The Tibetan Biography of the First Jetsundampa Zanabazar by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita Studies, Annotated Translation, Transliteration and Facsimile

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333386384 The Tibetan Biography of the First Jetsundampa Zanabazar by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita Studies, Annotated Translation, Transliteration and Facsimile Book · March 2016

Agata Bareja-Starzynska University of Warsaw

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Legacy of Prof. Władysław Kotwicz in the Archive of Sience of PAS and PAAS in Cracow, Poland View project Biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar View project All content following this page was uploaded by Agata Bareja-Starzynska on 26 May 2019. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

The Tibetan Biography of the First Jetsundampa Zanabazar by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita Studies, Annotated Translation, Transliteration and Facsimile Agata Bareja-Starzy«ska March 8, 2016

Contents Introduction 5 Composition 11 Acknowledgements 12 Special Signs and Abbreviations 16 I Studies 19 1 The Author and the Text 21 1.1 Khalkha Zaya Pandita 21 1.2 Genre of Biography 34 1.3 Is the Tibetan Way the Mongolian Way? 42 1.4 Later Biographies of Zanabazar 47 1.5 Notes about the Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript 55 2 The Historical Background and Its Literary Narratives 59 2.1 The Historical Background 59 2.2 Zaya Pandita’s Buddhist Argumentation 68 3 The Political Role of Zanabazar 75 3.1 Shift from Khan to Gegen 75 3.2 Models of the Mongolian-Tibetan Relations 86 3.3 Tibetan, Mongolian or Buddhist Identity 91 3.3.1 Emergence of the Hierocratic Rule in Khalkha Mongolia 94

CONTENTS

II Translation and Transliteration 97 4 Annotated Translation 99 5 Transliteration 189 5.1 Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 5.2 Concordance of the Xylograph Editions . . . . . . . . . . . 255

Bibliography 257

Index 279

III Appendix 297 6 Facsimile of the Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript 299 7 Facsimile of the Tibetan Xylograph 301 8 Photographs 303

Introduction

The monograph presents the Biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar (1635-1723) as a literary work of the 17th century Mongolian Buddhist monk, the Khalkha Zaya Pandita Losang Prinlei (Tib. Blo bzang ’phrin las, Mong. Luvsanprinlei, 1642-1715). It was composed in the Tibetan language, which soon became the language of the intellectual religious elite of the Mongols. The aim of this study is to show how a Buddhist disciple described the life of his master using new tools the Tibetan language and namthara Tibetan biographical genre which presents an exemplary life leading to the Buddhist liberation. The genre of biography and its Tibetan counterpart will be discussed in the present work in more detail. At the same time it will be brie y examined whether there are any peculiar Mongolian features to the text, how it was understood by the Mongols and how it was preserved in the works of the next generations of Mongolian monk-writers. Di erent aims of Mongolian religious and lay authors will be mentioned. The life and career of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar, the protagonist of the biography, and of Zaya Pandita, the author of the biography, will be presented brie y in the work as well. To introduce the subject it is important to remember that the First Khalkha Jetsundampa, known in Mongolia as nd r Gege(ge)n, lived in

very turbulent times. He lived long and passed away at the age of 88 (89 according to the Asian fashion). Therefore his biography provided material of great interest for future generations of the Mongols, Asian historians and all who wanted to know details about the important political events of the 17th-18th century history of Mongolia and its neighbouring lands. Starting as a son of a local Khalkha ruler, Zanabazar became one of the most important incarnations of Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhism and the actual political leader of Northern Mongolia. His motherland was attacked by the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu (1644-1697) which forced him to escape with his people to Southern Mongolia and seek out the support of the Manchu Emperor Kangxi (r. 1662-1720). Northern Mongolia preferred to accept the Manchu Qing dynasty protection rather than be subdued by the Jungars (i.e. Western Mongols). At the time of Zanabazar’s childhood, the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1782) became the unchallenged ruler in Tibet. Zanabazar was fortunate to become his personal disciple and to receive his Gelugpa (dGe lugs pa) recognition from him. Against the background of the biography, the Tibeto-Mongolian-Manchu relations can be seen. Finally Galdan Boshugtu was defeated, the Fifth Dalai Lama passed away and the Manchu Qing dynasty became the main power in Inner Asia. All this happened during the First Jetsundampa’s life and therefore correct reading and understanding of these events was one of the principles guiding the translation of the biography with the hope to serve all interested in the subject. However, the political events were not the main focus of the work. The object of the study is a text composed by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita in 1698-1702, included in his greatest work which is called: (Sha kya’i btsun pa blo bzang ’phrin las kyi) zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i chos kyi thob yig gsal ba’i me long,3 and belongs to the so called gsan yig or thob yig genre, i.e. notes made by a Buddhist believer, usually a monk, about teachings which he received. Such a register makes it easier for the practitioner to remember his spiritual heritage and to connect him with the

is written as gegeen. The subsequent incarnations were called boγda gege(ge)n in Classical Mong. (bogd gegeen in Modern Mong.) which means ‘Holy Serenity’. 3The standard Beijing xylograph edition vol. nga, . 62v6-77v2, Lokesh Chandra’s edition 1981: 124-154; Byambaa Ragchaa’s edition 2012: . 34b6-49b2.

whole lineage of his teachers and previous practitioners back to the time of the Buddha. The list may be very brief just to document main titles of the teachings. However, in the case of Zaya Pandita, his work developed into four volumes of very detailed information about all whom he regarded as important personages in his spiritual development. The biography of the First Jetsundampa is just one among many other biographies of eminent Buddhist masters, mainly from Tibet and India, included in this encompassing work. This setup will be discussed later in a more detailed way. Zaya Pandita wrote in Tibetan, which was a novelty among the Mongolian writers. It may be mentioned brie y that during the second wave of dissemination of Buddhism in Mongolia in the late 16th century, the main e ort was put into translating the canonical Buddhist writings from Tibetan into Mongolian. Only in 1629 was the main part of the Tibetan Canon, namely the Kanjur (bKa’ ’gyur), translated into Mongolian. The names of eminent translators, such as Shireget G shi Chorji (Sireget g si £or i) and Kunga Odzer (Kun dga’ ’od zer), written in colophons of the Mongolian translations of sutras, documented their great e orts in making the words of the Buddha available in the Mongolian language. It is not without its signi cance that this work was done at the court of the Mongolian khans: Altan Khan (1507-1582) and Ligden Khan (15881634). It is important to underline that besides gaining religious merit, the act of making translations was inspired by the lay Mongolian Buddhist longing to learn and understand Buddhism in their mother tongue. It may be added that although we are not sure about the ethnic background of Shireget G shi Chorji, one of the most important Buddhist masters acting both in K ke Khota in Southern Mongolia and as well in the Erdeni Juu (Erdene Zuu) monastery in Khalkha, i.e. Northern Mongolia, we see his literary works written only in Mongolian. The same concerns the Oirat Zaya Pandita, Namkhai Gyatso (Nam mkha’i rgya mtsho, 1599-1662), who was the greatest translator of Tibetan Buddhist texts into the Oirat language (i.e. Western Mongolian). In the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century, emphasis was still placed on making Buddhism available in Mongolian for perception of the Mongols. It can be proposed here that the First Khalkha Jetsundampa and his disciple and biographer Zaya Pandita, soon the most in uential personalities among Mongolian Buddhists, bring us to a di erent problem: that Mongols educated in Tibet started to communicate in writing among themselves and with the much broader circles of readers in the Tibetan language, the lingua franca of Buddhism in this part of the globe. The contents of their writings were addressed not to the lay Buddhists and not necessarily to the Mongols: they belonged to the world of Tibetan Buddhism and their message was addressed to their fellow monks and future generations of Tibetan educated believers. This aim was successfully achieved and even until today Buddhist prayers and other religious texts composed by the First Jetsundampa are recited in Tibetan by Buddhist monks, mainly in Mongolia. In the case of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita, his fame as a Buddhist scholar made monks and Tibetologists read his texts and treat them as sources of knowledge about many Buddhists, Indian, Tibetan and Mongolian alike. For the Mongolian Buddhist scholars, his writings, especially the biography of the First Khalkha Jestundampa, became the basis for getting source information about this incarnation. All later biographies of Zanabazar written in Tibetan followed the account of his life as presented by Zaya Pandita, who was contemporary and sometimes a witness of the events. It is not surprising that nally the Mongolian translation of the Tibetan biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa also appeared. It is rather striking that only one copy of this text has been found so far. It was included in the bilingual Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript of the biography entitled Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i khrungs rabs bco lnga’i rnam thar and preserved in the Aginsky Datsan in Buryatia. It was found there in 1967 by the great Indian scholar Raghu Vira and reproduced by Lokesh Chandra in his Life and Works of Jebtsundampa I, pp. 411-549. There are no details about the author of the translation, nor about the date of the translation. According to Byambaa Ragchaa it can be dated within the 18th-19th centuries, which seems correct due to the letter shape and language features represented in the manuscript. Although the text became available in Mongolian, there have not yet been found any traces of using this translation for writing Mongolian versions of the biography of the First Jetsundampa. It should be remarked upon that the manuscript contains misplaced pages 457-464. The passage which ends on page 457 (line 2) with the word bka’ should be followed by text which was erroneously written on page 461 (line 2). On page 457, however, there is a passage which should be placed on page 464 (line 2). Therefore one has to restore the right order of the text sequence on the basis of the xylograph. The textual basis for the present monograph is a critical edition made on the grounds of the very mentioned bilingual manuscript and the xylograph (block printed) edition of the First Jetsundampa’s biography in Tibetan included in volume IV (nga) of Zaya Pandita’s work. The critical edition is presented in the form of transliterated text, Tibetan in the so called THL Extended Wylie Transliteration Scheme and Classical Mongolian in the  international way of transliteration.12 In other parts of the present work Tibetan names and titles are written in simpli ed English transcription, i.e. Ngawang Gyatso for Ngag dbang rgya mtsho with the Wylie transliteration in brackets at their rst appearance in the text. Mongolian historical names are written in simpli ed transcription referring to the Classical Mongolian, i.e. T shiyet Khan and not the modern T sheet Khaan. The title Jetsundampa is written in its Tibetan transcription, although in Mongolia it is pronounced Javdzdamb. Since, however, this Buddhist incarnation title is originally Tibetan and the biography concerned within the present work is Tibetan, the Tibetan version of the title is retained. Some Classical Mongolian words are rendered in ways well established in the English secondary literature, such as Oirat for oyirad etc. Modern Mongolian is transliterated in the fashion that is standard in Mongolia. The Sanskrit words are written in the international system, while the Chinese names and phrases are in Pinyin. In quotations from modern works the transliterated or transcribed forms are retained as they appear in the originals. The annotated translation of the biography presented in this monograph is the rst full translation of this text into a Western language. In 1995 Bira Shagdaryn made a Modern Mongolian translation of the biography and included it in the collection of Zanabazar’s biographies entitled nd r gegeeniin namtruud orshvoi. In 2002 a Korean scholar, Jin Chengxiu, defended a doctoral dissertation in Chinese based on Zaya Pandita’s biography of Zanabazar and later published it in book form which included a translation of the biography into Chinese. The title can be translated into English as: "The 16th and 17th century Mongolian political reform theory and Tibetan Buddhism with focus on the Left Wing of T med and Khalkha", though in her English abstract the author translated the title as "Reformation of Mongol nation state and Tibetan Buddhism in 16-17th century."13 Jin Chengxiu also included the transliteration of the Tibetan

the Sanskrit words which appear in the Tibetan text are transliterated according to the international system of Sanskrit transliteration, see Edgerton 1985. 12See Poppe 1991.

13 Shiliu, shiqi, shiji Menggu zhengzhi gaige lun yu Zangchuan fojiao-yi Tumote, Kaerka zuoyi wei zhongxin. The doctoral dissertation was supervised by Feng Erkang, University and Mongolian versions which are commented on in the present work.14 Unfortunately, the lack of knowledge of the Chinese language made it impossible for the present author to get acquainted with the whole content of the Chinese book.15

Composition

The present work consists of two main parts: Part I: Studies; and Part II: Translation and Transliteration, as well as an Appendix that includes a reproduction of the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript of the biography and a reproduction of the Tibetan xylograph as well as photographs related to Zanabazar. Part I contains studies of Zaya Pandita’s biography of Zanabazar organized in three chapters. Each chapter focuses on a di erent scholarly problem and can be read independently of the others. Chapter I deals with the author and the text. It presents the text against the broader background of biographical literature in Tibet and Mongolia and discusses Zaya Pandita, the author of Zanabazar’s biography, as a pioneer in the eld of Tibetan-language works by Mongols. Chapter 2 investigates the skillful narration technique of Zaya Pandita who related the complicated history of Tibeto-Khalkha-Oirat-Manchu relations during a crucial moment in the late 17th century. Chapter 3 depicts the political changes initiated during the time of Zanabazar: the shifting of Mongolian political authority from Khan to Gege(ge)n leading to the emergence of the Tibetan model of hierocratic rule in Khalkha Mongolia in the 20th century. Part II consists of the annotated English translation of Zaya Pandita’s biography of Zanabazar and

of Nankai, VI 2002. The author of the present work would like to thank Jerzy Bayer for his help in transcribing Chinese characters and for the translation of the title page into English (p. ii). 14I would like to thank Choyiji (Qiao Ji) for making a Ph.D. dissertation available to me and Osamu Inoue for presenting me with a copy of the published book based on the doctoral work.

15However, my thanks go to Choyiji for kindly checking with me selected passages from the Chinese translation. Needless to say all faults in the misunderstanding of the Chinese text are mine. a critically edited transliteration of the biography in which comparison is made between a bilingual Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript from Buryatia and the Tibetan xylograph editions. It is followed by a bibliography containing information about the source materials and secondary literature used in the book. Next comes the Index with proper names of places, titles and historical gures. Finally, the Appendix includes a reproduction of the bilingual Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript of the biography that was found by Raghu Vira in the Aginsky Datsan, i.e. monastery in Buryatia in 1967 and published by Lokesh Chandra in volume 294 of the ata-Pit.aka Series in 1982 (pp. 411-549), as well as reproduction of the Tibetan xylograph published by Byambaa Ragchaa in 2012 and several photographs related to Zanabazar. Acknowledgements The research work was made possible thanks to the grant: 1 H01C 021 28 from the Komitet Bada« Naukowych (Committee of Scienti c Research) in Poland in 2005-2008, and to the nancial support of the Faculty of Oriental Studies of the University of Warsaw. The author would like to thank the authorities and colleagues of the Faculty of Oriental Studies of the University of Warsaw and the Chair for Oriental Studies of the University of Adam Mickiewicz in Pozna« for their understanding and forbearance.

The publication of this book was made possible through the generous support of the Mongolian Ministry of Foreign A airs via the Embassy of Mongolia in Poland, and by the Faculty of Oriental Studies of the University of Warsaw. The text of the Biography of Zanabazar written by Zaya Pandita was studied thanks to the excellent publication of Lokesh Chandra who reproduced all the important biographies of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa in the volume Life and Works of Jebtsundampa I, published in the ata-Pit.aka Series, vol. 294 in 1982. Moreover, Lokesh Chandra kindly agreed to include in the present publication a reproduction of the bilingual TibetoMongolian manuscript of the biography of Zanabazar by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei, discovered in 1967 in the Aginsky Datsan, or Aginsky monastery in Buryatia by his father, Raghu Vira and printed in the above mentioned volume. I am heartily thankful for this generous gesture. I would like to express my deep thanks to many colleagues who helped me during the study throughout my time studying the biography. First of all I would like to thank Byambaa Ragchaa for generously sharing his extensive knowledge about the literature on the Khalkha Jetsundampas and for making his collection available for my study. His enthusiasm and encouragement were a source of inspiration to continue this work. He also kindly agreed to reproduce his copy of the Tibetan xylograph of the biography (published by him in 2012) in the present volume. Many important issues concerning Mongolian incarnations and questions of reading the Tibetan text were solved thanks to the kind help of Ganzorig Davaaochir to whom I am very indebted.

Also Thupten Kunga Chashab was approached for a proper understanding of Tibetan and kindly helped in reading several Tibetan passages. I would like to give thanks for this support. I turn my cordial thanks to Choyiji (Qiao Ji), the authority on Mongolian history and literature, for help in checking of some dubious parts of the Classical Mongolian text and for translating a few passages of the Chinese translation of Zanabazar’s biography. I sincerely thank Stanis“aw Godzi«ski for his kind assistance in answering questions regarding Classical Mongolian grammar and transliteration and for his review of the present work. I would like to thank Jerzy Tulisow, who also reviewed the present text, for his valuable comments and explanations on the Mongolian history. My thanks go to Marek Mejor for his constant support of my scholarly work and for sharing his knowledge on Buddhism and Indian Buddhist in uences in Tibet and Mongolia. I bene ted greatly from discussions on the Tibeto-Mongolian relations with Elliot Sperling. Here I would like to express my gratitude for his helpful comments, review of my work and standing help. I would like to acknowledge the importance of Klaus Sagaster’s monograph on the Subud erike, the biography of the Changkya / Jangiya Khutuktu, for the study of Zanabazar’s biography. It served as invaluable source of information. Some of the events of the complicated political situation expressed in the writings of the Tibetan authors were illuminated to me by Tashi Tsering and Christoph C ppers. I am very thankful for their kind assistance. I express my thanks to Samten Karmay for clarifying the position of the Fifth Dalai Lama versus Mongols. I am grateful for his translation of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s autobiography which proved very helpful in my work. On sharing his knowledge on Taranatha I sincerely thank David Templeman. Several scholars o ered me friendly help in nding and sharing Mongolian manuscripts of the Mongolian biography of Zanabazar nd r gegennamtar. I would like to thank Shagdars r ng Tsevel, Vladimir L. Uspensky, Osamu Inoue and OlivØr KÆpolnÆs for their kind help. I found excellent conditions to work on the nd r gegen- namtar in the Kotwicz Archive in the Archive of Science of the Polish Academy of Sciences and Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences in Cracow. My special thanks are addressed to Rita Majkowska, the Head of the Archive and Ewa Dziurzy«ska, who takes care about the Kotwicz heritage. In 2004 I was able to work brie y in the Central National Library in Ulan Bator and use all necessary manuscripts. I am very grateful for this valuable opportunity. During my short visit in February 2007 to the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives in Dharamsala I was given the excellent opportunity to use the Tibetan materials there. I would like to thank the Director, Ven. Geshe Lhakdor for his kind acceptance and help. On the 4th of February 2007 the author was able to conduct an interview with H.H. the Ninth Jetsundampa Dorjee Chang Jampel Namdrol Choekyi Gyaltsen (rDo rje ’chang ’jam dpal rnam grol chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 19322012) in the Takten House in Dharamsala. It was a memorable meeting which helped in better understanding of the position of this reincarnation in the past and in today’s reality. I am indebted to Aaron Bryson for correcting my English. My sincere thanks go to Magdalena Szpindler for critical proofreading of the text and continuous support. I am deeply grateful to Jacek Starzy«ski, my husband, for his invaluable help in typesetting the book in LaTex. Last but not least I would like to thank my dear family for constant encouragement and rm support. Needless to say, all errors and inaccuracies are my responsibility alone. 

Special Signs and Abbreviations

< > → text inserted by a scribe between the lines
/ / → text marked by a scribe as not necessary
g. → g written with two dots
g → g written instead of γ
γ. → γ written instead of g
→ used in Mong. for foreign o and long o, like in Skt. namo
(..) → letters redundant in the word
[..] → letters missing in the word
[-] → space missing between the words or between the words and grammatical particles
(124-6) → page and verse number of the Tibetan xylograph of Zanabazar’s biography by Zaya Pandita in Lokesh Chandra’s edition 1981, in this case page 124, verse 6th of the xylograph
(=62v6) → folio and verse number of the standard Beijing xylograph of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig, vol. nga, in this case folio 62v, verse 6th of the xylograph
(=BR 34b6) → folio and verse number of the Tibetan xylograph of Zanabazar’s biography published by Byambaa Ragchaa 2012, in this case folio 34b, verse 6th of the xylograph
(for: ) → correct or expected form in Classical Tib. or Classical Mong.
Bawden → Bawden’s dictionary, see Bawden 1997 in the Bibliography
Be. → Beijing xylograph of Zaya Pandita’s thob yig
BHSD → Edgerton’s dictionary, see Edgerton 1985 in the Bibliography
BR → Byambaa Ragchaa’s edition 2012 of the Tibetan xylograph
Chin. → Chinese
Das → Das dictionary, see Das 1902 (1985) in the Bibliography
J schke → J schke’s dictionary, see J schke 1881 in the Bibliography
JC → transliteration of the bilingual in Chengxiu 2002
LC → Lokesh Chandra’s edition 1981 of the Tibetan xylograph Lessing → Lessing’s dictionary, see Lessing 1982 in the Bibliography lit. → literally
Modern Mong. → Modern Mongolian
Mong. → Classical Mongolian
Mvy. → Mahavyutpatti, see Ishihama, Fukuda 1989 in the Bibliography
Rerikh → Rerikh’s dictionary, see Rerikh 1983-1993 in the Bibliography
[RY], [IW], [JV] → abbreviations used in the Nitartha online dictionary
Skt. → Sanskrit
Thob yig → Sa ka btsun [akya’i btsun pa] blo bzang ’phrin las kyi || ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las || rang gyi ’khor bar spyod pa’i tshul || shin tu gsal ba’i sgron me bzhugs
Tib. → Tibetan
ZP → Zaya Pandita
 
18 Introduction 
Part I
Studies
19
 

Chapter 1

The Author and the Text

1.1 Khalkha Zaya Pandita The author of the biography of th e First Khalkha Jetsundampa, Zaya Pandita Blo bzang ’phrin las, in Mongolian Luvsanprinlei (or Luvsanperenlei) was born in 1642, just seven years after the protagonist of his work, Zanabazar. He died in 1715, i.e. eight years before his master who lived until 1723. Without a doubt Zaya Pandita was one of the greatest scholars of Mongolia. His four volume "Records of Teachings Received" (Tib. Thob yig) was one of the most extensive Tibetan Buddhist biographical treatises, covering tens of biographies of Buddhist masters. This work gained him fame among not only Mongolian monk colleagues, 21 but among Tibetans and modern researchers on the subject. His life is known owing to two works: his own autobiography covering the events until 1680 entitled: Sa ka btsun [Shakya’i btsun pa] blo bzang ’phrin las kyi || ngag rnams phyogs su bsgrigs pa las || rang gyi ’khor bar spyod pa’i tshul || shin tu gsal ba’i sgron me bzhugs4 and his biography written by his disciple, Ganjurpa Nomun Khan (Modern Mong.: Ganjuurva Nomyn Khaan)5 covering also the later part of his life. Some personal information is also included in Zaya Pandita’s "Records of Teachings Received" (Tib. Thob yig). In several secondary sources, including the in uential monograph on Zaya Pandita by Kh relbaatar (1996: 44), there are accounts about Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei as the descendant of the Chinggisid’s line. It is, how- 4Reprinted in Byambaa 2004b. The autobiography contained in the second volume of the First Khalkha Zaya Pandita’s "Collected works" (gsung ’bum) is written in verses of 9 syllables. This makes the text a bit condensed. There are two sets of blocks of the gsung ’bum; however, the comparison of the two versions of Zaya Pandita’s autobiography proved that this is exactly the same text with only minor scribal di erences. 5According to Soninbayar 1998: 28 this Tibetan work can be translated into Mongolian as: Zaya bandida Luvsanperenlein namtar kh sliin khangagch galbarvaas modon, i.e. "Biography of Zaya Pandita Luvsanperenlei called Wish Ful lling Kalpavr.ks.a Tree". It was a manuscript occupying 86 folios. There is also a shorter version of this biography. It is written in Tibetan, but Soninbayar 1998: 31 provides only the Mongolian title: Zaya bandida Luvsanprinlein khuraangui namtar, i.e. "Short biography of Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei". It is a manuscript occupying 19 folios. Unfortunately the present author was not able to see either of the mentioned above works. ever, a misinterpretation of the fact that he was regarded as the reincarnation of Noyan K nd l n(g) Ts kh r, in Modern Mong. Noyon Kh ndl n Ts kh r, known also as T menkhen Sayin Khan (1558-1640). It is stated clearly in Zaya Pandita’s autobiography: "As it is known, my former rebirth was a brave and noble-virtuous lord called K nd l n(g) Ts kh r." And according to the passage from Zaya Pandita’s "Records of Teachings Received" (i.e. Thob yig): "I rely on many talks, which I seem to remember from my early age, while being a small child. [It was said that I] was the reincarnation of K nd l n(g) Ts kh r, who had o cial authorization obtained from the Omniscient Panchen [[[Lama]]] himself." Zaya Pandita writes clearly about his previous rebirths using words such as Tib. skye ba snga ma, i.e. ‘former lives’ or sku skye, i.e. ‘incarnation’. Kh relbaatar at rst translated them correctly as Mong. urd t r l (1996: 43), however, he further concludes that according to Zaya Pandita’s own words his connection to Chinggis Khan was udam, i.e. ‘origin, line, lineage’. It seems that the misinterpretation of these words resulted in the opinion that Zaya Pandita was a descendant of K nd l n(g) Ts kh r.   Noyan K nd l n(g) Ts kh r also known as T menkhen Sayin Khan belonged to the Chinggisid’s lineage and was an important political and religious leader of the Mongols in the 16th and 17th centuries together with his uncle Abatai Khan.11 Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei wrote the following passage about the ancestors of K nd l n(g) Ts kh r: "Regarding [the one] called K nd l ng Ts kh r he was the third son of the six sons of ijen Noyan who was the oldest of the seven sons of Jalair Khung Tayiji, who was the tenth son of the eleven sons of Batu M ngke Dayan Khan who was born in the twenty sixth generation after the universal monarch Chinggis Khan [who was] appointed by the power of the greatest heaven."12 Therefore those who regarded Zaya Pandita as the descendant of K nd l n(g) Ts kh r believed that he belonged to the Chinggisid’s lineage. However, in the view of the present author, the words of Luvsanprinlei should be given priority and should be treated as the only reliable source of information. According to his own autobiography it is evident that Zaya Pandita was born as a son of a very religiously inclined, but simple and most probably not very wealthy family. He was born in Khujirt in the valley of Khasui in the Khangai Khan mountains.13 His father was called Gzungs thar, i.e. Mong. Sungtar and mother Or khi tai, i.e. Orkhidai.14

banners". In any case, he concluded that "Sain Noyon Kh ndl n Ts kh r was not accepted as the First Zaya Pandita by everyone." On the Zaya Pandita’s lineage see more in Bareja-Starzynska (in print). 11Bira 1980 (1994): 250, Bira 2006: 202. 12ZP Autobiography, f. 2b1-3: ...khun du lung | | tshos khur zhes pa [2b2] de ni gnam bskos mchog | | stobs kyis ’khor bsgyur ching gis rgyal po nas | | mi rabs nyi shu rtsa drug song ba’i rjes | | ba thu mung khu ta yang hang zhes pa | | byon par sras po bcu gcig byung ba las | | bcu pa tsha la’ir [2b3] hong tha’i ji zhes par | | sras bdun yong ba’i rtse mo’i grangs ldan ni | | u’i tsen no yon zhes par sras drug las | | gsum pa yin zhing...; mentioned by Kh relbaatar 1996: 44. It can be underlined that Chinggis Khan was called here ‘the universal monarch’, i.e. cakravartin in Skt., Tib. ’khror sgyur, short form of ’khor lo sgyur ba.

13ZP Autobiography, f. 3a4: hang ka’i hang (Khanggai) zhes pa’i | | char gtogs ha su’i lung pa’i hu chir thu (Khujirt) | | zhes bya’i lung bar... See the Mongolian alliterated translation in Kh relbaatar 1996: 46. 14ZP Autobiography, f. 3b2: gzungs thar ming can dang | | ma ni or khi tai zhes ming can te. See Kh relbaatar 1996: 46. Zaya Pandita wrote: "I was born in the company of six children, one elder sister, one younger brother and two younger sisters. From the ve siblings I was the second. The year of [my] birth was any (meaning Black) Water Horse (sna tshogs chu pho rta, i.e 1642). During the Saga Dava holiday of the third great celebrations on the 15th day at about sunrise [I] emerged from the womb." Judging from his autobiography Zaya Pandita was o ered a chance to change his social strata by taking on a monastic career and thanks to his unique skills he was recognized as the reincarnation of K nd l n(g) Ts kh r, a Mongolian Buddhist lay activist of the times. He recalled this fact in his autobiography in the following way: "In 1653 (...) I met with Jestundampa Losang Gyelpo and requested profound longevity empowerment. I was bestowed the position of Noyon Khutugtu." He referred to this recognition also in Zanabazar’s biography, the main subject of the present study, while describing his meeting with the Jetsundampa: "Since I was known by the name of the reincarnation of K nd l n(g) Sayin Noyan I received the o cial position of Noyon Khutugtu thanks to this name." The title and position (Tib. cho lo, Mong. £olu) of Noyon Khutugtu was Zaya Pandita’s rst honour which placed him, already as a reincarnation, closer to the authoritative circles of Mongolian Buddhist nobles such as the Jetsundampa. Further distinctions were yet to come. Zaya Pandita was  fortunate to spend nineteen years between 1660 and 1679 in Tibet where he studied extensively in the Gelugpa monasteries, mainly under the guidance of the First (Fourth) Panchen Lama Losang Chokyi Gyeltsen (Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 1570-1662) and Namkha Sonam Dragpa (Nam mkha’ bsod nams grags pa), the tutor of Zanabazar. In the Female Wooden Dragon year, i.e. 1664 Zaya Pandita received his full ordination from the Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Losang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617-1682).

Also the Fifth Dalai Lama conferred on him the Sanskrit title of Jayapan.d.ita. In the Thob yig Zaya Pandita writes as follow: (vol. III, f. 276a-b) "In the year in which I was turning into my thirty sixth year of life (...) I was bestowed the title of Zaya Pandita Khutugtu with edict and seal and so on... Since Zaya Pandita was born in 1642 the 36th year of his age was 1678. However, other accounts point to 1679. There is no clear information about granting the title of Zaya Pandita in his autobiography. Although the lack of information may seem surprising, perhaps it was Zaya Pandita’s way of showing his modesty. Describing his journey o to Mongolia in 1679, however, Zaya Pandita mentioned the farewell visit he payed to the Fifth Dalai Lama and the Regent and described the fact that he was granted an edict and a seal. Most probably he felt that this information was su cient to mark the fact of receiving his honourable title of Zaya Pandita. In the autobiography it is written that Zaya Pandita’s meeting with the Fifth Dalai Lama happened "on the rst day of the fth month" of 1679. On the fth day of the fth month of 1679 Zaya Pandita met with the Regent and asked him where to place the seal and the edict. On the eleventh day (of the fth month of 1679) Zaya Pandita started his journey o from Lhasa to Mongolia. There are no other events of this kind, i.e. about granting the title, the seal and the edict mentioned in Zaya Pandita’s autobiography in 1678 or 1677. Although the information in the autobiography is not written very clearly it would be quite unthinkable that someone was granted an edict and seal marking the same distinction several times during a few subsequent years. And therefore information that Zaya Pandita was conferred his title in 1679 should be regarded as correct. In the "Records of Teachings Received", Zaya Pandita wrote that the Fifth Dalai Lama, during the audience in which he conferred upon him the title of "Zaya Pandita", requested him to follow the example of the Oirat Zaya Pandita Sechen Rabjampa Khutugtu and bring bene t about the spread of dharma in Mongolia. The Oirat Zaya Pandita Namkhai Gyatso (Nam mkha’i rgya mtsho, 1599-1662) played a major role in the dissemination of Buddhism among Oirats, Western Mongols.32 The Fifth Dalai Lama also asked the Khalkha Zaya Pandita to reject the teachings of 

the Nyingma which are said to appear in Mongolia and to spread teachings of the Victorious Tshongkhapa and give instructions according to the ‘two systems’ (lugs gnyis, i.e. temporal and spiritual traditions established by the Fifth Dalai Lama). A similar passage is included in Zaya Pandita’s autobiography. The title of Zaya Pandita was con rmed by the Manchu Emperor Kangxi (r. 1662-1722). During his exile from the Khalkha lands due to Galdan Boshugtu’s invasion, in 1698 Zaya Pandita traveled to Beijing and while staying at the court of the emperor he was o cially recognized by him as khutugtu (Mong. qutuγtu), i.e. incarnation and granted with seal and lands. According to Kh relbaatar (1996: 43) the title Zaya Pandita, composed from the Sanskrit words jaya ‘victorious’ and pan. d.ita ‘scholar’, was given to those Buddhist scholars who mastered the Buddhist ve sciences. He lists other famous Mongols who received this title, Oirat Zaya Pandita Namkhaijamts, i.e. Tib. Namkhai Gyatso (1599-1662) and Buryat Zaya Pandita, Dambadarjaa khambo (1711-1776). However, the Buryat lama was called Zayaev because his father’s name was Zaya.36 The fact that Oirat Zaya Pandita and Khalkha Zaya Pandita lived almost at the same time caused much confusion to those who thought that there was only one such person, one eminent Mongolian Buddhist master. Among scholars who wrongly identi ed the two Zaya Panditas, Oirat and Khalkha, was Aleksei Pozdneev (1971: 271-272). He regarded the Khalkha Zaya Pandita as the reincarnation of the Oirat Zaya Pandita and moreover relied on somebody’s information that the Khalkha Zaya Pandita was a Tibetan who came to Mongolia.

Digression:

Doubts appear also while reading other piece of information. Walther Heissig writes about Jaya Pandita on the occasion of the description of the text on Wutaishan mountains. The author of the compilation was called Su madhi sasana dhara, i.e. Sumati asana Dhara (f. 72r) (it is interesting to notice that Sumati asana Dhvaja ribhadra was a monastic name of Zanabazar). Later in the text (f. 73v) he was called Gusiri Blo bzang bstan ’jin. It was added by Heissig that he belonged to the retinue of Jaya Pandita because he paid respect to him, as if he was his disciple, in the colophon. Heissig identi ed the date of the block print as 1667 and he wrote that the composition itself had to appear after 1662 when the reign of Emperor Shengzu (the temple name of Kangxi, A. B-S.) started hence there are blessings for his long life included in the colophon.

Heissig uses the name ‘Jaya Pan.d.ita von K ke qota’ (1954: 12), but his reasons for adding the name of the city to the name of the monk seems to be based on the information from yet another document, namely a register called aγlasi gei s me-yin erge-yin b g de s me-yin bayiγuluγsan yabudal-i bayi£aγaγsan dangsa from circa 1785. There it was stated that "Jaya bandida qutuγtu" founded a monastery called Sayin-i erkileg£i s me in the rst year of the reign of the Emperor Kangxi (Engke amuγulang), i.e. 1662. He was said to come to K ke Khota from Khalkha from the banner of Jasagtu Khan with a retinue of 160 disciples and he was encouraged by the emperor to build a monastery any place he wished. According to the register Jaya Pandita started to build a monastery at the foot of the mountain Jirgalangtu near the source of the Kharigchin river. It has been pointed out already elsewhere by Isabelle Charleux that if it was the Khalkha Zaya Pandita that was meant here, the dates of this account do not seem to be correct. In 1662 Zaya Pandita should have been in Tibet where he went in 1660 to study. He returned to Khalkha in 1679 and left Khalkha again in 1688 due to Galdan Boshugtu’s attack. Therefore it seems much more probable that the foundation of the monastery mentioned in the register started around 1699.

It is not clear why Heissig called Zaya Pandita "from K ke Khota" unless he meant another person. Who, however, could he be? The Oirat Zaya Pandita Namkhai Gyatso passed away in 1662 on his way to Tibet. He could have not been called as the one who received the mandate of "Zaya Pandita" from the Panchen Lama since he was bestowed this title by the Khalkha Subudi Jasagtu Khan after 1640. There are no accounts that he spent time in K ke Khota. His next incarnation was born in 1664 and most probably stayed his entire life in Tibet. Moreover, his dates do not agree with the dates mentioned by Heissig. Heissig might have referred to the incarnation called "Jaya Pandita from K ke Khota" included in Aleksei Pozdneev’s list of Mongolian reincarnations. However, there is no more information about the Jaya or Zaya Pandita from K ke Khota there. In any case, it would be a later story connected with recognition of a reincarnation of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita after his passing away. It is possible that the author of the Mongolian text on Wutaishan, Sumati asana Dhara alias Blo bzang bstan ’jin, became Zaya Pandita’s disciple in Tibet. Nevertheless, in the passage written by Heissig on the circumstances of composition of the text on Wutaishan in the second half of the 17th century information about Jaya (Zaya) Pandita from K ke Khota should probably be studied carefully again. From the reading of the documents available to us it would be quite impossible for the Khalkha Zaya Pandita to appear in K ke Khota already in 1662 and therefore if he was meant there, his name should not refer to K ke Khota and the date should be corrected. Zaya Pandita acquired excellent knowledge of the Tibetan language and the majority of his texts were composed in Tibetan. However, in his autobiography Zaya Pandita wrote that at rst he learnt the Mongolian script. Probably this knowledge was quite profound. Many years later during his stay in Tibet he composed the biography of T shiyet Khan in Mongolian. After learning the Mongolian script Zaya Pandita mastered the Tibetan script and language.48 As it was mentioned earlier he received full Buddhist ordination. His curriculum also included medicine. Zaya Pandita was known in Mongolia as one of the three most in uential incarnated teachers, including Jetsundampa as the most important, and besides Zaya Pandita, also Lamyn Gegeen Losang Tenzin Gyeltsen (Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan, 1639-1703). All three of them exchanged teachings among themselves. Their importance lied in their profound

Panchen Lama, while according to Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig f. 276a-b the title was given during Zaya Pandita’s audience with the Fifth Dalai Lama. See also Lokesh Chandra 1963: 36.  knowledge of Buddhist teachings as well as arts, medicine and astrology, respectively. As mentioned earlier, Zaya Pandita’s literary legacy consists of four volumes of the "Records of Teachings Received" (Thob yig encompassing volumes ka-nga) written in 1698-1702: (Sha kya’i btsun pa blo bzang ’phrin las kyi) zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i chos kyi thob yig gsal ba’i me long and two volumes (ka-kha) which are popularly known as his "Collected works", i.e. gsung ’bum. This notion, however, is misleading, since it is often applied to the Thob yig, as well.52

The contents of the four volumes of Thob yig have been outlined by Alex Wayman, who also made profound studies on the correlation of the Tantric section of the Kanjur to Tanjur on the basis of the Thob yig. Alex Wayman believed that Zaya Pandita was even a tutor to the Sixth Dalai Lama. The four volumes of Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig were translated into Classical Mongolian by Rabjamba Gungaajamts during Zaya Pandita’s times. 52Besides the Peking edition of the two-volume works there is its reprint by Byambaa Ragchaa (2004b). In the Preface he stated that there are two di erent blocks of the gsung ’bum judging from its shape and from the Index (dkar chag) in which titles of the works are written in verse or in prose. The two-volume "Collected Works" were edited by Shiva Shireet (or Luvsanshiva), Luvsanprinlei’s disciple. On the basis of the present author’s comparison of the two block sets of the autobiography of Zaya Pandita it can be concluded that there are no serious di erences between them except scribal di erences. The gsung ’bum Index in Tibetan was called Nor bu phreng ba, translated into Mongolian as intamani-yin erike (Modern Mong. Chandmaniin erikh). The manuscript of this Index was found by Byambaa 2004: 2. Another Mongolian scholar, Soninbayar 1998: 3343 in his article on Zaya Pandita reproduced Luvsanprinlei’s Index under the Tibetan title: Rigs kun khyab bdag za ya pan. d.ita blo bzang ’phrin las bka’ ’bum legs bshad kyi po ti gnyis pa’i dkar chag nor ’phreng dang bklag lung legs par thob pa’i brgyud bcas bzhugs. Kh relbaatar 1996: 58 outlined the contents of the 2 volumes in his article .

There were also other translations, at least of parts of the Thob yig. Bira Shagdaryn in his translation of the biography of Zanabazar into Modern Mongolian used another Classical Mongolian translation, by Gelegjamts Doorombo, and checked it against the Tibetan original. The Thob yig enclosed numerous biographies, both of eminent Buddhist scholars, Indian and Tibetan, including Maitreya-natha, Asanga, Vasubandhu, Gun.aprabha, Nagarjuna, Aryadeva, Haribhadra, Dignaga, Dharmak rti, Candragomin, akyaprabha, Dharmaraks.ita, antideva, akya–r , Abhayakaragupta, Mitra, antiraks.ita, At –a, Khedub Khyungpo (mKhas grub khyung po), Nagtso Lotsaba (Nag tsho lo tsa ba), Lhalama Jangchub Od (lHa bla ma byang chub ’od), Sakya Pandita (Sa skya Pandita), Buton Rinpoche (Bu ston rin po che), Thogme Pelsang po (Thogs med dpal bzang po), Sempa Chenpo Pelden Yeshe (Sems dpa’ chen po dpal ldan ye shes), Lhodrag Namkha Gyeltsen Pelsangpo (lHo brag nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po), Reddapa (Red mda’ pa), Tsongkhapa (Tsong kha pa), Dalai Lamas and Panchen Lamas and many others, as well as life-accounts of model Buddhist masters: sixteen sthaviras, eighty four maha-siddhas and others. After returning to Mongolia Zaya Pandita founded four colleges and his monastery started to be called Zayaiin Kh ree, i.e. ‘the monastery of Zaya’. Among the disciples of the First Zaya Pandita there were eminent Buddhist scholars of Mongolia such as: Darpa Pandita Losang Sopa Gyatso (Blo bzang bzod pa rgya mtsho), in Modern Mong. Darva Pandit nomch khutagt Sodovjamts and Shiva Shireet Luvsan (the rst incarnation of Shiva Shireet who was called Luvsan), who were Zaya Pandita’s disciples when he was in Tibet in the Sera monastery’s Tsanid (mtshad nyid) and Choiriin datsan (chos grwa tshang).58 In order to learn more about Zaya Pandita’s biography one should study the whole work of his "Records of Teachings received" (Thob yig) since between the accounts of the Buddhist masters Zaya Pandita included information about himself. The most valuable in this respect is the biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar. Therefore one should read it as the source of information of both: the author of the text and the protagonist of his story.

1.2 Genre of Biography

Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei regarded the First Khalkha Jetsundampa as his spiritual teacher. He met him before his journey for studies in Tibet, and always treated him with great respect. Both in the autobiography of Zaya Pandita and in his biography of Zanabazar it is mentioned that he ‘received the longevity [[[empowerment]]] and permission to attend Niguma’s practice’ during his meeting with Zanabazar in 1653 (rnam rgyal zhes pa chu mo sprul lo, i.e. Water Female Serpent year). However, Zanabazar left in 1655 (Tib. myos byed ces pa shing lug i.e. Wooden Sheep year) for central Tibet (dBus and Gtsang ), while Zaya Pandita stayed in Mongolia until 1660 (Tib. lcags byi, i.e. Iron Mouse year) when he nally was able to study in Tibet. Since then until 1679 (Tib. sa lug, i.e. Earth Sheep year) he was away from Mongolia and therefore his account of Zanabazar’s life for that period is very limited. Comparison with later biographies of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa showed that actually all of them were based on the rst life-story by Zaya Pandita and therefore all of them lack precise information about the period of 1660-1679. Since Zaya Pandita included Zanabazar’s biography in the Thob yig, i.e. "Records of Teachings Received", one should examine this genre. About Zaya Pandita’s treatment of the thob yig genre Alex Wayman remarked as follows: "Theoretically, the author should include only those teachers in whose lineage he stands. However, apparently by encyclopedic knowledge, he (i.e. Zaya Pandita) manages to have learned something from almost everyone of importance (at least in the Gelugpa school) and this gives him the

opportunity to write up their biographies, even though in many cases it is extremely brief." "He treats with greater amplitude the Dalai Lamas, the Panchen Lamas, and the chief ones among the yongs-’dzin, religious teachers of the highly-placed Lamas, has an especially ample treatment of the 1st Pan chen Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal lII, . 190b1 to 232a2; and coming up to his own times, gives increasingly greater information in the biographies." The biography of the First Jetsundampa is included in this part of the work, vol. IV (nga), starting from folio 62 verso, line 6 to folio 77 verso line 2 (Chandra 1981: 124-154, Byambaa 2012 . 34b6-49b2). However, since a bilingual copy also exists, references in the present work are made to the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript (Lokesh Chandra 1982: 412549). The biography of the First Jetsundampa is therein entitled Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i khrungs rabs bco lnga’i rnam thar, i.e. it was regarded as belonging to the namthar (rnam thar) genre, at least at the time of making the separate copies of the text. Namthars are registers of virtuous deeds which lead to the Buddhist Enlightenment. They "serve both as inspirational and as instructional models for practitioners of the Path." The classical Tibetological explanation of the nature of namthar genre was given by Giuseppe Tucci in the Tibetan Painted Scrolls. There he discussed the similarities of such texts with the hagiographic literature of medieval Europe and therefore he concluded: "the events they relate with a particular satisfaction are spiritual conquests, visions and extasies; they follow the long appreticeship through which man becomes divine, they give lists of the texts upon which saints trained and disciplined their minds, for each lama they record the masters who opened up his spirit to serene visions, or caused the ambrosia of supreme revelations to rain down upon him. Human events have nothing to do with these works." It echoes with the explanation by Hermione Lee, a modern leading biography expert from Oxford University: "Biography raises moral issues. Its early, classical and Christian versions, presented their subjects as moral examples. A good life or a martyrdom provided a model for good behaviour or spiritual aspiration; a bad ruler or a fall from greatness provided an awful warning. This ‘exemplary’ strain in biography has never disappeared. A recurring argument is made for the usefulness of the genre. If biography can teach us how to live our lives, or can open our minds to lives very unlike our own, then it has educational purpose: it is a branch of history and of knowledge." The New Oxford Dictionary of English of 2001 provides such a short Western de nition of biography: "an account of someone’s life written by someone else". Analyzing formal rules for biography Lee concluded that "there are no rules for biography" and "there is no such things as a de nitive biography."

