism and Confucianism. At this point the meaning of the word began to depart from the orthodox teachings of kenmitsu Buddhism. It just so happened that during this period the power

of the orthodox religious order was in a state of decline because of the strength of various heretical movements of so-called "new Buddhism," particularly of ShinshCi uprisings (ikkd ikki). The Shinto-

only school, which was one branch of sectarian Shinto, simply took advantage of this situation for its own unfettered development. Beginning in the seventeenth century a Confucian theory of Shinto, with much the same structure as medieval theories, was formulated by Hayashi Razan and other Edo period scholars. Based on this interpretation of Shinto, the definition of Shinto as the indigenous religion of Japan, as opposed to Taoism, Buddhism, or Confucianism, became firmly fixed. Moreover, the Confucian con- cept of dd, the way, also influenced the word Shinto, imbuing it with

the meaning of "the way, as a political or moral norm" (Tsuda's fifth definition of Shinto). Of course, Confucian Shinto amounted to nothing more than theories of the educated class subordinating Shinto's true nature to Confucianism. Actual belief in the kami, however, as found among the common people at that time, remained subsumed under Buddhism. The notion of Shinto as Japan's indigenous religion finally emerged complete both in name and in fact with the rise of modern nationalism, which evolved from the National Learning school of Motoori Norinaga and the Restoration Shinto movement

of the Edo period down to the establishment of State Shinto in the Meiji period. The Meiji separation of Shinto and Buddhism (shinbutsu bunri) and its concomitant suppression of Buddhism (haibutsu kishaku) were coercive and destructive "correctives" pressed forward by the hand of government.

With them Shinto achieved for the first time the status of an independent religion, distorted though it was. During this period the "historical consciousness" of an indigenous religion called Shinto, existing in Japan since ancient times, clearly took shape for the first time. This has

remained the basis for defining the word Shinto down to the present. Scholars have yielded to this use of the word, and the population at large has been educated in this vein. There is one further thing which should be pointed out. That is that separating Shinto from Buddhism cut Shinto off from

the highest level of religious philosophy achieved by the Japanese up to that time and inevitably, moreover artificially, gave it the features of a primitive religion. Hence, while acquiring independence, Shinto declined to the state of a religion that disavowed being a religion.

Conclusion

This article is an attempt to trace Shinto throughout Japan's entire religious history by extracting samples dealing only with

Shinto from each period. The reader may be left with the impres- sion, contrary to the assertion at the beginning of this essay, that Shinto has indeed existed without interruption throughout Japanese history. This is only natural considering the sampling method used. Moreover, it is

undeniable that there is a certain continuity to it all. Therein lies the problem. Up to now all studies of Shinto history have emphasized this continuity by means of such a sampling process. In doing so they have applied to all periods of history a sort of surgical separation of Shinto from

Buddhism and thus from Japanese religion as a whole. By such reasoning, anything other than Shinto becomes simply a superficial overlay, a passing thing. The meanings of the word Shinto, as well as changes over time in customs and beliefs, would indicate that Shinto emerged as an inde- pendent

religion only in modern times, and then only as a result of political policy. If that is so, can this continuity be regarded as a true picture of history? Or could it be that what is perceived as indige- nous, or as existing continuously from earliest times, is nothing more than a ghost image produced by a word linking together unrelated phenomenon? Up to just one hundred years ago, what constituted the religion and thought of the Japanese

people in most periods of history was something historical-that is, something assimilated or formulated or fabricated by the people, whether it was

native or foreign in origin. This thing was something truly indigenous. In con- crete terms, this was the kenmitsu Buddhist system including its components, such as Shinto and the Yin-yang tradition, and its vari- ous branches, both reformist and heretical. It, rather than Shinto, was the

comprehensive, unified, and self-defined system of religious thought produced by Japan in pre-modern times. Even today it is perpetuated latently in everyday conventions as the subconscious of the Japanese people. Throughout East Asia, Mahayana Buddhism generally embraced native beliefs in a loose

manner, without harsh repression and with- out absorbing them to the point of obliteration. The question here is how Japan should be interpreted. While acknowledging Japan as an example of this East Asian pattern, should one consider the separa- tion of Shinto and Buddhism to be an inevitable

development and, in line with Meiji nationalism, perceive Shinto as the basis of Japan's cultural history? Or, should one view kenmitsu Buddhism's unique system of thought, which evolved historically from diverse ele- ments, including foreign ones, as the distinguishing feature of Japanese culture?

Considering the magnitude of the problem, this article leaves much to be desired. It is hoped, however, that it has served to dispel fictitious notions about Japan's religious history and religious con- sciousness, and about Japanese culture in general.