How is it then in the Tibetan biography? If one looks at the Tibetan namthar genre, the Buddhist perspective places it in a due level of development of Buddha’s life-account. Ulrike Roesler writes: "among the Buddhist types of biographical literature we nd, for example, genre designations like Sanskrit/Pali carita (deeds or acts, as in Buddhacarita), vam. –a (genealogy, as in Buddhavas.a), or the simple designation as katha (story, as in Nidanakatha). Biographical details and legends are part of the Buddhist commentaries (at..thakathas), and fragments of the life story of Buddha akyamuni are embedded in the Sutra and the Vinaya sections of the Buddhist canonical scriptures. Stories about previous lives, the jatakas and avadanas with their respective translations into di erent languages of Asia, are an important part of Buddhist stories, too. The Tibetan tradition uses the designation rnam thar, "liberation (story)", for religious biographies, but biographical accounts are also found in other genres, such as chos ’byung, "history of the doctrine", or in doctrinal works, or in eulogies of Buddhist teachers." Several pages devoted to the biographical literature in Tibet Andrei I. Vostrikov, and included it in his study of the Tibetan historical literature treating it as its part.70

About religious biographical writings in Tibet, Brandon Dotson quite aptly points out that: "For a culture so pervaded by the Buddha’s teaching of non-self, there is an awful lot of writing about the lives of individuals. And, interestingly, this is something that was not done to the same extent in India, the primary source of Tibetan Buddhism. Biographical writing in Tibet began in earnest after the ‘later di usion’ of Buddhism from the eleventh century onwards, in new lineages like the Kadam and Kagyu."71 He, however, searched for earlier examples in the texts preserved in Dunhuang and found two examples showing, according to him, how Tibetan Buddhist biographies were documenting lineages and text transmissions. He concluded: "In the uncertain period after the fall of the Tibetan empire, these two things, lineages and the texts/practices they transmitted, were the tenuous means by which the Buddha’s teachings would survive or fall in Tibet. (...)what we are seeing is the appearance of religious biographical writing at a pressure point in history, when the Buddhist institutions introduced by the Tibetan emperors were crumbling, and nothing had yet emerged to take their place."72 It is summed up by Janice D. Willis that Tibetan religious biographies, i.e. namthars, can be viewed as "three distinct levels of life-story: viz. 1) phyi’i rnam thar, the so called outer biography which most resembles our western notions of biography, presenting details of birth, schooling, education, speci c teachers and texts consulted; 2) nang gi rnam thar or inner biography, which chronicles the speci c meditative cycles, initiations, etc., imparted to the future siddha; and 3) the gsang ba’i rnam thar or secret biography. This last level or element of the narrative is said to describe the meditative or mystical visions and their experiences of the accomplished ones."73 She also suggested "to view this third level of rnam thar as ac-

of Indian mahasiddhas in Tibetan see Robinson 1996.

70Vostrikov 1970.

71Dotson 2014.

72Dotson 2014. 73Willis 1985: 312.

tually providing detailed descriptions of practice and instructions." And this again points out that life-stories became so important for the Tibetan Buddhists because they carried information about lineages and practices. Therefore Zaya Pandita, a Mongolian monk who was able to learn in Tibet from the best teachers of the Gelugpa tradition of the time, related so minutely biographies of great Buddhist gures and their teachings. He brought his Buddhist knowledge to the Khalkha lands and shared it in his writings. From this short recapitulation one can see that from the Tibetan perspective it is possible to discuss Zanabazar’s biography by Zaya Pandita as included in the "teachings received" (thob yig) genre and representing the "personal path leading to enlightenment" (rnam thar) genre. The biography of the First Jetsundampa was written at the request of Zaya Pandita with the approval of the Jetsundampa. He provided Zaya Pandita with all necessary information about his virtuous deeds as a Buddhist: foundation of monasteries and temples, the making of statues and the preparing of two or three Kanjur editions. Nevertheless, Zaya Pandita confronted these data with his own knowledge about those events.

An interesting feature of the text is that it not only omits the period of 1660-1679 but also it does not cover years after 1702 (until 1723), because the four-volume work was completed by Zaya Pandita in 1702 and later he did not continue this sort of writing. We may assume that for him the task of recording his "teachings received" was ful lled. Therefore, although Zanabazar’s biography was written during his lifetime, it stopped in 1702. Zaya Pandita complained that he had to rely only on his master’s words about the rites he received and texts that he had studied in Tibet in 16491651, because Zanabazar did not make any notes while young. It must have been a serious problem for Zaya Pandita since he reported about it not just once. For example: (p. 429) "at that time due to the fault of not applying himself greatly to Dharma he did not take notes except for [the fact that] on the rst day he pull out [[[information]]] from sutras and tantras and words of many Indian and Tibetan accomplished masters and others and he commented [upon them] extensively. However, he was not able to remember everything. From the second day onwards, whatever he became [[[interested]] in] he was truly able to memorize and write down, but he did not write scriptures, both due to his early age, and the fact, that he did not understand its great importance for [practising] dharma" or: (pp. 439-440): "[There, i.e. in Tibet] he listened to many teachings taught by the Master Gyel Wangchuk (i.e the Fifth Dalai Lama) starting with the Kadam Legbam (bKa’ gdams legs ’bam). Though he listened to such teachings [I] have not seen his register of "teachings received" and therefore all these [pieces of information] were not certain."

One can understand better while studying Zaya Pandita’s autobiography in which every teaching that he received was meticulously noted that scant information about his master’s "teachings received" must have caused his true grief. The trustworthiness of Zaya Pandita is striking, since usually Buddhist life accounts, i.e. namthars, are regarded by Western viewers as hagiographies. Is it then a hagiography? Zaya Pandita was clearly attached very much to his master, the First Jetsundampa. The biography is full of Zaya Pandita’s dedications to his teacher and is written in the rst person, i.e. making clear his close connection to the protagonist of his work. But critical remarks on the lack of keeping proper records of teachings on the side of the master proved that it was not a hagiography. Although written in consultation with Zanabazar, it also does not t as a model of an autobiography written by a ghost writer (i.e. Zaya Pandita) since the true author is not hiding. It is possible to examine whether Zanabazar’s biography by Zaya Pandita is suitable to the term "nested biography", i.e. biography nested in a bigger work. For the present purpose David Templeman’s notion of "nested autobiography" was rephrased. Templeman, however, spoke about an autobiography which was inserted into a big life-account. In the case of Zaya Pandita’s writing the biography of Zanabazar constitutes, similarly to other namthars, a part of the grand work of his "Records of Teachings Received". It is situated di erently to the "nested biographies". Detailed analysis of the Thob yig contents in terms of its structure, however, is beyond the scope of the present work.

The style of Zaya Pandita’s writing is simple; however, if one sees that the biography is a part of the "records" serving with information about lineages and teachings, it is clear that this style must be informative and not elaborated or ornate. It may be useful to see what could have been Zaya Pandita’s inspiration, i.e. opinion on the style of biographical writings of the Fifth Dalai Lama, who was his religious authority. Ulrike Roesler studied the autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama and found him quoting Tagtsang Lotsawa (sTag tshang lo tsa ba): "It is impious to praise oneself and defame others in a loud tone, assuming oneself to be supreme. With neither exaggeration nor deprecation, one’s character should be declared to all, such is the manner of the Buddha (f. 9 b)." Similar statement was written by Zaya Pandita who recalled Zanabazar praising Dromton (’Brom ston) and quoting from the Norbu Trengba Nor bu phreng ba: "One own’s qualities should be hidden, other’s qualities should be proclaimed!" Would it be possible that the Fifth Dalai Lama’s opinion and Zanabazar’s words on humble behaviour had an impact on Zaya Pandita? His work was not an autobiography and therefore if he regarded them as important he would rather recall them while writing his own autobiography. Nevertheless, he might have valued the opinion of the Fifth Dalai Lama on the style of writing biographies.

In general it can be said that Buddhist or Asian biographies in comparison with the Western biographical world bring far more interesting perspectives. Since a protagonist of the biography might have had previous incarnations there are no borders in time for a biography; since he can travel mentally to distant lands there are no borders in space. Since he can be represented by several incarnations at once there are no limits to the protagonists who are still seen as one entity. These aspects of the very exible understanding of life-account are visible in Zanabazar’s biography, as well. For example Zanabazar in his talk with Zaya Pandita explained the reason for being regarded as Taranatha’s reincarnation by the Panchen Lama. He compared it with the process of the visualization of a deity: "Now if [one] asks about the reason of issuing [a statement by the Panchen Lama] about [me] being assembled with Taranatha, although the assembly is not a deity, it is like giving authorization etc. by visualizing [oneself] as a deity. Although I am not Taranatha, I am perceived as him the two [notions] are similar." Zaya Pandita mentioned also a secret visit paid by Zanabazar to Tibet in 1655. Although this travel to Tibet has not been recorded elsewhere and it seemed very short, no one dared to question its credibility. Obviously, incarnations as powerful as Zanabazar reincarnated master Taranatha could have traveled in a di erent way and time than common people.

1.3 Is the Tibetan Way the Mongolian Way? Another feature which can be analyzed, however, is the problem of other possible in uences. Zaya Pandita was a Mongol who received his Buddhist knowledge in Tibet. His main language of composition was Tibetan. Is it then possible to see any Mongolian features in the biography of Zanabazar, one particular Mongolian Buddhist master described by Zaya Pandita? One may look at Zaya Pandita’s Mongolian background to search for possible impacts. Analysis of one biography usually leads to analysis of another biography, namely of its author’s. In the case of Zaya Pandita it can be recapitulated that he spent all his childhood in Mongolia. He went to Tibet in 1660, at the age of 18. He knew both the Tibetan and Mongolian scripts and he was able to make translations from Tibetan into Mongolian. An interesting document found by Bira Shagdaryn is Zaya Pandita’s list of Mongolian books. Actually it is a register of Mongolian books from the monastery of Zaya Pandita (called Zaya Gegeen’s or Zayaiin monastery), however, it may include, as well, the private library of Zaya Pandita. The library did not survive the communist purges in Mongolia. Nevertheless, the list is a witness to its contents. The register contains many books translated from Tibetan into Mongolian, such as for example the epic of Gesar, biographies of Padmasambhava, Milarepa, Marpa, the story of Choyijid Dakini etc. There are also sutras listed, such as Altan gerel, i.e. "Sutra of the Golden Light" and the "Ocean of Stories" known in Tibetan as Mdo mdzangs blun, i.e. "Sutra of the Wise and the Foolish" etc. The list also contains Mongolian historical writings, such as "The History of Togoon

1.3. IS THE TIBETAN WAY THE MONGOLIAN WAY?

T m r Khan", "The White History of Chinggis [[[Khan]]]" and others. Even if these books did not belong to him, most probably Zaya Pandita, although brought up in a monastery and educated mainly in Tibet, was nevertheless quite well versed in Mongolian literature and well accustomed to Mongolian tradition. Thus were there any traces of the Mongolian in uence on Zaya Pandita’s biography of Zanabazar? Referring to Mongolian history and culture one has to start with Chinggis Khan, undoubtedly the greatest hero for the Mongols. Chinggis Khan is mentioned in Zaya Pandita’s biography of the First Jetsundampa, as well, as an important point of reference in his genealogy: "[...] universally famed as Chinggis Khan (ching gi rgyal po). And from that [[[king]]] in the twentyseventh generation appeared a king [called:] Batu M ngke Dayan. From his eleven sons the tenth was [called] Jalair Khung Tayiji. From his seven sons the third [was called] ijeng Noyan. From his six sons the eldest was [called] king Abutai (or Abatai). (...) When he was thirty- ve years old, he proceeded to the heavenly realms (i.e. passed away). His son was Erkei Mergen. His son was called Vajra king T shiyet Khan. He acted with full understanding of the two [kinds of a airs]: [regarding Buddhist] doctrine and [[[worldly]] political] rule. He was the father of the present Lord [i.e. Zanabazar]. His mother was the daughter of the daughter of the younger brother of the Lord’s own grandfather, great Vajra king (i.e. Abutai / Abatai)."

The most remarkable life story known from Mongolian literature is the biography of Chinggis Khan as narrated in the so called "Secret History of the Mongols", which is regarded, however, as a chronicle. The text survived only in the Chinese glosses, nevertheless, they enabled scholars to reconstruct the Mongolian original. The text is dated 1240. One of the interesting features of this text, noticed by scholars, was the trustworthiness of its author(s): great khan is depicted in the chronicle in a very objective way, it seems. Even the fact that he was afraid of dogs was mentioned. Some of his shameful deeds, such as killing his step-brother Bekter or leaving behind his young wife in the moment of Merkits’ attack were described, as well. Speaking in an objective way about all of the khan’s deeds was perhaps a way to depict him for family members. Therefore trustworthiness of the author(s) could be an argument for treating this text as addressed only for the inner circle of recipients. The text survived in Beijing in the archives and was used as a primary reader for the Chinese administration learning the Mongolian language. The Mongolian text disappeared and only its Chinese glosses and translation survived. In the course of time passing, however, the text of the "Secret History of the Mongols" was studied not only by the Chinese, but also by the Mongols. Its Mongolian version was rewritten and large fragments were included in the chronicle Altan tob£i by Luvsan Dandzan in the 17th century. Perhaps trustworthiness or truthfulness and the straightforwardness of the "Secret History of the Mongols" are the features which Zaya Pandita acquired from his Mongolian background and contributed to the biography of the First Jetsundampa. Later biographies of Zanabazar written in the Tibetan language are modeled much closer to the Tibetan examples of namthars. Also their language is much more elaborate and ornate. Their authors relied on the main facts from Zaya Pandita’s account of the First Jetsundampa, however, they added legends which most probably developed around this person with the passage of time. Also the Mongolian biographies of the First Jetsundampa focused on his legendary deeds. In Mongolia the religious biographies in form of namthars appeared with the introduction of Buddhism. Typical expressions to call life-accoun t in the Mongolian language were £adiγ or £edig (modern tsadig, i.e. ‘biography’),92 te ke (modern t kh, i.e. ‘history’) or tuγu i (modern tuuj, i.e. ‘story’). It 1.3. IS THE TIBETAN WAY THE MONGOLIAN WAY?

is di cult to state with certainty when the Tibetan expression rnam thar rendered in Mongolian as namtar appeared in the Mongolian writings. There are not many records of Mongolian biographical literature from the time before the rst Mongolian contact with Buddhism. In this respect the above mentioned "Secret History of the Mongols", if treated as text containing biography, seems to be an isolated example. The rst Buddhist life accounts in Mongolian, which survived up to our times, were compilations based on the Tibetan originals, such as "The Twelve Deeds [of the Buddha]", in Mongolian Arban qoyar jokiyangγui. The well known Indian work containing Buddha’s biography entitled Lalitavistara was rewritten in Tibetan by Chokyi Oser (in Mong. pronunciation Choyiji Ozer, Tib. Chos kyi ’od zer 1307-1321) and this work in turn was translated into Mongolian by Sherab Sengge (Shes rab seng ge) at the time of Esen T m r Khan (1276-1328). Sherab Sengge, however, commented upon the twelve deeds in a "Commentary on the Twelve Deeds of the Buddha." Translation of the Buddhist canonical writings, i.e. Kanjur (bKa’ ’gyur) into Mongolian which started in the 13th century was continued again in the 16th century. A set of the Kanjur translation was said to be done in 1607, however, it did not survive. New attempts were made at the Ligden Khan’s court and full translation was ready in 1629. With this grand work, Buddhist writings which originated in India containing Buddha’s previous life-accounts as well as biographies of mahasiddhas and other exemplary Buddhist practitioners became available in Mongolian. There are no accounts in Zaya Pandita’s autobiography, however, whether he ever read them in Mongolian. The autobiography proves that Zaya Pandita became acquainted with Buddhist literature mainly via the Tibetan language.

Among Mongolian biographies the life account of the 16th century Altan Khan and his descendants titled Erdeni tunumal neret sudur should be mentioned. It was composed in 1607 by an anonymous author. This work, however, has a di erent composition than a Tibetan namthar and its aim was, according to Johan Elverskog, to promote "the legitimacy of the Altan Khan lineage to rule" and not to show the exemplary life of the khan as a Buddhist. Nevertheless, since the khan became a Buddhist, it could have served a similar purpose, as well. In any case, however, there are no traces in Zaya Pandita’s writings that he was familiar with this text. Generally it can be observed that some of the Buddhist biographies gained big popularity among Mongols. Aleksei Pozdneev traveling through Mongolia in the late 19th century remarked: "Of Buddhist historical works one often nds the biographies of Shakyamuni, Molon toin, Juu at –a, Tsong-kha-pa, the Fifth Dalai Lama, the Jebtsun Damba khutukhtu, and Zaya pandita." Except Molon Toyin and the Oirat Zaya Pandita, other gures were all depicted by Zaya Pandita in his "Records of Teachings Received". The Oirat Zaya Pandita appeared in the Thob yig (f. 276b3) and Khalkha Zaya Pandita’s autobiography (f. 23b4-6), however, mentioned by the Fifth Dalai Lama as an example to be followed by the Khalkha Zaya Pandita. The Oirat Zaya Pandita’s biography was composed "in the 1690s or somewhat later in the present day Xinjiang. Its author, Gelong Solpon Radnabhadra, was a disciple of the First [[[Oirat]]] Zaya Pandita Namkhai Gyatso." Most probably the biography was written at rst in Oirat and later translated into Classical Mongolian. There are no traces that Zaya Pandita knew this work.

Taking into account all previously mentioned facts, Zaya Pandita can be treated as the rst ethnic Mongolian writer composing religious biographies in Tibetan. He could have taken models and inspirations from previously written works which he knew in Tibetan and Mongolian and became a precursor of namthar literature in Mongolia.

1.4 Later Biographies of Zanabazar

His work was followed by other Mongols. Regarding the life accounts of Zanabazar, successive biographies were written in the 19th and 20th centuries in a slightly di erent style, both in Tibetan and Mongolian. List of the successive biographies of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar in Tibetan: Khyab bdag ’khor lo’i mgon rje btsun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar skal bzang dad pa’i shing rta written in 1839 by Rabjampa Ngawang Yeshe Thubten (Rab ’byams pa Ngag dbang ye shes thub bstan) alias Ngaggi Wangpo (Ngag gi dbang po), Ngaggi Wangchug (Ngag gi dbang phyug) etc. There is also a short version by the same author. In Modern Mong. known as Agvaant vden Ravjamba. Khyab bdag ’khor lo mgon po rje btsun blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i rnam thar skal ldan thar ’dod re ba skong ba’i dga’ ston written in 1874 by Ngawang Losang Dondub (Ngag dbang blo bzang don grub). In Modern Mong. known as Agvaanluvsandonduv (or Agvaanluvsandondov). rJe btsun dam pa rin po che’i rnam thar bstod tsig skal bzang dad gsos by Sharchoje Dragpa Gyatso (Shar chos rje grags pa rgya mtsho) written in verse in 1912. rJe btsun dam pa ta ra na tha gang gi mchog sprul ngag dbang blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma bstan ’dzin dbang phyug dpal bzang po’i sku ’phreng so so’i rnam thar dang rgyal pa rnams lung bstan dang rgyal rabs kyi tsul gsal bar byed pa ’khrul snang rab gsal chos srid nyi zla zung gi ’od kyi snang ba written by Ngawang Trinley Gyatso (Ngag dbang ’phrin las rgya mtsho) in 1915. sKyabs mgon rje btsun dam pa sku ’phren rim byon rnams kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus su brjod pa dang ldan kun dga’i mdzes rgyan zhes bya ba written in 1925 by Ngawang Tsultrim Gyatso (Ngag dbang tshul khrims rgya mtsho) (1880-1938). In Modern Mong. known as Agvaants ltemjamts. It can be also remarked that the great work by Dharmatala from 1889 entitled "Rosery of White Lotuses, being the Clear Account of How the Precious Teaching of Buddha Appeared and Spread in the Great Hor Country" contains a long passage on Zanabazar’s biography, which is a summary of Zanabazar’s biography by Zaya Pandita.

The nature of the di erences between the text by Dharmatala in comparison with Zanabazar’s biographies can be shown on the example of the fragment dealing with Zanabazar’s genealogy.

According to Zaya Pandita:

(416-3 419-1): "...owing to power of many [[[people]]] king cakravartin (i.e. the one who turned the wheel [of Dharma]), Brahma, who took form of a human, became universally famed as king Chinggis. And from that one [[[king]]] in the twenty seventh generation there was [born] king Pathu Mongkho Tayan (i.e. Batu M ngke Dayan). From his eleven sons, the tenth was [called] Tsalair Hong Thaiji, (i.e. Jalair Khung Tayiji). From his seven sons the third [was called] U’itsen Noyon, . From his six sons the eldest was [called] king Abutai (or Abatai). [He] had the courage of Rama(na) of taking away the arrogance [of Ravan.a]. He raised and led a large army to the Oirat land and killed thousands of Oirat people. And he submitted all the Oirats under [his] rule. He made one of his sons the Oirats’ king." Dharmatala wrote:

"In the 27th generation of Chinggis, the Turner of the Wheel of Power, Pathu Mungkhe Tayan, (i.e. Batu M ngke Dayan) king was born. From his eleven sons, the tenth was [called] Geresengje, (i.e. Geresenje Jalair Khung Tayiji). From his seven sons the third [was] Onohu U’ijen (i.e. Noonukhu ijeng or ijeng Noyan / Noyon). From his six sons the eldest was [called] king Ochir Opathai (i.e. Vajra Abatai) king (or Abutai Khan), equipped with courage and wealth..."   It seems that a passage about Rama was not understood and therefore only reference to courage was mentioned in Dharmatala’s work. Rama’s story, which is retelling the famous Indic epic Ramayan. a was popular in Tibet from the 8-9th century since its version was found in the Dunhuang caves. Many versions of Rama’s story were part of the Tibetan intellectual tradition.114 It is worth mentioning that Taranatha was especially knowledgeable in Indian tradition, including the Ramayan. a.115 In the Tibetan versions the name Rama(na) denotes the protagonist of the epic. He ghts against Ravan.a, his main antagonist, an arrogant and aggressive though very learned ruler of Lanka. Therefore in the present text the epithet of the Mongolian Khan Abutai / Abatai depicting him as having the courage of Rama, makes him a great hero. The similar expression was used by the Fifth Dalai Lama in his history of Tibet to depict courage of Guushi Khan: "As the brave king Rama killed the lord of Lanka, so (Gu ri Khan) destroyed the 40,000 troops of CHog-Thu."116 Zaya Pandita could have been familiar with the comparison made by the Fifth Dalai Lama and he paraphrased it in his work. In any case this passage of Zanabazar’s biography shows the eloquence of Zaya Pandita, well versed in Indo-Tibetan literature.117 Let’s continue the comparison of Zaya Pandita’s account with that of Dharmatala. According to Zaya Pandita (p. 418): "Later he went to invite the All Knowing Sonam Gyatso (bSod nams rgya mtsho) and [discussed] the opportunity of [his] visit to Mongolia. The object of o ering (i.e. Sonam Gyatso) and benefactor (i.e. khan) united in one. He (i.e. the khan) was given a certain painted image of Phagmo Drupa Dorje Gyelpo, [known as] ‘indestructible in re’ and was bestowed with the title of the Vajra-raja, i.e. Vajra-king."

che ba o chir o pa thai rgyal po zhes pa dpa’ rtsal stobs [407, 1] ’byor dang ldan pa zhig yod pa... 114More on the Tibetan versions up to the times of modern poet Dondup Gyel see in Lin 2008, esp. pp. 88-91. 115See van der Kuijp and Tuttle 2014: 463.

116Translation of Zahiruddin Ahmad 1995: 195. 117On the Mongolian versions of Ramayan. a see Damdins ren 1979. See translation of the fragment of the Biography on p. 417-3 in Part II. According to Dharmatala: "During the visit of the Victorious Sonam Gyatso (bSod nams rgya mtsho) in Mongolia he met with him. He (i.e. the khan) was given a certain painted image of Phagmo Drupa Dorje Gyelba [known as] "indestructible in re" and was bestowed with the title of the Vajra-raja, i.e. Vajra-king, and he was said to be the manifestation of Vajrapan.i." It can be observed that Dharmatala’s account is very similar to Zaya Pandita’s work. However, Dharmatala’s narrative could have been based on other biographies, such as those written in 1839 or 1874. For example, in both texts, by Dharmatala and by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten or Agvaant vden Ravjamba (1839) Zanabazar’s birth is discussed from the standpoint of the two truths:

Dharmatala:

"As seen from the point of the ultimate truth countless eons ago he truly manifested in the four bodies." "As seen from the point of the conventional truth perceived by his disciples, he appeared in the holy land of India as great siddhi Barbai Tsobo and Nagpo Chopa, (i.e. Kr.s.n.acarin or Kr.s.n.acarya)." "In Tibet [he manifested as] Jamyang Choje Tashi Pelden, the principal disciple of the great holy Tsongkhapa, as Pandita Chokyi Ninjed [and] as Jonang Kunga Drolchog and many others..." In the biography by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten or Agvaant vden Ravjamba (1839) one can nd similar account.122 After comparison of the relevant fragments it can be concluded that while the account of Dharmatala agrees with that of Ngawang Yeshe Thubten or Agvaant vden Ravjamba (1839), the account written in 1874 by Ngawang Losang Dondub or Agvaanluvsandonduv di ers from both of them considerably. It contains long fragments on the origin of Chinggis Khan and quotations from di erent sources about the pre-existences of Zanabazar and persons from his lineage starting from the time of the Buddha. It contains also account about Altan Khan and the Fourth Dalai Lama, missing in the previous two texts. On the other hand, the origin of the name Jæana Vajra alias Yeshe Dorje (Ye shes rdo rje) is explained there. This explanation was not mentioned by Zaya Pandita, but it could have been taken from the later biographies (1839, 1874) in which it is connected with the divination from the Kalacakra and the name of mahasiddha Kr.s.n.acarin or Kr.s.n.acarya, whose future reincarnation was Taranatha.123 On the other hand, the lineage of Chinggis Khan’s descendants is presented in Dharmatala’s work in the same way as in the biography by Zaya Pandita. It can be summed up, that most probably Dharmatala had access to the work by Zaya Pandita, as well as to the biographies composed later, such as by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten / Agvaant vden Ravjamba (1839) and by Ngawang Losang Dondub / Agvaanluvsandonduv (1874). The comparison of the short fragments of Zanabazar’s biographies composed after the work of Zaya Pandita shows that they are related to each other and that they all stem from the composition of Zaya Pandita. In the later biographies one can observe, however, that some pieces of information from the biography of Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita were omitted, such as for example a comparison of Abutai to Rama. Perhaps such details were not important or not relevant for the contemporaries or they were not

[2] badzra ste rang byung ye shes rdo rjes zhes grags pa’i ba dan dkar po srid pa gsum gyi bla na chos cher g.yo ba’i ’dren mchog dam pa ’di nyid ni | nges pa’i don du bgrang yas bskal pa’i sngon [3] nas stong nyid snying rje’i snying po can gyi tshogs gnyis zud du ’jug pa rgyal sras kyi spyod pa rgya mtsho’i pha rol tu son te sku bzhi’i ngo bor sangs rgyas zin kyang | zag med kyi dga’ ba’i [4] dbyings su zhen pa ring bu dor te | bdag pas gzhan gtsas pa’i thugs bskyed bla na med pa’i gzhan dbang du gyur pa la...

123See the chapter "The Political Role of Zanabazar" of the present work. understood by them. Another example can be given: while writing (p. 5022-3) about Zaya Pandita’s translation of the fragment of the Fifth Dalai Lama’s biography composed by the Regent Sangye Gyatso (sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho) he provided the name of Batulai, with whom he did the translation. In the biography of Zanabazar written in 1839 on f. 40a1-2 there is a fragment very similar to the one written by Zaya Pandita, with some minor stylistic di erences. It does not mention Batulai as one of the translators. The text continues with the statement by Zanabazar that he did not have such a good ‘way to liberation’ (rnam thar, i.e. biography) as his spiritual teachers, And then it goes further with explaining the reason for writing the biography of Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita. It may seem, that the biography by Zaya Pandita is referred to in the text of 1839 as gsol ’debs. However, on f. 40a6 it says: dzaya pan. d.i ta’i gsung las, i.e. ‘from Zaya Pandita’s text’ and it quotes Zaya Pandita saying that for twelve years he was not able to ful ll the task and to write the biography of his Master. There were also many other works written by Mongolian lama scholars based on the biography of the First Jetsundampa composed by Zaya Pandita. Their relationship with the original text by Zaya Pandita requires further investigation, similarly to the later biographies of Zanabazar and the fragment of Dharmatala’s work.   Regarding the Mongolian biographies of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa, the best known are di erent versions of the biography titled nd r gegennamtar.128 The Mongolian text contains much more legendary materials on Zanabazar than the life account by Zaya Pandita.129 It should be stressed that the Mongolian biography is not a translation of the Tibetan versions. It has been preserved only in manuscripts which vary among themselves and usually contain biography of not just one Jetsundampa,130 but three or seven incarnations. A di erent kind of biography describes the lives of the pre-existences or previous incarnations of Zanabazar. It is based on his ‘reverential prayers’ (gsol ’debs).131

While analyzing Tibetan and Mongolian biographies of Zanabazar one can see the di erent aims of their authors: Zaya Pandita described his master’s life story in order to show his teacher’s spiritual development as an inspiration and Buddhist model. Later biographers tried to prove extraordinary powers of the Mongolian incarnation. Biographies written in Mongolian aimed also most probably at di erent readers: lay noblemen, intellectuals who were able to read in Mongolian. Therefore the texts were not

Abatai Khan to Rama, miracles in which owers appeared after Zanabazar’s birth, his teachers, travel to Tibet, the arrival of fty Tibetan religious specialists in Khalkha, etc. On the other hand there is mention of the Kalacakra divination regarding Zanabazar’s name which connected him to Taranatha, the letter from the Fifth Dalai Lama, and many other episodes which do not appear in Zaya Pandita’s work. In some places the author clearly refers to Zaya Pandita’s text or other works, while in others he does not mention his sources. See Soninbayar 1995. 128Published by Charles Bawden 1961. They were discussed in: Bareja-Starzynska 2009a, 2010a, 2011, 2012b with nal hypothesis on the date of its composition as 18031813 in Bareja-Starzynska 2013, as well as in: Bira 1995, Dashbadrakh 1995, Futaki 2011, Kh relbaγatur 2009 and other works. 129Uspensky 2011: 148 expressed similar opinion in his work. 130With the exception of the manuscript with only one biography of the First Jetsundampa, i.e. Zanabazar, preserved in the Kotwicz collection of the Archive of Science of the Polish Academy of Sciences and Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences in Cracow. See Bareja-Starzynska 2011, 2012b, 2012d. 131It was studied in Bareja-Starzynska and Byambaa 2012, Byambaa 1997, Byambaa 2005, Somlai 1988.

1.5. NOTES ABOUT THE TIBETO-MONGOLIAN MANUSCRIPT

focused on religious instructions, although they contained some information on Buddhist practices. The Tibetan texts, on the other hand, were written for the monks with a clear message on dharma teachings and practices aiming at broadening their religious knowledge. The Mongolian features of the First Jetsundampa’s biography written by Zaya Pandita can not be traced in the structure of the text. A Mongolian in uence is present in the subject matter which makes reference to Chinggis Khan. It may perhaps be seen also in the objective approach of the author. However, equally probable is that the "objectiveness" of the text does not represent the Mongolian impact, following the "Secret History of the Mongols", but is a sign of Zaya Pandita’s own personality. It shows his straightforwardness, diligence and simplicity. Zaya Pandita was a careful disciple of his Tibetan masters. One can expect that as a neophyte he tried to ful l the Buddhist genre models in the most exemplary way. He is proof of the fruitful transfer of Tibetan culture to Mongolian soil. Zaya Pandita’s biography of the First Jetsundampa was very popular among the Mongolian clergy and it was followed by all later biographies of Zanabazar written in Tibetan. It has not been evaluated for the present work, however, whether Tibetan authors ever bene ted from Zaya Pandita’s example.

1.5 Notes about the Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript

As it was said earlier, in the present work the bilingual manuscript of the biography of Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita found in Buryatia was regarded as the basis for study and translation. It was compared with the Tibetan block printed version included in Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig. In order to make di erences between the two versions easily visible, the critical edition was prepared, in form of transliteration. The Tibetan and Mongolian versions of the biography are by no means identical, i.e. the Mongolian version is not always a correct and thorough translation of the Tibetan. There are passages in which the translator did not understand the Tibetan word and just repeated it in the Mongolian pronunciation in his version, and there are passages, as well, in which he added more elaborate expressions and additional information. However, these changes should be treated as stylistic. They are commented upon in the footnotes throughout the translation of the biography (Part II). The Tibetan standard xylograph (Beijing) of Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig and the edition by Lokesh Chandra di er only in pagination, since the Latin numbers were added by the latter. The Tibetan xylograph published by Byambaa Ragchaa in 2012 and reproduced within the present work is printed from di erent blocks with independent pagination. In general this xylograph follows the standard edition of the Thob yig very closely. However, there are some minor scribal di erences between the xylographs which are marked in the transliteration.

The Tibetan xylograph versions of Zanabazar’s biography in comparison with the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript from the Aginsky Datsan (monastery) in Buryatia, as a rule are correct regarding the Tibetan spelling. For example in the Buryat manuscript on p. 423-2 there is a passage: mtshan blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal pa’i rgyal mtshan in which the phrase rgyal pa’i is added by mistake, it does not appear in the xylograph versions, which are written correctly; p. 419-2: khyad par du, where the terminative case ending is repeated (-par and -du), appears correctly in the xylographs as khyad du, etc. However, there are places at which the manuscript contains the correct version. For example: p. 418-3: sog yul is written correctly in the Buryat manuscript, erroneously sogs yul in the xylographs; in the Buryat manuscript 543-1: correctly: sgo mang bla ma’i sku skye, erroneously in the xylographs: sgo mang ma’i bla sku skye, etc. The study of the bilingual manuscript as such, namely its script, form etc., were not the focus of the present work, however, a few observations can be o ered. There are some distinctive features of the handwriting of the Buryat manuscript. In the Mong. version quite often instead of a sign for -n there is -ng written before the consonants: tengde£e instead of tende£e, sangvar for sanvar etc. When a word ends with -n and there is a case ending such as -u / - or -i, the dot for -n is often written at a place with a vowel, on its left side. At many places a sign for g is written with two dots to 1.5. NOTES ABOUT THE TIBETO-MONGOLIAN MANUSCRIPT distinguish it from k. Such occurrences were marked in the transliteration as g.. Often case su xes are written jointly with words. Colloquial forms such as noyon appear together with the classical noyan. There are forms such as busabai for: bu£abai which may point to the Buryat origin of the copyist. Discrepancies between the manuscript and standard Classical Mongolian grammar and orthography were indicated in the transliteration.

58 CHAPTER 1. THE AUTHOR AND THE TEXT 

Chapter 2

The Historical Background and Its Literary Narratives

2.1 The Historical Background

The history of contacts between Tibetans and Mongols in the second half of the 17th century is the history of relations with several Mongolian ethnic groups, popularly called tribes which were divided mainly into Western and Eastern Mongols, ghting for supremacy over the whole Mongolia for hundreds of years. The most active groups among Western Mongols were Oirats or Jungars and regarding the Eastern Mongols Khalkhas, who inhabited almost exclusively in Northern Mongolia. The third growing power in the region was the Manchus. It was a period of rapidly spreading 59 Tibetan form of Buddhism among the Mongols. It was the time of the Great Fifth Dalai Lama Ngawang Losang Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 1617-1782), the Manchu Emperor Kangxi (r. 1662-1720), the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu (1644-1697)) and the protagonist of the present considerations, the First Khalkha Jetsundampa (rJe btsun dam pa), Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 1635-1723), known as nd r Gege(ge)n Zanabazar. As it was said earlier in the present publication, Zanabazar was the son of the mighty Khalkha T shiyet Khan Gombodorji. However, he did not succeed his father as a khan. Instead, from his early childhood he was religiously inclined and was recognized as the Buddhist reincarnation of the Jonangpa (Jo nang pa) scholar Taranatha Kunga Nyingpo (15751634). He pursued a very speci c education characteristic for sprul skus or khuvilgans (as they were called in Mongolian), at rst in the Khalkha lands and later in Tibet (1649-51). Though interested in religious and artistic matters, Zanabazar was also engaged in politics and gradually, owing to the support of his family, Tibetan authorities, and also due to his own charisma he became the Buddhist leader of the Khalkha Mongols. With this turn of events it became quite evident that he was not only a religious leader, but a political gure as well. It is not easy to judge on the basis of the existing scarce sources what the actual plans of Zanabazar were. Was he involved in politics by his own choice or was it just the fate of events? In any case, there is a question for modern Mongols whether or not this Buddhist master and great artist should be treated as the Khalkha national hero or as a traitor, who shaped the Mongols’ future under the Manchu rule. Undoubtedly,

during his lifetime and with his involvement, the Khalkha Mongols made a turn from being under the political umbrella of the Tibetan government of the Dalai Lama to the protection of the Manchu Emperor. Because of this shift from Tibet to the Qing empire, Khalkha Mongols greatly in uenced the political balance in Inner Asia. The events of the years 1686-88 seem crucial. The main opponent of Zanabazar was the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu (1644-1697).6 He was the son of Baatur Khung Tayiji, who accompanied Gushri Khan or rather Guushi Khan (1582-1655) from the Khoshuud tribe in 1640 in Tibet.7 Galdan Boshugtu was recognized as the incarnation of the Second Ensa (or Bensa) Tulku Losang Tenzin Gyatso (dBen sa sprul sku blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho, 1605-1643 or 1644) the same who ordained Zanabazar and sent him to Tibet where he spent 10 years between 1656 and 1666. He was a disciple of the First or rather Fourth Panchen Lama (1570-1662) and later the Fifth Dalai Lama. He returned home in 1666. When his brother Sengge, who was the khan of the lets, called otherwise Jungars, died in the con ict with his two half-brothers, Galdan renounced his vows, married Sengge’s wife and became leader of the Jungar tribe. In 1678 he received the title of Boshugtu Khan, ‘the khan with Mandate’ from the Fifth Dalai Lama.8 Johan Elverskog in his book Our Great Qing (2006) studied the situation of the Mongols in the 16th and 17th centuries in detail with focus on their shift of political authority from the Dalai Lama to the Manchu Emperor. His conclusion regarding the First Jetsundampa and the Great Fifth Dalai Lama9 was that the latter "was also conscious of the threat of his [i.e. Jetsundampa’s, A.B-S] power presented by the elevation of T shiyet Khan’s

himself; see Kh relbaatar 2005: 103.

6Atwood 2004: 193-4. Starting with democratic changes in Mongolia in the 90. of the 20th century numerous publications on the Western Mongols (such as series Bibliotheca Oiratica), including studies on Galdan Boshugtu appeared. For example Galdan Boshgot sudlal in two volumes, 2014. 7He was from Choros line. About Khoshuud and Choros see Okada and MiyawakiOkada 2008: 36. Guushi Khan was an honorary title from Chin. since guo shi means ‘state preceptor’, see Uspensky 2014: 231, Ahmad 2008: 151. 8On conferring titles by the Dalai Lamas see Ishihama 1992 and Elverskog 2006. 9Elverskog 2006: 195, note 32. son as Jebdzundamba Khutugtu. Although later histories present a cordial relation between these two gures, the Dalai Lama and the Jebdzundamba Khutugtu, it is clear that at the time this newly formed Khalkha-centered form of Buddhist rule was a direct threat to Gelugpa power." His conclusion might have been built upon the interpretation of the sources proposed by Junko Miyawaki. She suggested that the recognition of Taranatha’s incarnation in the Khalkha prince was done at rst not by the Dalai Lama and not with the Gelugpa’s support. According to her view the Gelugpa Tibetan hierarchs treated Zanabazar as belonging to the Jonangpa tradition and only in 1650 tried to make him the Gelugpa follower. Nevertheless, they never trusted him and in 1688 they supported Galdan Boshugtu’s demand to hand over Zanabazar to Tibet for punishment. The present author argued elsewhere that this in turn, was not the case. It seems that the Gelugpa authorities from the very beginning of the recognition of the child as an incarnation secured his Gelugpa education and treated him as the incarnation of Jamyang Choje (’Jam dbyangs chos rje, 1379-1449), who founded Drepung (’Bras spungs) monastery and was regarded as one of the most important gures within the Gelugpa tradition. Owing to such recognition, simultaneously as Taranatha’s and Jamyang Choje’s embodiment, the Gelugpas could explain the seizure of the Jonangpa monastery in Tibet on behalf of the Mongolian Jetsundampa incarnation. Such an interpretation of facts was proposed by Cyrius Stearns. Moreover, Elverskog cited Bira14 who mentioned a fragment of the First Jetsundampa’s biography by Zaya Pandita, in which he described the con ict between the Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar and the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu starting with the meeting of 1686. The interpretation of this fragment of the biography is, however, not correct. Elverskog concludes that "Galdan protested to the Qing court the Jebdzundamba’s refusal to o er prayers to the Dalai Lama’s envoy, an act that clearly points to competing visions of the authority of the Dalai Lama and the new Khalkha incarnation." Elverskog does not take into consideration, however, that Galdan Boshugtu wanted to nd a pretext to attack Khalkha T shiyet ’s lands. In the opinion of the present author it was not a con ict between di erent orders of Tibetan Buddhism (Gelugpa versus Jonangpa), and not a con ict between the authority of the Tibetan Dalai Lama and the Khalkha Jetsundampa, but a power con ict between di erent Mongolian ethnic groups in which Buddhist arguments were used as a handy tool. The events of 1686 and of the following years were crucial to the history of the Tibeto-KhalkhaJungar-Manchu relations, therefore it may be worth taking a closer look how these years were described in the First Jetsundampa’s biography written by the Zaya Pandita.

It describes the meeting of the Khalkhas in 1686 at K ren Belcher which was organized in order to solve internal disputes. To mediate the situation, representatives of the Tibetan Dalai Lama and the Manchu Emperor were invited. The representative of the Fifth Dalai Lama was the 44th Throne Holder of the Ganden monastery, Ngawang Lodo Gyatso (Ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho, alias Klu ’bum ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho). He was born in Amdo in 1635, the same year as the First Jetsundapa Zanabazar. He assumed the o ce of Ganden Tripa (dGa’ ldan khri pa) in 1682 (the year of the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama), but left the o ce in 1685 in order to travel to Mongolia with his peace mission. He reached Khalkha in 1686. The mission, however, failed shortly after his visit. Later, in 1687, he went to Beijing to the Manchu Emperor Kangxi. He died on the way back to Tibet in 1688, when he was only fty three years old. This event was probably very unfortunate for the fate of the Khalkha in general and the First Jetsundampa in particular. One may expect that Ngawang Lodo Gyatso would have been able to mediate the Khalkha-Oirat con ict and prevent the war. The representative of the Manchu Emperor at the meeting of the Khalkha nobles was Arani Aliqan. In the 1839 biography of Zanabazar composed by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten (or Agvaant vden Ravjampa) the First Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu Ngawang Losang Choden (lCang skya Khutugtu Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan, 1642-1714) was also mentioned as present at this meeting. The main participants of the meeting were the so called ‘seven divisions (or banners) of Khalkha’. These division originated from seven sons of Khan Geresenje, who was the youngest son of Dayan Khan, one of the greatest Mongolian Khalkha rulers. By the time of the First Jetsundampa the term ‘seven divisions’ covered two wings of Khalkha: the right one governed by Jasagtu Khan and the left one governed by T shiyet Khan. In 1640 the right wing allied with the Oirat tribes, while the left wing was in good terms with the Manchus (whose vassals were from 1635 some of the Khalkha communities south of the Gobi Desert).

At K ren Belcher, the First Jetsundampa was nominated as the head of the meeting by Achitu Choje, the envoy of the Manchu Emperor. According to the biography: "The Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) and the Throne Holder of the Ganden [[[monastery]]] met together and were seated on equal seats and discussed mutual news in full detail. O cial decrees of the Victorious Supreme One (i.e. the Dalai Lama) and of the Majesty King (i.e. the Manchu Emperor) were proclaimed." The peace process started soon after. However, most likely it was not implemented very diligently on T shiyet Khan’s side. Nevertheless, what was given as the reason for starting a war by the Oirats against the Khalkha’s left wing under T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji, Zanabazar’s brother, was the pretext that during the meeting in 1686 at K ren Belcher the First Jetsundampa did not bow his head and did not greet the representative of the Fifth Dalai Lama, the 44th Ganden Tripa, with due respect. Galdan Boshugtu wrote a letter in which he scolded Zanabazar. Though he was regarded as the incarnation of Ensa Tulku, he was a lay person at that time. As such he had no right to scold a monk. His letter was so o ensive that T shiyet Khan, and actually, according to Zanabazar’s biography, the majority of the seven divisions of Khalkha, were ready to start the war against Galdan. The Manchu Emperor through his messenger tried to mediate and stop the Khalkhas, but when Galdan’s brother Dorjijab moved towards Khalkha Jasagtu Khan to join forces with him (i.e with the Khalkha right wing), T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji, Zanabazar’s brother, attacked them and both Jasagtu Khan named Shira and Galdan’s brother Dorjijab were killed. The Manchu Emperor tried to mediate again but Galdan Boshugtu invaded Khalkha in early 1688. His army defeated the Khalkhas and advanced into their territories. Erdeni Juu monastery,24 was heavily damaged. Also other Buddhist monasteries and temples were destroyed, including the First Jetsundampa’s newly built monastery Ribo Gegye Ling.

T shiyet Khan’s family along with their subjects and Jetsundampa with his monks had to ee. Finally they reached the lands of S nid in Inner Mongolia. According to later sources written by the Mongols, i.e. biographies of Zanabazar of 1839 (by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten alias Agvaant vden Ravjamba, written in Tibetan) and nd r gegen- namtar (in Mongolian), the Khalkhas had to decide whether to seek out protection from the Manchu Emperor or from the Russians. However, as Junko Miyawaki26 proved convincingly, most probably it was a later addition to Zaya Pandita’s narrative of Zanabazar’s biography re ecting the Khalkhas’ situation. In reality the T shiyet ’s subjects had to choose between submitting to the Oirats from whom they were escaping or to seek the protection of the Manchus. If T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji and the Jetsundampa wanted to save their lives, they had to turn to the Manchu Emperor. Zahiruddin Ahmad presented Emperor’s dilemma: should he conform with Galdan Boshugtu’s request or should he defend the Khalkhas, who came under his protection of their own accord. The right to protect refugees prevailed. From that moment the Manchu Emperor treated the Khalkhas as being under his patronage and soon after, under the Manchu political protectorate. In light of these events it is not surprising that the First Jetsundampa developed a close relationship with the Manchu Emperor. The latter actually incurred many problems with the Khalkhas who appeared on his territory. T shiyet Khan and Zanabazar’s subjects, including monks, were no less than tens of thousands of people. Sechen Khan’s regent also migrated there with some 100 thousand people. They had to be given pastures and supplies, and not once but many times. And as a consequence of Galdan’s successful war with the Khalkhas, they submitted to the Manchu Emperor in 1691 in Dolonnuur.

Although Zaya Pandita mentioned the meeting of 1691 at Dolonnuur in the biography of Zanabazar, the role of Jetsundampa was not emphasized there. Another consequence was that Galdan Boshugtu, while chasing the Khalkhas, moved close to the Manchu territory which threatened the Emperor; ultimately the situation ended with the Manchu-Oirat direct military con ict. Finally Galdan Boshugtu who was betrayed in his own lands by his nephew Tsewang Rabten (Tshe dbang rab brtan), died in 1697. The fate of the Khalkha Mongols to live under the Manchus was settled. As the correspondence of the Kangxi Emperor shows, Galdan was after some time ready to parole T shiyet Khan, but he wanted at least to hand over Zanabazar to the Tibetan government of the Dalai Lama, whom he, according to Galdan Boshugtu, had o ended. The Emperor did not react to this request. Besides the correspondence which have survived, among the Qing materials there are also documents written in Tibetan, preserved in the Lhasa Archives. The documents show the Emperor’s concern about providing peace among the Mongolian Oirat and Khalkha ethnic groups, "which used to live in harmony in the past."34 However, this was just a bear statement, and not a description of the true situation, because Zaya Pandita in the biography of Zanabazar recorded that within the last nine generations of Oirat-Khalkha contact, peace prevailed only during Sengge’s rule. It is worth mentioning that when the Kangxi Emperor learnt about the true events surrounding the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama and the fact that this death had been concealed for many years, he wished to obtain more detailed information about it. During the meeting in 1697 with the Khalkha Mongols, including the First Jetsundampa, in Inner Mongolia in Burgasutai valley, he requested Zaya Pandita and another person (Batulai or Pa thu la’i) to translate from Tibetan to Mongolian the part of the biography composed by the Regent Sangye Gyatso (sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho) concerning the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama.

2.2 Zaya Pandita’s Buddhist Argumentation

This was a brief reconstruction of historical events. Now let us turn to the narratives of the Jetsundampa’s biography by his disciple Zaya Pandita. He uses Buddhist argumentation to explain the con ict between Galdan Boshugtu and Zanabazar. In the biography, Galdan is portrayed as Devadatta (Tib. lHa byin / sbyin),37 the enemy of the Buddha akyamuni. Devadatta was a cousin of the Buddha, and competed with him in many ways. tienne Lamotte38 summarized these events in the following way: "Devadatta, who had entered the order, attempted to supplant the Master at the head of the community. When his manoeuvres failed, he tried to kill the Buddha, but the hired assassins he had commissioned became converted: the rock which he had thrown from the top of a mountain only gave the Buddha an insigni cant wound, and the maddened elephant which he sent in pursuit of the Master prostrated itself before the latter. Devadatta provoked a schism in the community and, having won 500 Vr.ji monks from Vai–al to his cause, formed a separate congregation. The intervention of the disciples ariputra and Maudgalyayana brought the misled monks back into the fold, and Devadatta, who was abandoned by one and all, underwent the punishment for o ences."

However, the Buddhist texts treated Devadatta’s struggle against the Buddha in several ways and there are di erent accounts of the events associated with him and various interpretations of this gure.39 The biography of Zanabazar explains that by his evil-doing, Devadatta made the Buddha’s

to the biography, completed within four days. As even the part of the Regent’s text which deals with the nal year of the Fifth Dalai Lama is quite extensive, perhaps its short version was translated. In any case it was not possible for the present study to nd more details about the Mongolian translation. The author would like to thank Vladimir L. Uspensky for pointing out that only a part of the Regent’s text was requested for translation. See also Uspensky 2011: 149. 37Zanabazar’s Biography: 468-471. 38Lamotte 1988: 18. 39See Lamotte 1988: 18, 657; Lamotte 1970; Sugimoto 1982; Waldschmidt 1963; Ray 1994.

qualities ripen. Therefore he was the enemy who actually brought benet to the Buddha. Referring to Zanabazar’s situation, Zaya Pandita did not question the true recognition of Galdan Boshugtu as the incarnation of eminent Ensa / Bensa Tulku. He tried to explain the situation in the framework of Buddhist ideology. Galdan was portrayed as Devadatta and that implied that Zanabazar was like the Buddha akyamuni. In this understanding the wrong deeds of Galdan (similarly to Devadatta) actually helped Zanabazar to develop his best qualities, like the Buddha himself. One should remember that the biography of the First Jetsundampa was written in 1702, when Galdan Boshugtu already passed away, while Zanabazar was still alive.

On the margin of these considerations it is interesting to observe that this interpretation of Devadatta’s deeds seemed to prevail among the Mongols. Already in the Mongolian handbook of Buddhism by Shireget G shi Chorji written at the beginning of the 17th century and entitled iqula keregleg£i teg s udqatu †astir it is expressed on the basis of the Maharatnakut.a that Devadatta should not be valued according to his wrong deeds against the Buddha, because he had accumulated enormous merits which made him close to the bodhisattva. This view corresponds with the one expressed in the Saddharmapun. d.arikasutra: "...Devadatta, whom the Buddha terms as his kalyan. amitra, or spiritual friend in e ect, his teacher. It was through training under Devadatta as his teacher, the Buddha tells us, that he was able to perfect the qualities by which he eventually became a buddha." Zaya Pandita refers to this dual image of Devadatta in the biography of his master explaining the deeds of Galdan Boshugtu. It is possible to speculate that perhaps had Galdan Boshugtu been able to have an audience with the Fifth Dalai Lama, he could have been convinced not to attack the Khalkhas, destroying their Buddhist monasteries and to stop chasing T shiyet Khan and especially the Jetsundampa. However, the Great Fifth Dalai Lama had died already in 1682. It seems that Galdan Boshugtu had enough in uence over the Regent Sangye Gyatso to convince him about his rights and to work against "the joint Sino-Tibetan activity" proposed by the Manchu Emperor Kangxi in dealings with the Mongols. In 1690 Regent Sangye Gyatso sent the envoy Jampa Lingpa Khenpo (Byams pa gling pa mkhan po) to the Manchu Emperor Kangxi with the Imperial Edict in which he suggested to seize T shiyet Khan and the Jetsundampa and hand them over to Galdan Boshugtu while he guaranteed their lives. The Emperor did not want to comply with this proposal. Soon after Galdan Boshugtu threatened and defeated the Manchu troops and started a war against the Manchu Emperor. When his position was weakened by the Manchus, he paroled idxTvshiyet Khan@T shiyet Khan T shiyet Khan, but nevertheless still wanted to seize the Jetsundampa.

The Tibetan government of the Dalai Lama was not able or not willing to in uence Galdan to such an extent as to stop his advance in Khalkha and his personal revenge towards T shiyet Khan and Zanabazar in particular. Zahiruddin Ahmad described this part of the con ict in detail and pointed out that although Galdan Boshugtu in general listened to the Dalai Lama’s envoys, he was not willing to stop his acts of revenge.46 And the Emperor regarded the Regent’s position as pro-Galdan and he accused him of secretly helping Galdan and his troops. Hence, the question arises whether it would have been practically possible for the Regent Sangye Gyatso not to take the side of Galdan Boshugtu. And it does not seem likely. Galdan Boshugtu was the strongest military leader of the Western Mongols, allied for years with the Tibetans and ghting against the Khalkha Mongols under the pretext of protection of the Dalai Lama’s authority. This shows that though the Mongols were part of the political model of the ‘two systems’ (lugs gnyis), otherwise known in Tibetan as chos srid zung ’brel, ‘conjunction of religious law (dharma) and government’, it was just a model and its implementation in real politics could have di ered from the ideas. Relations among the elements of this model were complicated by the mutual hostility and rivalry on the part of the Mongols. Though they referred to being the secular part of the model and to being an arm of the religious leader, the Dalai Lama, they fought between themselves over supremacy. In her several publications, Yumiko Ishihama underlined the theoretical framework of the chos srid system among the Tibetans, Mongols and Manchus and showed through many examples how it was used in written documents. She stated that "the di erence in interpretation of Buddhism later caused the Qalqa-Ch’ing war against Jungγar (1686-1696)." However, the example of the Oirat-Khalkha con ict and particularly the behaviour of Galdan Boshugtu, which had far-reaching consequences for the Mongols and Tibetans, shows, in the opinion of the present author, rather a departure from the chos srid theoretical model and points to the fact that arguments based on this model were used by all three parties, Tibetans, Mongols and Manchus, to their political ends. The Manchu Emperor was able to conclude to Galdan: "(although) openly you honour the Dalai Lama’s words, secretly you disobey the Dalai Lama’s orders."50

Perhaps the great hostilities between Galdan Boshugtu and Zanabazar can be explained on two levels, both connected with the legitimation of their rule. Zanabazar developed his high religious authority owing not only to his recognition as an incarnation of a great lama and his extraordinary skills, but owing also to his high status among the Khalkha Mongols which was based upon his Chinggisid origin. Moreover, he was militarily and politically supported by his brother T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji, who was also a righteous leader of his ethnic group and a potential leader for other Mongolian groups as well. Actually Galdan Boshugtu was supposed to become a religious leader whose brother would govern the Oirats, similarly to Zanabazar, but it did not work in his case, since his brother Sengge had died and he had to secularize and rely only on his own military and political power. To compensate for that, he was a faithful Buddhist, entirely devoted to the Dalai Lama, a fact which could have given him validation for his rule instead of the Chinggisid origin which he was lacking. In comparison with Zanabazar, Galdan Boshugtu’s claims to rule over all Mongols were probably weaker (as was also the case of Altan Khan from the T med, who established a relationship with the Third Dalai Lama in 1578). The potential power of the future Jetsundampas was envisaged by the Manchu rulers who, following the second reincarnation, forbade Jetsundampas’ recognition among the Mongols and forced them to recognize their most important incarnation among the Tibetans. The Manchus could foresee that the alliance of religious and military power in one family, related moreover by blood to Chinggis Khan, might be too dangerous. Perhaps this was also the danger to which Johan Elverskog referred while describing the relationship between the First Jetsundampa and the Fifth Dalai Lama, mentioned earlier.

To summerize: The relationship between the Oirat and Khalkha Mongols in the years 1686-88 shaped the fate of so-called Outer Mongolia and had a big impact not only on these two groups of Mongols, but also on the situation of Tibet and the Qing empire. It is very interesting to observe that both sides of the internal Mongolian con ict used Buddhist argumentation to justify their positions and get support from the Buddhist societies they lived in. First of all, Galdan Boshugtu threatened and later attacked the Khalkha T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji on the basis of an argument that Khan’s brother, Zanabazar, who was ordained earlier by his own previous incarnation Khedub Sangye Yeshe (mKhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes, 1525-1590), did not pay proper respect to the Dalai Lama’s representative, which was an o ence to the Buddhist authority of the Dalai Lama. Galdan Boshugtu regarded himself as the true defender of the Buddhist faith and the Tibetan Gelugpa tradition in particular. However, one should remember that this was simply a cunningly used argument and that later events showed that the main reason for conducting and continuing the war against the Khalkhas was the personal revenge and struggle for power over all Mongols. Secondly, Zaya Pandita, a close disciple of Zanabazar, explained the very complicated relationship between his master, the Jetsundampa, and Galdan Boshugtu using the example of the Buddha akyamuni and his cousin Devadatta. By doing so he elevated his master without treating disrespectfully the incarnation of Ensa Tulku, Khedub Sangye Yeshe, the teacher of his teacher, embodied in Galdan Boshugtu. The biography of the Jetsundampa does not answer the question whether Zanabazar was a victim of the political situation, which is quite likely, taking into consideration his religious and artistic inclinations, or whether he was one of the main instigators of the Khalkhas’ political move from the authority of the Dalai Lamas to the submission under the Manchu Qing dynasty. In any case the line of the Jetsundampas, whose incarnations from the third one onwards had to be recognized among the Tibetans, eventually resulted in the hierocratic rule of Bogda Khagan , Modern Mong. Bogd Khaan (1871-1924) during the Jetsundampa’s eighth rebirth. Nowadays the past Jetsundampa incarnations are regarded as very signi cant in preserving Mongolian national and religious identity. The last, ninth embodiment, played an important role both in the process of rebuilding Mongolian identity and in preserving and developing Buddhism in modern Mongolia. Jetsundampa incarnations may serve also as a bridge between the Mongols and Tibetans in their present relationship, for both nations are threatened by the Chinese government, which claims to be the successor of the Manchu empire.

for the preservation of the Jonangpa tradition by the Fourteenth Dalai Lama. About the revival of Buddhism in Mongolia see Bareja-Starzynska, Havnevik 2006.

Chapter 3

The Political Role of Zanabazar

3.1 Shift from Khan to Gegen

When one examines the model of governmental rule in Mongolia from a long perspective one may see considerable changes in the Mongolian ruling system at least twice: rstly, when Chinggis Khan in the 13th century decided to secure the supremacy of his clan as a ruling clan among others and established a de facto Chinggisid dynasty in Mongolia (implemented by Khubilai Khan) and secondly, when political power, which was for centuries represented by lay khans, shifted to religious representatives, namely Buddhist incarnations in the body of the Eighth Jetsundampa (1869-1924) called Bogda Gegen (or Gegegen) by Mongols. He was elevated as the Bogda

75 Khan and called Olan-a erg gdegsen, i.e. ‘Elevated by many’, which is an equivalent to the Sanskrit name of the rst world king Mahasam. mata, thus making an evident connection to the Buddhist world view. How did this latter change happen? One shall look at the emergence of Buddhist incarnations in Mongolia, a phenomenon clearly based on the Tibetan Buddhist world view which did not happen during the rst stage of Buddhist propagation in Mongolia in the 13th-14th centuries. It did not happen in the 16th century either. Mongolian Buddhists needed time to get acquainted with the Tibetan idea of the Buddha’s wisdom reappearing in concrete bodily forms in their next lives. Most probably the rst incarnations among Khalkha Mongols were: Gyelkhantse / Jalkhanz Khutugtu (rGyal khang rtse), born in 1631 and recognized in 1634, and soon after the Jetsundampa Khutugtu. It was discussed elsewhere, but perhaps will be important to recall here again, that the rst Buddhist incarnations in Khalkha Mongolia developed in di erent ways: Jalkhanz Khutugtu did not get any considerable economic support and passed away without making signi cant impact on the life of the Mongolian Buddhists. It remains in sharp contrast with the career made by the First Khalkha Jetsundampa, called nd r Gege(ge)n, who was fully supported by his family, since his father Gombodorji was a local ruler, the Khalkha T shiyet Khan. Zanabazar was the second son and he did not need to succeed his father as a ruler. He could develop his spiritual vocation and serve the family and the whole Mongolian community as an important religious leader. Education received in Tibet together with the family’s economic support let him become a fully quali ed Buddhist master. Moreover, he was helped by the Tibetan Gelugpa hierarchs who supplied him with fty religious specialists to develop Buddhist activity in his newly founded monasteries in Khalkha Mongolia. Recognition of a son of the mighty Mongolian khan as a Buddhist reincarnation is not surprising: this is a phenomenon well known in the world’s history, when lay and religious powers merge in one family, whose members act in ways which are mutually pro table. There is a bit of a problem, however, regarding Zanabazar’s a liation since he was recognized as an immediate reincarnation of the Tibetan Jonangpa master Taranatha Kunga Nyingpo (Kun dga’ snying po, 1575-1634). Soon after Taranatha’s passing away the Jonangpa tradition was seriously persecuted by the Gelugpa Fifth Dalai Lama (b.1617-1682), mainly due to political reasons.

Zaya Pandita described the Jetsundampa’s recognition as follows: "He (i.e. Zanabazar) was born accompanied by many propitious omens on the morning of the 25th day of the ninth hor month in the year of Wooden Pig shing phag (1635). In the empty place left after moving the tent in which the Lord had been born, though it was winter, beautiful owers appeared, as it was reported. At rst when he was four, Jampa Ling Nomun Khan was invited to take part in his hair-cutting [[[Wikipedia:ceremony|ceremony]]] and to renounce his vows of a lay follower (dge bsnyen). When he was three years old, though previously not learnt [by him] by heart, he recited the Chanting the Names [of Maæju–r ] about two times a day as it was reported. When he was ve years old, he was enthroned. Owing to [his enthronement] auspicious circumstances were connected properly and the second reincarnation of Khedub Sangye Yeshe called Ensa Tulku acted as his preceptor of ordination. He bestowed him the name: Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen (Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan) and gave him authorization (rjes gnang) on Mahakala’s [practice] and explained it [to him]. And then [it was] reported to the masters, the Victorious Father and Son (i.e. the Dalai Lama and his Regent) and [they] identi ed [him] as the reincarnation of Jetsundampa. Namkha Sonam Dragpa (Nam mkha’ bsod nams grags pa), the master of Tantric [[[Wikipedia:college|college]]] at the Drepung monastery was invited to become his tutor [since] he was the one prophesied from the Kadam Legbam (bKa’ gdams glegs bam)."

TBRC (P4362). Since he lived in 1537-1603 (or 1604) he could not have been the master mentioned in the biography because of the time gap. However, the next, thirteenth abbot of the Chab mdo byams pa gling monastery was called Chos kyi rgyal po, which agrees with the Tibetan version in the biography, and its Mongolian translation into Nom-un qaγan. According to sources quoted in TBRC (P1079) he lived in 1605-1643. He was also known by his title Phagpa Chogyel (’Phags pa chos rgyal) or his incarnation title: Phagpalha (’Phags pa lha). Presence of Jampa Lingpa in Khalkha points to the close contacts of the Mongols with the Chab mdo byams pa gling monastery and its masters. See translation of p. 422 in Part II. This excerpt from the biography of the First Jetsundampa shows how Zaya Pandita dealt with the very sensitive problem of recognition of the son of T shiyet Khan Gombodorji as the reincarnation of Taranatha. One can see that Taranatha was not even mentioned in this fragment of the text. His name appeared much later in the biography (pp. 430-431). Here only the title of the Jetsundampa was mentioned in connection with the recognition made by the Dalai Lama. At rst, however, Zaya Pandita states that the son of T shiyet Khan was enthroned when he was ve years old, without any information about the name or title of the reincarnation of which he was enthroned. The passage about the enthronement was erroneously understood as saying that he was "summoned by the four tribes of the Khalkha to the throne" or even "enthroned as the leader of Buddhism in Khalkha Mongolia." This was not the case, however, as it has also been stressed in other publications by the present author. He was enthroned as the Buddhist reincarnation, as every other reincarnated lama. The reason of treating a small boy as the Buddhist incarnation is given here in the previous sentence: when he was just three years old he was chanting an important and di cult Buddhist text. It is not stated explicitly, but this is the connection made between these two facts in the two following sentences. The child was showing, by the chanting, that he was a reborn Buddhist master, a ‘realized being’ who chose to appear in this very body.

The rst Buddhist name given to the boy was Yeshe Dorje (Ye shes rdo rje), the Tibetan equivalent of the Sanskrit name Jæana Vajra which was pronounced by the Mongols as Zanabazar. The name Yeshe Dorje was chosen on the basis of the divination from the Kalacakra. However, Zaya Pandita did not mention it. Only later biographies (1839, 1874) added this information. According to the biography written in 1874 by Ngawang Losang Dondub (Ngag dbang blo bzang don grub, Modern Mong. Agvaanluvsandonduv), in the fourth year of the boy’s life during the divination, the name Yeshe Dorje appeared together with the name Nagpo Chopa (Nag po spyod pa), which was the Tibetan version of the name Kr.s.n.acarin or Kr.s.n.acarya, one of the eighty-four mahasiddhas. One of his future reincarnations was Taranatha, according to his own teacher. And in this way the Khalkha prince was regarded as the next incarnation of Taranatha. Most probably we will never know the real reasons of this surprising choice of lineage. However, C. Stearns proposed a quite convincing explanation of the whole situation. The Fifth Dalai Lama pointed out the fact that Zanabazar was also a reincarnation of Jamyang Choje (’Jam dbyangs chos rje, 1379-1449), a famous Gelugpa master, the founder of the Drepung (’Bras spungs) monastery. Owing to this fact the Gelugpa establishment could take over the Jonangpa’s estate. Jamyang Choje is mentioned as the tenth incarnation in the line of succession of the Jetsundampas, in which Taranatha is the fourteenth and Zanabazar fteenth in order. In the Fifth Dalai Lama’s writings Zanabazar was always called Jamyang Tulku (’Jam dbyangs sprul sku). In his autobiography the Fifth Dalai Lama wrote: "In the 12th month [of 1650, A. B-S.] many travellers from Mongolia including Jamyang Trulku (Znabazar), the son of Thushe Yethu of Khalkha and Dogolong Tshering from Oirat arrived. Jamyang Trulku was considered to be the trulku of Jamyang Choje (founder of Drepung) and therefore a welcoming ceremony consisting of a procession of the great assembly of monks and cavalrymen received him. For about ten days Jamyang Trulku continuously distributed gifts among the monks and likewise I received many gifts as the ngoten."

The Jetsundampa was recognized by the Fifth Dalai Lama and the First (Fourth) Panchen Lama as the genuine Buddhist incarnation which received the necessary teachings and initiations according to the Gelugpa tradition. There has been no evidence, so far, that he received any Jonangpa teachings and that he practiced according to that Tibetan Buddhist tradition, although some scholars, starting with Junko Miyawaki argued it.

According to Zaya Pandita, Zanabazar’s rst teacher was Jampa Ling Nomun Khan (or Chos kyi rgyal po), who was the thirteenth abbot of the Chamdo Jampa Ling (Chab mdo byams pa gling) monastery in Amdo, important for the Tibeto-Mongolian contacts since the times of the Third Dalai Lama. Another important Tibetan teacher was the second incarnation of Ensa Tulku (dBen sa sprul sku, transcribed also as Bensa or Wensa), a very in uential Gelugpa master. Gene Smith believed that he could have been instrumental in recognition of the child as Taranatha’s incarnation. Only

du btang ba’i tshogs chen gyi ser sbrengs dang rta bsu’i bdag rkyen cher mdzad | zhag bcu skor gyi bar mang ’gyed kyis ’brel zhing de mtshungs bsngo rten gyi ster cha’ang..., passage from the autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama published in 1989, vol. 1, p. 309310; see also Stearns 1999: 71. The fact that the Fifth Dalai Lama referred to Zanabazar exclusively as to Jamyang Tulku was very strongly emphasized by Samten Karmay in all conversations on this subject.  then the Dalai Lama was informed about the Khalkha incarnation. The time and circumstances are not given in the biography, however. It could have been several years later. Again in a later biography of Jetsundampa composed in 1839 by the Mongolian Buddhist scholar Ngawang Yeshe Thubten (Modern Mong. Agvaant vden Ravjamba) it is described that the Dalai Lama sent a letter which con rmed the reincarnation: "when he was ten years old from the All Knowing Great Fifth [ Dalai Lama] the message was sent that the incarnation of Jamyang Choje was born as the reincarnation of Kunga Nyingpo in the [[[body]]] of the son of T shiyet Khan and an o cial letter called "The scent of Malaya to be spread to the Vajra ear" (rdo rje’i rna bar ’thul ba’i ma la ya’i dri) was sent upon the request." As it was explained elsewhere, actually there was no explicit information about the recognition in the undated letter, only glori cation of the rule of Ganden Phodrang (dGa’ ldan pho brang) and the Fifth Dalai Lama. The Fifth Dalai Lama mentioned sending this letter in 1642 in his autobiography. For the Khalkha Mongols the letter must have become important proof of the First Jetsundampa’s recognition by the Fifth Dalai Lama. From all that was written above we may conclude that regardless of the  problems of Zanabazar’s a liation, he was well established as a reincarnated lama in the frames of the Tibetan Buddhist tradition. Now we may investigate what it meant for his contemporaries in Mongolia.

In Zanabazar’s biography by Zaya Pandita his genealogy is given, starting with Chinggis Khan up to his father, T shiyet Khan. It is clear that while de ning the position of Zanabazar this genealogy was crucial. The main point of reference was naturally Chinggis Khan. We may see that owing to their ‘royal blood of Chinggisid dynasty’ Zanabazar’s forefathers were destined to play a leading role among Mongols, at least Khalkhas. The career of Zanabazar was developing in due time and with a due speed. He managed to found a monastery near to Erdeni Juu Shankh Khiyd and his main seat, monastery Ribo Gegye Ling (Ri bo dge rgyas gling) by 1686. Gradually he became known as a charismatic Buddhist teacher who brought Tsongkhapa’s teachings from Tibet to Mongolia. His close followers consisted of aristocrats and nobles as well as common believers whose numbers, according to the biography, reached over 2000.30 However, the most important were those monks who became Buddhist teachers themselves. Thirty important ‘close disciples’, or ‘spiritual sons’ (sras slob) can be listed. Thanks to all his disciples Zanabazar became in uential religious leader. He also became renowned as a great artist who cast exquisite Buddhist  images. Most probably he was able to observe the process of casting bronzes by the Newar artists at the court of the First / Fourth Panchen Lama. Even in Tibet casting bronzes was a costly technique which besides proper materials required skilled artisans who could build proper kilns and prepare the right alloys. There were not many places where one could get acquainted with this art, however the First / Fourth Panchen Lama was fascinated by it. He employed Newar artisans and he even documented his joy over their work in his autobiography. The author of this work believes that at the Panchen Lama’s court Zanabazar learnt how to cast bronzes and that he was able to take with him Newar artisans among his entourage of 50 religious specialists on his way back home to Khalkha.

He also commanded that copies of the Kanjur were made. He even invented two new scripts: Horizontal Square Script and Soyombo Script (in 1686) in order to provide Buddhist teachings, especially esoteric Tantric practices, written with no mistakes in three languages: Sanskrit, Tibetan and Mongolian.   Zanabazar could have remained a religious master if not for the political events which sped up his career as a leader of the Khalkha Mongols. We may mark as the rst sign of the growing position and authority of Zanabazar the fact that he was requested to take part in the meeting in 1686 held in order to solve an internal dispute among Mongols. Moreover, if we believe Zaya Pandita,38 Zanabazar was seated equally high as the representative of the Dalai Lama during that meeting, which was used as a pretext for starting a war by Oirat Galdan Boshugtu (1644-1697).39 Galdan Boshugtu was the son of Baatur Khung Tayiji, who accompanied Gushri Khan or rather Guushi Khan (1582-1655) from the Khoshuud tribe in 1640 in Tibet. And he was an incarnation of Ensa (or Bensa) Tulku Losang Tenzin Gyatso, the one who acted as Zanabazar’s preceptor of ordination. Therefore he felt superior to Zanabazar and he wanted to take personal revenge on him and his elder brother, T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji. He chased Zanabazar and his family and subjects as far as to the lands of Southern (Inner) Mongolia. Perhaps the stubbornness of Galdan Boshugtu in perceiving Zanabazar as his main opponent helped elevating him as a leader of the Khalkha Mongols and made him more important than T shiyet Khan Chakhundorji, his elder brother. The reasons for Galdan Boshugtu’s behaviour were explained in Zanabazar’s biography with Buddhist concepts. Galdan Boshugtu felt as though he was the safeguard of the Dalai Lama. But ironically, when he struggled in honour of the Fifth Dalai Lama, the latter had already passed away, however, the news was kept secret. The political side-e ects of the Oirat Galdan Boshugtu’s wars against Khalkhas was an emergence of a leading position of Zanabazar among mem-

This is especially true of the Soyombo Script, which until the present has served for writing mantras and for symbolic representations of certain Tantric practices and which is regarded as a secret script. On Mongolian scripts see Godzi«ski 1971 and Kara 2005; on Zanabazar’s Square Script see Byambaa 1997, 2005; Anshuman Pandey 2014; BarejaStarzynska and Byambaa 2012; Bareja-Starzynska 2013. On Soyombo see Kara 2005, Shagdars ren 1981, 2001. 38 Zanabazar’s Biography: 463-2 460-1. Note that the text is misplaced in the manuscript.

39See details in the chapter "The Historical Background and Its Literary Narratives" in the present monograph. bers of his compatriots and Khalkha submission over the Manchu Emperor Kangxi in 1691. The First Khalkha Jetsundampa during his long stay in exile became a close associate of the Manchu Emperor, who served as his protector. Here we can observe a "patron-priest" (mchod-yon) relationship. The Kangxi Emperor in his writings deliberated: "We are the lord of the Empire. If we do not grant asylum to, and nourish, those who come to Us, then who will give asylum to them and nourish them?" The Emperor sent his letters to Galdan Boshugtu with the request to pardon the Jetsundampa, but it received no reaction. It must be stressed that Galdan Boshugtu was the strongest military leader of the Western Mongols, allied for years with the Tibetans. He was connected with the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama who acted as his teachers before he had to disrobe due to the family situation. On the other hand it seems that the Khalkha Mongols were not so important for the government of the Dalai Lama since it was not e ective to stop Galdan Boshugtu in his revenge towards the Jetsundampa. We may conclude this part of the chapter with the statement that the Tibetan Buddhist world view adopted by the Mongols in the 13th century, re-introduced in the 16th century and developed rapidly in the 17th and 18th centuries resulted in the shift of authority from a lay khan to an embodiment of the Buddha’s wisdom reincarnated lama, called in Mongolian gegegen (or gegen), i.e. ‘Serenity’. This concept in the 20th century brought about hierocratic ruler in Mongolia the Eighth Bogd(a) Khan, who could follow the example of the Dalai Lamas.

3.2 Models of the Mongolian-Tibetan Relations As it was shown in the previous chapter it is important to remember that di erent Mongolian ethnic groups: Khalkha (Eastern Mongols) and Oirat (Western Mongols) had distinct relationships with the Dalai Lamas and

3.2. MODELS OF THE MONGOLIAN-TIBETAN RELATIONS

their government. It was shown, however, by Yumiko Ishihama that at the beginning there was an idea of the united Buddhist government shown in the chos srid model. She examined the nature of the relationship between Tibet, Mongolia and Manchu ruled China. She based her in depth study on original documents in Manchu, Mongolian, Tibetan and/or Chinese. In one of her articles she concluded: "Tibetan-Mongol- Manchu tripartite diplomatic relations were premised on the shared notion of "Buddhist government" and that the Fifth Dalai Lama tried to restrict the meaning of "Buddhist government" to the dGe-lugs-pa form of government."

In the biography of the Jetsundampa written by Zaya Pandita the term chos srid, i.e. Mongolian †asin-u t r does not appear to de ne KhalkhaTibetan relations. It should be commented, however, on the margin of such translations, that while examining sources in the Mongolian language one has to be careful. In several Mongolian quotations mentioned by Ishihama the Mongolian words appear in the reverse order: t r †asin, which would normally mean ‘state religion’ and not the ‘Buddhist government’. The words t r and †asin, ‘government’ and ‘religious teachings’ respectively, do not always mean ‘Buddhist government’. As it was shown above in the present article sa£in t r qoyar in Mongolian and bstan srid gnyis in Tibetan in the quotation from the biography of Zanabazar by Zaya Pandita, means: ‘[regarding Buddhist] doctrine and state (or otherwise: regarding spiritual [[[development]]] and worldly a airs). This corresponds to a division into ‘mundane’ and ‘worldly’ opposed to ‘extramundane’ spheres of activity, explained excellently in David Seyford Ruegg’s study of the concept and gives basis for the Tibetan expression lugs gnyis ‘two systems’, i.e. Mongolian qoyar yosun. Ishihama rightly points to the text of the aγan te ke which explains the division into two. However, the Dalai Lamas’ government, i.e. the hierocratic model, envisioned, that both spheres were governed by a ruler who was at the same time a religious hierarch. It seems that although the Fifth Dalai Lama tried to enforce his model of the ‘Buddhist government’, it did not live long. One could see through the example of Galdan Boshugtu that the actual situation was far more complex. In my opinion Galdan Boshugtu’s aim was not to comply with the ‘Buddhist government’ scheme and to unite the three peoples: Tibetans, Mongols and Manchus under one rule, i.e. the Tibetan Dalai Lama’s power, but to use this concept in order to achieve his private goal which focused on taking revenge on his personal enemy Zanabazar. Since Galdan Boshugtu in fact did not subordinate to any requests regarding the First Khalkha Jetsundampa and evoked con ict with the Manchu Emperor, his activity actually supported the collapse of the Buddhist government understood as the Tibetan Dalai Lamas’ dominance and, as a result, it brought the Manchu Emperor’s dominance. We may speculate that the death of the Fifth Dalai Lama also in uenced the situation. Perhaps his active involvement could have changed Galdan Boshugtu’s attitude and would have prevented the Manchu-Oirat idxOirat war. The advance of the Manchu Emperor’s dominance over Mongols was discussed by Johan Elverskog. He showed that by the 18th century the Manchus replaced the political authority of the Tibetan Dalai Lamas over Mongols: "Initially, the Dalai Lama had recognized the authority of a Halha ruler, and this con rmation was subsequently recon rmed by the Manchu emperor and recorded by the Qing bureaucracy." The situation started to change from 1682 and already in 1687 the Khalkha Sechen Khan was recognized as a ruler rst by the Manchu Emperor. Elverskog commented on it as follows: "Through this act the Manchu Emperor appropriated the right of sanctifying the Borjigid rulers previously reserved for the Dalai Lama." Elverskog explained that the Kangxi Emperor changed the earlier system

3.2. MODELS OF THE MONGOLIAN-TIBETAN RELATIONS

"by appropriating to the emperorship the rituals of both Chinggis Khan and the Tibetan hierarchs." However, "Still Mongols preserved the idea that only Chinggis Khan successors, Borjigid, were entitled to rule over them." Elverskog’s observations are very important, because the Mongolian perspective of Mongolian-Tibetan-Manchu relations should not be underestimated or neglected. It would be too simplistic to believe that Mongols already in the 17th century, by adopting Buddhism, became such faithful followers that they forgot about their main point of reference regarding political power so far, i.e. Chinggis Khan. Khalkha Zaya Pandita, a Gelugpa supporter, in his biography of the rst Jetsundampa clearly shows his genealogical connection with Chinggis Khan. This is of primary importance in showing his position among his compatriots, and his legitimacy for eventual power. Then comes information about other khans and powerful nobles, such as Batu M ngke Dayan, Jalair Khung Tayiji, ijeng Noyan and Abutai / Abatai. Regarding Abatai Khan, Zaya Pandita stressed his merits in defeating Oirats and regarding his Buddhist activity:51 "He raised up a big army to the Oirat land and killed many thousands of Oirat people. And he submitted all the Oirats under [his] rule. He made one of his sons the Oirats’ king. Later he went to invite the All Knowing Sonam Gyatso (bSod nams rgya mtsho) and [discussed] the opportunity of [his] visit to Mongolia. ‘The object of o ering’ (Sonam Gyatso) and benefactor (the khan) united in one (...) and he, i.e. the khan, was bestowed with the title of the Vajra-raja, i.e. Vajra-king." It is interesting to observe that the introduction of Buddhism in Mongolia under the Yuan dynasty was not mentioned in Zanabazar’s biography. Perhaps it was due to the fact that the Gelugpa contacts started later and only these relations were taken into consideration. Moreover, Zaya Pandita described solely Khalkha Mongols’ interest in Buddhism. Since the Khalkha ethnic group of Mongols emerged clearly only in the second half of the 15th century, perhaps earlier history of Mongolian interest in Buddhism was not related at this place of the Thob yig. Zaya Pandita’s model of description of the Buddhist dissemination in Khalkha was followed by other Mongolian authors, especially in regard with the First Jetsundampa’s biographies.

During Zanabazar’s lifetime the close Khalkha relationship with the Manchu Kangxi Emperor did not evoke any criticism, it seems. The real danger were Oirats (Jungars), who not only plundered Khalkha lands, but destroyed old temples (Erdeni Juu) and freshly built Buddhist monasteries (Ribo Gegye Ling). The Manchus appeared as saviours. Probably for a certain period of time the majority of the Khalkha people were just content to not see Western Mongols advancing. It was di erent for the Tibetan Gelugpa establishment, for whom Western Mongols were supporters. But even for the Tibetans, the Jungars eventually caused problems. The Manchu military’s answer against the Western Mongols nally ceased their power on the Khalkha land. Although real defeat of Jungars happened only in the second half of the 18th century. The Manchus gradually built such a strong position in Inner Asia and took over control on so many aspects of Mongolian life, that in the next centuries the peaceful Khalkha submission to them required explanation. This is why, according to Junko Miyawaki, in the Mongolian biography of Zanabazar there appeared a story that Zanabazar had to make the choice between Yellow Kitad, i.e. Russians and Black Kitad, i.e. Manchus. He chose Manchus since "The realm of the Emperor of the Black Kitad in the south is rmly established and peaceful and moreover the Buddhist faith has spread there, and in particular the garment of the Emperor of the Manchus is like the garment of heaven...", i.e. the Manchus are more similar in their manners and culture to the Mongols. Junko Miyawaki dated this story to 1785-1813.

In the 18th century the perspectives changed, and though Elverskog gave examples of great Mongolian reverence towards the Manchus in his book Our great Qing (2006), we may read between the lines and understand that the Manchus as the source of power and authority, i.e. point of reference regarding rule, might not have actually been so much welcome. As we know, the Manchus observed very carefully the development of the Buddhist incarnation system among the Mongols and forbade the recognition of the rst born sons as Buddhist lama incarnations to avoid situations similar to the one of the First Jetsundampa: the merging of economic and religious powers.

In their administration policy over Mongolian lands the Manchus launched many changes and introduced new regulations, such as division into four aimags and 86 banners (by 1765), which were headed by the military generals and were grouped in leagues headed by captains. These reforms resulted in division of the Mongolian nobility which was useful for the Manchu rule over the Mongols. On the other hand, however, weakness of the divided Mongolian nobility increased the authority of the Jetsundampas.

3.3 Tibetan, Mongolian or Buddhist Identity

In the 17th century one can also observe interesting novelties in ethnic relations: Manchu-Mongolian and Mongolian-Tibetan. The Manchu-Mongolian alliance was reinforced by cross marriages. The old system of Asian empires based on the quda system reappeared with the new Qing dynasty, and now the Manchus were the rulers who were building their exogamous patrilineages with representatives of a di erent ethnic group and nding allies among them. The Mongols, who submitted to the Manchus, became also their cousins. Zanabazar’s nephew was married to the Manchu princess. The family of T shiyet Khan was well involved in this system.

Another novelty was the way in which Mongolian-Tibetan religious ties became closer. It started after the passing away of the Third Dalai Lama. His next reincarnation, the Fourth Dalai Lama, was recognized in the boy who was a Mongolian prince, a great grandson of Altan Khan. He became known as Yonten Gyatso (Yon tan rgya mtsho, 1589-1616). At that time the Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhist connection was quiet fresh and this instance was quite an isolated example of making the Tibetan Buddhist system opened to the Mongols. Later, it seems, the ethnic background became less important than the Buddhist lineage. Whether someone was a Tibetan or a Mongol was of less signi cance: in the spiritual world the closeness to the Buddhist master and his teachings were of primary importance. When some Mongolian Buddhist scholars achieved the level of spiritual advancement similar to that of the Tibetan masters their ethnicity was no longer crucial. Fluent in Tibetan language they were regarded as belonging to the world of Tibetan Buddhism. Only in carefully edited biographies one can nd their birthplace and suspect the ethnic origin. In the same way the Tibetan masters who lived in Mongolia were known mainly by their Tibetan Buddhist names and titles and not by their nationality.

These ties were reinforced by the Manchu policy: in Khalkha Mongolia, starting with the third rebirth, the Jetsundampas could not be recognized in the sons of the Mongolian aristocrats. Therefore the Jetsundampas, after the rst two reincarnations, had to be found among the Tibetans. This policy meant being against the mergence of Mongolian noble forces with the religious authority and economic power resulted in quite an unexpected spiritual union of Mongolian and Tibetan lamas. The Eighth Jetsundampa, who was ethnically Tibetan, was loved and respected by Mongols even more than by his countrymen, while on the other hand Mongolian teachers, such as, for example, Akya Rinpoche became abbots in Tibetan monasteries and educated Tibetan monks.59 In the case of Zanabazar we may observe the beginning of these novelties: he was linked by his younger cousin to the Manchu Emperor of China. At the same time he was linked by his religious education to Tibet. In his third reincarnation this close relation with Tibet was ensured by the rebirth of the Khalkha Jetsundampa in a Tibetan boy who was brought to Mongolia.

There are di erent opinions regarding Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhism. For example Gray Tuttle60 proposed to exclude Mongols from the Tibetan Buddhist world. Even though it is true that there were no "Tibetans leaving Tibet to study with Mongol lamas," I do not share his opinion that the Tibetan elite should be treated "as separate from the ethnically Mongol Tibetan Buddhists". One can similarly look in vain for Indian scholars who traveled to Tibet to gain knowledge from Tibetan lamas. And it was not only due to the fact that there were no longer Indian Buddhists because Buddhism had ceased to exist in India after the 12th century. Still, we would not exclude Tibetans from the world of Indo-Tibetan Buddhism. The system of Tibetan Buddhist education worked in such a way that the renowned centers, and moreover holy centers, attracted the attention of talented and ambitious youth who tried to make their careers there. This is similar to renowned universities in our own time. Obviously it was primarily ethnic Tibetans who shaped Tibetan Buddhism. However, one cannot overlook Mongolian involvement. There are many instances which can be cited. In addition, Mongolian lamas spread Tibetan Buddhism (using the Tibetan language) to all regions inhabited by Mongols, including Buryatia and Kalmykia. They were active in China and Russia, as well. Today it can be also observed that while some Buddhist teachings were destroyed in Tibet due to the historical circumstances, they survived among the Mongols who restored them to Tibetan Buddhism (one such examples is the

Lama, several times related about his Mongolian teacher at the Kumbum (sKu ’bum) monastery. 59Sometimes, however, the language posed a problem: Samten Karmay, well known Tibetologist, recollected that his Mongolian teacher in Drepung used to teach in Mongolian which created serious problems for him as a Tibetan in his Buddhist education. 60Tuttle 2005: 247, note 3. transmission of the Secret Hayagr va or rTa mgrin yang gsang practice In my opinion it would be quite impossible (and unnecessary) to exclude Mongolian involvement from Tibetan Buddhism. The present work on the biography of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa is one small indication of how closely interrelated Tibetan and Mongolian performances were.

3.3.1 Emergence of the Hierocratic Rule in Khalkha Mongolia

From the 18th century onwards the Tibetan Buddhist world view was advancing among Mongols. This great ideological change also caused change in the Mongolian aspirations. Once khans lost their position to the Buddhist incarnations, only the ‘living Buddhas’ with their authority could govern the Khalkha Mongols. The hierocratic model of rule, similar to the Dalai Lamas’ government was introduced when Mongolia became independent in 1911. However, unlike Tibet, this rule in Khalkha Mongolia was not introduced as a result of ghting factions, but was the result of the common belief that only Buddhist reincarnations enlightened by their unique wisdom can be the proper source of authority, including political.  

that the Mongols forgot Chinggis Khan’s traditions and they relied only on lamas and their authority. See Dashdavaa et al. 2011: 93, Shirendev 1972: 137.

96 CHAPTER 3. THE POLITICAL ROLE OF ZANABAZAR 

Part II Translation and Transliteration 97

Chapter 4

Annotated Translation

The translation is based on the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript from Aginsky Datsan (monastery) in Buryatia and compared with the Tibetan xylograph included in Zaya Pandita’s Thob yig. 411 This is the conventional biography of the Jetsun Dampa Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo Aginsky Monastery, Buryatia, 1967 412 + 413 I bow [my head] to guru, who has become the supreme one holding the sign of victory of the teachings of the Second Victorious One, Losang Dragpa (i.e. Tsongkhapa).

I beg at the feet of the Jetsun Lama,6 who is the incomparable leader of beings of the degenerated times.7 414 Saying this [I present] the extraordinary biography8 of the one who became the object of hymns, the fteenth Jetsun [called] [[[Losang]]] Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo.

In [the text called] "The Three Times" (i.e. past, present and future) name of Tsongkhapa. TBRC P64.

6412-1: Tib. rje btsun bla ma ‘venerable master’ [RY], Mong. get lgeg£i ‘saviour’, Lessing 380b. 7412-2: Tib. snyigs dus, Mong. c b £aγ. The term appears also in the biography of Altan Khan, f. 19v. Kollmar-Paulenz 2001: 274 in note 363 provides the Skt. equivalent kasaya. Tib. snyings ma’i dus refers to the present eon, Skt. Kali-yuga, see Rerikh III, 297. 8413-1: Tib. thung mong ma yin pa’i rnam tharthis phrase usually refers to the visionary biography. However, in the title which was added to the Buryat manuscript it is written thung mong, i.e. ‘conventional, standard’. On di erent kinds of biographies see the chapter "The Author and the Text". In the Mong. version yer busu-yin £adig, in which yer busu means ‘extraordinary’, Lessing 433a.  [it is said that] mighty Garuda traveled and traveled in the sky and at a certain point his own bodily strength declined and he started to return. However, the sky did not end. Similarly, [if anyone would like] to applaud Your [i.e. Jetsundampa’s] virtues, they are likewise [[[limitless]] and one may fall before reaching their end]. It is said so.

415 [And] similarly, even if from one eon to the next one it will be repeated, the end will not be reached. Although Buddhas and saints who are mutually similar transgressed the activity [and experience] of those who are like me ordinary mortal individuals, nevertheless, according to the general view of the disciples [they] assume the form of [[[incarnations]]] of the true spiritual friends. From their exemplary biographies (rnam thar) 416 which are as wide as the ocean, after accepting them with reverence [which is] smaller than the tip of the kusha grass, it is suitable to na gshog rtsal shin tu che ba yang nam mkha’i [6] mtha’ nyul bar ci tsam bgrod cing bgrod nas nam zhig na rang gi lus rtsal gyi [7] stobs bri ba ste zad nas rang gnas su ldog par ’gyur gyi | nam mkha’i [8] mtha’ zad pas bgrod sa rnyed par ldog par mi ’gyur ba bzhin khyod kyi yon [9] tan brjod pa’ang rang gi blo gros kyis ci tsam dpog pa de tsam zhig brjod par [10] zad kyi yon tan gyi mtha’ rdzogs par brjod rgyu ma rnyed par ma brjod pa ma [11] yin pa de ltar lags pa ste yin pas so || zhe pa’o ||. It is followed by the explanation of the fragment’s meaning with regard to the Buddhist proper conduct. say that: thanks to the destiny of deities,18 from the river Ganges in the holy land of India up to China, Tibet and the ‘White Headed [ones]’,19 [although] their language was not one (i.e. the same), owing to power of many [[[people]]] king cakravartin (i.e. the one who turned the wheel [of Dharma]), Brahma, who took the form of a human, became universally famed as Chinggis Khan.

417 And from that one [[[king]]] in the twenty seventh generation appeared a king [called:] Batu M ngke Dayan. From his eleven sons the tenth was [called] Jalair Khung Tayiji. From his seven sons the third [was 18416-1: Tib. tshe ring gnam gyi she mong gyis. Tib. expression gnam gyi she mong means lit. ‘sky’s destiny’, however here it seems to be used in the sense ‘destiny’, without special focus on the part gnam, i.e. ‘sky’, which could have been omitted. Tib. tshe ring may refer to ‘long life’ or ‘deity’, which suits better here. Often tshe ring mched lnga, the Five Sisters of long life are meant [RY]. Mong. erte tngri ner- n ayaγ-a-tai means: ‘having [good] fate of the ancient gods’. 19There is a di erence in translation between the Tibetan and Mongolian versions: 416-2: Tib. rgya nag bod mgo dkar ‘China, Tibet, White Headed Ones’, while in Mong. nanggiyad t bed qotun. Mong. nanggiyad probably renders Tib. rgya nag i.e. ‘China’. Jin Chengxiu explains the last word as qotung (2002: 117, footnote 5). It refers to ‘inhabitants of Turkestan, Muslims’, see Lessing 973a. The Tib. term mgo dkar ‘white headed’ is more ambiguous and may refer to di erent people who were non-Tibetans, including Armenians, Central Asian Muslims, Europeans etc. see Martin 2006. 

called] ijeng Noyan.26 From his six sons the eldest was [called] king Abutai (or Abatai).27 [He] had the courage of Rama(na) of taking away the arrogance [of Ravan.a]. 418 He raised and led a large army to the Oirat land and killed thousands of Oirat people. And he submitted all the Oirats under [his] rule. He made one of his sons the Oirats’ king. Later he went to invite the All Knowing Sonam Gyatso (bSod nams rgya mtsho) and [discussed] the opportunity of [his] visit to Mongolia. The object of o ering (i.e. Sonam Gyatso) and the benefactor (i.e. khan) united Geresenje Jalair Khung Tayiji (1513?-1548). Important ruler of the Khalkha Mongols, see Atwood 2004: 299. Tib. hong tha’i ji and Mong. qung tayi i render Chin. title huangtaizi. 26417-2: Tib. u’i tsen no yon, Mong. i eng noyan. Called also Nogonukuu ijeng Noyan, see Elverskog 2003: 189, note 2 (Noonukhu ijeng, Atwood 2004: 299). The Khalkha Zaya Pandita was regarded reincarnation of his son. See also p. 437. More information is provided in the chapter "The Author and the Text" of the present work. 27417-3: Tib. a bu tha’i, Mong. abutai. On Khan Abatai, written also as Abadai, (1554-1588), see Atwood 2004: 1, 299. He led successful campaigns against Oirats.  in one.34 419 He (i.e. the khan) was given a certain painted image of Phagmo Drupa Dorje Gyelpo, [known as] ‘indestructible in re’ and was bestowed with the title of the Vajra-raja, i.e. Vajra-king.

He erected one temple called Erdeni Juu (Modern Mong. Erdene almsgiver’. 34418-3: Tib. thugs yid gcig ’dres ‘mingling one’s mind with [his] mind, mixing one’s mind with the [[[guru’s]]] mind’ [IW]. Mong. sedkil imaγta taγaraldu u, in which sedkil means ‘mind’, imaγta ‘always, solely, uniquely’ and taγaraldu- ‘to meet each other, to hit upon’, Lessing 765a. The meeting took place in 1587 and was related in the biography of Altan Khan on . 43r-43v, see Kollmar-Paulenz 2001: 203, 332. She quotes also (p. 332, footnote 671) a short passage from the biography of the Third Dalai Lama, f. 104v5-6: khar kha rdo rje rgyal po mjal bar ongs pa la ’dod pa’i re ba yongs su bskang, in which khar kha refers to Khalkha and rdo rje is the title of the khan: ‘When the Vajra-king of Khalkha came to meet with him (i.e. the Third Dalai Lama) he ful lled completely [[[khan’s]]] hopes and wishes [regarding Buddhist practices]’. See also Elverskog 2003: 189190.  Zuu)38 with a particularly sublime object of worship. When he heard from the messengers of Chakhar Khan about the Mongolian Written language he sent a few people to become trained in Mongolian script and to establish the law of supreme Dharma [in Mongolia].

420 When he (i.e. Abutai) was thirty- ve years old he proceeded to the heavenly realms (i.e. passed away), as it was known. His son was Erkei Mergen. His (i.e. Erkei Mergen’s) son was called Vajra-king, the T shiyet [[[Khan]]]. He acted with full understanding of the two [kinds of a airs]: [regarding Buddhist] doctrine and state. He was the father of the present Lord (i.e. Zanabazar). His mother was a daughter of a daughter of a younger brother of the Lord’s own grandfather, the great Vajra-king (i.e. Abutai / Abatai Khan). 38419-1: Tib. er te ni jo bo, Mong. erdeni uu. Modern Mong. Erdene Zuu. On this monastery there are numerous publications. On its history see Tsendina 1999, on several other aspects including development of Buddhism see Tulisow et al. 2012.  421 And she was perfected in very good manners which are qualities of a queen. She was called Khadro Gyatso.46 Of [such] parents he (i.e. Jetsundampa) was born47 with many propitious omens in the morning of the 25th of the ninth hor month in the Wooden Pig year (1635). In the empty place left behind after moving the tent of the [[[Master’s]]] birth, though it was winter, beautiful owers appeared, as it was known. 422 At rst, at [[[Master’s]]] age of four, Jampa Ling Nomun Khan was invited to [participate] in his hair-cutting [[[Wikipedia:ceremony|ceremony]]] and to renounce his vows as a lay follower genyen. It was reported that when he was three years old, though previously not learnt [by him] by heart, he recited the "Chanting the Names 46421-1: Tib. mkha’ ’gro rgya mtsho, Mong. qanggda im£ , where qanggda is a phonetic borrowing of Tib. mkha’ ’gro, lit. ‘sky walker’, translation of Skt. d.akin and

im£ of Tib. rgya mtsho ‘ocean’. 47421-2: Tib. sku bltams, in Mong. expression eg de nege qubilbai, lit. ‘opened the door and was reincarnated’.  [of Maæju–r ]" (i.e. Maæju–r -Namasamg t )55 every day about two times. When he was ve years old he was enthroned.56 423 Due to [his enthronement], auspicious circumstances were properly connected and the reincarnation of Kedub Sangye Yeshe called Ensa Tulku acted as his preceptor of ordination. He gave him a name Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen and gave him authorization (rjes 55422-3: Tib. mtshan brjod, Mong. naman sanggiri. The well known Buddhist text. Ja 454b: ‘calling upon the name of a deity, enumerating its characteristics and attributes’. On the Mongolian Kanjur version see Ligeti 1942-44, No 1. On Mong. translations see monograph by Sazykin 2006. See also Chiodo 2009: 142-3, note 3 where she provides a summary of the Mongolian translations of the text. 56422-3: Tib. khri ’don mdzad, Mong. †iregen-e γarun. It is not said here as whom he was enthroned. Later the tradition used this expression to denote that he was ‘enthroned as the leader of Buddhism in Mongolia’. However, it seems rather, that it is just said in the text about his enthronement as an ordained reincarnation, i.e. that during his ordination ceremony he was enthroned. It was customary to every Buddhist incarnation.  gnang)64 for Mahakala [practice]65 and explained it [to him]. And then [it was] reported to the masters, the Victorious Father and Son, i.e. the Dalai Lama [and his Regent] 424 and [they] identi ed [him] as the reincarnation of the Jetsundampa. Head teacher Namkha Sonam Dragpa, master of the Tantric [col-

is no mistake. In Mong. sumadi sa in-u duvaza, i.e. Skt.: Sumati asana Dhvaja. See 414-1. 64423-3: Tib. rjes gnang ‘to give the blessing of meditation and recitation of the deity and hearing the explanation’ [IW]. In Mong. inang erg bei. 65Later texts based on the biography written by Zaya Pandita explain that this practices of Mahakala were expelling all di culties [on a way to Enlightenment] see biography of Zanabazar of 1874 by Ngawang Losang Dondub / Agvaanluvsandonduv. In the text written by Ngawang Tsultrim Gyatso / Agvaants ltemjamts) titled in Mong. Avral iltgelt Bogd Jivz ndambyn khiid Baruun kh reenii garsan yosyg tovch g ulsen shudraga orshigchdyn chikhiin chimeg khemeekh orshvoi it is added that Mahakala was the main guardian spirit of Tsongkhapa’s teachings and that was the reason why the Jetsundampa worshipped this deity and made Mahakala’s cult important in all Mongolian monasteries. See Soninbayar 1995: 13. 

lege] at the Drepung70 monastery, was invited to become his tutor (yongs ’dzin) since he was prophesied from the Kadam Legbam.71 He reminded [Jetsundampa] to study and practice and gave him the grand authorization (abhis.eka) of Vajrabhairava Yamantaka [practices] and many other teachings. At the age of fteen in the female Earth Ox year (1649)74 called ’gal ba 425 when he went to the pure elds of U and Tsang (i.e Central Tibet) he was received by the vast processions of monks from all the monasteries [starting with the one] of the rebirth place of the Jetsun, the Second Victorious One (i.e. Tsongkhapa) in Kumbum 70424-1: Tib. ’bras spungs sngags pa’i bla ma, Mong. bereib ng aγba da£an-yin (for: -u) blam-a. 71424-1: Tib. bka’ gdams glegs bam, Mong. g.adamblegbam. The text bKa’ gdams glegs bam pha chos bu chos, ‘Scriptures of the Kadampas, Father and Sons’ contains collected teachings and stories of the Indian master At –a and his Tibetan disciples on the Kadampa tradition. See explanations about the prophecy in the chapter "The Author and the Text" and "The Political Role of Zanabazar". 

and Jakhyung Gon80 and Northern Reting81 and Rinchen Drag82 and Tangsag Ganden Chokor83 and Taglung84 and the three: Sera and Drepung and Geden (i.e. Ganden), and Tashilhunpo. 80425-2: Tib. bya khyung dgon, Mong. i£ ng. It is a monastery called also Jakung Drag (bya khung brag) or (bya khyung brag) situated at Lake Kokonor. It was founded by Choje Dondub Rinchen (Chos rje don grub rin chen). Tsongkhapa lived there until he was 16 years old (according to [IW]). In Ngawang Yeshe Tuvden’s biography of 1839 (Byambaa ed. 2006 f. 13a2): rJe’i dbu blo chos rje don rin pa’i gdan sa bya khyung dgon. 81425-2: Tib. ra sgreng, in the xylograph: re sgreng, properly rwa sgreng, a monastery founded in 1056 by Dromton (’Brom ston), a disciple of At –a. Mong. ra ding or re ding which re ects its popular pronunciation. 82425-2: Tib. rin chen brag, Mong. ring£in b(a)raγ. According to TBRC C3036: the Gelugpa monastery in ’Phan yul founded by a disciple of Tsongkhapa, Nyenpo Shakya Gyeltsen (Nyan po shakya rgyal mtshan).

83425-2: Tib. thang sag dga’ ldan chos ’khor, Mong. gan(g)dan £oyin(g)qur. According to Tiblical by Dan Martin: monastery in ’Phan po founded by Thangsagpa Yeshe Jungne (Thang sag pa Ye shes ’byung gnas). It was reestablished as a Gelugpa monastery in 1651. See Tiblical by Dan Martin. 84425-2: Tib. stag lung, Mong. taγl ng. According to TBRC C3611 ancient monastery in sNa dkar rtse rdzong connected with the great Tagtsang Lotsawa Sherab Gyeltsen (sTag tshang lo tsa ba shes rab rgyal mtshan). Formerly followed the Sakya (Sa skya) and Tsarpa (Tshar pa) tradition. On contacts with Mongols, especially of Altan Khan with the Taglung order see Elverskog 2006: 102-103, based on Tuttle 1997: 2-3, who quoted Ngawang Namgyel (Ngag dbang rnam rgyal)’s work Chos ’byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho. See also van der Kuijp, Tuttle 2014. 426 He greeted89 the head of the Geden (Ganden) monastery90 called Chusangpa91 as an equal and presented him a ceremonial scarf and offered presents to the Victorious Father and Son (i.e. the Dalai Lama [and his Regent]). He o ered tea and donations in abundance to communities [of monks] in monasteries, both great and petty. He took the monastic vow of getsul95 from the Omniscient96 Master97 Panchen (i.e. Panchen Lama). He requested [from him] empowerments (dbang), scriptural trans- is a well known Gelugpa monastery founded in 1447 in Tsang (TBRC C104).

89426-1: Tib. rtse sprod mdzad ‘to greet with equal respect’ [RY]. In Mong. the whole sentence is di erent, since olγaqui means ‘to greet with khadag, i.e. ceremonial scarf’, Lessing 1069b. Therefore the sentence can be translated: ‘He greeted with khadag the head of the Ganden monastery called Chusangpa and exchanged presents and [showed] great respect to the Holy Dalai Lama.’ 90426-1: Tib. dge ldan khri rin po che, Mong. geden tii rinbu£i. 91426-1: Tib. chu bzang pa, Mong. £ bsang-ba. It refers to the 39th throne holder of the Ganden monastery, Chusangpa Konchog Chosang (Chu bzang pa dkon mchog chos bzang), see Karmay 2015: 245. In TBRC P4065 his name is given as Toglungpa Konchog Chosang (sTod lung pa dkon mchog chos bzang, 1586-1672/3).  missions (lung)101 and secret oral instructions (man ngag)102 as if lling a vase to the brim.103 427 From the 25th of the Saga month104 of the Iron Hare year (1651)105 he received from the Victorious Great Omnipotent Holy Master (i.e. the Dalai Lama) the empowerment of the forty two man.d.alas of the Vajra Garland (i.e. Vajraval ) according to the tradition of Abhayakara[[[gupta]]] and additional garland of the three auspi- 101426-3: Tib. lung, Mong. l ng. 102426-3: Tib. man ngag ‘secret oral instruction, quintessential instructions’ [RY]. Skt. upade–a ‘instruction’ or ‘advice’. Mong. ubadis is based on the Skt. word.

103426-3: Tib. bum pa gang byo’i tshul du, see [RY]. Mong. d g reng qomq-a-yi yeg lek i. 104427-1: Tib. sa ga, the Fourth Tibetan month. The 25th of the Fourth Tibetan month may correspond to the date of the 12th of June 1651 according to the ‘new Phug pa Hor month’ or the 14th of May 1651 according to the calculations (phug pa hor month) by the Fifth Dalai Lama. See C ppers Kalender under preparation. 105426-3 427-1: bong bu zhes pa lcags yos lo, Mong. tem r taulai il.  cious man.d.alas called Kriyasamucca[ya]110 [thus together] forty ve [man.d.alas which constitute]111 the complete empowerment of ‘mother’ [[[tantra]]]. [He obtained] also many other religious teachings, starting with the "Collected Works" of the Victorious Gedun Gyatso. 428 At that time he was seventeen years old. Later, when he attained the age of sixty three, I received the empowerment of the Vajra Abhayakara[[[gupta]]] and Abhyakara[[[gupta]]]). On Abhayakaragupta’s career and works see Mori 2009 vol. 1: 1-6. 110427-1: Tib. kri ya sa mu tstsha, Mong. karay-a (JC reads: kerl-e) sam ca£a. Skt. [[[Acarya]]]Kriyasamuccaya, the collection of important Tantric rites by Jagaddarpan.a. See TBRC W22914, English 2002, Mori 2009 vol. 2: 711. In his autobiography the Fifth Dalai Lama mentioned his practice of the [[[Acarya]]]Kriyasamuccaya in its ‘medium term’ in the 4th month of 1651, see Karmay 2015: 236. 111Mori 2009 vol. 2 provides a table of forty two man.d.alas (Table B, p. 713) mentioned in the Vajraval and three in the Acaryakriyasamuccaya. He comments on forty ve man.d.alas depicted on the fourteen thangkas of the Ngor monastery and their di erences from that of the Vajraval and Nis.pannayogaval with an addition of three further man.d.alas which were extracted from the Acaryakriyasamuccaya (p. 711 and Table C, p. 714). He also presents a table with information on the still existing thangkas of the Vajraval man.d.alas (Table D, p. 715).  Garland, i.e. the Vajraval and I listened to the instructions from His Holiness (i.e. the Jetsundampa). [And then] also according to the words of the very Master

429 at that time [back when he was young] due to the fault of not applying himself greatly to Dharma, he did not take notes, except for [the fact that] on the rst day he pulled out [[[information]]] from sutras and tantras and words of many Indian and Tibetan accomplished masters and others and he commented [upon them] extensively. However, he was not able to remember everything. From the second day onwards, whatever he became [[[interested]] in] he was truly able to memorize and write down, 430 but he did not write scriptures, both due to his early age, and the fact that he did not understand its great importance for [practicing] dharma. The All Knowing Panchen [[[Lama]]] con rmed that he was the rein-  carnation of the Lord Taranatha. And owing to his saying so and owing to the kindness of the blessing of the name of Taranatha he (i.e. Zanabazar) acquired sound knowledge. 431 However, because he was not able [to write notes about his teachings, since he did not know how to practice dharma], it happened like that [and he did not write his ‘records of teachings received’] he said. Therefore "followers, disciples like myself should be diligent" he said. Moreover,128 when the Lord was asked about knowledge of mo divination and the like he said that he had never experienced such a eld of knowledge. Similarly to the spiritual teacher Dromton(pa) he purposefully understated his own accomplishments, as much as possible. 432 "Now, if [one] asks about the reason of issuing [a statement] about [me] being assembled with Taranatha, although the assembly is not a deity (deva), it is like giving authorization etc. by visualizing  [oneself] as a deity.136 Although I am not Taranatha137 I am perceived138 as him the two [notions] are similar." He said this again and again. And it is similar to the saying from the [work] Shulen Norbu Trengba "One’s own qualities should be hidden, other’s qualities should be proclaimed!" 433 Later from the main [o ce] [an order was issued] that the Namgyel college’s preceptor (slob dpon) was made the [Jetsundampa’s] college lama. He was [the one who was] bestowed [the title] of an abbot of [the

136432-1: Tib. lhar bskyed, Mong. burqan-dur eg ske . 137The xylograph version reads: nga taranatha min, but in the Buryat version 432-2: nga, i.e. the rst person’s pronoun ‘I’ is missing and consequently it is missing also in the Mong. version: taranata busu. 138432-2: Tib. ’du shes pa ‘conceive of as existent, perceive as existent’; in Skt. samjæa, i.e. ‘to perceive; hold a notion / an idea, entertain an idea, feel an inclination of, think’. Mong. sedkeg£i for: sedkig£i, Lessing 680b: ‘thinker’. Since this active form means ‘the one who thinks’, probably the passive form should have been used, i.e. sedkigdeg£i‘the one about whom it is thought’, ‘the object of thought’. Bira 1995: 9: Taranata bus bolovch m n khemeen setgekh khoyor adil bui "Although I am not Taranatha I am thought of as I were the two are similar." monastery of] Jayul,143 the Sharkhang Kukye. The manager responsible for the common funds of the Drepung [[[monastery]]] was made the [ Jetsundampa’s] college treasurer. And a cantor (i.e. chant master) from the main assembly hall of the Drepung [[[monastery]]] [was made a cantor of his college]. 143433-2: bya yul, Mong. iy l. An ancient Kadampa monastery, see TBRC G229. In his autobiography the Fifth Dalai Lama wrote that he ‘appointed Nyalpa Choje (i.e. gNyal pa chos rje) as the lama of Chayul Mangra (i.e. Bya yul mang ra) Monastery’, see Karmay 2015: 239, p. 315 of the Tib. original.  And His Highest Honour’s151 chamberlain Kharnag Chodze [was made] a general manager. The reincarnation of Jampa Lingpa as a household o cial (gsol dpon) 434 [and] a lama physician Dagpo Drungtsoba [were sent].

[And] a painter from Chenye and others, altogether as many as fty Tibetan monks158 were ready to o er themselves to service and [when] 151433-3: Tib. sku gshogs rtse ‘the side, presence’, a title of honour J schke 21b. Mong. gegen. The Tib. rtse ‘top, summit’ is translated by Bira 1995: 9 as deed gegeen ‘high Serenity’ which usually refers to the Dalai Lama. However, in this case it is not very clear. The Fifth Dalai Lama mentioned in his autobiography that he gave lung transmission to Jamyang Tulku, i.e. Zanabazar, and Nyel Gungnang Choje Lhodzepa together with gifts, while the Depa (i.e. Regent) "was in charge of seeing o some monks, led by Lama Sharkhang, Nomon Khan, the latter’s treasurer and chamberlain Lhaje..." Samten Karmay (2015: 239). The expression ‘seeing o the monks’ referred here to sending monks to Mongolia. Karmay listed separately Sharkhang and Nomon Khan, as two persons, while it seems that here Nomon Khan could have been used as a title of Sharkhang’s incarnation: shar khang no mon khan phyag mdzod mgron gnyer lha rjes gtsos pa..., Tib. original (p. 315 of the Chinese ed. 1989, vol. 1).  it was noticed by the great lama, he paid them back with unsurpassed reward.159 He was invited to nominate the throne master160 of the Lord [[[Tsongkhapa]]]’s161 chief spiritual advisor (chos rje) Dondub Rinchen’s monastery Jakhyung Drag. In winter of the Hare year (1651) 435 he went to [his] encampment.

In autumn of the Water Male Dragon year (1652) called dga’ ba he was invited to the great assembly of the seven divisions. 159434-2: Tib. bdag rkyen ’gran zla dang bral ba mdzad. In the Mong. version the expression is longer and more elaborate: yeke blam-a irum erge-ber qayirlan k nd l[e]k i-yi eg rle†i (for: irlesi) gei ayilad(d)qaγad ‘the Great Lama treated [them] with incom- parable favour and respect according to their rank’. 160434-3: Tib. khrir mnga’ gsol ‘to nominate to the position of khri, i.e. head lama’. In Mong. siregen-d r alaγad. 161434-3: Tib. rje ‘Lord’, but in the Mong. version more precise information is provided: boγda £ongkaba ‘Lord Tsongkhapa’. The same is repeated in the Mong. version by Bira 1995: 9 Bogd Zonhava.  [There] three khans of Khalkha presided [over the meeting] which [consisted of] all the great and petty leaders of Khalkha; they attended and revered the spiritual master168 and o ered great service to him. In the Water Female Serpent year (1653)169 called rnam rgyal he was invited to the vicinity of Erdeni Juu 436 by the assembly of four divisions. He was revered by all the members of these four divisions and [he oversaw] the public religious ceremony. Within a few days he presided over the great prayer [[[Wikipedia:festival|festival]]]. I also met the Lord there personally and requested the empowerment for the rst time. I received the Longevity [[[empowerment]]] and the authorization to attend Niguma [’s practice]. of Geresenje. See more details on Khalkha in Bawden 1968: 39-134, Elverskog 2003: 189, note 3. 168435-2: Tib. bla mar bsten, Mong. blam-a barin, but Bira 1995: 10 adds: rsdiin lamd barin ‘revered their own spiritual master’. 169435-3: Tib. chu mo sprul lo, Mong. em-e moγoi il. In the Mong. version the element ‘water’ is missing.  437 I was known by the name of the reincarnation of K nd l n(g) Sayin Noyan and thanks to this name I received the o cial position of Noyon Khutugtu. [When the Lord] went to U and Tsang and while striving for teaching he requested [advice] from the All Knowing Panchen [[[Lama]],] [who answered]: "instead of striving here for [[[religious]]] teaching it will be better if you go to Mongolia. You will establish a religious community and bring bene t to all sentient beings and to Dharma."

438 And in order to reach [this goal] in the Wooden Horse year (1654) called rgyal ba in the place called Kentei Khan he started to found the monastery Ribo Gegye Ling. In autumn of the Wooden Sheep year (1655) called myos byed he went secretly to U and Tsang and o ered prayers for increasingly long life to the All Knowing Panchen [[[Lama]]]. While being there for some time 439 he [received] the empowerment184 of Vajrabhairava (a form of Yaman-  taka),185 the Narthang Gyatsa,186 he listened to the short and extensive explanation of Lamrim, the "Fifty Verses of Devotion to the Guru", the instruction on the visualization of Bhairava (Yamantaka) and the development and completion [stages] of contemplation of the personal deity (yidam) by Gomde Namkha Gyeltsen and many other teachings. Then he went to Drepung. 440 [There] he listened to many teachings taught by the Master Gyel 185439-1: Tib. rdo rje ’jigs byed, Mong. yaman(g)daka. 186439-1: Tib. sNar thang brgya rtsa, Mong. nar tang iz-a, collection of sadhanas and empowerments of the hundred deities of Narthang. One of the important sources of Buddhist iconography. Taranatha, the former incarnation of Jetsundampa, composed sGrub thabs brgya rtsa which appeared in vol. ba of his "Collected Works". It was a basis for Losang Tenpai Nyima (Blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma), i.e. Fourth / Seventh Panchen Lama’s work Yi dam rgya mtsho’i rin chen ’byung gnas kyi lhan thabs rin ’byung don gsal. See Lo Bue 1990 186. According to him and Beyer 1978: 480, note 82, sNar thang brgya rtsa together with Panchen Lama’s text and Abhayakaragupta’s Vajraval were illustrated by the Mongolian artists and printed as Rin ’byung snar thang brgya rtsa rdor ’phreng bcas nas gsungs pa’i bris sku mthong ba don ldan, reproduced by Lokesh Chandra 1961. In his autobiography the Fifth Dalai Lama mentioned his teachings of sNar thang brgya rtsa to Zanabazar in the 5th or 6th month of 1651. See Karmay 2015: 239 and footnote at p. 427-3 to the present translation.  Wangchog (i.e. the Fifth Dalai Lama)192 starting with the Kadam Legbam. Though he listened to such teachings [I] have not seen his register of teachings received (sanyig)194 and therefore all these [pieces of information] were not certain.

In the Fire Monkey year (1656) called gdong ngag again he happily returned to Mongolia. In the Fire Hen year (1657) called gser ’phyang he invited four divisions of the eastern wing to the main assembly hall of the Erdeni Juu [[[monastery]]] 441 to organize the meeting. Similarly as before, he presided over the public religious ceremony and the Great Prayer [fetival] and the Invitation of Maitreya and other [[[Wikipedia:ceremonies|ceremonies]]]. 192439-3-440-1: Tib. rgyal dbang mchog gi sku gzhogs, Mong. version gives no translation but rather identi cation: tabuduγar dalai blam-a-yin gegen. Also Bira (1995 29, footnote 35) provides this identi cation: ‘the Fifth Dalai Lama’.  Lamas, o cials, lay people and clergy, high and low [born], [all] who gathered there showed their respect and o ered their service to him. And he bestowed on them whatever teachings they requested, one by one.

In the Earth Pig year (1659)201 called sgyur byed 442 he invited seven Khalkha divisions202 to meet at the blessed White Lake.203 At this meeting the [[[incarnation]] called] Gyelkhangtse also arrived in person and the two masters did (not) meet. They discussed [their] service to religion and politics.206 The ruler of the right wing was granted an o cial position etc., coming to full age and as all the masters requested. around it.

201441-3: Tib. sa phag, Mong. †aroi (for: siroi) γaqai. 202442-1: Tib. khal kha tsho ba bdun po, Mong. qalq-a doloγan qo†iγu. On the use of the Tib. term tsho ba and Mong. qosiγu see note at p. 435-1. 203442-1: Tib. bkra shis mtsho dkar, Mong. lzei qutuγ-tu £aγan nuur. See note regarding the Mong. term qosiγu as ‘banner’ at p. 435-1. Note the spoken form of ‘lake’ in Mong. nuur instead of Classical Mong. naγur.  443 Because of this [the Lord] also accepted it gladly.209 During the assembly meeting I was an attendant for both [of them]. In the same way as before, to everyone of all who gathered: lamas, o cials, lay people and clergy, for both extremes: people of high and low birth [the Master] turned the endless wheel of the highest dharma and brought [all of them onto the path of] ripening and liberation. In the spring of the Iron Mouse year (1660) called kun ldan 444 I intended to go to U and Tsang and I asked [[[Master]]] about it. He was very delighted and put his mind to it. [His] Brilliance o ered me as presents his own personal hand-rosary and a large riding-horse to mount. From the Iron Mouse year (1660) until the Earth Sheep year (1679)217 209443-1: Tib. thugs khar bzhes te mdzad, Mong. sedkel (for: sedkil)-degen taγalan ayiladbai.  I was in Tashilhunpo218 and other [places] in U and Tsang. And therefore I was not able to write about the [[[Master’s]]] exemplary deeds219 of this period well and with certainty.

445 In the Iron Female Pig year (1671)220 called ’gal byed he dispatched the o cial Pinthu Nangso (or Batu Nasu)221 to U and Tsang to the ‘Father and Son’ i.e. Dalai Lama (and his Regent) and he greeted them and o ered them gifts and donated food and money to small and big monasteries. From the government [of the Dalai Lama] one Kanjur of Gyeltse Thempang tradition225 of excellent quality was brought. 218444-3: Tib. bkra shis lhun po, Mong. dasi lh n(g)b . 444-3 445-1: Tib. rnam thar mdzad bzang rnams, Mong. sayin okiyal £idag (for: 220445-1: Tib. lcags mo phag, Mong. tem r em-e γaqai. 221445-1: Tib. gnyer pa pin thu nang so, where gnyer pa means ‘steward’, pin thu seems to be the name and nang so may be translated as ‘o cer’. G. Tuttle quotes "the well-known Gyelrong scholar Tsenlha who de nes nang so as a ‘minister looking after domestic a airs’ (nang tshags du so byed pa’i blon po)", see Tuttle 2011; also van der Kuijp and Tuttle 2014: 470. In Mong. there is an expression batu nirba nasu, in which Batu Nasu seems to be the Mong. name ‘With rm age, life’, while the function of the person, ‘steward’ is inserted into two parts of the name. Bira 1995: 11 writes nyarav Bintu nanso. 446 Vajra-king gave this [[[Kanjur]]] later to Chonggye Emchi when he was traveling to Tibet and then [he] gave it to the Victorious Father and Son, i.e. the Dalai Lama (and his Regent) together with many presents (food and money). Before that, as well as two or three times later, he similarly made donations [sending goods] by di erent people, but I did not notice it by myself and forgot to note it.

On the twelfth hor month of the Earth Sheep year (1679) called don grub 447 I returned to Mongolia. In summer of the Iron Monkey year (1680) called drag po I went to pay respects to the Lord Master. When I arrived at the monastery the Master already knew about my coming and he received and blessed me. For a long time we discussed news in detail. Later [the Master] departed to the monastery Ribo Gegye Ling and [I] followed him.   448 Outside the monastery it was the time when majority of objects [of cult] were manufactured.234 [The Master] stayed there for ten days and [I] requested an empowerment.235 [He] was delighted and gave me [[[religious]]] instructions, [as well as] Master’s own personal upper robe, ten liangs of gold, a silver bowl, a throne cushion, ten [pieces] of ne leather [called] bu la ka, and thirty horses headed by one excellent horse of the ‘White Heads’, a charger in the stable 449 and other things he o ered [me] as gifts which have no comparison. In autumn of the Iron Bird year (1681) called blo ngan [the Master] assembled four divisions of the eastern wing in the main assembly hall of the Erdeni Juu [[[monastery]]]. He performed lengthy general religious ceremony [[[including]]] a Prayer Festival and Invitation to Maitreya.242 At this time the representative of the government, i.e. the Dalai 234448-1: Tib. rten bzhengs pa or sku gsung thugs kyi rten bzhengs pa ‘sponsor the making of sacred objects symbolic of the enlightened body, speech, and mind’ [RY], Mong. burqan †it gen ‘sculptures of Buddhas’ and other objects used by the Buddhist cult. Here perhaps this expression refers to the activity of casting bronzes by Zanabazar. 235448-1: Tib. bka’ dbang zhus, while in the Mong. translation instead of the word for ‘empowerment’, which is expressed in this text usually as abi†ig, there is de[l]gerek i-e (for: delgerengg i-e) ayiladqaγsan which means ‘told extensively’. Bira 1995: 11 translates as zarlig avishig ailtgav, which corresponds closely to the Tib. version. Lama, chamberlain Kyarpone

450 arrived to the Precious Master himself. He appealed for peace among the Khalkha and let [[[people]]]. In the past inside the right wing of Khalkha, during the time of turmoil, lets made mistakes. But [now] the entire people starting from those who [came] to partake in the mutual agreement they should consult [with each other] whatever good they can do to bring bene t to spreading scriptures and teachings. 451 The true meaning of [[[Dharma]]] scriptures and teachings [should] increase more and more like the moon in the waxing period of the month. At that time Dayan Khung Tayiji gave a thousand horses, gold and silver, silk for garments and other objects as presents. Each of the other monks and o cials who came also o ered very many goods as presents. For them also the wheel of highest Dharma was turned in whatever suitable way.  452 In the Water Pig year (1683)250 called khrag skyug I went to pay respect [to the Master] and get blessings and requested251 several teachings which I wished [to receive]. At this time Vajra T shiyet Khan252 performed longevity practice [for the Master] at length. At that time I also o ered a man.d.ala for longevity ceremony and innumerable sacri cial objects and requested long life for the "lotusfooted" (i.e. the Jetsundampa). 453 Many times, previously and later, from the forty nine heads [of divisions] of the Holy Lord several pilgrims came secretly to have an audience [with the Master] and after paying respect they asked for religious advice and also o ered extensive o erings. 250452-1: Tib. chu phag, Mong. usun γaqai. 251452-1: Mong. siγ. sen meaning ‘hated’ should be corrected into £igsen ‘said, re- 452-1-2: Tib. rdo rje thu she ye thu rgyal po, Mong. va£irai t siyet qaγan. In both languages the ruler’s function is expressed very strongly by words: ‘king’ and ‘khan’. 

Also a great hanging brocade image259 was made and o ered to the Jakhyung monastery.260 454 The image of the Buddha, [called] the Meaningful to Behold (i.e. seeing that which brings merits) was made according to the description of the Maæju–rimulatantra and moreover three other golden images [of the Buddha were made] and they were o ered to the Dalai Lama. He was very pleased with them and in return o ered great presents to the Holy Master (i.e. Zanabazar) and also to his messengers. From U and Tsang precious Kanjur pressed in the type of bronze that comes from Jang was brought. 259453-3: Tib. gos sku chen mo, Mong. yeke torγan burqan. Bira writes (1995: 31, note 53) that in some biographies it is speci ed that it was Tsongkhapa’s image. In the Mong. version the expression tere u£ar-a ‘at that occasion’, ‘because of that’ suggests that the image was also sponsored by the pilgrims mentioned earlier.

260453-3: Tib. bya khyung, Mong. a£ ng. The monastery in which Tsongkhapa lived; visited by Zanabazar. See note at p. 425-2.  455 In the encampment, where he stayed, the original manuscript of the Kanjur was taken as a model267 and it was again written down at least two times.268 Moreover, the Vajradhara [image] was made by the Lord with his own hands and numerous golden cast images starting with those of the ‘ ve great families’ of the Victorious [one] were well produced under the Lord’s direction 456 and moreover, eight beautiful great silver stupas of the Enlightened One and very many of the three kinds of relics. He listened to several kinds of teachings starting with those on the secret Vajradhara king of ’Jang sa tham under the supervision of the 6th Zhva dmar gar dbang chos kyi dbang phyug. The Tshal pa edition of the Kanjur located in ’Phying ba stag rtse was used for this edition which was completed in 1621. The xylographic boards were transferred to the monastery of Byams pa glings in Lithang (therefore the double name of this edition) by the Mongolian troops which controlled the region in the 17th cent." https://www.istb.univie.ac.at/kanjur/xml4/editions/lithang.php. 267455-1: Tib. ma dpe byas ‘original taken as a model’, in the xylograph (134-2 or 67b2) incorrectly ma dpa byas. 268455-2: Bira 1995: 31, note 56 writes that in some biographies it is said that the First Jetsundampa wrote down the rst pages of these Kanjurs with his own hand. 

from two to three [[[lamas]]]274 [and] to about one hundred275 ‘methods of realization’ (sadhana) [[[including]]] the ‘method of realization’ of Ratnasambhava. 457 However, I could not ascertain which teachings exactly he listened to as I was not able to ask about it. In autumn of the Wooden Ox year (1685) called khro bo the reincarnation of Dalai Maæju–r , Ildeng Khung Tayiji together with donors and also myself paid respect [to the Lord]. [We received] the authorization (rjes gnang) [to practices] of the patrons of the Three Families (i.e. bodhisattva Avalokite–vara, Vajrapan.i and Maæju–r ) 461-3 and the authorization to Longevity of Niguma. The three of us 274456-2: Tib. gnyis gsum las, but in the Mong. version word for ‘lama’ is added: blam-a qoyar γurban-a£a. Also Bira 1995: 12 translates similarly: khoyor, gurvan lamaas. 275456-3: Tib. rtsam which stands for tsam ‘about, approximately’. The Tib. xylograph reads: rgyam which is meaningless. In the Mong. version izam is a phonetic repetition of the Tib. version brgya tsam.  with donors requested

462 the Master’s personal transmission (lung) of his own reverential prayers.284 We were granted a private audience inside the Master’s sleeping chamber and were very delighted to discuss news in detail. Moreover, the Master o ered [us] his own brocade cloak, throne cushion and an excellent riding horse, an ambler, and other objects on a vast scale. 463 In summer of the Fire Tiger year (1686) called zad pa the construction of the monastery in Kentei called Ribo Gegye Ling was completed and accordingly several monks performed its consecration. In autumn of this [year] (i.e. 1686) Ngawang Lodro Gyatso, [who was] the Throne Holder of the Geden [[[monastery]]], the personal representative of the Victorious Supreme One (i.e. the Dalai Lama) which means ‘empowerment of Amitayus’, i.e. bodhisattva of long life, without mentioning the name of Niguma (a consort of Naropa). 284462-1: Tib. gsol ’debs ‘reverential prayers’ usually contain a list of previous incarnations and prayers for the next reincarnation. In the manuscript Tib. lcags ‘iron’ is used instead of the correct version from the xylograph: ljags ‘tongue’, which serves to create honori c forms.  was sent from Tibet and Arani Aliqan amban,292 the personal representative of the Majesty King (i.e. Manchu Emperor), 464 + 457 and others were sent [to Khalkha] and the seven [[[Khalkha]]] divisions were permitted to hold a gathering in the [place] called K ren Belcher. On that occasion, according to the words of Achitu Choje, the envoy of the Manchu emperor, 458 the Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) was invited to be the head of this meeting. The Lord and the Throne Holder of the Geden [[[monastery]]]301 met together and were seated on equal seats and discussed mutual news in full detail. O cial decrees of the Victorious Supreme One (i.e. the dalai blam-a is mentioned.

292Mentioned as Arani by Sagaster 1967: 87 in his study of the biography of the Changkiya / Jangiya Khutugtu in connection with the meeting at K ren Belcher. According to Gerbillon quoted by Sagaster 1967: 116 (footnote 202), Arani was the vice-president of the Lifanyuan (‘Board for the Administration of Outlying Regions’).  Dalai Lama)302 and of the Majesty King (i.e. the Manchu Emperor) were proclaimed. After more than one month 459 Sechen Nangso Namgyel Toyin303 and Lama Pandita Choje,304 of the home monastery305 of this Lord’s minister [called] Darpa and the seven divisions headed by the three rulers of Khalkha [[[including]]] chieftains, lamas, commanders and o cials [altogether] sixty [men], and the two great lamas 302458-2-3: Tib. rgyal ba mchog, Mong. dalai blam-a. 303459-1-2: Tib. se chen nang so rnam rgyal tho yon, Mong. se£in nangsu nam il toyin. Mong. toyin is used to denote a monk of noble descent. See Lessing 820a. Nangso Namgyel Nang so rnam rgyal is mentioned in the "Collected Works" of the Fifth Dalai Lama, see TBRC W1PD107937. In his autobiography the Fifth Dalai Lama mentioned Sechen Thoyon (Se chen tho yon) among other Mongols who paid him a visit in 1629, see Karmay 2015: 151, Tib. original (Chinese ed.) 1989: 198. 304459-1: Tib. bla ma pand.i ta chos rje, Mong. blam-a darba ban(g)dida suyi i. 305459-1: Tib. gzhi dgon or more properly gzhis dgon ‘native monastery’ [RY]. Mong. saγurin keyid.  460 took an oath and put law in force in accordance with tradition.310 At that time some principalities headed by the chief of the eastern wing of the lets, called Rabten Khado K nsang, 461 + 464 came to pay respect to this Lord Master. He bestowed the graciousness of the High Dharma to the majority of gathered monks and lay o cials of Khalkha. During this meeting politics and religion were discussed at length.

At the request of the Majesty [i.e. the Manchu Emperor], Mergen 310460-1: Tib. dam tshig la bkar nas khrims tshul dang mthun par gcod du bcug . Mong. £aγa a qauli-yi £ingγadqa u toγtaγaγad yosun-luγ-a okilduγulun oqa£i u (for: okiya u?) ayiladdal£abai. Tib. dam tshig refers to the Buddhist commitment, Skt. samaya [JV], however, dam means ‘a solemn promise, con rmation, oath, pledge’ J schke 250a, which is followed by bkar, ‘to proclaim’. The sentence is expressed in Mong. slightly di erent. There is no information about an oath. Instead there is a general statement about ‘establishing tightening of laws in accordance with tradition’. Bira 1995: 13 translates: tangarag rg n tsaaz yosond zokhildon orov ‘[they] took an oath and entered into agreement in accordance with tradition’. Pandita Rabjampa316 and [ Zanabazar’s] nephew Ganden Dorji 465 were sent to the Majesty King Lord [to inform him about the results of the meeting]. During the meeting I also went to welcome [the eminent guests]. I made an o ering of man.d.ala, a silver vase, silk robes and one hundred horses. On the way back I invited [the guests] to my own monastery. Khan and Ba(γa)tur Khung Tayiji and others came [to visit my place]. 466 Milk and curd were served diligently. [The guests o ered] seats, cushions, ve camels, thirty yaks and three hundred sheep. Three images from the temple were consecrated brie y and grains were 316464-3: Tib. mer ken pan. d.i ta rab byams pa, Mong. rab imba mergen ban(g)dida. He is mentioned also at the end of the biography in the list of close disciples of Zanabazar, p. 545-2. According to Sereeter 1999: 98-99 his name was Paljor Rabten, (dPal ’byor rab brtan, Modern Mong. Baljorravdan). He was a Tibetan teacher sent by the Panchen Lama to accompany Zanabazar when he was returning from Tibet. He became the second abbot of Zanabazar’s monastery. His next incarnation was Rabten Dorje, (Rab brtan rdo rje, Modern Mong. Gelegravdandorj, 1663-1702), the abbot of Ikh Kh ree in 1681-91. See Sereeter 1999: 98. I would like to thank Ganzorig Davaaochir for turning my attention to Sereeter’s explanations.  spread. After one day [the party] was seen o . In the past, in the time of [[[Buddha]]] the Teacher, there were two fully ordained monks: ’Dzapo and Salekye. In many incarna- tions

467 [they] quarreled and due to their hatred a fully ordained monk called Jedbunor and a fully ordained nun Utpalavarn.a were slandered in various ways. Isn’t it similar to this [example] that starting from the time of grandfather of this Lord, Vajra-king, up to now, during the nine generations, excluding only the time of Sengge,331 Khalkhas and l ts [used] to be engaged in wars and [due to that] demons arose?   468 According to the Uttaratantra334 saints are completely free from the su erings of being born, aging and getting sick. Similarly, to what was said, [if we consider] the ultimate meaning, by the power of actions and emotions involuntarily they are free from being born, aging, dying and other su erings from the core. However, [if we consider] conventional meaning, when the foot of the Buddha Bhagavan was pierced by an acacia splinter and when Devadatta 469 ung a stone from a catapult and struck fragment of the big toe of his (i.e. Buddha’s) foot blood appeared. 334468-1: Tib. rgyud bla ma, Mong. i d blam-a. Full title: Mahayanottaratantra-–astra known also as Ratna-gotra-vibhaga. The well known Mahayana Buddhist text included in Tengyur (or Tanjur), Peking ed., vol. 108, no 5525, Derge ed., vol. phi, no 4024, Mong. version vol. 44, see Lokesh Chandra 1973-79, Ligeti 1942-44.  A naked women343 slandered [the Buddha].

Shouldn’t this and other [similar] actions be interpreted accordingly as the ripening [of karma]? And moreover [another example can be given], the teachings of the Lord Gedun Gyatso and his actions which spread in U [province] were bene cial for beings. Regarding his friendship with Panchen Yeshe Tsemo, 470 however, [it can be remarked that] he let [himself] go to U province in a way, that was not pleasing [to Yeshe Tsemo]. Isn’t it similar, to what is said, that the deeds of Mara can not reach above the seventh ground [of the spiritual development of bodhisattvas] and his methods to quickly terminate their accumulations 343469-1-2: Tib. gcer bu mo ‘naked woman, goddess Kali’ [JV]. Mong. version repeats Tib. words in Mong. pronunciation: erb -yin ekiner, which Bira 1995: 33, note 78 explains: ‘in Sanskrit: Naganka’. The Tib. male form: gcer bu pa is used to denote Jain ascetics [RY].  [are meaningless], [because] bodhisattvas manifest as Mara, the Evil one, and make obstacles for him (i.e. Mara). Devadatta caused harm during351 the path of learning of the Teacher (i.e. the Buddha)

471 in order to quickly terminate the Teacher’s accumulation. It is said in many sutras. It is similar to what we may know, or not, regarding what was said in a sutra about generating bodhicitta from our Teacher’s (i.e. the Buddha’s) deeds many eons ago by Devadatta. About the reason of ignorance Buddha Bhagavan also said: "I or a similar 472 individual should know his own limits (i.e. control himself). If an individual does not control himself, he certainly degenerates." This is said and, according to it in a general sense, individuals do not control themselves. In particular [one example can be shown:] the Panchen [[[Lama]]], the great omniscient one, recognized the incarnation of Khedub Sangye  Yeshe361 [in Galdan Boshugtu], and genuinely showed him his kindness.362 473 If his (i.e. the Panchen Lama’s)363 words are beyond interpretation [then Galdan Boshugtu] was indeed the reincarnation of Khedub Sangye Yeshe, who was a great saint and this is similar to what was said earlier. Relying on this Lord (i.e. Zanabazar), the Emperor established close ties [with him on the path leading to] enlightenment and emancipation. The reason of it should be understood as words beyond (i.e. which do not require) interpretation. 361472-3: Tib. mkhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes, Mong. qayidub sang i i†i. 362472-3: Tib. bdag rkyen mdzad, Mong. ayiralan okiyabai. 363The whole passage poses di culties for translation. The Tib. versions di er among themselves. The Mong. translation is hardly understandable. Most probably Zaya Pandita’s meaning was di cult to comprehend or part of his text was missing, and both copyists and translators created their own versions. Therefore the English translation should be treated as tentative. 

And because of that, while enjoying life of an ordinary being,371 with mind possessed by Mara, 474 Galdan Boshugtu asked this Lord (i.e. the Jetsundampa): "Why didn’t you bow your head to the Throne Holder of Geden (i.e. Ganden)?" and so on and sent a slandering letter. This Lord’s anger did not grow, but all the great and petty chieftains headed by the khan could not bear [their anger] and the majority of the seven divisions raised armies. The Khan of of the right wing and Daiching Khung Tayiji 475 cultivated a friendship with Boshugtu, [but] due to many improper deeds they were captured. Later some of the chieftains of the khan of Uriyangkhai, Khalkha right (western) wing, were conquered by Buryatia the Tib. version reads yin ‘is’, while in the xylograph (138-1=69v1=BR 41b1) there is negation: min ‘which is not’. Mong. m n boluγad ‘really became’. Bira 1995: 14 translates as bus bolj ‘being not that’. Bira divides the Tibetan text in di erent way and connects ‘not pleasing speech’ with further fragment on Mara. 

Galdan Boshugtu and because of that they became Boshugtu’s spies. [As such] they accompanied the younger chief Dorjijab380 and were killed with him. Because of that, from U-Tsang 476 Gyel Metog Thang’s abbot came to mediate [the situation] as a representative of the government of [the Dalai Lama]. In the month of the Monkey he went in person and intervened and because of that all the Khalkha troops headed by Vajra T shiyet Khan accepted [it]. In the second month of the Earth Dragon year (1689) called rnam ’byung Boshugtu raised his soldiers from his own lands and conque- century this name was applied by Mongols "for all the dispersed bands to the northwest, whether Samoyed, Turkish, or Mongolian in origin." Atwood 2004: 9a. 380475-3: Tib. dpon chung rdo rje skyabs, Mong. ded noyan dor i ab. The younger brother of Galdan Boshugtu.  red389 about two principalities (i.e. noble’s divisions)390 called Eljigen391 of the right wing of Khalkha. 477 Then, gradually, he arrived at the land of Khalkha majority. Owing to his (i.e. Galdan Boshugtu’s) advanced merits all Khalkha ed.394 The Erdeni Juu monastery and other famous temples and monasteries were damaged one by one. Some were destroyed [completely] and at some [[[monasteries]]] images were destroyed. In the Lord’s (i.e. Zanabazar’s) encampment, images, both great and small were destroyed, while the monastery Ribo Gegye Ling was demolished completely and many

389476-2: Tib. bcom ‘conquered’, Mong. ‘made dependent’, since sit ged conv. imperf. of sit - ‘to rely on, depend upon’, Lessing 720a. 390476-3: Tib. dpon khag ‘principality’ [JV], Mong. k £ tei noyan ‘powerful nobles’. Bira 1995: 15 translates: khoyor kh sgiig darav ‘conquered two charts (vehicles)’. 391476-3: Tib. el ci ken, Mong. el igen. This group living in western Mongolia is described in Ochir and Gerelbadrakh 2003: 116-119, where also explanations about the origin of the name are provided. During the 17th century they were under Jasagtu Khan’s rule. I am indebted to Odbayar Ganbaataryn for providing citation.  478 other wrong deeds were done. At that time it was said that if someone’s actions terminated, it was similar to the achievements accomplished by one thousand Buddhas. This Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) knew, that owing to [their past] deeds the tragedy of the Khalkhas would come and he went in the direction of the [[[Wikipedia:Manchu|Manchu]]] Emperor.

After only a few days of some slight fatigue, and without further delay, he went towards Uriyangkhai and Daiching of the Khalkha left wing. 479 All people there showed great respect and reverence [to Jetsundampa] and worshipped him and served him with utmost care. At that time the Emperor with amban Beihatalar and others sent nobles as well as servants with millet and yaks and sheep and many presents to the Master (i.e. Jetsundampa).  In the fourth hor month of the Iron Sheep year (1691) called skyes bdag 480 the Emperor arrived at Dologan Nagur (Dolonnur). He received this Master (i.e. Jetsundampa) and all the great and petty chieftains headed by the two Khalkha khans in audience. On behalf of all people [the Emperor] invited this Master to the tent used in the past by the Emperor and exchanged ceremonial scarfs413 and met with him. They experienced great joy [since they felt] as if they had united their minds into one. 481 Then [the Jetsundampa] went to the great residence and held there an exquisite feast. Also on one day the Emperor visited this Lord’s (i.e. Zanabazar’s) tent. Many previous incarnations [of emperors and lamas] kept the ‘patron and priest relationship’ and showed unparalleled close mu-  tual relations. Owing to that fact, at the present time many containers with gold and silver and one thousand silver coins419 482 [the Emperor] presented to the Lord together with his own imperial tent420 and a charger, the best riding horse with a saddle and full equipment (for riding).421

Also in winter that year [the Jetsundampa] was requested to visit [the Emperor] in his great palace in Beijing and [accordingly, he] went to the great palace.422 At that time, as in the past while inviting the Victorious Great Omniscient (i.e. the Dalai Lama), the ruler’s uncle423 and elder brother and authorities424 headed by eight principal great lords,425 483 as well as other nobles,426 great and petty, arrived and erected cotton tents outside the palace427 and welcomed [the Jetsundampa] lavishly with ceremonial tea. He was then invited to the palace and the Emperor came to welcome him. [The Emperor arrived] about two or

e£en (for: e en) olan y-e blam-a glige-yin ezen (for: e en) bolul£aγsan meaning ‘in the past many generations of emperors were almsgivers [of] the lamas’. 419481-3: Tib. dngul srang stong phrag gcig, Mong. nige mingγan lang m ngg . 420482-1: Tib. gong ma rang gi gzims gur, while in Mong. ber[-] n irγaqu ordu qarsi, i.e. ‘his own palace of resting’.

421482-1: Tib. chibs chen sga bcas tshang ma rnams, Mong. ba†i emegel qa aγar-tai k lgen- mori-nuγud. In the Mong. version there is a Plural ending, while in the Tib. version it seems that only one best horse was presented. Bira 1995: 15 translates in Plural: kh leg mor’dyg rg v. 422482-2: Tib. pho brang chen po ‘great palace’, while in Mong. bege ing, i.e. Beijing. 423482-3: Tib. rgyal po’i a khu, Mong. e en- abaγ-a. 424482-3: Tib, dbang, Mong. dbang. Bira 1995: 15 translates as noyod ‘lord, prince, chief, superior’, Lessing 589b. 425482-3: Tib. gtsos pa’i dbang chen po, Mong. r erge-yin vang. Bira 1995: 15 translates as ih van ‘great prince’. This passage refers most probably to the heads of the Manchu eight banners. See Atwood 451a. 426483-1: Tib. mi bzang ‘noble’, while in Mong. ambas, which is Plural of amban ‘minister, governor, dignitary’, Lessing 36b. Bira 1995: 15 translates as said t shmed

‘ministers, dignitaries’. 427483-1: Tib. pho brang ‘palace’, while in Mong. bege ing ‘Beijing’. three days earlier [to secure] that [arrangements were made] inside the palace for the relaxation and comfort [of Zanabazar] and many things were discussed and arranged accordingly. 484 In the eleventh hor month this Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) was invited to the residence at Sirga (i.e. Sirha river) to consecrate a life size statue of the Buddha akyamuni and one hundred statues of Amitayus each the size of more than one cubit, founded by Tha’i hung tha’i hu (i.e. the Empress Xiaozhuang), the previous Emperor’s mother, and golden Kanjur(s) [prepared] for the completion of death commemoration o ering for the Great Tha’i hu (i.e. Xiaozhuang). 485 That day the Master was wearing an exemplary coat with sable fur lining inside and a throne robe [made] outside with black fox exterior with silken lining ornamented with pearls, a black fox yellow hat of the Gelugpa order decorated with golden vajra castings, and fully accomplished exquisite robes patched with golden thread, 

486 a monastic shawl made of shin shing cang,436 shoes437 decorated with pearls, corals and other precious jewels and so on, and the whole set of garments, [which was] a gift, accepted by him in order to please the Emperor. Clergy from Khalkha and from the palace,438 one hundred each, assembled in order to become retinue439 [of the Jetsundampa]. The incarnation of Neyichi Toyin from K ke khota, Chojor Rabjampa 487 and Tsangpa Kukye and twenty ve monks from the palace and twenty ve servants of this Lord [[[Zanabazar]]], altogether fty monks within two days performed consecration for the sake of the ‘Thirteen Deities’ of the glorious Vajrabhairava, a form of Yamantaka. 436Expression not found in dictionaries. Most probably a Chinese (?) name for a kind of wool used to make good quality shawls. 437486-1: Tib. zhabs bcags ‘ground, territory’, however, the word should be written as zhabs chags which means ‘shoes’. Mong. boyiba. Bira 1995: 16 translates into Modern Mong. as boiva which is a rarely used word for ‘foot, shoe’, see Bawden 54b (boiv, boivog) and which Bira explains by another word: gutal which is used in Modern Mong. for

Other monks made o erings to the teachers in the two temples on the right and left and 488 [performed] the rite etc. of Amitayus and after completing the consecration recited Kanjur for three days. He (i.e. the Emperor) made a great o ering [to Jetsundampa] starting with the tea pot of the Great Tha’i hu (Xiaozhuang) and [her] tea churner [made] of one hundred lang of gold and a big silver pot etc.449

Afterwards according to the order of the Emperor, [the Jetsundampa] went to visit [the sacred] images of the Chinese temples situated in the mountains in the right direction from the Palace (i.e. Beijing). 489 Amban Sor Sung Tor Ken and Batulai became his retinue. Then he went to U’i chin shang. Then he went by boat on the river is called ‘glorious’ dpal, which is missing in the Mong. version. Bira 1995: 16 translates as tsogt ochir Yamandaga, i.e. ‘glorious Vajra Yamantaka’.  to Chan chu yang456 and stayed there for two to three days. Then he went [back] to the Palace (Beijing). Then he visited all [the sacred] images in the temples outside the Palace starting with the image of the Sandalwood Buddha. 490 He made many sorts of di erent o erings, real and imagined, and prayed for the spread of the [[[Buddha’s]]] teachings. Moreover, on the way back, he made great o erings starting with a silver tea churner of fty lang, silver bowl of fty lang, fty bolts of cloth, ve hundred velvet cushions, a golden saddle and others. In the past, in the happy time in the Tiger year (1686), 491 at the end of the ‘month of miracles’ at the camp of the four divisions of the eastern wing all scholar-translators discussed and decided in harmony to translate the Dag yig za ma tog into Mongolian. 456489-2: Tib. chan chu yang, Mong. £an£u yang. The place, called ang £ung yuvan s m-e is described in the biography of Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu, Subud erike. Its garden is full of fruit trees, owers, lotuses etc. See Sagaster 1967: 267.  Moreover, since in the old Mongolian script464 many letters were similar to each other and pronunciation did not resemble the modern one,465 this Master (i.e. the Jetsundampa)

492 created a new and correct Mongolian script based on Laæca script. [He also] intended to translate Kanjur to Mongolian. However, unfortunate times came and therefore this wish was not accomplished. At that time I asked [the Master] whether [in order to repay] some of the gifts [which I had obtained from him], he would agree that I skyong bzang po, 1441-1528). See TBRC P856 and W25159. Bira 1995: 33 in note 93 wrote the Sanskrit name of the Tibetan master’s as Darmabala (Dharmapala) instead of Dharmabhadra. 464Here the Mongolian script used for writing in the Classical Mongolian is mentioned. It is called also Uighur-Mongolian. On Mong. books and scripts see Kara 2005, Shagdars ren 1981. 465This sentence underlines the phonological observations made by Zanabazar, on the Mongolian language, shared by his biographer, Zaya Pandita. However, it is known that the Soyombo Script enabled Mongols to write in three languages and its use for recitation of Sanskrit mantras, as well as correctly rendering Tib. names and words seem equally important. There is no information here about yet another script, Horizontal Square Script or Zanabazar Square Script created by Zanabazar, most probably prior to the creation of the Soyombo script. See Byambaa Ragchaa 2005: 9. It was probably modeled after the Phagpa Square Script by ’Phags pa bla ma chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1235-1280). On Zanabazar’s scripts see also Anshuman Pandey’s Unicode Standard projects. would write his biography (rnam thar). 493 Or if not, then [a biography] just as small as a seed should be [composed]. However, [the Lord] did not accept [my proposal]. Again, when I pressed [him] he answered: "I do not have such a good lifestory of liberation rnam thar to please the wise ones. Eminent masters [should be] thanked for their benevolence of Holy Dharma and they should be spoken about rst and later we will see." [Then] [ Zanabazar] traveled

494 to the Yellow Palace. While he was there [I] went to bid [him] farewell and to receive [his] blessing. When I urged him about his namthar, he said: "Should I tell you that I went to the palace and ate exactly this many cookies?" He joked and played and let [this question] pass [in that manner]. In autumn of the Water Monkey year (1692) called anggir when the Emperor went [out on a hunt on] wild animals to the North, the Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) traveled there to meet with the Emperor. 495 [They] held talks and discussions in full detail.   In the summer of the Water Bird year (1693)476 called dpal gdong [ Zanabazar] was invited [to the Palace] when the Great Emperor became ill. He performed a very powerful healing ceremony477 and also [a ritual] against the enemies of Tara.478 Then, similarly to the connection which exists between the cause of liberation [and liberation], the origin of the Emperor’s illness also very quickly cleared up. 496 Many great ceremonial scarves479 and twenty bolts of cloth and one thousand lang of silver were o ered to [the Master]. At that time I also went to the Changkya (Jangiya) Khutugtu480 in order to obtain the longevity empowerment. In the autumn of that year when the Emperor went [[[hunting]]] wild animals, they met with each other481 according to the previous custom.

476495-1: Tib. chu bya, Mong. usun takiy-a. 477495-2: Tib. sku’i rim gro ‘healing ceremony’. Mong. g rim. 478495-3: Tib. sgrol ma g.yul bzlog, Mong. dar-a eke-yin dovi. There is a ‘ritual text associated with Tara known as sGrol ma g.yul bzlog according to the Nagarjuna’ mentioned in TBRC under the title: sGrol ma g.yul bzlog bltas chog tu bkod pa bden ’bras myur ston by Kongtrul Yonten Gyatso (Kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho). The last Mong. word dovi perhaps should be read as d i and is the phonetic rendering of bzlog. Bira 1995: 17 translates as Dara ehiin daisny nyatsaalt ‘rebu of enemies of Tara’, in which nyatsaalt means ‘rebu ’. It is not clear what Mong. qaraγan ayiladduγsan means in this context. Mong. qaraγan denotes ‘the act of watching from an elevated place; watchtower, elevated place for lookout’, Lessing 933a. This phrase is missing in the Tib. 496-1: Tib. kha rtags should be corrected into kha btags. Mong. version correctly qadaγ.

480496-2: Tib. lcang skya khu’ thog thu, Mong. angyan-a qutuγtu. Ngawang Losang Choden (Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan, Modern Mong. Agvaanluvsanchoidan, 16421715) of Monguor (Tu) nationality is meant. He was the head of the Golung Jampa Ling (dGon lung byams pa gling) monastery in Amdo. In 1693 he was appointed by the Kangxi Emperor the incarnation of Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu and supervisor of Inner Mongolian Buddhism. He is regarded as the rst or the second incarnation, depending upon the way of counting. On his biography see Sagaster 1967. TBRC P209. 481496-3: Tib. ’jal which means ‘weight, measure’ should be corrected into mjal ‘to meet’ as it is in the xylograph, p. 143-2. Mong. olγul£an should be corrected to olγal£an ‘meeting’. [The Jetsundampa] was treated with immense respect and rendered the best service. 497 In the autumn of the Wooden Dog year (1694) called dngos po when the Emperor went [[[hunting]]] wild animals, according to the previous custom [the Master] met with him. In the winter of that [year] when I (i.e. Zaya Pandita) went to pay my respects [to the Jetsundampa] I sat down to present o erings for the twenty- fth (i.e. anniversary of the passing of Tsongkhapa) and I requested the longevity empowerment and blessing with authorization (rjes gnang) of the Wishful lling Wheel of the White Tara and of the black Maæju–r . [The Lord] o ered [me] his own monk’s shawl, 498 silver man.d.ala, many scarves and seats and cushions and two good horses. It was a time of turmoil and [therefore] many [[[sacred]]] images were destroyed. [The Jetsundampa] restored many big and small images starting with the images of the Buddhas of the Five Families and 

the eight stupas of Sugata and consecrated and completed them. In the autumn of the Wooden Pig year (1695) called mchod ldan 499 according to the previous custom [the Master] met with the Great Emperor. From beginning to the end [of their meeting] lamas, chieftains great and petty, clerics and lay people of high and low status of the eight divisions [belonging to] Abaga, S nid, jemchin and Ordos, [came] to meet with [the Master] and to let fall the rain of holy Dharma and to display liberation. That year was the ‘year of obstacles’ of the Master and in order to heal [him] the Kanjur was recited many times 500 and very powerful healing ceremonies were preformed. In the autumn of the Fire Mouse year (1696) called ’dzin byed according to the previous custom [the Master] met with the Great Emperor. In the summer of the Fire Ox year (1697) called dbang phyug the Great Emperor went to Nying Sha (Chin. Ningxia) and when he  was returning he invited this Lord and met with him and went up to Burgasutai valley501 which is outside Changkya (or Jangiya) -khu’a.502 501 [The Emperor] requested the translation into Mongolian of a part of the biography of the Supreme Ruler (i.e. the Fifth Dalai Lama) composed by the Regent which refers to the [ Dalai Lama] passing on to another [[[Buddha]]] eld. Therefore Batulai and myself (i.e. Zaya Pandita) for about four days stayed there as the retinue and accomplished [that goal]. Batulai prompted the o ering of gifts to the Great Emperor. Then he went to his residence 502 and for two to three days I followed as a servant. [[[Master]]] said that he 501500-3: Tib. pur su tha’i ... lung, i.e. ‘Burgasutai valley’, but Mong. burγasu-taiyin γoul means ‘Burgasutai river’. Bira 1995: 18 writes Burgastain kh ndii ‘Burgasutai valley’.

502500-3: Tib. lcang skya khu’a gi phyi logs, Mong. ang kya qu-yin γadanaki. The meaning of the syllables: Tib. khu’a and Mong. qu is not clear. Bira 1995: 18 writes Janjkhugiin gadna, i.e. ‘outside Janjkhu’. Father of Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu (see footnote at p. 496-2) was called Janggyi hor (from the Chinese name Chang) and the last syllable of his name was written di erently in sources (huvar, hvar, bhar, har, see Sagaster 1967: 90). Perhaps syllables khu’a / qu are connected with this name.  would like to stop for a break for one day. Prayers for [his] long-life were o ered and then [he] o ered a silver man.d.ala, ceremonial scarves kha btags, seats, cushions, brocade clothes, a silver tea churner, a silver bowl, robes and [di erent] types of silken brocade and other things. He also o ered tea for the monks two [times], ceremonial scarves and o ered tea and alms. 503 [He] was requested to give blessing and authorization rjes gnang of Anuttara[-yoga-tantra] of White Amitayus512 of the tradition of Rechung[pa]. The next day while going back Master Rinpoche (i.e. Zanabazar) o ered the garment which he was wearing and one hundred lang of silver as his contribution to expand the monastery. In winter that year in order to o er the Emperor’s daughter princess [for marriage] to [ Zanabazar’s] nephew Dondub Ephu 504 he (i.e. the Jetsundampa) went to the Palace (i.e. Beijing). In the temple called Cun cing ting, i.e. Zhongzhengdian one hun-  dred eight516 monks, the personal retinue of the Lord and eight monks of the Palace (i.e. Beijing) headed by Mergen Choje517 and Chojor Rabjampa held services for four to ve days and recited Kanjur and other texts. In order to o er nine great torma o erings, for three days 505 two or three times a day, they performed rituals of ‘repair and ful llment’ similar to the previous way with the assembly of monks of that very monastery. For the o ering, eight pieces lang of silver and ten big pieces of silk were o ered. On the rst day of the New Year, Losar, the Lord [ Jetsundampa] and the Great [[[Emperor]]] met with each other at the image of the Sandalwood Buddha and after exchanging [[[Wikipedia:ceremonial|ceremonial]]] presents

516504-1-2: Tib. brgyad dang brgyad which means ‘eight and eight’ should be corrected into brgya dang brgyad ‘hundred and eight’ as it is written in the Mong. version: aγun naiman. 517504-2: Tib. mer ken chos rje, Mong. mergen £oyisr£i. Sagaster 1967: 107, footnote 175 writes that he was the highest lama in the Buddhist clergy in Beijing.  506 went to the residence of Mergen Choje. Audiences were granted to many monks and a few let nobles with Tashi Batur vang and a few representatives of the o cials from Amdo. While taking their seats this Master [[[Zanabazar]]] was invited to sit on the top of the row [of seats] together with the Great [[[Emperor]]] on one throne. 507 Then on the sixth [day of the New Year] he went to the hot springs. He informed [me, i.e. Zaya Pandita] that from the eleventh to the seventeenth [day of the New Year] every evening he was invited [there to watch] a performance of playing with re in di erent ways and that he participated in it. On the twenty second [day of the New Year] he went back to the Palace (i.e. Beijing). On the twenty seventh [day of the New Year] together with the Great [[[Emperor]]] he went to the Wutaishan [[[mountains]]]. The sequence of the events in Ngawang Yeshe Thupten’s account follows the narratives of Zaya Pandita’s work.  508 He visited monks living there and gifted them with tea and money and bestowed them with scriptural transmission (ljags lung) and authorization (rjes gnang). Two wives of the Emperor requested an empowerment and the Lord (i.e. Zanabazar) made them learn it by heart. When the Emperor [himself] requested an empowerment [[[Master]]] blessed him in the same way.

After that they went along the northern route. Since I remained in the Palace, 509 due to illness and stayed [there], when I was on my way back [home], we met [on the northern route]. I requested the empowerment of Amitayus and Hayagr va536 and he (i.e. the Jetsundampa) was very pleased to bestow them on me. In autumn of this year according to the Emperor’s order, he (i.e. Zanabazar) went together with the Emperor to the place called Ula observed, quoting Subud erike (Sagaster 1968: 117), that at the same time several other Mongols, including Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu paid a visit to Wutaishan together with the Manchu Emperor. They were not, however, mentioned by Zaya Pandita. He did not mention Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu also at other occasions, such as the meeting at K ren Belcher (p. 464-1).  and later went to the Palace (i.e. Beijing)539 and spent540 the New Year there. At that time he o ered the Emperor an excellent golden cast image of the [[[Buddha]]] Maæju–r having the appearance of the incarnation of the Buddha Tathagata.541 510 The Lord (i.e. Zanabazar), in conformity with two khans of central Khalkha and a majority of great and petty nobles, sent a letter to the Great Emperor to recall the continuing kindness of the Great Emperor who out of his graciousness supported them. It pleased the Emperor greatly. Then when [[[Zanabazar]]] was preparing to go together with the Emperor to Potala, news about the passing away of his own elder brother Vajra T shiyet Khan542 511 was sent together with a prayer of dedication [of merits] by a messenger and reached the ears of the Greatest of Fortunes (i.e. Emperor).543 The Jetsundampa decided that it was appropriate to go to [T shiyet Khan’s] camp residence and console his wife544 and children and per-

and note 209). 539509-2: Tib. pho brang, Mong. ordu qarsi. Note that in the Tib. version Beijing is designated always by pho brang, i.e. ‘palace’, while in the Mong. version it is written either as ordu qarsi ‘palace’ or phonetically as bege ing, for example p. 508-3. 540509-3: Mong. siγlan should be corrected to sinelen, which means ‘to celebrate the New Year’, Lessing 711b.

541509-3: Tib. sprul skye de bzhin gshegs pa’i cha lugs can gyi ’jam dbyangs, Mong. qubilγan bey-e teg n£ilen iregsen- ang-u d rit man(g) u†iri. Note that in the xylograph (146-1) cha lugs, meaning ‘appearance’ [RY], is written erroneously as chu lugs. In the transliteration of the Mongolian version by Jin Chengxiu, the word ang-u, meaning ‘of nature, character’, Lessing 1034a, is given as ang -u with the footnote 268 referring to the Tib. word dbyangs kyi. However, this seems to be a mistake, since Tib. ’jam dbyangs is translated to Mong. as man(g) u†iri, i.e. Maæju–r . The statue of Buddha Maæju–r cast by Zanabazar and given to the Emperor is also mentioned in his biography by Ngawang Yeshe Thubten (1839), f. 39a and related by Uspensky 2011: 157. 542510-3: Tib. rdo rje thu she ye thu rgyal po, Mong. va£ir t siyet qaγan. Chakhundorji is meant here. 543511-1: Tib. ’byor pa gong ma, while in the Mong. version just e en. 544511-2: Tib. rgyal mo ‘wife’, while plural in Mong. qatud. Bira 1995 19 translates in form a funeral service and ‘the root of virtue’.545 [Therefore] on the twenty fth of the rst hor month546 he left the Palace (i.e. Beijing) and traveled to the camp residence [of the Khalkha khan]. 512 He performed an exalted funeral service for the khan. Also in the autumn of that year according to the previous custom he met with the Emperor in the woods [full of] wild animals. In winter he went back to the Palace (i.e. Beijing) and spent there the New Year, and the rest according to the previous custom. On the twenty second of the third hor month547 of the Iron Dragon year called dpa’ bo (1700) he left the Palace and traveled 513 to Mongolia with no delay548 to the nomadic dwelling place used previously [by him].549 From the Khalkha left wing,550 Sechen Khan’s ayimag, many great and petty nobles and common people of high and low status came with many mounts [as o erings]: relay551 camels, horses etc. Countless

singular. 545511-2: Tib. dge rtsa mdzad, Mong. buyan-u yosu£ilan iledk . In Skt.: ku–alamula ‘fundamentally positive factors, virtuous deeds created in the present and in former lives’. According to the Buddhist idea good actions, virtuous life, will bring rewards in the future. 546511-3: Tib. hor zla dang po’i nyer lnga, while in the Mong. version £aγan sarayin qorin tabun ‘the twenty fth of the Tsagaan Sar, i.e. the New Year’. 547512-3: Tib. hor zla gsum pa. the date is expressed in the Mong. version as qabur[-]un seg l sara ‘the last spring month’. 548513-1: Tib. ma ’gyangs par, while in Mong. Converbum Modale of siγurqayila- ‘to do a thing with decision or determination’, Lessing 701b. 549Since Galdan Boshugtu died in 1697, now nally the Jetsundampa and his people were able to go back to their homeland. 550513-1: Tib. ru, Mong. qosiγu. See a note on p. 435-1.

551513-: Tib. u la, Mong. ulaγ-a ‘relay horses and means of transportation’, Lessing 869a. people moved by faith arrived. Jamba Daichin Vang [o ered] one hundred horses, and also the majority of the other great and petty nobles 514 welcomed [the Master] and respected him with incomprehensible reverence. In the Iron Serpent year called khyu mchog (1701) he went to visit the image of Erdeni Jobo and to give instruction in the works of its restoration. He spread seeds [of consecration] from [his own] hand. The Khalkha great and petty nobles and many [believers who came] to have an audience with [him] were made satis ed by him spiritually and materially. 515 In the last winter month of that year he went to the Palace (i.e. Beijing) and in the year of the Water Horse called sna tshogs (1702) he spent the New Year, and the rest according to the previous custom. [Then] he traveled to Mongolian lands to rest in the camp residence. He prepared successively necessities for deep meditation and for general and personal use for religious services (sku rim) and for the excellent ten dharma practices increasing [them] like a waxing moon.  516 On this occasion the Tibetan great Tatsag Jedrung Rinpoche and Demo Tulku came to request [the Lord’s] blessing [in which he would place] a hand [on the head of the worshipped]. It was said that [previously] Tatsag Jedrung Rinpoche was on Galdan Boshugtu’s side and that the Emperor was not pleased by that fact. However, Zanabazar owing to [his] skilled means, forgave him and brought great bene t [to all]. 517 And the Emperor said: "[In general] among lamas I have not seen anyone who would be greater than Jetsundampa." I have personally heard him saying this two or three times for sure. "Among nobles this Lord alone is a unique embodiment of most excellent Khalkhas" he said and praised his vast knowledge. One day at the end of the previous Ox year (1697) 518 in the temple Cun cing teng (i.e. Zhongzhengdian) I went to greet Hung Thaihu. At that time the Lord [Jestundampa] was sitting in the Emperor’s small house located on the back side of the temple, accompanied only by little Chophel. Besides him and the two of us there was nobody else, [even his] attendants. 

At that moment the Lord [Jetsundampa] narrated about the Fifth Dalai Lama, who bestowed [on him] the empowerment of the Vajraval and who, at that occasion, sat dressed in the ornaments of the sixth universal monarch (cakravartin). 519 The ornaments were all made of bones and the Dalai Lama looked very impressive. When the [[[Master]]] told [us] about it for a long time [we] cried and wept. Then the Master said: "Don’t cry! Remove [the tears] from [your] eyes!" but even when he repeated it, the tears did not stop falling. In this situation I recalled that the Master was similar to Dromtonpa 520 who used to hide his excellent qualities. This is what [I] said indeed. He said to me: "whenever you recall the Master (i.e. the Fifth Dalai Lama) you should not weep, but think of him as a rare star visible during the daytime." means ‘child, girl, maiden’, Lessing 461. Zanabazar’s consort was referred to as ke ken noyon. Mong. deg means ‘younger brother or sister’, Lessing 246.  Previously the great ruler (i.e. the Fifth Dalai Lama)573 said with no respect about the Master Kunga Nyingpo (i.e. Taranatha)574 in his biography575 and it seemed that he supported576 the destruction of the silver stupa577 of the Tagten [[[monastery]]]578 and so on.579 521 Therefore, I was feeling a little bit unhappy. [Now, however, it was] like the sun rising in the dark hole full of my misconceptions. It cleared [them] away. But from the bottom of my heart I confess, that [I] regretted that [I] was not able to say it openly. [Regarding the Master’s teachings:] Some types of authorization (rjes gnang), especially the types of grand empowerments,580 such as the bsnyen ritual for the propitiation of deities581 were not included [in his curriculum] and usually [Jetsundampa] did not perform them. He said that he did not [even] receive them at all. These very bsnyen ritual for the propitiation 522 and the others which were not yet puri ed for performing the deeds of

understood. Bira did not translate this fragment. There is no translation of nyin skar in the Tibeto-Mongolian dictionary of Sumatiratna 1959. 573520-2: Tib. rgyal dbang mchog, while the Mong. version says explicitly ‘the Fifth Dalai Lama’: tabuduγar dalai blam-a. 574520-2: Tib. rje kun dga’ snying po, Mong. boγda g ngga ningbuu, i.e. Taranatha. 575520-3: Tib. rnam thar, Mong. £adig.

576520-3 521-1: Tib. brten tshul bstan ‘supported and pretended’, but in the Mong. version: †it nen uγ-taγan ... sana u ‘[I] believed and took as truth originally’. 57750-3: Tib. dngul gdung in which gdund stands for gdung rten ‘tomb, stupa (for a body)’ [IW]. In Mong. m ngg n suburγ-a, i.e. ‘silver stupa’. 578520-3: Tib. rtag brtan, Mong. taγdan. Full name: rTag brtan phun tshogs gling. Monastery founded in 1615 by Taranatha (1575-1634) as Jonangpa and in 1635 con scated and converted into Gelugpa. See TBRC G390. 579This passage refers to the hostility of the Fifth Dalai Lama towards Taranatha and the Jonangpa and his activity connected with them. It seems that owing to the Jetsundampa’s kind words about the Fifth Dalai Lama, Zaya Pandita could dismiss his own doubts regarding the Dalai Lama and his relationship with the Jetsundampa. 580521-3: Tib. dbang chen, Mong. yeke abi†ig. 581521-3: Tib. bsnyen pa, Mong. nin(g)ba. Bira translates as nyamba, i.e. ‘meditation’, Bira 1995: 20. man.d.ala and those that were meant as suitable due to their meaning those [he] received. Especially, Khedub Thamche Khyenpa said: "those [[[lamas]]] who do not know the Tantric meaning of rites, who do not keep vows and samaya commitments, who restrain [themselves] from yoga practices with improper retreat as well as wrong practices with any of their undertakings, make abhis.eka for their disciple followers [only] a re ected image." 523 [Regarding] those who follow mo divination, astrological instructions, who listen to the words of physicians and then refute their pledges giving one hundred abhis.eka transmissions to such disciples is [like being] a trader. This is the re ected image of the abhis.eka of sadhana methods of hell." This is what he said. [And] this is similar to belief in a self because applying name of the abhis.eka to whatever is available 524 made them (i.e. abhis.eka) many and those who perform [them] and who seem to be genuine [as well] and therefore it gives impression that they do it for the bene t [of others].

Furthermore Lord Maæju–r said to the great Lord Tsongkhapa: "Do  not perform [di erent] kinds of abhis.eka.585 Otherwise [your] span of a lifetime will become short, distance to the supreme accomplishment (siddhi) will be far reaching and the bene t for the [[[Buddhist]]] teachings will be insigni cant" he said. This is the reason why during his lifetime 525 in general [[[Master]]] did not perform abhis.eka except giving some authorizations rjes gnang [to abhis.eka]. It seems to be similar to the teachings in the supplement to the biography of the Lord of Accomplishment (i.e. Tsongkhapa), [written] by Lama Togdenpa. 585524-2: In Mong. the sense of the utterance is not clear. The last verb, which is hard to decipher, ends on -bai/-bei indicating past action. However, the interrogative particle -buu can be added after past forms, see Poppe 1991: 92. If it is tulabai it means ‘relied on’. Or perhaps it is written for kelebei meaning ‘said’. Better tting would be other verbs, for example iled ‘to act, to make’ with prohibitive particle buu used before the verb, as it is in this case. There seems to be su x - d indicating plural form added to dz il, but again it is not written clearly enough. Then, the meaning would be: ‘Do not rely on the instructions (?) of abhis.eka’. Bira 1995: 21 translates it as: avishig zarligiin z iliig b ild which means: ‘Do not perform instructions (?) of abhis.eka’. 

If one would like to learn [about it] Togden said the following: "those who are not given authorization (rjes gnang) and instructions (bka’i rigs) to abhis.eka 526 should be the object of examination with regard to how do they respect the lineage of empowerment of Guhyasamaja and transmission of certain authorization (rje gnang) of the Lord Tsongkhapa. Moreover, this Lord’s (i.e. Zanabazar’s) enlightened mind (i.e. bodhicitta) is [full of] limitless love and compassion. Beggars from all directions of great variety594 approximately on one thousand occasions and at least about ve hundred times 527 were given summer and winter clothing continuously and served with food and drink uninterruptedly. He told me repeatedly that during any actions he trusted just the guru and the Three Jewels and he was never deceived by them. In the Ox year (1697) during the ceremony for stability and longevity [upon my request] about the previously mentioned biography (namthar) [of his]:   528 [he said:] "I do no have such an exemplary "self-liberation story" as great lamas. Nevertheless, if [you] start [your work] from recollecting the kindness of great lamas,600 I agree [that you may write a biography] as tiny as a grain.601 Do not write compliments with obvious fabrications!"602 he ordered. Although from the Fire Tiger year (1686) called zad pa until now [I] made supplication to tell his liberation story (rnam thar), 529 was it because I was [too] busy and due to that I did not have free time [to write it], or was it because I was not fortunate,603 or because the time has not come yet604 regardless of the reason it did not happen. [The Master] constructed numerous images symbolizing body, speech and mind [of the Buddha]. He always made o erings to them without interruptions. Especially in the middle palace605 every day 530 he prepared and gave606 o erings of seven kinds (i.e. seven limb puja) a hundred times.607

the previous lives of the Buddha’ as well as their ideological implications see chapter "The Author and the Text" of the present work. 600528-2: Tib. bka’ drin. In Mong. should be written not as a£ai, but as a£i, which carries the same meaning as the Tib. word, see Lessing 7. 601The comparison to grain does not appear in the Mong. version which says tob£i ted iken ‘as insigni cant as a summary’, although word tob£i can be translated as well as ‘button’, Lessing 810b.

602In Tib. the sentence is quite clear, however, in Mong. it is not. Probably orbuyilγa u stems from orbui- ‘to bristle’. Perhaps for: urbaγulγa u. See Lessing 616b and 680b, and Bawden 386a. Bira 1995: 21 omits this fragment in his translation. 603529-1: Tib. skal ba dang mi ldan pa, Mong. qubi-l ge ese teg s gsen. 604529-2: Tib. dus la ma babs. However, in Mong. £aγ-taγan g r gd i (?) aγsan which is not clear. One would expect £aγ-taγan ese k r gsen. Bira 1995: 21 translates tsag n’ es bolson ‘time has not come’. 605529-3: Tib. gzims gur bar ma, Mong. dumdadu ordon. In Tib. lit. ‘middle tent’, in Mong. ‘middle palace’. 606530-1: Tib. bshams shing phul ba, Mong. beledkel erg k i. 607529-3 530-1: Tib. mchod pa rnam pa bdun brgya tshar, translated into Mong. 529-3: doloγan aγun ‘seven hundred’, which is incorrect. In the Mong. version the word ‘o er- And foremost he venerated the Three Jewels. His [[[activity]]] was similar to the spiritual guide Phuchungba. He (i.e. Jetsundampa) constructed the monastery Ribo Gegye Ling with holy images and furthermore [cast] a statue of the Buddha Vajradhara and many others. Moreover he [copied] Kanjur two or three times. 531 He exerted himself in erecting eight silver stupas and three supports (i.e. images, scriptures and mind). It was like the [[[deeds]] of the] spiritual guide Chenngaba. Also the division of monks in [the Tibetan provinces] U and Tsang during peaceful times614 in two colleges [reached] over two thousand monks and today it is approximately one ing’ is missing. Instead there is ‘preparation’ beledkel. Bira 1995: 22 translates this fragment di erently: ‘he made hundred times o erings of seven items’ doloon z iliin takhilyg zuun udaa g itset. The ‘seven limb puja’ ritual can be recited in a shorter way, included in the "Prayers to Samantabhadra", or longer, found in antideva’s "Engaging in the Bodhisattva Deeds" (i.e. Bodhisattvacaryavatara). See Geshe Lhundup Sopa 2008: 158. The o erings may consist of seven bowls with water etc.  thousand monks to whom he always pays respect and is sincerely devoted. 532 This is similar to pursuing the enlightened life (rnam thar) of the spiritual guide Potoba. He [mastered] the scriptural traditions of sutra and mantra, as well as arts, medicine, astrology and other conventional elds of knowledge which [became] as wide as the sky and made him the peak of learned ones. Having threefold vows, unsullied by the impurities,

533 he became the nest of virtuous ones. To all beings without distinction he became the great treasure of compassion who reached to the highest limits. He listened to numerous supreme teachings from eminent tutors starting with the Dalai Lama. And he heard collections of scriptures and contemplated them until he attained the complete rest of mind. He studied, and listened and contemplated always long before dawn until well after noon,  534 and in the evenings he received many people in audience. While going to the sleeping chamber also he was striving to practice his samaya vows rmly and meditated on renunciation. He performed virtuous deeds for the doctrine and beings, limitless like the waves of an ocean of goodness timely self-existing and ever- owing in order to increase the wheel of deeds.

535 Also in terms of the wheel of three spheres he greatly clari ed the northern precious dharma [and it was such a splendor] as if he had stolen a thousand [times] the brightness of the Lord of the ‘Day Maker’, i.e. Sun. Due to the activation of habitual tendencies of [[[Master’s]]] former incarnations, in his very early age he mastered Sanskrit and Tibetan languages unequalled. I did not know Sanskrit [so I can not judge his knowledge], however, the Tibetan language [which I knew] 536 he knew better than the Tibetans regarding all tiny details and [there-  fore it is clear that] he knew Sanskrit similarly well. He composed writings [which] were like those explained above627 not showing [his own] knowledge and talents. He hided them and he did not include them in whatever he composed, where all words regarding their meaning and composition are ‘eloquent elucidation’ (legs bshad). Nevertheless, according to [the Master’s] words: 537 "there are many ‘eloquent elucidations’ by high lamas. Therefore, while practicing dharma what should be done by me?" he said. "Composing [[[religious]] teachings] was never [my] desire." Nevertheless, since worshippers insisted, he agreed and gradually he [composed] at the request of Umdzad Choje, "Guru-yoga relying on Tsongkhapa". 627536-2: Tib. gsum du bshad pa which means: ‘explained in three’, however, the correct meaning is written in the xylograph: gong du bshad pa ‘explained above’. Mong. urid nomlaγsan ‘explained earlier’.  538 Upon the request by Lovon634 Shireyet Sangye Tashi635 [he composed] sKyer sgang pa las brgyud pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor rgyas pa.636 By himself he wrote ’Khrungs rabs gsol ’debs, Phun tshogs sku gsum ma, and numerous [texts], similar to them. [Regarding] his own row of pupils:640 the head lama of the Lord, the incarnation of the precious throne holder of Geden (i.e Ganden), Sangye Rinchen, the abbot of Jayul,

539 Sharkhang Nomun Khaan; a disciple from Tashilhunpo [[[monastery]]], 634537-3: Tib. slob dpon, Mong. lubbun ‘preceptor’. It translates the Skt. acarya. The Mong. version is a borrowing from Tib. 635537-3: Tib. shr ye thu sangs rgyas bkra shis, Mong. sireyet sang ai ta†i. The rst element in both languages is the Mong. title which should be rendered correctly in Mong. as sireget and which denotes someone who occupies the throne, ‘throne holder’, ‘abbot’ and translates Tib. khri pa. 636In the Catalogue by Byambaa 2004: 5-6, no 00003 this text is listed under the title Rang rang gi rtsa ba’i bla ma la sbyar chog pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor skyer sgang pa las brgyud pa’i gdams pas brgyan pa.  Mergen Nomun Khaan,644 as well as a relative645 Nomun Khaan Kushonpa;646 the one who incarnated in many master practitioners from India and Tibet starting with holy sthavira Angaja647 Tongkhor

Sereeter gives his title as Sergan Khutagt and his name as: Luvsan-jambal-danzan i.e. Blo bzang ’jam dpal bstan ’dzin. In Modern Mong. the title which he was bestowed is written as Khanbo nomon khan, see Sereeter 1999: 97. 644539-1: Tib. mer ken no mon khang, Mong. mergen nom[-]un qaγan. In the Ngawang Yeshe Thubten’s biography of 1839 he is listed on the seventh position (p. 397-5). In its Mongolian version it says: †abtai nom-un qan, which Tib. glosses read as: zhabs gras ‘servant, attendant’ (K mpfe 1981: 377, f. 58r23). In the biography of 1874 he is also listed in the seventh position (f. 75r5). His name was Peljor Rabten (dPal ’byor rab brtan, Modern Mong. Baljor-ravdan). He was sent to Mongolia to accompany Jetsundampa and became chos rje of his monastery. Later he was appointed the abbot of Ikh Kh ree, Khanbo Nomun Khaan. Sereeter 1999: 97-98 gives his titles as: Mergen tsorj and khanbo nomon khan. 645539-2: Tib. sku nye ‘relative, kinsman, relation’ [RY], but translated into Mong. as teg n qubilγan, i.e. ‘his incarnation’. 646539-2: Tib. sku gzhon pa ‘junior, younger’, not a name, but expression explaining that he was his next incarnation, as it is suggested by the Mong. version. His name was Geleg Rabten Dorje (dGe legs rab brtan rdo rje, Modern Mong. Gelegravdandorj 16631702). He was a son of Gonchigdorji Tayiji from the qosiγu of Ganden Dorji (Modern Mong. Galdandorji), see Sereeter 1999: 98. Geleg Rabten Dorje was the abbot of Ikh Kh ree in 1681-1691. In the biography of 1839 he is listed as the eighth disciple (p. 397-5) and in its Mongolian version he is called: ‘personal favorite’: biye-yin sidar (f. 58r23-24). In his translation K mpfe 1981: 337 omitted this person.

647539-2: Tib. gnas brtan pa yan lag ’byung, Mong. aγui †it gen- yanglaγ i ng. Tib. term gnas brtan describes ‘sthavira of the ravaka school’, ‘ rm in his place’. Tib. yan lag ’byung is the Tib. rendering of the Skt. name Angaja, one of the 16 arhats. Shabdrung Jampel Sangpo;648 the manifestation of Khuton, 540 the incarnation of the precious throne holder Gyelkhangtseba Peljor Gyatso, Losang Tenzin; the incarnation of the great accomplished one Legtsog Lhundrub precious abbot Nomun Khaan; 648539-3: Tib. stong ’khor zhabs drung ’jam dpal bzang po, Mong. dongqor sabd n imbal sangpuu. The sTong ’khor monastery and its lineage are important for the Mongols, since the second incarnation, Yonten Gyatso (Yon tan rgya mtsho, 1557-1587), was a teacher of Altan Khan (see TBRC P2043). In Bawden 1961: 37 he is called Maæju–r ’Jam dbyangs chos rje or ’Jam dbyangs rgya mtsho. About the early Tibetan sTong ’khor incarnations see Martin 2007. On sTong ’khor incarnations with relations to the Mongols see Terbish 2008: 64-65, 246-247. On the unusual way of reincarnation of Gyelba Gyatso (rGyal ba rgya mtsho, 1588-1639) from Kham see narration in the autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Karmay 2015: 202). According to the information by Ganzorig Davaaochir the second sTong ’khor incarnation, Yon tan rgya mtsho, reincarnated not only once, in Kham, but in the same year 1588 also in Khalkha and in Ordos. Tib. zhabs drung means ‘title in the monastery to secretary of a high priest’, Rerikh vol. 8: 56. In TBRC records (P1768) there is mentioned Tongkor Shabdrung called Jamyang Pelden (’Jam dbyangs dpal ldan, 1682-1754), who was active in Mongolia. Perhaps here his name is given in another form.  the one who previously gave the Vajraval initiation of tradition of Abhayakara[[[gupta]]]655 to all those interested in it from among Khalkha and Oirat, the incarnation of Dorjechang Shabdrung656 Ochirdara Khuthuktu;657 preceptor of Kyilkhang [[[Wikipedia:college|college]]], 541 incarnation of venerable Sangye Pelsang, Erdeni Noyan Khutugtu; incarnation of venerable Sangye Sangpo, Dalai Maæju–r f. 58r18-19; Tib. text Lokesh Chandra 1982: 397-3). He is known popularly in Mongolia as Lamyn Gegeen or Khanchin Choijal. He was the rst one from his line of incarnations who was born in Mongolia. See monograph on him by Byambaa 2009. 655540-2: a bhya ka ra’i lugs. In Skt. Abhayakara[[[gupta]]]. See translation of p. 439-1. 656540-3: Tib. rdo rje ’chang zhabs drung. Tib. rdo rhe ’chang translates Skt. Vajradhara in Skt. Ganzorig Davaaochir pointed out to me that in the vol. ga, p. 217b of Zaya Pandita’s thob yig there is information on Dorjechang Shabdrung Jinpa Dargye (rDo rje ’chang zhabs drung sbyin pa dar rgyas), who bestowed rDo rje phreng ba and many other rituals on Oirats and Khalkhas and that he is mentioned in the biography of the Oirat Zaya Pandita (see Ravjamba... 2008: 69) as Ochir dar khutagt, who arrived to teach Buddhism to the Mongols at the request of Jasagtu Khan. 657540-3: Tib. o chir ta ra khu thug thu, Mong. va£ir dar-a qutuγtu. Both forms, Tibetan and Mongolian, denote Skt. Vajradhara. On the reincarnation called Ochirdara Khutuγtu see the footnote above.  Khutugtu;663 incarnation of Jang Rampa,664 precious Throne Holder of Geden, Losang Khutugtu; incarnation of Ilagugsan Choje who was enthroned as Lama Shang; 542 incarnation of venerable Tsultrim Ch phelba, Gandan Khutugtu; venerable of Shartse, incarnation of Peljor Wangpo, [called] Shartse the Tibetan name as: Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, though the Mongolian letters and Tibetan glosses read Sangs rgyas bzang po (p. 377, f. 58r27). 663541-2: Tib. ta la’i maæju shr khu thug thu, Mong. dalai manzusiri qutuγtu. See note to p. 457-2. There is a bilingual Tibeto-Mongolian letter at the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives (no 1579) in which the incarnation Erdeni Manjusiri Dalai Khutugtu is mentioned. The letter sent from Potala to the Mongols was written in the Iron Sheep year, which could have been 1631, 1691 or 1751 of the 17th-18th century period. Since the name of the Fifth Dalai Lama and Jampa Lingpa (Byams pa gling pa) were mentioned in this letter as well, perhaps it was written in 1691, not long after the events described, although someone wrote on the letter the date 1751. I am grateful to Ganzorig Davaaochir for pointing to this document. 664541-2-3: Tib. ljang ram pa is mentioned in the "Collected Works" of the Fifth Dalai Lama: dga’ ldan khri rin po che ljang ram pa, i.e. ‘Jang Rampa, the throne holder of the Ganden monastery’ (TBRC W1PD107937, p. 231-232), as well as in his autobiography (Karmay 2015 : 173), however, no more details are provided. 

Khutugtu;670 Lama of Gandan Jangtsi,671 incarnation of Chokyong Gyatso, Erdeni Ilagugsan Khutugtu;672 venerable of Je [[[Wikipedia:college|college]]] of the Sera [[[monastery]]],673 incarnation of Jampa Monlam, Pandita Nomun Khan; 543 incarnation of Lama of the Gomang [[[Wikipedia:college|college]]] of the Drepung [[[monastery]]], Ilagugsan Khutugtu; incarnation of Tulku Sonam Yeshe 670542-1-2: Tib. dpal ’byor dbang po’i sku skye shar rtse khu thug thu, Mong. bal ur vangbu-yin qubilγan †arzi qutuγ tu. Chos rje dpal ’byor dbang po is mentioned in the "Collected Works" (gsung ’bum) of Panchen Lama (First / Fourth), see TBRC W23430 and W9848. 671542-2: Tib. dga’ ldan byang rtsi, Mong. γa[n]dan ang zi. Byang rtse is one of two teaching colleges at the Ganden monastery (see TBRC G77). 672542-2-3: Tib. chos skyong rgya mtsho’i sku skye er te ni e la kug sang khu thug thu, Mong. £uyi £in am£u-yin qubilγan erdeni ilaγuγsan qutuγ-tu. Chokyong Gyatso (1473-1539) was an abbot of the Jangtse (Byang rtse) college of the Ganden monastery and an important Gelugpa teacher (see TBRC P3160). His rst incarnation who started the line (called in Modern Mong. Yalgusan Khutagt) was ’Gro mgon bstan pa’i nyi ma according to his biography (information provided by Ganzorig Davaaochir). 673542-3: Tib. ser byes pa is a short form of ser byes dpe mdzod. Mong. ser ei ba. Je (Tib. Byes) college of the Sera monastery (TBRC G155). Wangpo,677 Naran Khutugtu;678 incarnation of venerable Chonyer Dragpa,679 Shiret Khutugtu; B t gsen Khutugtu; incarnation of Gangchen Khenpo; incarnation of Mergen Nomun Khan; 677543-1-2: Tib. sprul sku bsod nams ye shes dbang po, Mong. b rilg sodnam ye†i vangbu. bSod nams ye shes dbang po (1556-1592) founded the monastery Thub bstan chos ’khor in Lithang at the order of the Third Dalai Lama (see TBRC P100). According to the information in the next footnote sPrul sku bSod nams chos kyi nyi ma would be expected here instead of him. 678543-2: Tib. na rang khu thug thu, Mong. naran qutuγtu. According to Ganzorig 2005: 3 this title was rst used in Mongolia to denote the 23rd reincarnation of mahasiddha Virupa (Tib. Bir wa pa), the Tibetan lama bSod nams chos kyi nyi ma, who was invited for the opening ceremony of the monastery of Zaya Pandita and from whom this line of incarnations started in Mongolia. His Mongolian incarnation Sangs rgyas snang grags was con rmed by the Third (or Sixth) Panchen Lama (1737-1780).

679543-2-3: Tib. chos gnyer grags pa, Mong. £uyiner daγba. Perhaps there is a spelling mistake, and it refers to bShes gnyen grags pa, the 29th abbot of Ganden in 1607-1614, see TBRC P5571.  544 Rabten,684 Jigmed Dorje Dalai Khutugtu;685 Dethang Pandita Khutugtu;686 incarnation of ijing Noyan;687 incarnation of Neyichi Toyin of K ke Khota; venerable of Tho Samling, incarnation of Legshe Peldenpa, Mergen Choje; Ilagugsan, incarnation of Gyepa Shabdrung; preceptor 545 Shireget Sangye Tashi; Lama of the home monastery of Darpa Pandita Choje; Mergen Pandita Rabjampa were the main disci- 684544-1: Tib. rab brtan, Mong. rabdan. His full name was Geleg Rabten Dorje, (dGe legs rab brtan rdo rje), he was born in 1663. He became the third Khambo Nomun Khan of Ikh Khuree, i.e. head lama of the headquarters of Jetsundampa, between 1681-1691. Died in 1702, see Sereeter 1999: 98-99. 685544-1: Tib. ’jigs med rdo rje ta la’i khu thug thu, Mong. igmed dor ei dalai qutuγtu. 686544-1: Tib. bde thang pan. d.ita khu thug thu, Mong. de tang bandida qutuγtu. According to Ganzorig Davaaochir his name was Luvsantsultimnamjal, i.e Tib. Blo bzang tshul khrims rnam rgyal. 687544-1-2: Tib. ui tsen no yon gyi sku skye, Mong. i ing noyan-u qubilγan. In this way Zaya Pandita mentioned himself, since he was known as the reincarnation of the son of i ing Noyan (Uyizin, Uizen in Modern Mongolian). ijing Noyan was mentioned earlier in this biography (p. 417-2) as one of Zanabazar’s predecessors.  ples. And also many other masters,696 great and petty, and o cials great and petty headed by the three khaans697 of Khalkha, and many ordained and lay people698 of high or low [[[Wikipedia:status|status]]].699

546 And starting with us, all disciples [who strived] to gain the essence of Dharma700 beyond calculation and number, beyond words, in this way the teachings of the northern direction701 for the bene t of limitless beings of the earth702 547 shall increase by all pervading actions just like Lotus-footed vajra, [which is] unchangeable, spontaneously consecrated and rmly established. 548 Now I, as well as other students,703 [who] take refuge in holy protectors, pray to be rm and Lotus-footed in one hundred eons.704

was mentioned earlier in the biography (p. 464-3) in the fragment about the meeting at K ren Belcher in 1686. 696545-2: Tib. bla ma, Mong. blam-a. 697545-3: Tib. rgyal po, Mong. qaγan. 698545-3: Tib. skya ser ‘ordained and lay people’ [RY]. 699546-1: Tib. mchog dman ‘high or low’ [RY]. It means also ‘rank, social status’ [RY]. 700546-1: Tib. chos kyi bdud rtsi, Mong. nom-un arsiyan. 701I.e. Buddhism, 546-3: Tib. byang phyogs kyi bstan pa, Mong. umar-a g- n †a in. 702546-3: In Tib. a poetical expression for earth: rgya mtsho’i gos can [IW] from Skt.: sagaramvara which lit. means: ‘ocean-clad’, see also Rerikh, vol. 2: 34. In Mong. del[e]kei, which is regular expression for ‘earth, world, universe’, Lessing 248b. 703548: Tib. gdul bya lit. ‘someone to be tamed / trained, a tamable being’, ‘those to be trained / tamed’ [RY]. In Mong. the same meaning: nomuqadqaqui amitan, i.e. ‘beings to be tamed’. 704In the translation of Bira 1995: 24-25 into Modern Mong. there is a long passage where many Zanabazar’s works are quoted. It is extant in the Buryat manuscript version. (Colophon added to the Tibeto-Mongolian version, extant in the version included in Zaya Pandita’s gsung ’bum) 549 And saying so, Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei Pelsangpo composed this biography of the fteenth reincarnation of the supreme Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo and included it in his gsan yig (i.e. "Records of Teachings Received").

188 CHAPTER 4. ANNOTATED TRANSLATION 

Chapter 5

Transliteration

5.1 Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript

References are made to the transliteration of the bilingual text by Jin Chengxiu 2002 abbreviated as JC, as well as to the xylograph editions: Lokesh Chandra’s edition 1981: 124-154; Beijing original xylograph, vol. nga, . 62v6-77v2; Byambaa Ragchaa’s edition 2012, . 34b6-49b2. 411 T 1 rje btsun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i thun mong ba’i rnam thar bsdus ba bzhugs 412 T 1 na mo gu ru | (124-6=62v6=BR 34b1) rgyal ba gnyis pa blo bzang grags pa yi M 1 nam (JC namo-ya) g r qoyadu-γar ilaγuγsan sumadi giridisumadi giridi-yin T 2 bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan ’dzin pa’i mchog gyur pa | snyigs dus ’gro ba’i M 2 sa in-u duvaza bariqu-yin manglai boluγsan c b (for: £ b- n) £aγ-un amitan-i 413 T 1 ’dren pa bla na med | (125-1=63r1=BR 35a1) rje btsun bla ma’i zhabs la gsol 189

M 1 udariddu£i (for: udduriduγ£i) tengsel gei . get lgeg£i blam-a-yin lmei-d r alba- T 2 ba ’debs | | zhes (125-1: | missing) pa’i bstod yul du gyur pa bco lnga pa rje btsun ... (125-1: + blo bzang) M 2 -rimui . kemek i maγtan γal (for: maγtaγal)-un oron boluγsan arban tabuduγar get lg.eg£i 414 T 1 bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i thung mong ma yin pa’i rnam thar pa ni | skabs gsum par M 1 sumadi sa in-u duvaza siri bhadara san yer busu-yin £adig kemebes sgabs (JC sgbas) gsum-ba-dur T 2 mkha’ lding (125-2) dbang pos mkha’ la bgrod bgrod nas | | (125-2: | missing) nam zhig rang stobs bri bas ldog ’gyur gyi | | nam M 2 ig rten- erken γarudi ber oγtarγui-dur nis£ nis£ nigen £aγtur ber[-] n k £ n-iyen muqura u bu£aγsan bui -a) T 3 mkha’ zad pas ldog par mi ’gyur bzhin | | khyod gyi yon tan brjod ba’ang de ltar lags | | zhes gsungs M 3 oγtarγui-yi baruγsan-iyar bu£aγsan busu met £inu (JC £in ) erdem-i g leg£i £u tere met b l ge kemen nomlaγsan 415 T 1 pa ltar bskal pa nas bskal pa’i bar du brjod (125-3) kyang mtha’ mi rdzogs pa dang | sangs rgyas M 1 γalab-a£a γalab k rtel-e g lebe£ ki iγar (for: ki aγar) l teg sk i ba . imaγta burqan T 2 ’phags pa nang phan tshun kho na’i yul ma gtogs bdag lta bu’i so so skye tha mal pa’i spyod yul las ’das M 2 qutuγ-tan dotor-a aγur-a-ban edlek i-yin oron-a£a busu bi met yin tele berteg£in arad-un edlek i oron-a£a keterigsen (for: ket regsen) T 3 mod (125-3: mdo, for: mod, BR 35a3 correctly) | ’on kyang gdul bya thun mong ba’i snang ngor bshes gnyen dam pa’i tshul bzung (125-3: bzungs)... pa’i thun (125-4) mong ba’i rnam

M 3 amu : bolba£u yer -yin amitan-u egdel-d r deged baγsi-yin d ri bariγsan anu : niyte £adig-un 416 T 1 thar rgya mtsho lta bu las | dad gus kyi ku sha’i rtse mos cung zad blangs te brjod par bya ba ni | tshe ring gnam gyi M 1 dalai met -e£e s s g bi†iral-un g †i-yin eg r (for: g r)-iyer £ ken abuγsan ayan (for: -iyan) nomlan ileds γ.ai (for: ileds gei) tere £u erte tngri T 2 she mong gis ’phags yul rgya gar chu bo gganga (125-4: gangga) tshun nas rgya nag | bod mgo dkar sogs skad rigs mi gcig M 2 nere£e (JC nere n, for: ner- n) ayaγ-a-tai qutuγ-tan-u oron enedkeg- n γangγa m ren-e£e inaγ†i nanggiyad t bed qotun (JC qotung) terig ten kelen- il nige busu T 3 pa du mar stobs kyis ’khor (125-5) los bsgyur ba tshangs pa mi’i gzugs can ching gi rgyal po zhes yongs su grags pa M 3 olan arad-u (for: -un) k £ n-iyer aluγutan (JC jiluγutan) urbuγuluγsan (JC urbaγuluγsan) asarun (for: esru-a) k m n- d ri bariγsan qaγan kemen oγuγada aldar†iγsan 417 T 1 de nas rgyal rabs nyi shu rtsa bdun na | pa (125-5: sa, for: pa, BR 35a5 correctly) thu mong kho ta yan rgyal po byung | de la sras bcu gcig M 1 ten(g)de-e£e qaγad-un y-e qorin doloduγar-tur patu (JC batu) m ngke dayan qaγan boluγsan teg nd r (for: teg n-d r) arban nigen T 2 yod pa’i bcu pa tsal ’ir hong (125-5: hor, for: hong) tha’i ji | de la sras bdun (125-6) yod pa’i gsum pa u’i tsen no yon | de la sras drug M 2 aginar aγsan-u arbaduγar oi alaran (for: alair, JC: alaraγ) qungtayi i teg n-d r doloγan eki (for: agi) aγsan-u γutaγar i eng (JC: ui£ang) noyan teg n-d r irγuγan

T 3 yod pa’i che ba a pu tha’i zhes bya ba rgyal po ra ma n.a’i khengs pa ’phrog pa’i dpa’ rtsal dang ldan pa des o’i rod M 3 agi aγsan-u auγan anu abutai (JC: abudai) ner[e]t qaγan ide k £ n anu ramd (JC: ramad) omoγ-i : bulayaqu (for: buliyaqu)-yin £oγ ide-l ge teg s gsen m n k tere[-]ber oirod-tur 418 T 1 la dmag dpung chen po bteg ste o’i rod stong phrag mang po bsad o’i rod (126-1=63v1=BR 35b1) thams cad dbang du bsdud M 1 £ereg (JC £erig)- n m g yekede mord(a) u oirod-un ulus-a£a olan mingγan toγatan daru u qamuγ oirod-i erke degen quriya u T 2 rang gi sras gcig kyang o’i rod kyi rgyal por bskos de rjes thams cad mkhyen pa bsod nams rgya mtsho M 2 ber- n nige agi-yi £u oyirod-un qaγan bolγan saγulγaγad teg n qoyin-a qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i sodnam ims -yin g.eg.en T 3 sog (126-1: sogs, incorrectly) yul du phebs skabs mjal bar byon | mchod yon thugs yid gcig tu ’dres phag mo grub (for: gru pa) M 3 -ten (JC tan) mongγol-un oron-dur alaraqu-yin u£ir m rg r-e gede bol(a) u blam-a g.(e)lige-yin e£en (for: e en) qoyar[-]un tuγtam sedg.kil (for: sedkil) imaγta taγarladu u (for: taγaraldu u) paγmu d b 419 T 1 rdo rje (126-2) rgyal po’i sku thang me thub ma zhig gnang ste rdo rje rgyal po zhes pa’i mtshan gnang | er te ni M 1 bazar (JC: vajra) raza-yin k r g met b ma kemek nigen soyorqa u va£ar qaγan kemegdek ner-e qayirlabai ten(g)de-e£e erdeni uu T 2 jo bo zhes pa’i lha khang sku dang bcas pa khyad par (126-2 par missing) du ’phags pa cig (for: zhig) bzhengs | tsha khar rgyal po’i mi sna las M 2 kemek keyid s m-e burqan †it g.en-l ge-selte ilangγuy-a ket rkei nigen-i b t ge £aqar qaγan el£iner-e£e T 3 sog yig gi skad cha gsan nas mi ’ga’ (126-3) zhig sog yig slob tu btang nas dam pa’i chos kyi srol btong M 3 mongγol bi£ig- n kelen- il sonosun ayiladduγad (JC ...daγad) nige ked n k m n-i mongγol bi£ig surγar-a ileg.e deg.ed nom-un qauli bayiγul u γu£in tabun 420 T 1 dgung lo sum cu so lngar gnam du gshegs par grags | de (126-3: de’i) sras e re khe’i mer ken rgyal po | de sras M 1 tabun seg der deger-e-ben tngri bolba (JC: bolbai) kemen al-darsi uγui (for: ...- uqui) teg n[-] agi anu erkei merg.en qaγan bui teg n[-] agi anu T 2 rdo rje thu she ye thu rgyal po zhes bstan srid gnyis la mkhyen spyan yangs (126-4) pa de ni | rje ’di’i yab yin la | yum M 2 va£ari (JC: va£irai) t £iyet (for: t siyet ) qaγan kemek †a£in (for: †a in) t r qoyar yeke aγuda iledd g£i tere kemebes enek boγda-yin e£ege (for: e£ige) buyu eke-yi £u T 3 yang rje nyid kyi mes po rdo rje rgyal po chen po’i gcung gis sras mo’i sras mo gzugs mdzes lta na sdug cing M 3 boγda-yin ber[-] n eb ge e£ege (for: e£ige) yeke va£ar (JC: va£ir) qaγan-u deg -yin abaqai-yin abaqai ibes (for: ebes ) γuu-a d rs esk leng sayin aburitu 421 T 1 tshul bzang ma zhes pa ltar btsun mo’i yon tan dang ldan pa mkha’ ’gro rgya mtsho zhes bya ba’i yab M 1 g.egdegsen met qatud-un erdem-l ge teg s γ.sen qangda im£u kemegdek e£ege (JC: e£ige) T 2 yum (126-5) gnyis kyi sras su na chod (for: tshod, BR 35b5 correctly) ldan ces pa shing phag lo’i hor zla dgu ba’i nyi shu lnga’i snga dro ngo mtshar pa’i ltas du ma

M 2 eke qoyar agi bolun ayaγa u na£uddan kemek modon γaqai il[] n saranyaγul-un yis d ger sara[-]yin (for: sar-a-yin) qorin tabun-u rl ge sonin γayiqamsiγ-tu olan T 3 dang bcas te sku btams (for: bltams) | sku bltams ba’i gzims gur spos pa’i shul tu (126-5: du, correctly) dgun dus yin kyang me tog M 3 aru-a (for: erge) belge-l ge selte eg de nege qubilbai qubiluγsan ordu qar†i £aγ inu eb l £u bolba masi sayiqan £e£eg nigen uruγaγsan 422 T 1 legs pa cig (for: zhig) skyes par (126-6) grags | thog mar byams pa gling no mon khang gis dgung lo bzhi’i thog gtsug phud M 1 g.elen (for: kelen) ten(g)de£e ang terig n imba ling nomon qaγan ber d rben seg der uγulaγsan-u deger-e alaγad T 2 zhus shing dge bsnyen gyi sdom pa phul | dgung lo gsum bzhes pa’i dus nyi ma re la snga sor thugs ’dzin ma gnang M 2 san(g)var erg bei γurban seg der uγulaγsan £aγ-taγan urid £egenilg l n (JC: cege ileg l n, correctly) ese ayiladqaγsan bolba£u ed r b ri T 3 yang thugs thog nas mtshan brjod tshar (127-1=64a1=BR 36a1) gnyis tsam zhal ’don mdzad | dgung lo lnga’i steng du khri ’don mdzad M 3 naman sanggri (JC: sangbri) di-yi tubdan abuγ(a)saγar qosiyadun ted i £ege i-ber ung†in ileddegsen (for: iledd gsen) kelen . tabun seg der uγulaγsan deger-e †iregen-e γarun 423 T 1 pa’i sgo nas rten ’brel legs par bsgrigs | mkhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes kyi sku’i skye ba M 1 ayiladqu-yin eg den (JC: eg de)-e£e belge sayitur okiyabai mer-gen sidatu budda zana-yin gegen- qoyitu t r l T 2 dben sa sprul pa’i skus rab byung gi mkhan po mdzad de | (1272 = 64a2) mtshan blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal pa’i (127-2: rgyal pa’i missing, correct) rgyal mtshan tu (127-2: du, correct)

M 2 ben(g)s-a (JC: bense) qubilγan gegen ber maγad γar(a)qui-yin ub[a]dani (for: ubadini, JC: ubatani) okiya u tere ber . ner-e-yi sumadi sa in-u duvaza T 3 gsol zhing | mgon po’i rjes gnang phul | de nas rgyal ba yab sras kyi sku gzhogs su zhus par rje btsun M 3 kemen £iged mahakala-yin inang erg bei : ten(g)de-e£e boγda dalai blam-a-yin g.eg.en tan-a ayiladqaγsan-dur ib undamba-yin 424 T 1 dam pa’i sprul skur ngos ’dzin gnang | ’bras spungs sngags pa’i bla ma bka’ gdams glegs (127-3) bam nas lung bstan M 1 qubilγan m n kemen todorqai boduraγulun l ngdeng (JC: l ngd ng) soyorqabai baraib ng aγba da£an-yin (for: -u, JC: da£a-yin) blam-a g.adamblegbam-a£a (JC: gedamglegbam-e£e) is(e)i (JC: esi, for: esi or isi) eg l γ.sen T 2 pa’i dpon slob nam mkha’ bsod nams grags pa yongs ’dzin du gdan drangs | des gsan sbyongs kyi zhabs M 2 bunglub namkha (JC: namka) sodnam daγba-yi baγ†i bolγan ala u tere-ber sonosun sudulaqui-a durad-un T 3 bskul dang | ’jigs byed kyi dbang chen sogs chos bka’ mang ba phul | dgung lo bco lnga ’gal ba zhes (127-4) pa sa M 3 ayiladqaγsan yaman(g)dakg.a-yin (JC: yamandag-a-yin) abi†ig ter[i]g ten arliγ nom-ud olan baribai : arban tabun seg der deg.erben (for: deger-e-ben) γalba kemek em-e 425 T 1 mo glang lor dbus gtsang dag pa’i zhing du byon | rje btsun rgyal ba gnyis pa’i ’khrungs yul sku ’bum M 1 †iroi ker il-d r i zang-un oron-nuγud-dur alaraqui-dur get lg.eg£i qoyaduγar ilaγuγsan £ ngaba (JC: £ongkaba)-yin qubiluγsan oron g nb m T 2 dang | bya khyung dgon | byang ra (127-4: re) sgreng | rin chen brag thang sag dga’ ldan chos ’khor | stag lung | ser ’bras M 2 kiged i£ ng keyid iang (JC: ing) ra ding ring£in b(a)raγ tangsaγ γan(g)dan £oyin(g)qur (JC: coyigqur) taγl ng sere[-]berei (JC: serebarai) g.e[-]s m (JC: ges m)

T 3 dge gsum bkra shis lhun (127-5) po thams cad nas bsu ba ser sbrengs (127-5: sprengs) rgyas pa rgyal ba yab sras phebs ba’i M 3 da†ilh n-bu . qamuγ-a£a ser inu boγda blam-a-yi alaraqui-yin qauli 426 T 1 lugs bzhin gzabs rgyas gnang | dge ldan khri rin po <che> chu bzang pa dang mjal dar rtse sprod mdzad | rgyal ba yab sras M 1 yosuγar neng yekede delgeringg i (for: delgerengg i)-e erg bei geden tii (JC: ti) rinbu£i £ bsang-ba- ge (JC: corrects to -l ge, for: -luγ-a) olγuqui (JC corrects to: olγaqui)-daγan belge-iyen solil£an ayiladduγad boγda dalai blam-a T 2 la khri ’bul dang | grwa sa che chung phal che bar (127-6) mang ’gyed gya nom pa gnang | pan (127-6 pan.) chen thams cad mkhyen pa’i sku gzhogs M 2 tan-a erg l k nd lel yeke kiged . olangki yeke baγa keyid- n qurul-dur id (for: ed) mang a qotola (for: qotala) teg s gsen erg ged qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i yeke ban(g)dada boγda-yin g.eg.en T 3 nas dge tshul gyi sdom pa bzhes | dbang lung man ngag bum pa gang bya’o (for: byo’i) tshul tu (for: du) zhus | bong bu zhes pa lcags M 3 -e£e g.e£ l- n san(g)var oγulγa u abi†ig l ng ubidas (JC: ubadis, correctly) b k n : d g reng qomq-a-yi yeg lek i (JC: yeg leg i)-yin yosuγar bongbuu kemek tem r 427 T 1 yos lo’i sa ga zla ba’i nyer lnga nas rgyal dbang thams cad (1281=64v1=BR 36b1) mkhyen pa chen po’i sku gzhogs su slob dpon a M 1 taulai il[-] n saga sara-yin qorin tabun-a£a ekilen ilaγuγsanu erket qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i tabuduγar dalai blam-a-yin gegen-e£e abh(a)y-a karai T 2 bhya (128-1=64v1 bhya) ka ra lugs kyi rdo rje phreng ba’i dkyil ’khor zhe gnyis kyi steng du kri ya sa mu tstsha zhes (128-1: nas) gsungs pa’i dge legs su M 2 baγsi yosun-u va£ir erike-yin qota mandal d £in qoyarun degere karay-a (JC: kerl-e) sam za£a kemen nomlaγsan sayin sayiqan bolγaγ†i T 3 byed pa’i dkyil ’khor gsum bsnan pa’i phreng (128-1: + ba) zhe lnga ma’i dbang yongs rdzogs dang | (128-2) rgyal dge ’dun rgya M 3 γurban qota mandal nemegsen d £in tabun erike-yin absang (for: abi†ig) £ m teg sg.eg.ed ilaγuγsan gen(g)den imso-yin 428 T 1 mtsho’i bka’ ’bum sogs chos bka’ mang po gsan | de dus dgung lo bcu bdun pa zhes pa’i skabs yin M 1 g.ab m ter[i]g ten arliγ nom-ud-i olan sonosun iledd γ.sen tere £aγdur (for: £aγ-tur) arban doloγan seg d r (for: seg der) oγuγlaγsan k r(e)tel-e T 2 ’dug pas | phyis su dgung lo re gsum bzhes ba’i dus su rdo rje phreng ba’i dbang gnang skabs sku gzhogs nas M 2 -ben qoyin-a iran γurban seg der oγuγlaγsan £aγ-taγan va£ir erike-yin abi†ig soyurqaqu-yin y-e-d gegen tan-u nomlal T 3 ljags (128-3) bshad ’di ’dra gnang gi ’dug ces bka’ phebs pa bdag gis thos | gzhan yang rje nyid kyi zhal M 3 ene-yin met ayiladduγsan sa£uγu (for: sa£aγu) kemen arliγ bolqu-yi bi[-]ber bodutai sonosluγ-a basu boγda-yin ber[-] n 429 T 1 nas (128-3 + |) de dus chos la don gnyer chen po ma byas pa’i skyon gyis zin bris su ma bkod pa ma gtogs | M 1 arliγ-a£a tere £aγ nom-i yeke ese keriseyegsen (for: keregsiyegsen)gem-iyer £ege ilegsen-iyen bi£i (JC: bi£i u) ese abuγsan-a£a busu T 2 nyi ma dang por mdo rgyud dang rgya bod kyi mkhas grub (128-4) mang po’i gsung sogs drangs te ljags bshad rgyas pa rang gnang M 2 angqan-u ed r sudur tantras ba enedkeg t bed- n olan merged siditen- arliγ terig ten-e£e tata u nomlal (JC: nomlan) delgerengg i soyurqaγsan qamuγar-i sedkil-d r

T 3 ba thams cad blo la zin ma thub kyang | nyi ma gnyis pa nas bzungs te gang gnang ba thams cad zin bris M 3 barin ese £idaba£u qoyaduγar qonoγ-a£a ekile ali soyurqaγsan b g de £ege ilegsen-iyen 430 T 1 byed thub pa nges par yod kyang na so gzhon pa dang | chos la gal bo cher ma (128-5) byas pas yi ger ’god rgyu ma byung M 1 tobtai (for: tabtai) be£in (for: bi£in) £idlati (for: £idaltai) bayiba£u nigen-d r nasu alaγu kiged qoyar-tu nom-i yekede ker[k]igsen ese iledd gsen (JC: ileddugsen)-iyer sudur bolγan ese abubai T 2 zhes gsungs (128-5: gsungs) pa dang | pan (128-5 pan.) chen thams cad mkhyen pas rje ta (128-5 tara) ra na tha’i sku skye yin gsung ba gsung gis byin gyis M 2 kemen ailadduγsan kiged qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i ban(g)£in boγda boγda taranata-yin qubilγan m n kemen ayiladduγsan arliγ-iyar adislaγsan T 3 brlabs pa dang | rje ta ra na tha’i mtshan gyis byin gyis brlabs pa’i bka’ drin gyis shes rab dga’ mo (128-6) M 3 kiged boγda taranata-yin ner ber adislaγsan a£i-bar bilig min qayiqui (for: γayiqam) †ig (for: siγ, JC: footnote 43: γayiqam†iγ, correctly) 431 T 1 yod kyang ma nus pas ’di ’dra byung ba yin | zhes gsungs pa ni rjes ’jug gi gdul bya bdag lta bu brtson M 1 bayiba£u γaitu γaraγ£aγar ene met bolbai kemen ayiladduγsan inu daγan oroγ£i nomuγadqaqui †abi bi met T 2 ’grus byed dgos pa’i don du gsungs par snang | gzhan yang rje ’di nyid thugs dam brtag pa la sogs pa zhus na’ang | M 2 ke£iyek keregtei-yin tuqai-dur ayiladduγsan amui basa busu m n k ene boγda ng bilig-iyer ayiladqu terig ten ebes T 3 ngas de ’dra’i rigs (for: rig) (129-1=65r1=BR 37a1) byed ma myong gsung ba sogs dge ba’i bshes gnyen ’brom ston pa ltar rang gi sku yon sped gang thub M 3 bi[-]ber tere met -yin il b t ge ese el ge kemen ayiladqu terig ten buyan-u n k r sadun burum baγ†i met ber[-] n erdem-i ali £idaqui 432 T 1 gnang ba dang | da ta ra na tha’i tshom bu yin phebs par rgyu mtshan zhus tsa na tshom bu lha min kyang lhar bskyed de rjes gnang M 1 £inege[-]ber-iyen niγun ayiladqui ba taranata-yin £ombuu buyu kemen arliγ boluγsan siltaγan £ibes £ombuu inu burqan busu bolba£u burqan-dur eg ske T 2 la sogs pa byed pa ltar (129-2 + nga) ta ra na tha min kyang yin par ’du shes pa gnyis ’dra zhes yang yang gsungs pa ni | zhu lan M 2 inang ter[i]g ten talibaqu (for: talbiqu) met ber taranata busu bolba£u m n kemen sedkeg£i (for: sedkig£i) qoyar adali bui kemen dakin dakin arliγ boluγsan anu s len norbu T 3 nor bu’i ’phreng bar | bdag gi yon tan spa bya zhing | (129-2 | missing) gzhan gyi yon tan bsgrag par bya | (129-2 | missing) zhes pa’i don bzhin M 3 norbu parinba-dur ber[-] n erdem-i niγun iledd ged busud-un erdem-i daγurisqaγ-a-tuγui (for: -tuγai) kemegsen met ayiladdaγsan (for: ayiladduγsan) 433 T 1 mdzad par snang | de nas (129-3) gzhung nas grwa tshang gi bla mar rnam rgyal grwa tshang gi slob dpon mdzad cing M 1 amui teg n[-] qoyin-a γoul-a£a datsang-yin (for: -un) blam-anar-tur nam il da£ang-yin (for: -un) baγ†i boluγsan kiged T 2 bya yul gyi mkhan po gnang ba’i shar khang sku skye dang | ’bras spungs spyi sa’i gnyer ba phyag mdzod dang M 2 iy l- n γan(g)bu tusiyalaγsan †arqan qubilγan kiged berei b ng-yin (for: - n) isa-yin nerba £aγzudba ba bereib ng T 3 tshogs chen gyi dbu (129-3: da bu) mdzad | sku gshogs rtse’i mgron gnyer (129-4) mkhar nag chos mdzad | byams pa gling pa yin M 3 yeke qural-un mdzad gegen- donir-ud-un erkim qarnaq £oyinzad imba li(a)ng ba-yin 434 T 1 pa’i sku skye gsol dpon | bla sman pa dwags po drang ’tsho ba | spyan yas (for: g.yas) pa yin pa’i lha bris pa sogs bod kyi grwa pa M 1 qubilγan-u solbon ota£i blam-a daγbu d ng £u ba iruγu£i daruγa ter[i]g ten t bed- n sabinar T 2 lnga bcu tsa ma phyag g.yog la gtong ba gnang ba sogs bla chen gyi mthong bdag rkyen (129-5) ’gran zla dang bral ba mdzad cing M 2 tabiγad-un ted i baraγa[-]bolγan soyurqaγsan ter[i]g ten yeke blam-a irum erge-ber qayirlan k nd l[e]k i-yi eg rle†i (for: irlesi) gei ayilad(d)qaγad T 3 rje’i dbu bla chos rje don grub rin chen gyi dgon pa bya khyung brag gi khrir mnga’ gsol | yos lo’i dgun kha bzhugs M 3 boγda £ongkaba-yin terig n- blam-a £oyi idond b rin£in-u(n) keyid a£ ng baraγ-un †iregen-d r alaγad taulai il[-] n eb l saγurin 435 T 1 sgar la phebs | dga’ ba zhes pa chu pho ’brug lo’i ston ka tsho ba bdun gyi tshogs ’du chen mor M 1 k riyen-d alarabai γava kemek usun er-e luu il[-] n (JC: ilun) namur doloγan qosiγun-u £iγulγan-a T 2 gdan drangs | (129-6) khal kha’i rgyal po gsum gyis gtso mdzad khal kha’i dpon chen chung thams cad kyis bla mar bsten M 2 alara u qalq-a-yin γurban qaγan ekilen yeke baγ-a qamuγ noyon (for: noyan) ber blam-a barin †it g.ed T 3 cing bsnyen bkur zhabs tog rgya chen po bsgrubs | rnam rgyal zhes pa chu mo sprul lor er te ni jo bo’i lha khang M 3 aqui yeke erg. l k nd lel erg bei nam il kemek em-e moγoi ild r erdeni uu-yin dergede(n) 436 T 1 gi nyi sgor (for: nye ’khor) du tsho ba bzhi’i tshogs ’du’i thog tu spyan (130-1=65r1=BR 37a1) drangs | tsho ba bzhi ka thams cad kyis zhabs tog zhus shing

M 1 d rben ayimaγ-un £iγulγan-u deg.ere ala u d rben ayimaγ qamuγ- -iyar erg l k nd lel T 2 spyi rin (130-1: rim, correctly) chen mo dang | nyi ma ’ga’ zhig smon lam chen mo gnang | bdag gis kyang rje di pa’i zhal dkyil mjal M 2 £ig.ed ney[i]te-yin g rim kiged nige ked n qonoγ yer g.el yer g.ebei bi £u enek boγda-yin gegen-e u£iraγad T 3 zhing | (130-1 | missing) phyag dbang zhu ba’i thog ma de yin | tshe dbang grub rgyal ma’i rjes gnang (130-2) zhus | khun du lung sa’in no M 3 m rg l-i £igsen minu (JC: min ) : angqan tere buyu ayuu†i-yin abi†ig ayiladqa u k nd -l ng sayin 437 T 1 yon gyi skye ba yin zhes grags pa’i rgyu mtshan gyis no yon khu thug (thu) zhes pa’i tsho lo (for: cho lo) gnang | dbus M 1 noyan-u qubilγan kemen aldarsiγsan u£ir siltaγan-iyar noyon qutuγtu kemen £olu soyurqabai i T 2 gtsang la phebs skabs thugs gnyer la bzhugs par pan. chen thams cad mkhyen pa’i sku gzhogs su zhus par M 2 ang-tur alar[a]qui u£ir-taγan bi surγaγulin-dur saγumui kemen ayiladduγ£i ban(g)£in boγda-yin gegen-d r £iγ.sen-e £i ber T 3 (130-3) khyed kyis ’dir thugs gnyer gnang ba las sog yul du dge ’dun gyi sde btsugs na bstan pa dang sems can la M 3 e(e)n(g)de (JC: enede) surγaγuli kigsen-e£e mongγol oron-daγan bu£a u bursang quvaraγ-un ayimaγ-i bayiγulbasu †a£in (for: †a in) amitan-dur 438 T 1 phan pa yod phebs pa ltar rgyal ba zhes pa shing rtar khen the’i han zhes pa’i yul du ri bo dge rgyas gling zhes bya ba’i dgon M 1 yeke tus[a] bolumui kemen arliγ baγuγsan met alba kemek modun morin il-d r kentei qan kemek -yin oron-dur ribug.e ai ling kemek keyid bariqu T 2 pa ’debs pa’i dbu (130-4) btsugs | myos byed ces pa shing lug gi ston ka dbus gtsang la gsang stabs su phebs | M 2 -yin eki bayiγul u noyi id kemek modun qonin il[-] n namur baraγun-dege (for: -daγan) niγu£a bayidal-iyar alar[a] u T 3 pan. chen thams cad mkhyen pa chen po’i sku gzhogs su zhabs brtan rgyas pa cig phul | rgyun rgyang tsam bzhugs shing (130-4 ring) M 3 qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i ban(g)£in boγda-yin gegen tana-a dansuγ delgerengg i-e nigen-i erg ten(g)de dunda saγuqui-yin y-e

439 T 1 dpal rdo rje ’dzigs byed kyi dbang dang | (130-4 + | ) snar thang brgya rtsa | bla ma (130-5: lam, correctly) rim gyi ’khrid rgyas bsdus | bla ma M 1 -yin-degen yaman(g)daka-yin abi†ig kiged nar tang iz-a lam(a)rim-un k t lb ri delg.eringg i (for: delg.erengg i) quriyangg i blam-a T 2 lnga bcu ba’i rnam bshad | ’jigs byed kyi bskyed rim gyi mdzub khrid | sgom sde nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan gyis mdzad M 2 ligeba£u-yin nam†ad yaman(g)daka-yin eg skelel-yin (for: - n) erge-yin btid qan(g)danamkai ilsen ber ayiladduγsan T 3 pa’i (130-5 pha’i) yid dam gyi bskyed rdzogs sogs bka’ chos mang po gsan |de nas (130-6) ’bras spongs su phebs | rgyal dbang M 3 yidam-yin (for: -un) eg skel teg skel ter[i]g ten arliγ nom-ud olan sonos£u ayiladduγad ten(g)de£e barayib ng-dur alar[a] u tabuduγar dalai 440 T 1 mchog gi sku gzhogs nas bka’ gdams glegs bam sogs bka’ chos mang po gsan zhes thos pa las bka’ M 1 blam-a-yin gegen-e£e γadam legbam ter[i]g ten arliγ nomud-i olan-ta sonosun ayiladduγsan bolba£u

T 2 chos ji ’dra gsan pa gsan yig ma mthong bas thams cad ma nges | gdong ngan zhes pa me sprel slar yang (131-1=66r1=BR 38a1) sog M 2 arliγ nom-ud yambar met sonosun ayiladduγsan sangyag bi[]ber ayiladqa u ese £igsen (for: egsen)-iyer qamuγ-yin (for: -i? JC: ese) lablabai : dung a(a)n (JC: an) kemek γal be£in il-d r i£i basu mongγol T 3 yul du bde bar phebs | gser ’phyang zhes pa’i me bya la er te ni jo bo’i lha khang gi thog tu g.yon ru M 3 oron-daγan amuγulang alaraγad ser £ang kemek γal takiy-a il-d r (JC: -dur) erdeni uu deger-e eg n qosiγun-u d rben baγ-un 441 T 1 tsho ba bzhi’i tshogs tu (131-1: tu missing) ’du byas par spyan drangs | sngar lugs bzhin spyi rim dang smon lam chen mo M 1 £iγulγan £iγulqui-daγan ala u urid yosuγar neite-yin g rim kiged yer gel kek i (for: kik i) ba : T 2 byams pa gdan ’dren sogs (131-2) gnang | der ’tshogs pa’i bla dpon skya ser mchog dman du ma (131-2: mas) bsnyen bkur zhabs M 2 mayidar alaqui ter[i]g ten ayiladdaγad ten(g)de £iγulaγsan blama-nar noyon (for: noyan) quvaraγ qara deged dooradu olan arad ber erg l k n(g)d lel £iged T 3 tog zhus shing | de rnams la yang rang rang so so’i ’dod chos ci rigs pa stsal | sgyur byed ces pa’i sa phag M 3 tede b g de-d r £u ber ber tus tus-un k segsen nomud : ali okis-iyar r siyebei r id kemek -yin †arui (for: siroi) γaqai 442 T 1 la bkra shis mtsho dkar zhes par khal kha tsho ba bdun (131-3) po tshogs ’du byas par spyan drangs | tshogs ’du der M 1 il[-]d r lzei qutuγ-tu £aγan nuur kemek γazar qalq-a doloγan qo†iγu £iγulγan £iγulqui-daγan ala u tere £iγulγan-dur ereg T 2 zhabs drung rgyal khang rtse ba yang phebs bla ma gnyis mjal ’dzom ma gnang | bstan srid la rgya’i bka’i M 2 †abdun alqasan (JC: alasan) ba £u (JC: £ ) gede boluγad qoyar blam-a aγulzan u£ar[a] u †a£in (for: †a in) t r -yin niruγun-u kereg T 3 bgros dang | g.yas ru’i rgyal po la che ’don cho lo gnang ba sogs thams cad sku gzhogs ’di (131-4) nyid du zhus M 3 ayiladdul£aγad baraγun qo†iγun-u qa(l)γan-dur yekedken £olu r †iyek ter[i]g ten b g de m n k enek gegen ta(a)n-a 443 T 1 shing ’di nas kyang thugs khar (for: kar) bzhes te mdzad | tshogs ’du gnyis kar bdag kyang zhabs phyir yod | M 1 ayiladqaγsaγar m n k ene geg.en ber £u (JC: £ ) sedg.el (for: sedkil, JC note 89)-deg.en taγalan ayiladbai : qoyar £iγulγan ken kend r £u bi baraγ-a boluγsan a iγu

T 2 de dag gi snga phyi thams cad du phyogs so so’i mjal mkhan gyi bla dpon skya ser mchog dman mtha’ dag la M 2 tedeger[-] n urid qo£id (for: qo id) qamuγar-tur γazar (for: γa ar) γazar (for: γa ar)-un iregsen m rg l£in blam-a-nar noyad qara quvaraγ deged door[a]du arad-tu T 3 dam pa’i chos kyis (for: kyi) ’khor lo mtha’ (131-5=66a-5) klas pa bskor nas smin grol la bkod | kun ldan zhes pa lcags byi’i M 3 deged nom-un k rd ergeg. l(e) (for: ergig l ) bolbasuraγulan tonil(a)γan okiy-a-bai (for: okiy-a-bai) :: k nden(g) (JC: k ndag) kemek tem r il[-] n qabur quluγun-a (for: quluγan-a) 444 T 1 dpyid ka bdag dbus gtsang la ’gro ba’i dgongs pa zhus par shin tu mnyes par mdzad de dgongs pa gnang | sku M 1 il[-] n (JC: ilun) qabur bi baraγun-dege (for: -daγan) o£iqu-ban taγalal-iyan ayiladqaγsan-a masi bayasun ayil[a]d u (for: ayilad£u) bsiyen soyurqaγad T 2 gshogs (131-5: gzhogs, correct) nyid kyi phyag ’phreng dang | chibs pa’i gras bong rta gcig gi gnang sbyin yang stsal | lcags byi nas M 2 ber[-] n mutur-taγan bariγsan nigen erike kiged k lgen-d r toγtaγsan eke b t g n mori-i £u qayiralan r siyebei tem r quluγuna (for: quluγan-a) T 3 sa lug gi bar bdag gis bkra shis lhun po sogs dbus gtsang la bsdad pas de bar gyi rnam thar mdzad bzang M 3 il[-] n-e£e (JC: ilun-a£a) †arui (for: siroi) qonin il k rtele bi[]ber baraγun-un (for: -u) dasi lh nbu ter[i]g ten i ang-un γa ar saγuγsan-iyar qoγorumdu sayin okiyal 445 T 1 rnams nges pa cig ma byung | ’gal byed ces pa lcags mo phag lor gnyer pa pin thu nang so (132-1=66v1=BR 38b1) dbus M 1 £idag (for: £adiγ) -nuγud-u maγadlan ese lablabai γal id kemek tem r em-e γaqai il[-]d r batu nirba nasu-yi baraγun T 2 gtsang du gtong ba gnang nas rgyal ba yab sras la sku ’tsham ’dri zhu ba’i rten ’bum dang chos sde che chung rnams M 2 -ta (for: -da) ileg.e boγda dalai blam-a-yin gegen- amuγulang eri ayiladqu-yin erg l beleg kiged yeke baγ-a keyid- n γa ar-a T 3 su mang ’gyed gnang | gzhung nas rgyal rtse them spangs lugs kyi bka’ ’gyur rin po che spus shin tu legs M 3 mang a ed erg g lbei baraγun-u-a£a (for: baraγun-a£a) . ilze ten(g)bang-un yosun-u γan ur erdeni sayiqan masai (for: masi) £ineg (for: £inege) nigen-i : 446 T 1 pa cig gdan (132-2) drangs | de rjes rdo rje rgyal po bod la phebs dus ’phyong rgyas em (132-2: aim) chi gtong ba gnang nas rgyal ba M 1 alabai teg n qoyin-a va£ir qaγan t bed-t r morilaqui-daγan £ung i em£i-yi ileg.e boγda dalai blam-a-dur T 2 yab sras la ’bul ba dang mang ’gyed kyang gnang | de dag gi snga phyir mi sna gzhan ’dra lan gnyis sum (132-2: gsum) tsam M 2 erg l kiged mang a ed £u erg g lbei : basu tedeger[-] n urid qo id busu el£iner qoyar γurban y-e T 3 gtong ba gnang yang des (132-2: nges) rang ma (132-3) shes shing brjed pas ma bkod | don grub ces pa <sa> lug gi hor zla bcu gnyis M 3 ileg.en ayiladduγsan bolba£u tobdi? maγad-i bi ber ese lablaγad marta u ese ugiyabai (for: okiyabai) dun(g)dub kemek †arui (for: siroi) qonin il[-] n eb l[-] n adaγ sara 447 T 1 par bdag sog yul du slebs | drag po ces pa lcags spre’i dbyar ka rje ’di pa’i sku gzhogs su M 1 bi mongγol oron-daγan k r£ ir[e]ged daγbu kemek tem r be£in il[-] n un-(u)u enek boγda gegen T 2 phyag dbang zhu bar phyin | dgon par phebs pa’i lam tu (132-3: du) phebs rjes (132-4) zin te phyag dbang zhus | yun ring po’i M 2 tan(a)a-a m rg r-e erebei (for: irebei) ted i da£ang keyid-t r gede bolqui am-dur alaraγsan-u qoyin-a-a£a neke m rg gsen-e ni udaγan

T 3 bar du gsung gleng zhib rgyas gnang | de nas ri bo dge rgyas gling du phebs pa’i phyag phyir phyin | dgon pa’i M 3 baralqaγul u narin niγta-yi mas(a)i delg.erengg i asaγun ayiladduγad tende£e ribu ge ei ling alaraqui-dur baraγ-a bolbai keyid- n 448 T 1 phyi rgya phal cher grub cing rten bzhengs kyi skabs su ’dug | der zhag po bcu lhag tsam bsdad de bka’ (132-5) dbang M 1 γadaγada bey-e yekengki-yi baraγ£aγad burqan †it g.en- b t gek i-yin y-e b k i-yin tula ten(g)de arba γarun qonoγ-un ted i t de de[l]ger[e]k i-e T 2 zhus | thugs shin tu mnyes pa’i bslab ston <gyi>) rigs dang | sku gzhogs nyid kyi sku gzan gcig | gser srang M 2 ayiladqaγsan-a sedkil masai (for: masi) bayasqui ber surγal arliγun il soyurqaγad ber[-] n asaγaγsan nigen orkim(e) i arban lang T 3 bcu | dngul kyi ka t.o ra gcig | gdan snye ’bol | bu la ka bcu| chibs chen grwas mgo dkar gyi rta bzang po M 3 selte (for: alta) nigen m ngg γadur olbuγ t silge bulaγ-a arba k lgen-e toγtaγsan qotang (for: qotung)-un nigen sayin mori-bar 449 T 1 gcig gis (132-6) gtsos pa’i rta sum cu gnang ba sogs bdag rkyen dpe med gnang | blo ngan zhes pa lcags M 1 ter[i]g len γu£in aduγu qayirlaqu ter[i]g ten oro†iyul (JC: note 108: r †iyel, correctly) qayir-a liger gei soyurqabai : lo nam ke- mek tem r T 2 bya lo’i ston (132-6 bya’i ston) ka er te ni jo bo’i lha khang gi thog tu g.yon ru tsho ba bzhi ’tshogs pa’i tshogs ’dur spyan drangs spyi rim M 2 takiy-a il[-] n (JC: ilun) namur erdeni uu deger-e eg n qo†iγunu d rben ayimaγ-un £iγulγan £iγulqui-taγan (for: -daγan) ala u niyte (for: neyite)-yin g rim ba yer gel kiged T 3 smon lam byams pa gnan (132-6: gdan) ’dren sogs rgyas (1331=67r1=BR 39a1) par gnang | de skabs gzhung gi sku tshab mgron gnyer skyar po nas M 3 mayidar alaqui ter[i]g ten delg.erengg i-e ayiladqabai tere u£artu boγda dalai blam-a-yin em n-e-e£e dunir arbunai ire 450 T 1 byon te sku gzhogs rin po che ’di nyid la khal kha o’i lod kyi sprod len gyi sgor la snyan ’bul zhus par snga sor M 1 m n k enek g.eg.en ta(a)n-a qalq-a gel d- n eb ey-e asaquyin ayiladqal £igsen-e urid baraγun qo†iγu T 2 khal kha g.yas ru nang du dus ’khrugs (133-2) byung ba’i skabs dang | o’i lod nas kyang ’khyar nas yongs pa’i mi sogs M 2 qalq-a dotor-a aγur-a-ban ebderel boluγsan u£ir ba geled £aγ £u ire iregsen ulus ter[i]g ten T 3 sprod len rnams phan tshun lugs mthun gang legs kyi ngos nas gzhung bstan pa’i la rgyar phan pa’i bslab ston M 3 eb ey-e-nuγud (for: -n g d)-i gerek gerek ali sayiqan okilduqu-yin yosuγar γoul sa£in (for: sa in) t r -yin t l b ariγun-dur tusatu surγal arliγ 451 T 1 gnang ste gzhung bstan pa’i don yar ngo’i zla ba ltar (133-3) ’phel bar mdzad | de skabs dha yo’i hong tha’i M 1 baγu u γoul †a£in (for: sa in)-u tosu (for: tusa)-yi sin-e-yin saran met arabadqan (for: arbidqan) okiyabai : tere u£ir-tur dha yuvai qung tayi i T 2 jis rta stong phrag gcig dang gser dngul gos dar sogs kyis gtsos pa’i khri ’bul dang | gzhan bla dpon so M 2 ber ireg.ed mingγan adaγu kiged altan m ngg mangnuγ ter[i]g ten-ber e(r)kilen erg l erg ged : busu blam-a-nar noyod (for: noyad) T 3 so’i (133-3 sos) ’bul pa’i rigs kyang shin tu mang ba phul cing | de rnams la yang dam pa’i chos (133-4) kyi ’khor lo ci rigs M 3 tus tus ber erg l- n il-i £u masi olan erg ged tede b g de-d r £u deged nom-un k rd alin kis-iyer

452 T 1 pa bskor | khrag skyug ces pa chu phag lor bdag phyag dbang la phyin nas ’dod chos ’ga’ zhus | de skabs rdo M 1 erg g l n soyurqabai taγ (n)g kemek usun qaγai (for: γaqai, JC: note 116) il-d r bi m rg r-e o£i u k seγ.sen nige ked[-] n nomiyan siγ.sen-e (for: £igsen-e) tere u£ir-tur T 2 rje thu she ye thu rgyal pos zhabs brtan brtan bzhugs rgyas pa cig phul | de skabs bdag kyang rgyal po dang M 2 va£irai t siyet qaγan ber lmei batud[a]qu-yin tuqai-dur dansuγ delgerengg i-e erg gsen- tere u£ir-a bi £u qaγan-l ge (for: -luγ-a) T 3 (133-5) lhan tu (133-5: du) zhabs brtan gyi man.d.ala dang ’bul ba’i rnam grangs stong min tsam dang zhabs pad brtan pa’i snyan M 3 qamtu nig.en-e dan†uγ-un mandal kiged erg l- n il[-] n toγandur qangdab-un ted i orol£aγagun lmei lingqu-a batud[qa]qu-yin 453 T 1 ’bul <zhus> shing | gsol ba btab | de’i snga phyi mang por gong ma rgyal po’i ja sag bzhi bcu zhe dgu’i M 1 ayiladqal £in albari u erg n£[e]lbei teg n[-] urid qo id olan y-e boγda e en- dotoγadu d £in yis n T 2 nang nas kyang mjal mkhan ’aga’ yang (133-6) gsang stabs su yongs te mjal nas chos kyi bka’ drin zhu ba M 2 dotor-a-a£a nigen ked n m rg l£in inu niγu£aγai (for: niγu£a) ber ir[e] m rg ged arliγ nom-ud-i ayiladqaqu ba erg l-i T 3 dang ’bul ba yang gzabs rgyas phul | gos sku chen mo zhig kyang bzhengs te bya khyung dgon par phul ba M 3 £u neng delg.eringg i-e (for: delgerengg i-e) erg bei : basu (for: basa) tede u£ir-a nigen yeke torγan burqan-i b t g.e a£ ng keyidt r erg γ.sen (for: erg gsen) 454 T 1 dang | ’jam dpal rtsa rgyud nas gsungs pa’i bris sku mthong ba don ldan dang | (133-6 + |) (134-1=67v1=BR 39b1) gser sku gsum tsam bzhengs M 1 ba imbal a£ud-a£a nomlaγsan md ng ba d n ldan-un (for: -u) k r (n)g-l ge saγumal burqan γurba-yin ted i b t gelege T 2 te gong ma rgyal por phul bas rgyal pos kyang shin tu mnyes te sku gzhogs rin po cher ’bul ba dang | M 2 boγda e en-e erg γ.sen-iyer . e en ber £u mas(a)i ayiladduγad degerekei-d r erg l yeke kiged T 3 mi sna rnams la yang gnang spyin rgya chen po gnang | dbus gnang (134-1: gtsang, correctly) nas ’jang gi khro par la rgyag pa’i bka’ M 3 el£iner b k n-d r £u qayir-a r †iyel yekede baγulγabai baraγunda-a£a ang-yin (for: -un) k rel keb-t r γaruγsan γan ur 455 T 1 ’gyur rin po che gdan drangs | (134-2) bzhugs skar (134-2: sgar, correctly) la yang bka’ <’>gyur snga mas ma dpe (134-2: dpa, incorrectly, BR 39b2 dpe, correctly) byas nas bka’

M 1 erdeni-yi ala u saγurin k riyen-d r £u uridu γan ur-iyar ekilen iled£ γan ur : T 2 ’gyur tshar gnyis tsam bzhengs pa gnang | gzhan yang sku gzhogs nyid kyi phyag bzo ma rdo rje ’chang dang | zhal M 2 qo†iyad-un ted i b t g.elg.en ayiladduγsan ba busu basu (for: basa) gegen tan ber[-] n ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) b t g.egsen v£irdara ba gegen-iyer T 3 dgod (for: dkod) kyis bzhengs su bcug pa’i rgyal ba rigs lnga che legs (134-3) kyis gtsos pa’i gser sku lugs ma shin tu M 3 eyine bayi u b t g.legsen il[a]γuγsan tabun i aγur-tu yeke sayiqan-iyar e(r)kilegsen saγumal burqan masi 456 T 1 mang ba dang | dngul las grub pa’i bde gshegs mchod rten brgyad che legs sogs rten gsum gyi rigs M 1 olan kiged basu (for: basa) m ngg n-iyer b t g.egsen sayibar odduγsad-un nayiman suburγ-a yeke sayiqan ter[i]g ten γurban sit g.en- il £u T 2 kyang shin tu mang po bzhengs pa gnang | gsang ba’i rdo rje ’dzin pa gnyis gsum las kyang (134-4) sgrub thabs brgya M 2 masi olan b t g.elg.e ayiladduγsan a iγuu basu (for: basa) niγu£a-un (for: -yin) va£ar-a dar-a blam-a qoyar γurban-a£a £u t b tab T 3 rtsam (134-4 rgyam, for: tsam) | sgrub thabs rin chen ’byung gnas sogs bka’ chos kyi rigs shin tu mang po gsan pa yod ’dug M 3 izam t btab ri(n)g£in iungnai terig ten arliγ nom-ud-un il : ma†ai (for: masi) olan ta sonosun ayiladduγsan bui 457 T 1 na’ang | bdag chos (134-4: tshos, correctly) gang gsan zhib cha ni zhu ma nus pas nges | khro bo zhes M 1 abasu £u bi[-]ber tede b g deger-i niyetelen (for: neyitelen) ali alin sonosuγsun (for: sonosuγsan) bolba kemen ayiladqa u ese £idaγsan tula ese lablabai tobo kemek T 2 pa shing glang gi ston ka ta la’i maædzu shr sku skye el deng hong tha’i ji mchod yon rnams dang lhan tu (134-5: du, correctly) bdag kyang M 2 modun ker il[-] n namur dalai man usiri-yin qubilγan ildeng qung tayi i blam-a glige-yin e en-nuγud (for: -n g d) qamtu bi £u T 3 phyag dbang la phyin | rigs <gsum> mgon po’i rjes gnang | (134-3) bkas rje M 3 m rg l-d r £el£ebei (for: el£ebei) ted i ten(g)de m rdel£eged rigs m gonbo-yin inang [[[space]] in the manuscript] arliγ-iyar (There is a passage missing in the Buryat manuscript. It appears erroneously on page 461-3, which corresponds to the xylograph editions: LC 134-3 = Be. 67v3 = BR 39b3) 458 T 1 ’di pa tshogs ’du’i mgon tu (135-3=68r3=BR 40a3: du, correctly) spyan drangs | rje ’di pa dang | dge ldan khri pa gnyis bzhugs khri M 1 enek boγda degereki-yin gegen : £iγulγan-u eki bolγan ala u tngri?-l ge dgildan tiba qoyar-un †iregen :: T 2 mnyam mnyam mdzad nas mjal ’dzom mdzad de phan tshun gsung gleng zhib rgyas gnang | rgyal ba M 2 adaliqan nige aγul aγulun ileddeg.ed narin niγta kereg- d-i delg.erengg i-e arliγ bolul£a u dalai blam-a T 3 mchog dang gong ma (135-4) rgyal po’i bka’ shog gnyis ka bsgrags | zla gcig lhag tsam gyi bar du M 3 kiged boγda e en- arliγ-un bi£ig qoyaγulan daγudaγad nigen sar-a ileg boltal-a t de ayiladdul£aγad 459 T 1 rje ’di pa’i bka’ blon ’dar pa’i gzhi gyi (135-4: gyi missing) dgon gyi bla ma pand.i ta chos rje | se chen nang so M 1 enek boγda-yin sayid saγurin keyid- n blam-a darba bangdida suyi i se£in nangsu T 2 rnam rgyal tho yon dang | khal kha’i rgyal po gsum gyis : : : gtsos pa’i tsho ba M 2 nam il toyin kiged qalq-a-yin γurban qaγan bar e(r)kilen . doloγan qo†iγun-u T 3 bdun (135-5=68a5) gyi dpon po bla dang (135-5: dang missing) | : : : dpon che gras kyi blon po drug cu bla ma chen po rnam gnyis M 3 yeke nertei noyon (for: noyan) blam-a-nar sayid t simed iraγadun ted i qoyar il yeke blam-a-nar 460 T 1 kyis dam tshig la bkar nas khrims tshul dang mthun par gcod (135-5: gtsod) du bcug | de skabs M 1 ber £aγa a qauli-yi £ingγadqa u toγtaγaγad yosun-luγ-a okildaγulun oqar£u ayiladdal£abai tere T 2 o’i lod g.yon ru’i dpon po : : : : rab brtan mkha’ ’gro M 2 £aγ[-]tur geled eg n γar-un noyon (for: noyan) rabdan qan(g)do T 3 kun bzang sogs : : : dpon khag (135-6 = 68a6) ’ga’ zhig kyang :

rje ’di

M 3 g nsang ter[i]g ten nige ked n k £ tei noyad £u ire enek 461 T 1 pa’i sku gzhogs su phyag dbang zhus | der ’tshogs pa’i M 1 boγda-yin gegen-e m rg bei tengde £iγuluγsan T 2 khal kha’i bla dpon phal che bar : : : dam pa’i chos kyi bka’ drin (misplaced fragment)

M 2 qalq-a-yin blam-a-nar noyad olangki-dur deged nom[-]un a£i T 3 (134-5=67b5) tshe dbang grub rgyal ma’i rjes gnang dang | nged mchod yon gsum gyis zhus pa’i M 3 ayusi-yin abisig ba blam-a-yin glige-yin e ed m n k bide γurbanu 462 T 1 sku gzhogs nyid kyi gsol ’debs kyi lcags (134-5 ljags) (134-6) lung zhus | gzims chung sbug tu sger mjal M 1 ayiladqaγsan gegen- ber[-] n soldeb- n l ng ayiladqan k rteg.ed tuγtam-un ordon-dur tuq[a]yilan T 2 gnang yun ring po’i bar tu (134-6: du) gsung gleng zhib rgyas shin tu mnyes pa’i sgo nas gnang ba dang | nyid kyis M 2 baralqaγul u yeke oroi udaγan masi bayasqabal eg den-e£e sayin narin niγta yaγum-a delgerengg i-e arliγ bolun ayiladduγad ber[] n asaγa u T 3 bzhes pa’i gos ber dang gdan snye ’bol chibs pa’i gras rta ’gros ma che legs sogs kyi gnang sbyin (135-1=68a1) yang rgya chen M 3 ayiladduγsan nigen ang£i kiged olbuγ t silge ba k lgen-d r toγtaγsan nigen yeke sayiqan iruγu-a mori terig ten r siyel qayira-yi 463 T 1 po gnang | zad pa zhes pa me stag gi dbyar ka ri bo dge rgyas gling gi rten bzhengs grub bstun M 1 r siyebei sadba kemek γal bar(a)s il[-] n un ken(g)tei-yin keyid b t gel daγus u ner[e]tei nigen ked n b t g l T 2 bla ma’i gras ’ga’ zhig gis rab gnas mdzad ’dug | de’i ston ka bod nas rgyal dbang mchog gi sku tshab (135-1=68r1=BR 40a1: chi ba) dge ldan M 2 blam-a-nar-iyar rabnai kilgen ayiladduγsan teg n[-] namur t bed γazar[-]a£a (for: γa ar-a£a) tabuduγar dalai blam-a-yin em n-e-e£e geden(g)danba T 3 khri (135-2) rin po che ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho’i zhal snga nas dang | gong ma rgyal po’i sku tshab ar ni a li hang am pa M 3 rinbu£ei aγvangludui imsu-yin gegen kiged boγda e£en (for: e en)- em n-e-e£e arani aliqan amban 464 T 1 sogs gtong ba gnang nas tsho ba bdun khu rin bel cher zhes par tshogs ’du byed du bcug skabs gong ma chen M 1 ter[i]g ten ilege doloγan qosiγu qamuγ-iyar k rin bel£er neret γazar £iγulγan-i £iγulun iledk -yin u£ir-a boγda T 2 po’i mi sna a chi thu chos rjes (135-3) gong ma chen po’i

M 2 e£en (for: e en)- el£ei a£itu £oyi i bar boγda e£en (for: e en)- (misplaced fragment) 464 T 2 ... stsal | tsgogs ’du’i steng du gzhung ba bstan la rgya’i bka’ bgros M 2 ... boγda e£en (for: e en)- £iγulγan-u deger-e sav cin (for: sa in) t r -yin nariγun-u (for: niruγun-u) γoul kereg-i ayiladdulun T 3 mdzad pa rnams gong ma chen (136-1=68v1=BR 40b1: mar) mor zhu bar mer ken pan.d.i ta rab ’byams pa dang | sku tsha dga’ ldan rdo rje gnyis M 3 oyuγsan b k i-ben boγda e£en (for: e en)-e ayiladq-a kemen rab imba mergen ban(g)dida a£i geden(g)dor i qoyar 465 T 1 gong ma rgyal po’i sku gzhogs su btang | tshogs ’du la phebs pa’i skabs bdag gis phebs M 1 boγda e£in (for: e en)- gegen tan-a el£i bolγan ar[u] u ilegebei £iγulγan-a ala(ba)raqu-yin u£ir-tur bai (for: bi)-ber uγtuγul-dur T 2 bsu la phyin te man.d.ala dngul bum gos dar sogs dang rta (136-2) brgya tham pa phul cing phyag dbang zhus | tshur log M 2 o£i u man(g)dal m ngg n bumba torγ-a mangnuγ ter[i]g ten kiged aγun adaγu erg m rg bei inaγ†i T 3 phebs skabs bdag gi dgon pa ru spyan drangs | rgyal po dang ba’ thur hong tha’i ji sogs (136-2 + phyag) phyir phyir phebs | M 3 tekere alaraqui-yin y-e-d r bi[-]ber ber[-] n keyid-teg.en ala u qaγan kiged baγatar (for: baγatur) qung[-]tayi i ter[i]g ten baraγa[]bolun eril£egsen-e 466 T 1 dkar dro gzabs rgyas zhus | bzhugs gdan | snye ’bol | rnga mong lnga | (136-2 + |) (136-3) g.yag sum cu | lug sum brgya M 1 tangsuγ £aγan idege imes- n γuril reg ged (for: erg ged) olbuγ t †ilge tabun temege γu£in sarluγ γurban aγun T 2 tham pa phul | dgon pa’i rten gsum la rab gnas rta thog ma mdzad de phyag nas gtor ba gnang | zhag po M 2 qoni erg ged keyid- n γurban †it gen-d r quriyanggui rabnai ayilad u sarbai (for: arbai) sa£un qayiralaγad nigen

T 3 gcig tsam la phebs skyel zhus | sngon ston pa’i dus su dge slong ’dza’ po dang sa las skyes (136-4) gnyis tshe rabs M 3 qonoγ-un ted i d telege ayiladqa u busabai (for: bu£abai) erte burqan baγ†i-yin y-e-d r : ’zaa po kiged lai i neret : qoyar 467 T 1 mang por ’khon yon pa’i rgyu mtshon gyis dge slong gyad bu nor dang dge slong ma utpala’i mdog la skur M 1 g.el ng olan t r l tutum-dur s bolul£aγsan siltaγan-iyar g.elong idbu nor-l ge (for: -luγ-a) gel ng udbalai doγ qoyar eldeb T 2 zhus sna tshogs byas pa ltar rje ’di pa’i mes po rdo rje rgyal po nas bzungs te da bar mi rabs dgu’i par du seng ge M 2 il-iyer qo£i talbiγsan met enek boγda-yin eb ge ezige (for: e£ige) va£ir qaγan-a£a ekilen ed ge k m n- yis n y-e T 3 gcig po’i dus (136-5) ma gtogs khal kha o’i lod gnyis ’khrug pa byed (136-5: phyed, for: byed) bzhin pa de’i sri langs pa lta bu ’am | M 3 k rtel-e γaγ£aqan sarsalan (for: arsalan)-yin £aγ-a£a busu qalq-a geled qoyar anu ebderen iledd g-senger (for: -sen-iyer) teg n- buγ k t l gsen met buyu 468 T 1 rgyud bla ma las | ’phags pas skye dang rga ba dang | na ba’i sdug bsngal rtsad nas spangs | zhes gsungs pa ltar M 1 i d blam-a-a£a qutuγtun (for: qutuγtan) ber t r k telk kiged ebedk -yin obalang-i uγ-a£a teb£il ge kemen nomlaγsan met T 2 nges don la las nyon gyi dbang gis (136-6) rang dbang med par skye rga na (136-6: rgan) ’chi sogs kyi sdug bsngal rtsa ba nas spangs kyang | M 2 maγad ud(u)q-a-dur nisvanis-un erkeber ber[-] n erke gei t r k t lk ebedk k k ter[i]g ten obalang : uγ-a£a teb£iγ.sen bolba£u T 3 dran (136-6: drang, correctly) don du sangs rgyas bcom ldan ’das kyi zhabs la seng ldeng gi tshal pa zug pa dang | lhas byin gyis skyogs (136-6: sgyogs, correctly) M 3 sidurγu udq-a-dur ila u teg s n g£igsen burqan-u lmei-yin gegend r sengdeng-yin (for: - n) aldasu qadquγsan kiged devadad ber £i(y)dur £ilaγun 469 T 1 rdo ’phangs pa’i dum bu zhabs kyi mthe bong (136-6: bod) la ’phag nas (137-1=69r1=BR 41a1) sku mtshal byung ba | gcer bu mos M 1 ere (for: eri ) talbaγsan (for: talbiγsan) £ r (for: r) b ri ber k l- n gegen- erkei-d r tos£u singqu γarγaγsan erb -yin ekiner T 2 skur ba zhus pa sogs las kyi rnam smin bzhes tshul gsum (137-1: gsungs) pa dang mthun par bstan pa yin nam | yang na rje dge M 2 qo£ai (for: qo£i) taliban (for: talbin?) £igsen ter[i]g ten ileyin a£ai r-e oγulγaqui yosun-l ge (for: luγ-a, JC note 165: luγ-a) okildaγulan ayiladduγsan buyu basu boγda

T 3 ’dun rgya mtsho’i bstan ’gror phan pa’i ’phrin las dbus su rgyas pa’i grogs su (137-2) pan. chen ye shes rtse mo mi M 3 gen(g)d n imsu-yin gegen †a£in (for: †a in) amitan-dur tusalaquyin iles inu i oron-dur delgereg lk -yin n k r-t r ban(g)£in yesi jimsu ay-a 470 T 1 mnyes pa’i tshul gyis dbus su phebs bcug pa dang | sa bdun pa’i byang sems yan chad la bdud kyis gnod M 1 gei-yin yosuγar i-d r alaraγuluγsan kiged doloduγar γazar (for: γa ar) oluγsan bodisadu-a nar[-]a£a degegsei (for: degegsi)-d r simnus ber T 2 pa byed mi thub par de’i tshogs myur rdzogs kyi thabs su byang sems rnams bdud du sprul nas de la bar (137-3) chad M 2 qourlan l £idan teg n[-] £iγulγan t rgen-e teg skek -yin arγa-dur bodisaduva-nar simnus bolun qubila u teg n[-]d r edker T 3 byed par gsungs pa ltar ram lhas byin gyis ston pa’i slob lam gyi gnas skabs su gnod pa sna tshogs byas pa M 3 bolun iledd m i kemen nomlaγsan met buyu devadad ber erte burqan baγ†i-yin surul£aqui m r- n aqui u£ar-a-dur eldeb il-iyer qourlan 471 T 1 rnams ston pa’i tshogs myur rdzogs kyi thabs su mdo sde rnams las gsungs shing | bdag cag M 1 iledd gsen-nuγud (for: -n g d) anu burqan baγ†i-yin £iγulγan t rgen-e teg skek -yin arγ-a kemen sudur-un ayimaγ-ud-un nomlaγsan b ged ba b rid- T 2 gi ston pa las kyang lhas byin (137-4) gyis bskal pa mang po’i snga rol tu (137-4 du, correct) sems bskyed par mdo las gsungs pa M 2 baγsi-dur £u devadad olan γalab-ud-un urid sedkil eg skel ge kemen sudur-a£a nomlaγsan met ali m n :: T 3 bzhin gang yin ma shes | mi shes pa’i rgyu mtshan yang | sangs rgyas bcom ldan ’das kyis | nga’am ’dra ba’i M 3 ese medebei l medek -yin siltaγan £u ila u teg s n g£igsen burqan ber bi buyu bi met 472 T 1 gang zag gis gang zag gi tshod gzung par (137-4: bar) bya yi | gang zag (137-5) gis gang zag gi tshod gzung bar mi bya ste nyams par M 1 bodgali ber podgali-yin kem i[ye]l-i barimui -a bodgali ber bodgali ber kem i[ye]l-i barin l iledk i dor[uy]i(d)taqu T 2 gyur ta re | zhes gsungs pa ltar spyir gang zag gi tshod mi gzung zhing | lhag par pan. (137-5: phan) chen thams cad mkhyen pa M 2 bolγu ai kemen nomlaγsan met yer ngkei bodgali-yin kem i[ye]l bari u bolu†ai (for: bolu†i) gei b ged ilangγuy-a qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i ban(g)£in boγda T 3 chen pos mkhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes kyi sku’i skye bar ngos ’dzin (137-6) gnang nas bdag rkyen mdzad | de ni M 3 ber qayidub sang i i†i-yin qubilγan m n kemen todorqai ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) qayiralan okiyabai tere inu 473 T 1 dgongs pa can gyi gsung min tshe mkhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes de nyid skyes chen dam pa yin M 1 taγalal arliγ busu-yin £aγ[-]tu qayidab sang i isi m n k tere inu m n- tula urid T 2 gshis gong (137-6: ging, for: gong) tu (137-6: du, correctly) bshad pa ltar rje <’di> par brten nas gong ma rgyal po byang grol gyi ’brel bar gyur pa’i thabs (138-1 = 69b) su ’gyur (138-1: ’byur, for: ’gyur) M 2 nomlaγsan met m n k ene boγda-dur †it e£en (for: e en) qaγan-u tonilqu tuγulqu-yin m r-t r barildaγulqu (for: barilduγulqu)yin arγ-a-dur bolqu-yin T 3 ba’i rkyen yin shes (138-1=69v1=BR 41b1: shas) la (138-1 kha) | dgongs pa can gyi gsung yin (138-1: min) zhing mi rang dga’ ba yin tshe bdud kyis yid brlams pa

M 3 siltaγan m n bayidal[-]tai taγalal-tu arliγ m n boluγad yer tele-yin k m n m n £aγ[-]tu simnus-iyar sedkil-e£e toγtaγsan γadan (for: γaldan) bo- 474 T 1 dga’ ldan po shog thus rje ’di bar khyed dge ldan khri par phyag dbang ma zhus pa ci yin zer ba sogs skur zhus kyi M 1 †oγ-tu ber enek boγda g.eg.en geden tiba-dur ese m rdg gsen †iltaγan yaγun bui kemek ter[i]g ten daγarin T 2 yi ge phul bar (138-2) rje ’di bar thugs khro ba sogs ga la yod kyang | rgyal po sogs dpon che chung thams cad kyis ma M 2 ayiladqaγsan bi£ig erg gsen-e ene k boγda-dur kilingle ayiladqaqu ter[i]g ten qamiγ-a bui gei bolba£u qaγan ter[i]g ten yeke baγ-a qamuγ noyad ber tesen T 3 bzod par tsho ba bdun phal che bas dmag dpung bteg | g.yas ru’i rgyal po dang ta’i ching hong tha’i ji gnyis kyis M 3 ada(l)[γ]san doloγan qosiγu olangki bar £erig mordu u baraγun qo†iγun-u qaγan kiged dayi£ing qung[-]tayi i qoyaγula γaldan 475 T 1 po shog thu dang mdza’ mo byas (138-3) nas mi rigs pa mang po byas par brten khong gnyis bzungs | de nas M 1 bo†uγ-tu-luγ-a okildun ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) okis gei iles-i olan ta iledd gsen- siltaγan-iyar tere qoyar-i baribai ten(g)de£e T 2 khal kha g.yas ru’i u rang khang nas dpon ’ga’ ldan po shog thus bcom la brten po shog thu’i so par M 2 qalq-a baraγun qo†iγun-a£a uryangqan-a£a nige ked n noyad-i γaldan bo†uγ-tu †idegsen (for: siid gsen)-d r siltaγla u bo†uγ-tu-yin T 3 yongs pa’i dpon dpon (138-3: dpon missing) chung rdo rje skyabs ’khor bcas bsad | de skabs (138-4) dbus gtsang nas gzhung gi sku tshab la M 3 qaraγul-dur ileg.egsen ded noyan dor i ab n k r selte-yi alabai : tere u£ir-tur baraγun degegsi boγda dalai blam-a-yin 476 T 1 rgyal me tog thang gi mkhan po chings la phebs pa’i sprel zla zhal ngo zhig yongs nas chings byas par brten khal kha rdo M 1 em n-e-e£e al midaγ tang-yin (for: -un) qambu sidqaran (sidarqan? for: sidurγa?) quraqu arliγ-un bi£ig-i ala u be£in sar[-]a[-]yin sin-e-ber ire quraqu bi£ig erg gsen siltaγan-iyar qalq-a-yin T 2 rje thu she ye thu rgyal po sogs khal kha’i dmag thams cad long | rnam ’byung zhes pa sa (138-4: pas, for: pa sa) (138-5) ’brug gi hor zla gnyis par M 2 va£ir t siyet qan ter[i]g ten qalq-a-yin qamuγ £erig baγuγsan nam ng kemek luu il[-] n qoyaduγar saran-dur T 3 po shog thu rang yul nas dmag bteg khal kha g.yas ru’i el ci ken zhes pa’i dpon khag gnyis tsam bcom || (138-5 one | is missing) M 3 bosuγ-tu ber[-] n oron-a£a £erig morda u qalq-a baraγun qosiγunu el igen kemek k £ tei noyan qoyar-un ted i sit g.ed 477 T 1 de nas rim gyis khal kha mang ma’i dkyil du slebs te <kho> rang gi bsod nams dar bas khal kha tsho’ur (138-6) ’ded M 1 ten(g)d[-]e£e ulam-iyar olan qalqa£ud-un dumda oru u ir[e]ged teg n[-] ber[-] n ayaγ-a delg.eregsen-iyer qalq-a £ m d rb (for: d rbe ) oobai (for: odbai) T 2 la btang | er te ni jo bo sogs lha khang dang dgon pa khag so so las la la bshig | la la’i sku ’dra tsho bshig | M 2 oobai (for: odbai) : erdeni uu ter[i]g ten keyid s m-e kiged busu basu ner[e-]tei (JC: erdeni) keyid tus tus-un urim (for: arim)-ud-i ebden : arim-ud-un burqan sit gen-i ebden T 3 rje ’di ba’i (for: pa’i) bzhugs skar (138-6 sgar) gyi sku ’dra che chung dang | ri bo dge rgyas gling gi dgon pa thams cad bshig pa sogs mi M 3 enek boγda-yin saγurin k riyen- burqan †it gen yeke baγ-a b g de kiged ken(g)tei-yin keyid qamuγar ebdegsen ter[i]g ten okis gei iles-i yekede 478 T 1 rigs pa (139-1=70r1=BR 42a1) chen po byas | de skabs sems can gcig gi las zad na | sangs rgyas stong gi mdzad pa zad ces M 1 yekede iledbei yambar kemek i-d r nigen amitan-u ayaγ-a baruγdabasu mingγan burqan-u okiyal m [r]g (d )m i (JC note 183) kemen T 2 gsungs pa ltar rje ’di pa las dbang gis khal kha’i rtus (139-1: jus) nyes yong ba mkhyen te gong ma rgyal po’i phyogs su phebs M 2 nomlaγsan met tere u£ir-tur enek boγda ber qalq-a il (for: ile)-yin erke[-]ber doruyital bolqu-yi ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) boγda e£en (for: e en) degeg(e)†i qan(g)du u alaraqu-yin T 3 skabs zhag (139-2) ’ga’ zhig cung ’o brgyal ba tsam byung yang ma ’gyangs par khal kha g.yon ru’i u rang khang gi ta’i M 3 u£ir-a nigen ked n qonoγ-tu £ ken £ilen al iya u ayiladba u) (for: iledbe ) udul (for: udal) gei qalq-a eg[-] n qosiγun uriyangqan dayi£in[g] qoyar 479 T 1 ching rnam gnyis kyi thog tu phebs | de thams cad kyis brnyen (139-2: bsnyen, correctly) bkur zhabs tog phun sum tshogs pa bsgrubs |

M 1 il- n deger-e alara u tede erg l k nd lel qotula teg s g.sen erg bei : T 2 de skabs gong ma rgyal pos be’ kha ta lar am pang sogs mi bzang rnams btang nas phyag g.yog rnams la khre dang nor M 2 tere u£ir-tur boγda qaγan ber qadalara amban terig ten sayid kergemten-nuγud (for: -n g d)-i uγtuγulun ilege baraγ-a boluγ£in b g den-d r T 3 lug sogs dang sku gzhogs su yang ’bul ba mang po phul | skyes bdag ces pa lcags lug gi hor zla bzhi par M 3 £aling budaγ-a kiged . ker qoni ter[i]g ten ba degereki-yin gegen tan-dur £u erg l yekede erg i daγ kemek tem r qonin il[-] n d t ger 480 T 1 mtsho bdun zhes par gong ma rgyal po (139-4) phebs | rje ’di pa dang khal kha’i rgyal po gnyis kyis gtsos pa’i dpon che chung thomd (=thams cad) M 1 sara-dur doloγan naγur kemek γa ar boγda ezen (for: e en) alara u gede boluγad enek boγda-luγ-a qalq-a-yin qoyar /luγ-a/ qaγan ber erkilen : yeke baγ-a qamuγ noyad degere T 2 la gong ma’i mjal kha gnang | rje ’di pa dmangs las sngon du gong ma’i gzims gur la gdan drangs phan tshun mjal M 2 baralaqui ayiladqaγsan-a soyurq-a-γad : enek boγda-yi olan b k i-e£e urid £aγ-u (for: -un) irγaqu ordon-dur ala u gerk (for: rg k , i.e. erg k ) gerk (the word is repeated) beleg-iyen T 3 dar phul te mjal ’dzom gnang nas (139-5) thugs yid gcig tu ’dres pa lta bur dgyes pa chen po gnang | bzhugs M 3 erg l£e u£araldan ayiladduγad tuγtam sedkil-iyen nigen-e ayiladduγsan met yeke bayasul£an ayiladqabai : yeke 481 T 1 gral chen mor phebs nas ston mo gzabs rgyas gnang | nyin gcig gong ma rgyal po yang rje ’di M 1 yamun-a γa ar-a alar[a] u qurim-i £u neng delgerengg i-e erg bei nigen ed r boγda ezen (for: e en) £u enek T 2 pa’i gzims (139-5: gzings, incorrectly) gur la phebs | sku gong ma mang por mchod yon gyi ’grel (139-5: ’brel, correctly) pa yod pa’i stabs kyis phan tshun M 2 boγda-yin irγaqu ordon-dur alar[a]bai erten- e£en (for: e en) olan y-e blam-a glige-yin ezen (for: e en) bolul£aγsan bayidaltai £inaγ†i inaγ†i T 3 thugs nyi (139-6: nye, correctly) mo dpe <med> mdzad | de skabs gser dngul gyi snod spyad mang po dang | dngul srang (139-6: sang, incorrectly) stong phrag gcig| gong

M 3 lig.erle†i gei sedkil-iyen amurlal£an ayiladdul£abai tere u£ir-a olan altan sab (for: saba) m ngg n saba kiged nige mingγan lang m ngg ezen (for: e en)- 482 T 1 ma rang gi gzims gur | chibs (139-6: chings, wrong) chen sga bcas tshang ma rnams phul | lo de’i dgun kha pho brang chen po (140-1=70v=BR 42b) be’ M 1 ber[-] n irγaqu ordu qarsi ba†i emeg.el qa aγar-tai k lgenmori nuγud-i erg bei m n tere il[-] n eb l yeke ordu qar†i T 2 cing la phebs zhus pa ltar pho brang chen por phebs | de skabs snga sor rgyal ba thams cad mkhyen pa chen po M 2 beg.e in-d r alaqui-a £igsen met beg.e ing-d r alarabai : tere u£ar-a (for: u£ir-a) erten-d qamuγ-i ayiladduγ£i dalai blam-a-yi alaγsan-u qauli T 3 phebs skabs bzhin rgyal po’i a khu dang jo lags dbang sogs kyis gtsos pa’i dbang chen po brgyad dang M 3 qauli (word repeated) yosuγar ezen (for: e en)- abaγ-a kiged aγ-a dbang ter[i]g ten ber erkilen (JC: ekilen, correctly) naiman r erge-yin vang kiged 483 T 1 gzhan yang mi bzang che chung (140-2) mang pos pho brang gi phyi log su ras gur rgyab ste gsol ja dang bcas M 1 busu basu yeke baγ-a ambas-ud olan ber beg.e ing- n γadan-a asar erg oγuγ-yin (for: -un) £ai-luγ-a selte T 2 te phebs bsu rgyas pa gnang | de nas pho brang du spyan drangs gong ma yang phebs bsu la byon te sngar zhag gnyis M 2 alaraqu-yin uγtulaγ-a-yi delgerengg i-e uγtuγulun ayiladbai ten(g)de-e£e bege ing-d r alaqui-dur ezen (for: e en) £u ber[-]iyen uγtun alara u n qoyar T 3 gsum tsam song ba dang pho brang nang du thugs ’gol ba (140-3) gnang nas gsung bgros mang po mdzad kyin yod pa M 3 γurban qonoγ-un ted i uγtuγsan-a ordu qar†i-dur £ gelen (for: gelen) ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) yeke olan il arliγ bolun ayiladdul£a- γsaγar bayiγsan a uγu 484 T 1 ’dug | hor zla ba bcu gcig par shar ka’i khu re la gong ma chen po snga ma’i yum tha’i hung tha’i hus bzhengs M 1 eb l[-] n dumdadu sara-dur sarγ-a (for: sirγ-a)-yin k riyen-d r uridaki †en£ ezen (for: e en)- eke tayiqu-yin tayiqu-bar b t g.egsen sigemuni T 2 pa’i thub dbang gi sku mi tshad ma dang | tshe dpag med kyi sku khru gang lhag tsam brgya tham pa (140-4) dang | tha’i hu chen mo’i M 2 burqan k m n- £inege kiged nigen toqui ileg -yin ted i ayu†i burqan aγuγad kiged yeke tayiqu-yin taγalal T 3 dgongs rdzogs la bzhengs pa’i bka’ ’gyur gser ma rnams la rab gnas zhu bar rje ’di pa spyan drangs | M 3 teg sk i-d r b t g.egsen-selte altan γan uur-nuγud-tu rabnai ayiladqaqui-dur enek boγda-yi ala u 485 T 1 de nyin sku gzhogs nyid kyi na bza’ la dpe byas nas bzos pa’i gsol slog bul ka’i nang sha can M 1 m n tere ed r degereki-yin ber[-] n bari(n)γda-bar li(r)gerlen eske kilgegsen bulaγan (JC: bulγan) dotortai (JC todurqai) £oba£a kiged T 2 dang | wa nag gis (140-5: pyi) phyi byas gos chen gyis nang sha byas pa’i ber mu tig gi rgyan can dang | wa nag gi dge ldan zha (140-5: zhu, for zhwa) ser dbu M 2 qara negen γadar-tai mangnuγ-bar (for: -iyar) dotorlaγsan daqu subud tob£i-tai ba qara negen geden †iser T 3 zhwa gser gar blug gi rdo rjes rgyan pa gser skud kyi (140-5: kyis, correctly) bcos pa’i gos khyad ’phags las grub pa’i sku chos dang | M 3 titim £idqumal altan ingse-tei kiged altan utasun-iyar neke b t g.egsen ilangγui-a k t rkei (for: ket rkei, JC doturqai) nom-tu (JC -du) debel kiged 486 T 1 shin shing cang gis bzos pa’i sku (140-6) gsan (for: gzan) | mu tig byi ru sogs rin po ches brgyan pa’i zhabs bcags (for: chags) sogs (JC sot, for: sogs)

M 1 †ing†in an-u orkim i kiged subud †iru ter[i]g ten erdeni-ber £ime[g]sen boyiba (JC beyebe) ter[i]g ten b(e)£i T 2 na bza’ cha tshang phul ba gong ma’i thugs dgyes pa’i ched du bzhes pa gnang | khal kha dang | pho brang gi ser mo M 2 barin(g)taγ erg gsen-e ezen (for: e en)- sedkel (for: sedkil) bayasqu-yin tuqai-dur toγtaγa u ayiladqubai (for: ayiladqabai) qalqa-yin quvaraγ-l ge (for: -luγ-a) s m-e-yin quvaraγ-a£a T 3 ba brgya brgya ’tshogs par rje ’di pa’i phyig (140-6 phyag) phyir mkhar sngnon gyi (141-1=71r1=BR 43a1) gnas bcu tho yon gyi sku skye | chos ’byor M 3 aγuγad aγuγad quraγulun g.eg.en tan-a baraγ-a bolγaqu anu : k ke qota-yin gnasba u [JC qasba£u] toyin-u qubilγan ber £oyin(g) or rab amba 487 T 1 rab byams pa | gtsang pa sku skye sogs pho brang gi grwa pa nyi shu rtsa lnga pa (141-1, pa missing) | rje ’di’i phyag M 1 ba a[ng]ba qubilγan ter[i]g ten s m-e-yin blama[-]nar-a£a qorin tabu ene boγda-yin baraγ-a T 2 g.yog nyi shu rtsa lnga ste khyon bsdoms grwa pa lnga bcus dpal rdo rje ’jigs byed lha bcu gsum gyi sgo nas rab (141-2) M 2 bolun[-]e£en (for: e en)-e£e qorin tabu-l ge (for: -luγ-a, JC note 205) neite tabin quvaraγ ber arban γurban burqan-du yaman(g)dag.ayin eg den-e£e qoyar T 3 gnas nyi ma gnyis mdzad | grwa pa gzhan rnams kyis g.yas g.yon gyi lha khang gnyis la bla ma mchod pa M 3 ed r rabnai ki ayiladbai busu quvaraγ-ud ber baraγun eg n qoyar s m-e-d r blam-a-yin takil kiged 488 T 1 dang | tshe chog sogs dang | rab gnas grub nas nyi ma gsung (for: gsum) la bka’ ’gyur gsung sgrog gnang | tha’i hu chen M 1 ayusi-yin £oγ-a ter[i]g ten un[g]siγad rabnai teg s γ.sen-e γurban ed r γandzuur ungsiγul u yeke tayiqu-yin T 2 mo rang gi gsol ja’i snod (141-3) gser srang brgya’i ldong mo dang | dngul gyi khog ma chen mos gtsos pa’i yon chen M 2 iγ (JC: uγ)-yin £ai baridaγ aγun la(a)ng-yin (for: -un) altan dongmo kiged nige yeke m ngg n toγu-a-bar erkilen (for: ekilen) yeke erg l bari£a T 3 po phul | de nas pho brang gi nub ngos kyi rir yod pa’i rgya’i lha khang rnams kyi rten mjal la gong ma’i bka’ bzhin M 3 erg bei ten(g)de£e beg.e ing- n baraγun degesi aγulan-dur bariγsan ked n s m-e-yin burqan sit gen-e m rg k i-d r ezen (for: e en)arliγ baγuγsan 489 T 1 phebs par sor sung tor ken am bang (141-3: pa instead of bang) dang | (141-3 + |) (141-4) pa thu la’i gnyis phyag g.yog la gtong ba gnang | M 1 met sur (JC: sur) s ng d rgen alban kiged batulai qoyar : baraγa bolγan ilege ayiladbai T 2 de nas u’i chin shang la phebs | de nas chu nang du gru la byon de chan chu yang la phebs bzhugs zhag gnyis gsum M 2 ten(g)de£e i £in †an-dur alar[a]γad basu ten(g)de(n)£e usun dotor-a ongγu£a-bar alar[a] u £an£u yang-dur (JC: -tur) alar[a]γad qoyar γurban qonoγ-un ted i t den ayiladduγad

T 3 bzhugs | de nas pho brang nang du phebs | tsan dan jo bo sogs pho brang gi phyi na (141-5) yod pa’i lha khang thomd (= thams cad) (141-5: thams cad) kyi rten M 3 ten(g)de£e s g rek (JC: s gereg ) be ing-d r alar[a] u an(g)dan uu ter[i]g ten ordu qar†i-yin γadaki qamuγ boγda s m-e-yin burqan sit gen-d r 490 T 1 mjal gnang | dngos bshams yid sprul gyi mchod pa sna tshogs pas mchod par mdzad de bstan pa rgyas pa’i M 1 kes£ (for: kes , JC geske ) m rg l ayiladduγad bodatai boluγsan sedkel (for: sedkil)-e£e qubilγaγsan eldeb il takil-iyar takil ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) †a†in-i delgereng lk -yin T 2 smon lam gnang | log phebs khar dngul srang lnga bcu’i ldong mo | | dngul srang (141-5: + lnga, correctly) bcu’i (141-6) ka t.o ra | gos yug lnga M 2 yer gel (for: ir gel) ayiladbai degere alaraqu-yin £aγ[-]tur tabin lang-yin (for: -un) m ngg n dungmu tabin lang-un m ngg n γadur torγ-a mangnuγ tabiγad T 3 bcu | zam zo lnga ba brgya | gser sga sogs ’bul ba rgya chen po phul | snga sor dus bde skabs stag lo’i M 3 sayin b s tabun aγuγad altan emegel ter[i]g ten erg l aqui yeke erg bei : erten- engke £aγ-un y-e-d r bars il[-] n 491 T 1 cho ’phrul smon las grol skabs su g.yon ru tsho ba bzhi’i lo tsa shes mkhan tsho bzhugs sgar la M 1 il[-] n £aγan sara[-]yin yer gel (for: ir gel) teg sk i-yin kiri-d eg n qosiγu d rben baγ-un kel[e]m r£i T 2 ’bod pa gnang nas (142-1=71v1=BR 43b1) thams cad kyi bgros mthun thog nas dag yig za ma tog sog skad du bsgyur | rje ’di pa’i M 2 saγurin k riyen deger-e daγudan ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) qamuγ bsiyelden (JC: bsiyeldan) deger-e dakyik zam-a dok-i mongγol kele[-]ber or£iγulbai basa ene T 3 sku gzhogs nas sog yig rnying pa ’di la ’bod mi shes pa sogs ’dra yig mang gshis sku gzhogs nas M 3 boγda g.eg.en ber qaγu£in mongγol s g eg n[-]d r daγudalγ-a l medegdek ter[i]g ten adali s g olan-a tula gegen tan ber-iyen 492 T 1 la nydza’i yi ge dang cha ’dra ba’i sog yig (142-2) gser (for: gsar) pa legs pa cig kyang mdzad | bka’ ’gyur sog skad tu (142-2: du, correctly) bsgyur M 1 langza-yin s g-l ge qubi adali mongγol s g sayiqan nigen £u (JC: £ ) tubdan (JC: ?) ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) okiyabai γan uur mongγol kelen-ber (for: kele-ber) or£iγulay-a T 2 ba’i dgongs (142-2 + pa) gtad kyang dus ma bde ba byung ba’i stabs kyis bzhed pa ltar ma grub | de skabs su bdag gis M 2 taγalal ayiladduγsan a u £aγ minu amur busu bolqu-yin bayidaliyar (JC: -iyer!) taγalaγsan (JC: daγalaγsan) yosuγar ese abdubai tere u£ir-a bi[-]ber T 3 ’bul ba’i rnam grangs ’phran (for: phran) bu dang bcas te rang rnam thar (142-3) gyi ljags rtsom zhig gnang ba dang | de ma byung M 3 erg l- n il baγ-a saγ-a-yin erg gegen tan-u ber[-] n £adig nigen-i ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) qayirlaqui ba ted i delgerengg i 493 T 1 na’ang sa bon tsam zhig gnang dgos tshul zhus par zhal gyi (142-3: gyis, correctly) ma bzhes | slar nan gyis zhus M 1 ese bolba£u tob£i-yin ted i nigen-i ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) qayirlamu kemen ayiladqabasu ber aγdun (JC: aγdaγun, correctly) ese ayiladduγad basa †imdal-iyar (JC: †imetel-iyer, incorrectly) uyiledqabasu (for: ayiladqabasu, JC: iledqabes ) T 2 kyang bdag la mkhas pa dgyes pa’i rnam thar bzang po ni med | bla ma dam pa rnam las dam pa’i (142-4) chos kyi M 2 ber merged-i bayasqaqu sayin £idag (for: £adig) anu gei : deged blam-a-nar-a£a deged nom[-]un esi-yi £igsen (JC: £igsen) T 3 bka’ drin zhus pa sogs kyi skor slar e yong ba lta gsungs pa ltar pho brang nas chibs (142-4: chings, incorrectly) kha bsgyur te lha khang M 3 ter[i]g ten il qo im bol u bayi ai medey-e kemen iledd γ.sen (for: ayiladduγsan, JC: iled gsen) met ordu qarsi-a£a k lgelen alara u †ara (for: sir-a) 494 T 1 ser po’i nang du bzhugs skabs phebs skyel gyi phyag dbang la phyin | rnam thar gyi zhabs bskul zhus par pho brang

M 1 s m-e-d r saγuqui u£ir-a de baraγ-a bol u odduγad m rg

£adig ayiladqaγsan-iyan sanaγulun £ibes ordu T 2 du slebs (142-5: slabs, incorrectly) nas po’a pu ’di tsam zas zer dgos rgyu yin nam gsungs shing sku rtsed kyi dang du gtong ba gnang M 2 qarsi-daγan k r£ boobo ed i £inege idebei kemek kerigtei (for: keregtei) adaγ buyu -a kemen ayiladduγsaγar nemer[i]le qusig naγadum ber ngk rig l n ayiladbai

T 3 anggir zhes (142-5 + pa) chu spre’i (for: spre’u) ston ka gong ma ri dwags kyi sar byang la phebs (142-5 + skabs, correctly) chibs kha sgyur te gong ma dang mjal M 3 anggir kemek usun be£in il[-] n namur ezen (for: e en) abayin γazar (for: γa ar)-a alaraqu-yin y-e-d r k lgelen alaraγad e£en (for: e en)-l ge 495 T 1 ’dzom gnang ste gsung gleng zhib (142-6) rgyas gnang | dpal gdong zhes pa chu bya’i dbyar ga gong ma chen mo M 1 olγul£an aγul£a u narin eyeten yaγum-a-yi yeke delgerengg i-e ayiladdul£abai baldun kemek usun takiy-a il[-] n un boγda e en-i T 2 sku ltem par spyan drangs | sku’i rim gro stobs chen dang sgrol ma g.yul bzlog kyang mdzad cing | de skabs M 2 gegen- alaqui-dur ala u yeke k £ t g rim- d kiged dar-a ekeyin dovi (?) ki (JC: ge ) qaraγan ayiladduγsan tere u£ir-a T 3 byang grol gyi rgyur gyur pa’i ’brel pa yang bzhag yod pa ’dra gong ma’i (143-1=72r1=BR 44a1) bsnyung gzhi yang yang (143-1: the second yang is missing) mgyogs myur du dwangs | M 3 tonilqu tuγulqu uγ-tur boluγsan barildulγ-a-yi £u talbiγsan bayidaltai e en- £ilege qurdun t rgen ileri boluγsan-a erg l-d r 496 T 1 kha rtags (for: btags) che legs mang ba dang | gos yug nyi shu | dngul srang stong phrag gcig phul | de skabs bdag M 1 yeke sayin qadaγ olan kiged qorin yeke torγ-a mingγan lang m ngg erg bei tere u£ir-a bi[-]ber T 2 gis kyang tshe dbang zhus shing lcang skya khu’ thog thu la phyag phyi zhus | de’i (143-2) ston ka gong ma ri dwags la M 2 ayu†i-yin abisig ayiladqaγad angyan-a qutuγtu-dur m rg k i-yi ayiladqa u odbai tere il[-] n namur ezen (for: e en) aba-dur T 3 phebs skabs sngar lugs bzhin ’jal (143-2: mjal, correctly) ’dzom gnang | bsnyen bkur zhabs tog rgya chen po mdzad | M 3 alaraqui u£ir-a urid yosuγar olγul£an (JC note 228: olγal£an, correctly) ayiladduγsan erg l k nd lel aqui yekede erg bei 497 T 1 dngos po zhes pa shing (143-2 shi, incorrectly) khyi’i ston ka gong ma rigs (143-2: ri dwags, correctly) la phebs skabs sngar lugs bzhin ’jal (143-2 mjal, correctly)

M 1 ibu kemek modon noqai il[-] n (JC: dzilun) namur ezen (for: e en) aba-dur alaraqu-yin y-e-d r urid yosuγar T 2 ’dzom gnang | de’i (143-3) dgun kha bdag gis phyag dbang la phyin | lnga mchod grol grol bsdad tshe dbang dang M 2 olγul£an (JC note 230: olγal£an, correctly) ayiladbai tere il[-] n eb l bi m rg l-d r odduγad (JC: oddaγad, incorrectly) qorin tabun-u yer gel (for: ir gel) teg s[-] n teg stel-e T 3 sgrol dkar yid bzhin ’khor lo | ’jam nag gi rjes gnang rnams zhus | sku gzhogs nyid kyi sku gzan | M 3 saγu u ayu†i-yin abisig kiged saγan (for: £aγan) dar-a eke qara man(g) usiri-yin inang ayiladqaba gegen tan-u ber[-] n asγaγsan orkim i 498 T 1 dngul man. kha rtags (for: btags) dang bcas pa | gdan | snye ’bol (143-4) rta bzang po gnyis kyi gnang sbyin kyang stsal | de skabs M 1 man(g)dal qadaγ-l ge (for: -luγ-a, JC note 232) selte olbuγ t †ilge qoyar sayin mori-yi r siyel qayirlabai tere u£ir T 2 dus zing gi skabs skyon byung ba’i rgyal ba rigs lnga dang | bde gshegs mchod rten brgyad sogs rten che chung M 2 £aγ-un busunin-u y-e-d r gemt gsen †it gen ilaγuγsan tabun i aγur-tu sayibar odduγsad naiman suburγ-a ter[i]g ten yeke baγ-a †it ged-i T 3 du ma’i zhig gsos mdzad cing rab gnas kyang gnang grub ’dug | mchod ldan ces (143-5) pa shing phag gi ston ka sngar M 3 olan nigen-i selben ayiladduγad rabnai £u ayiladduγsan a iγu £uddan kemek modon γaqai il[-] n namur 499 T 1 lugs bzhin gong ma chen po dang ’jal (143-5 mjal) ’dzom gnang | de dag gi snga phyi bar gsum du tsho ba brgyad | M 1 urid yosuγar boγda ezen (for: e en)-l ge olγul£al (for: olγal£al) ayiladbai tedeger- n urid qo im absar γurban-dur naiman qosiγu T 2 a pa ka | su nyid | u tsu mer min (143-5: chin, correctly) | or dus sogs kyi bla dpon che chung skya ser mchog dman mjal mkhan M 2 abaγ-a s nid mer£in uridui (JC note 235: urad [[[Wikipedia:ordos|ordos]]], correctly) ter[i]g ten- blam-a-nar yeke baγ-a noyad qara quvaraγ deged douradu olan merig l£in (JC: m rg l£in, correctly) T 3 du mar (143-6) dam pa’i chos kyi char pa phab ste smin grol la bkod | (143-6 | missing) lo der sku skeg gi sku rim la bka’ ’gyur tshar M 3 -d r deged nom-un qur-a baγulγa u bolbasuraγulun ulaγan okiyabai m n tere il[-] n g.eg.en tan-u seg der tasiyaraqu g rim-d r γan ur olan ter[i]g ten yeke 500 T 1 mang po sogs sku rim stobs chen mdzad ’dug | ’dzin byed ces pa me byi’i ston ka sngar lugs bzhin gong M 1 k £ tei g rim- d okiyan ayiladduγsan a iγu zin ed kemek γal quluγun-a il n (for: il- n) namur urid yosuγar T 2 ma chen mo dang mjal ’dzom gnang | dbang (144-1=72v1= BR 44b1) phyug ces pa me glang gi sos ka gong ma chen po nying sha la phebs nas M 2 boγdan (for: boγda) ezen (for: e en)-l ge olγul£an (for: olγal£an) ayiladduγad vang£uγ kemek γal ker il[-] n un boγda ezen (for: e en) ning †a-dur alara u T 3 tshur phebs skabs rje ’di pa spyan drangs mjal ’dzom gnang | lcang skya khu’a gi phyi logs pur su tha’i zhes M 3 inaγsi tekerek i-yin y-e-d r enek boγda-yi ala u aγul an ayiladduγad ang kya qu (JC ke )-yin γadanaki burγasu-tai-yin γoul kemek 501 T 1 pa’i lung pa thub lhan du phebs | rgyal dbang mchog (144-2) gi zhing brjes pa’i skabs kyi rnam thar sde pas M 1 k rtel-e qamtu alaraγad tabuduγar dalai blam-a-yi ang£i aril iqui (for: aral iqui, JC: arala iqui) yes- n £adi(n)g deba (JC: diba)-bar okijaγsan-i T 2 mdzad pa sog skad du bsgyur bar zhus pa’i zhabs phyir bdag dang pa thu la’i gnyis nyi ma bzhi tsam phyag g.yog zhus M 2 mongγol kele[-]ber or£iγul kemen ayiladduγsan tula batulai (JC: bodulai) bida qoyar d rbe qonoγ-un ted i dergede (JC tergeten) baraγa T 3 te grub pa dang pa thu las la gong ma chen por ’bul du bcug pa gnang ste |(144-2 + |) (144-3) de nas bzhugs sgar phyogs su phebs M 3 bolun e teg s gsen-e batulai ber boγda ezen (for: e en)-e erg g l n ayiladbai ten(g)de-e£e saγurin k r[i]yen-d r 502 T 1 zhabs phyir nyi ma gnyis gsum gyi sar phyin te | nyi ma gcig bcags mar bzhugs par zhus te zhabs brtan M 1 ala aqui (for: alaraqui) £aγ[-]tu qoyar γurba qonoγ-un γazar (for: γa ar) bi[-]ber baraγa[-]bol u oddul£aγad nigen ed r t de saγataqui-yi £iged lmei batudqu-yin dang†uγ T 2 brtan bzhugs ’bul bar dngul gyi man.d.ala kha rtags (for: btags) bzhugs gdan | snye ’bol | (144-3 + |) (144-4) gos ber | dngul gyi ldong mo M 2 erg k i-d r m ngg n man(g)dal qadaγ olbuγ t silge torγan ang£i m ngg n dungmu T 3 dang | dngul gyi ka t.o ra | gos dar gyi rigs sogs kyi ’bul ba dang grwa ja gnyis kha rtags (for: btags) ja ’gyed dang bcas pa M 3 kiged m ngg n γadur torγ-a mangnuγ-un il ter[i]g ten erg ged qural-dur qoyar mang a ke(n)den £ai ed-l ge selte erg 503 T 1 phul | ras chung lugs kyi tshe dpag med dkar po bla med lugs kyi rjes gnang zhus | de’i sang (144-5) nyin log M 1 erg rayi£ung-un yosun-u te[ng]sel gei nd s n- £aγan ayusiyin inang ayiladqa u teg n[-] manaγar-tur T 2 yong khar sku gzhogs rin po che nyid kyi gsol slog | lha khang bzhengs rgyu’i snon khar dngul srang brgya’i gnang sbyin M 2 tekere bu£aqui deger-e minu g.eg.en ene-[y]i ber-e- n (for: -yin) asaγul ayiladduγsan anu keyid s m-e bariqu-yin nemeri-d r aγun lang m n[g]g r siye T 3 stsal | de lo’i dgun kha sku tsha don grub e phu (144-5: pu) la gong ma chen po’i sras mo kong jo gnang ba’i legs so ’bul M 3 qayirlabai m n tere il[-] n eb l gegen- a£i dondub ebu-d r boγda ezen (for: e en)- abaγai govang£ova soyurqaqu-yin beleg 504 T 1 bar (144-6) pho brang du phebs | cun cing ting zhes pa’i lha khang du | rje ’di pa’i phyag g.yog dge ’dun pa brgyad dang M 1 erg k i-d r ordu qarsi alaraγad ng£in kemek s m-e-d r enek boγda-yin baraγ-a boluγsan aγun naiman T 2 brgyad | mer ken chos rje | chos ’byor rab ’byams pa sogs pho brang gi dge ’dun pa brgyad kyis nyi ma bzhi M 2 ge( )d n-l ge mergen £oyisr£i £oyi or rab imba ter[i]g ten ordu qarsi-yin quvaraγ-a£a naiman qural£a u d rben tabun-dur k rtele T 3 lnga’i bar du bka’ ’gyur gsung (145-1=73r1=BR 45a1) sgrog sogs gnang | yang dgu gtor chen mo’i skabs nyi ma gsum la M 3 γa ur (for: γan ur, JC note 255) ter[i]g ten ayiladduγad basu yis n- yeke torm-a alaqu-yin y-e-d r γurban qonoγ 505 T 1 yang lha khang de nyid du grwa grangs sngar lugs ltar bskang gso khag gnyis gsum tsam M 1 -tur m n k tere s m-e-d r qur[a]l[-]un toγ-a urid yosuγar γangso qoyar γurban y-e tes (?) ayiladdun T 2 mdzad | yon la dngul srang brgyad dang gos yug bcu phul | lo (145-2) gsar tshes gcig gi nyin tsandana jo bo’i M 2 okiyaγsan-a erg l-d r aγun lang m ngg arban yeke torγ-a erg bei £aγan sara[-]yin sine[-]yin nigen- ed r[-]e zan(g)dan uu-yin T 3 sku gzhogs su rje ’di pa dang gong ma gnyis phan tshun mjal dar phul te mjal ’dzom gnang | de nas mer M 3 gegen- em n-e-d r ene k boγda-l ge (for: -luγ-a, JC note 263) ezen (for: e en) qoyaγulan ( gerek ) gerek (for: rg ku, i.e. erg k ) beleg-iyen erg l£e olγaγul£an ayiladduγad ten(g)de£e merg.en 506 T 1 ken chos rje bzhugs pa’i gzims khang la phebs te bla ma mang ma dang | o’i lod kyi bkra (145-3) shis pa ’thur dbang M 1 £ ng£oi (JC: £oyisrji)-yin saγuγsan irγaqui-yin qarsi-dur alar[a]u blam-a-nar olan kiged : geled- n tasi baγatar (JC: dasi baγatur) vang T 2 sogs dpon po ’ga’ zhig dang | a mdo ba nang so rnam pa sogs la mjal kha gnang | gzims khang der M 2 ter[i]g ten nige ked n noyad ba amdo nangsu erkimten ter[i]g ten nige ked n baraγulan (for: baraγadan?) sayilabai (?) tere qarsi-dur T 3 bzhugs skabs bzhugs khri gcig gi steng rje ’di pa dang gong ma gnyis mnyam por bzhugs pa’i gral (145-4) gong M 3 saγuqu-yin y-e-d r nigen †iregen- deger-e ene boγda-l ge (for: luγ-a, JC note 263) ezen (for: e en) qoyuγulan (for: qoyaγulan) qamtu saγuγsan saγudal-un ekin-d r ene

507 T 1 du rje ’di pa bzhugs | tshes drug la chan chu yang la phebs | tshes bcu gcig nas bcu bdun M 1 boγda-yi alabai ten(g)de£e sine[-]yin irγuγan-dur £ang £uyangdur (JC: -t r) alaraγad arban nigen-e£e arban doloγan k rtel-e T 2 gyi bar rgongs ltar me’i rtsed mo sna tshogs pa’i gzigs mor spyan drangs te | (145-4 | missing) spyan ’bebs zhus | nyi shu gnyis M 2 desi b ri γal-un naγadu[m] aldeb (for: eldeb, JC note 265) il : ayiladqar-a (JC: ayiladγar-a, incorrectly) ala u eg l n ayiladqabai qorin qoyar-tu T 3 la slar pho brang du phebs | nyi shu bdun (145-5) la gong ma dang lhan du ri bo rtse lngar chibs kha bsgyur der bzhugs M 3 a£i ordun-daγan alar[a] u ten(g)de£e qorin doloγan-dur ezen (for: e en)-l ge qamtu -tai †an-dur k lgelen alara u k r ged ten(g)de£e orusiγsan 508 T 1 pa’i dge ’dun pa rnams la mang ’gyed dang ljags lung rjes gnang mang po gnang | gong ma’i btsun mo gnyis kyis M 1 quvaraγ b k n-d r mang£a id kiged lung inang olan r siyebei tere u£ir-a ezen (for: e en)- qoyar qatun ber (JC: ged n-ber) T 2 phyag dbang zhus par rje ’di pas gong ma’i (145-5 + sku, correct) gzhogs su thugs (145-6) ’dzin pa gnang bar gong mas phyag dbang gnang M 2 m rg l ayiladqaγsan-dur enek boγda ber e£en (for: e en)gegen-d r sedkel (for: sedkil) £egerle (JC: £egerlek ) soyurqal £igsen-e e£en (for: e en)-ber m rg l T 3 zhig zhus pa ltar byin rlabs stsal | de nas byang lam brgyud de phebs pa’i lam bar du bdag pho brang du gdag (145-6: bdag) M 3 qayirlaγdun kemen £igsen met adis r siyebei ten(g)de£e umara-yin am-iyar damna u alaraqu-yin m ri deg.er-e bi bege ing 509 T 1 na nas bsdad pa tshur log yong dus mjal te tshe rta gnyis kyi bka’ dbang zhus shin tu mnyes (146-1=73b1=BR 45b1) mnyes M 1 -t r genegerke (JC: kenegereke , incorrectly) saγuγsan-a inaγsi alar[a] u irek i (JC: ereg i, incorrectly) £aγ[-]tur m rg ayu†i damdin qoyar-un abisig-i £igsen-e masi bayasuγsaγar r siyen T 2 mdzad | lo de’i ston ka gong ma’i bkas (146-1: bka’) gong ma dang lhan du u la zhes pa’i yul du phebs nas pho brang du yang lhan M 2 ayiladbai m n tere il[-] n namur ezen (for: e en)- arliγ-iyar ezen (for: e en)-l ge qamtu ulan (JC: olan, incorrectly) kemek orondur alar[a] u ordu qarsi-dur £u qamtu T 3 du phebs te lo gsar mdzod (141-1: mdzad, correctly) | de skabs sprul skye de bzhin gshegs pa’i cha (146-1: chu, incorrectly) lugs can gyi ’jam dbyangs kyi M 3 alaraγad £aγan sara siγlan (for: sinelen, JC note 267: siγalan) ayiladbai tere u£ir-a qubilγan bey-e teg n£ilen iregsen- ang-u (JC: ang -u) d rit man(g) u†iri-yin bey-e 510 T 1 gser sku lugs (146-2) ma legs pa cig gong mar phul | gong ma rgyal pos bka’ drin bskyangs pa’i bka’ drin (146-2 + dran) pa’i zhu M 1 saγumal sayiqan nigen-i ezen (for: e en)-d r erg ged boγda ezen (for: e en)- a£i-bar asar[a] u tedk gsen a£i-yi duradqu ayiladqal-un bi£ig T 2 yig rje ’di pas dbus khal kha’i rgyal po gnyis dang dpon che chung phal che bas spyi mthun tu (146-2: du, correctly) phul bas gong mas thugs M 2 enek boγda ber erkilen (for: ekilen) qalq-a-yin qoyar qaγan kiged yeke baγ-a noyad olan ken ber okildaγulun erg ezen (for: e en) ber sedkel (for: sedkil) T 3 shin tu mnyes pa mdzad | de (146-3) nas gong ma dang lhan tu (146-3: du) po ta lar phebs rtsis la rje nyid kyi jo lags rdo rje thu she ye thu M 3 -iyen masi bayasun ayiladbai ten(g)de£e ezen (for: e en)-l ge qamtu botala-dur alaraqui-a toγtoγsan (for: toγtaγsan)-dur enek boγda-yin aq-a va£ir t siyet 511 T 1 rgyal po gshegs pa’i skad cha dang bsngo zhus ’bul mkhan ’byor pa gong ma’i snyan du phul bar M 1 qaγan tegeri (for: tengri, JC note 269: tngri) bolba kemek medege kiged yer gel (for: ireg l) ayiladqaqu erg l erg g£in erigsen(e)e (for: iregsen-e) ezen(e)-e (for: e en-e) ayiladqal erg gsen-d r T 2 bzhugs sgar la phebs rgyal mo dang sras po rnams kyi sems gso (146-4) dang | dgongs rdzogs kyi dge rtsa mdzad pa M 2 saγurin k riyen-degen alaraγad qatud ke ked-nuγud (for: n g d)-un sedkel (for: sedkil) sergegek (for: seregek ) ba taγalal teg s gsen-i buyan-u yosu£ilan iledk T 3 ’gab tshul phebs pa ltar hor zla dang po’i nyer lnga la pho brang nas chibs kha bsgyur | bzhugs sgar la phebs M 3 b kemen arliγ baγulγaγsan met £aγan sara[-]yin qorin tabundur ordu qar†i-a£a k lgelen ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) saγurin k riyend r alaraγad 512 T 1 te rgyal po’i dgongs pa rdzogs thabs rgya chen po mdzad | lo de’i ston ka yang sngar lugs bzhin ri dwags kyi (146-5) M 1 qaγan taγalal teg s gsen arγ-a buyan aqui yekede okiyan (JC: okiyal) ayiladbai m n tere il[-] n namur £u urid yosuγar aba-yin γazar (for: γa ar)-a T 2 sar gong ma dang mjal ’dzom gnang | dgun kha pho brang du phebs te lo gsar sogs sngar lugs bzhin M 2 ezen (for: e en)-l ge olγul£a u ayiladduγad eb l inu ordu qar†idur alar[a] u sinelek ter[i]g ten urid yosuγar T 3 mdzad | dpa’ bo zhes pa lcags ’brug gi hor zla gsum pa’i nyer gnyis la pho brang nas chibs kha bsgyur | M 3 ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) babu kemek tem r luu il[-] n qabur[-]un seg l sara-yin qorin qoyar-tur ordu qarsi-a£a k lgelen alar[a] u 513 T 1 ma ’gyangs par sog yul sngar (146-6) gyi mtsher sar bde bar phebs | khal kha g.yon ru se chen rgyal M 1 siγu(u)rq[a]yilan mongγol oron-u qa[γ]u£in nutuγ γazar (for: γa ar)-taγan amuγulang alaraqu-yin u£ir-a qalq-a eg n qosiγu se£en T 2 po’i skor nas dpon che chung mchog dman mang pos u la rnga mong dang rta mang po dang gzhan yang dang pas (for: bas) ’bul M 2 qaγan-u ayimaγ-a£a yeke baγ-a noyad deged dour[a]du olan arad ber ulaγ-a temege olan kiged busu basu s s g-ten ber erg l£in £u T 3 mkhan yang bsam gyis mi khyab cing | byams pa ta’i ching dbang gis rta brgya tham pa dang gzhan dpon (147-1=74r1=BR 46a1) che chung M 3 sedki†i gei b ged imba dayi£in vang ber aγun adaγu kiged busu yeke baγ-a noyad 514 T 1 phal che bas (147-1: ba’i) bsu ba dang | bsnyen bkur ’bul ba bsam gyis mi khyab pa byas ’dug | khyu mchog ces pa lcags

M 1 olangki(n) ber uγtuγad erg l k nd len sedki†i gei erg gsen a iγu

£ m£uγ kemek tem r T 2 sprul er te ni jo bo’i rten mjal dang zhig gsos gnang rgyu’i zhal bkod gnang par phebs shing phyag nas ’thor

M 2 moγai il-d r erdeni uu-yin sit gen-e m rg ged selbik [-]yin erge-yi g.eg.en-iyer-iyen ayiladdun sel(e)beg l n (for: selbig l n) okiyaγad alar[a] u mutur arbai T 3 ba (147-2) gnang | khal kha’i dpon che chung mjal mkhan mang po chos dang zang zing gis tshim par mdzad | lo de’i dgun M 3 sasun (for: sa£un) ayiladduγad qalq-a-yin yeke baγ-a noyad ber m rg l£in olan b k i-d r nom kiged ed aγurasun-iyar qangγan ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) m n tere il[-] n 515 T 1 zla tha mar nar pho brang du phebs te sna tshogs zhes pa chu rta’i lo gsar sogs sngar lugs M 1 eb l[-] n adaγ sara ordu qarsi-daγan alar[a] u na£uγ kemek usun morin il[-] n £aγan sara-yin ten(g)de T 2 bzhin mdzad de sog yul du chibs kha bsgyur bzhugs (147-3) sgar la bde bar phebs | thugs dam zab bzhes M 2 sineleke[n] terig ten- urid yosuγar okiya u mongγol oron-daγan k lgelen tekeri saγurin k riyen-degen amurqan alaraγad ber[-] n ayiladqu g n narin T 3 kyi rim pa dang | spyi sger gyi sku rim sogs chos spyod bcu’i mdzad bzang yar ngo’i zla ba ltar gong ’phel M 3 bisilγal b t gel erge kiged yer -yin isaγ-a g rim ba du[l]ayitu £aγ £aγ-un g rim ter[i]g ten arban nomun (for: nom-un) adalal-un okiyal sine-yin sara met ulam deg.egside arbidqan 516 T 1 du mdzad | bod kyi bla chen rta tshag rje drung rin po che dang | de mo sprul sku rnams kyis rje ’di par /phyag/ phyag dbang M 1 ayiladbai tere u£ir-a t bed- n yeke blam-a da£aγ id ng rinbu£ei kiged dem -yin qubilγan-nuγud ber enek boγda-dur m rg l £igsen-e T 2 zhus | rta tshag rje drung rin po ches dga’ ldan po shog thu’i phyogs byas pa yin zhes gong mas ma mnyes pa’i M 2 dasaγ id ng rinbu£ei ber γaldan bo†uγtu-yin ayimaγ-tur baγtaγsan kemen ezen (for: e en, JC: -e£e) ber ay-a gei d ri bari u T 3 tshul gnang ba la rje ’di pas thabs mkhas kyi sgo nas dgongs (147-4 + pa) yangs su bcug ste phan thogs rgya chen M 3 arliγ baγuγsan-a enek boγda ber uran arγ-a-yin eg den-e£e sedkil- n ay-a taγalal-i dasira[mda]γul u aγui yeke tusu k rgen 517 T 1 po gnang | gong ma chen pos bla ma la rje btsun dam pa las lhag pa’i bla ma ma mthong M 1 ayiladbai ted i boγda ezen (for: e en) ber yer blam-a-nar-tur ib undamba qutuγtu-a£a lmei blam-a ese e T 2 gsung ba bdag gis lan gnyis gsum dngos su thos (there is a mark by a pencil till here) | mi bzang rnam pa khal kha’i bzang po thams M 2 -l ge kemen qoyar γurban y-e ayiladqu bi[-]ber tobtai sonosluγ-a qalq-a-yin ergeten sayin baiγ†i (for: baγsi, JC note: 264) b g de T 3 cad rje ’di pa gcig pur ’dus ’dug ces mkhyen rgya che ba’i bsngags pa brjod | (147-6) snga sor glang lo’i M 3 γaγ(a)£a enek boγda-yin a£i a iγu kemen ali b k yaγum-a-yi masi yeke sonin kemen sayisiya u ayiladbai arid (for: urid, JC: ired, incorrectly) ker (JC: gei, incorrectly) il[-] n seg l

518 T 1 mjug tu nyin gcig cun cing teng lha khang la hung tha’i hu mjal bar phebs skabs rje ’di pa lha khang gi rgyab M 1 sara[-]tu nigen ed r n ing teng- n s m-e-d r qong tayisu m rg re irek -yin u£ir-a enek boγda s m-e-yin qoyituki T 2 kyi gong ma’i gzims chung du bzhugs pa’i phyag g.yog la gcung chos ’phel lags dang | nged gnyis las M 2 ezen (for: e en)- irγaqu ordun-dur aγsan-a ter[i]g ten deg ke ken noyan-l ge (for: -luγ-a, JC note 287) bide qoyar-a£a busu baraγ-a boluγ£in gei T 3 med | de skabs (148-1=74v1=BR 46b1) rje ’di pas rgyal dbang mchog gis rdo rje phreng ba’i dbang gnang skabs ’khor lo bsgyur M 3 tere u£ir-a enek boγda ber tabuduγar dalai blam-a-yin g.eg.en-ten ber (JC: -bar) va£ar erike-yin abi†ig r siyek -yin y-e-d r ir(u)γuγan £akr-a vadi-yin 519 T 1 drug gi dbang gi nyin rus rgyan thams cad bzhes shing bzhugs pa shin tu mdzes pa yod M 1 abi†ig ed r-t r yasun £imeg b k i-ben gede boluγad bayiqudaγan masi T 2 pas gsungs nas rgyun ring po’i bar bshums rang bshums (148-2) par rje btsun mas kyang ma bshums spyan spos yang M 2 sayiqan £ai adaγ (?) (JC: qadaγ) bile-e lun (?) (JC: bila-a) kemen ayiladduγad nen (?) eg ride qayilan qayilaγsan ke ken noyan ber b qayilan nid n- gegen £u T 3 yang (148-2 missing) zhus kyang bshums ’phro ma chad | de skabs bdag gis kyang rje nyid ’brom ston pa ltar rang gi yon M 3 qabudmui basu basu quri u (for: qari u) ayiladqaba£u ese oγsun qayilaγsan-a tere u£ir-a bi[-]ber £u m n k ene boγda burumdun ba met erdem-iyen 520 T 1 tan spas (148-2: sbas, correctly) pa gnang gi ’dug zhus pa ’di yin mod | bdag la ni blo (148-2: bla, correctly) ma dran nas du mi dgos (148-3) dran rgyu yang

M 1 niγun ayiladdan (for: ayiladdun) a iγu kemen urid £igsen minu ene m n amui nadur inu blam-a-yi sana u ukilaqu bayituγai dur[a]dqu £u T 2 nyin skar lta bu ’dug ces zhus | snga sor rgyal dbang mchog gis rje kun dga’ snying po la mi mnyes pa’i M 2 ken yaγan a iγu kemen sedkeg.ed (for: sedkiged) erte-d tabuduγar dalai blam-a-bar boγda g ngga ningbuu-dur γomudan ayiladduγsan T 3 gsung rnam thar la brgyag pa gnang ba dang | rtag brtan gyi dngul gdung bshig pa sogs la brten tshul M 3 -iyan £iding (for: £adig)-tur talbiγsan ayiladduγsan kiged taγdanun m ngg n suburγ-a ebdegsen ter[i]g ten-d r †it 521 T 1 bstan la cung thugs mi mnyes pa yod shas kha snyam pa’i log rtog mun khung ngu nyi ma shar ba ltar M 1 nen uγ-taγan baqan sedkel (for: sedkil)-tegen (for: -degen) yaγum-a sana u ayiladduγ£i bui -a kemen sedkegsen (for: sedkigsen) buruγu adqaγ minu qarangγui n ken-d r naran T 2 bsal nas dngos su zhu ma nus kyang ’gyod pa skyes te snying thag pa nas bshags pa phul | rgyun du <rjes> gnang gi rigs M 2 man(g)daγsan met arila u ilede ayiladqan ese £idaba£u gemsil t r nen k ir ken-e£e naman(g)£ilan erg bei yer ke iyede inangun il T 3 ’ga’ ma gtogs dbang chen gyi rigs bsnyen pa ma (148-5) song gsungs nas gtan nas mi gnang | de yang bsnyen M 3 nige ked (for: ked n)-e£e busu yeke abi†i(n)g-un il-i nin(g)ba kigsen gei kemen ayiladqa u ton[g] l r siye tere £u nin(g)ba 522 T 1 sogs dag par ma byas par | dkyil ’khor las la ’jug pa dang | zhes pa’i don dang mthun par gnang ba dang | M 1 ter[i]g ten-iyer ariγudqan iledd l geg i-e qot[-]un man(g)dalun ile-d r oroqui ba kemen nomlaγsan udq-a-l ge (for: -luγ-a) okildun ayiladduγsan kiged T 2 lhag par mkhas grub thams cad mkhyen pas | bla ma cho ga rgyud don mi (148-6) shes shing |(148-6 + |) dam tshig sdom la mi gnas M 2 ilangγui-a qayidub tam id £inba-bar blam-a bar abisi(n)g-un ang ilen- n(g)d s n- udq-a l medeged tangγariγ san(g)var-taγan l oru£in T 3 rnal ’byor bral | | bsnyen sogs ma dag gang byung lag len gyis | | slob ma rjes ’dzin dbang gi gzugs M 3 burqan-u yoγa-a-a£a tasiru u (for: tasura u, JC note 295) nin(g)ba ter[i]g ten-iyer ese ariγu[d]qaγad alin tusiyaquyi£a (for: tusiyaquia£a) ang ilebei sabinar-i daγan bariγ£i anu abi†i(n)g-un d rmeg buyu

523 T 1 bsnyan (148-6 = 74b6: brnyan, correct) yin ces dang | | mo dang rtsis lung sman pa’i ngag nyan nas | | dam tshig sdom pa M 1 kemegsen kiged t l(e)ge£in iruqayi£in-u bosiγ (for: bo†uγ) ba em£iner- n gen-d r oru u ber n tangγaraγ (for: tangγariγ) sanvariyan teb£ig£i T 2 spangs (149-1=75r1=BR 47a1) pa’i slob ma la | | brgya phrag dbang bskur ’bul ba’i brje tshod (149-1 tshong, correctly) can | | dmyal ba’i sgrub thabs dbang M 2 sibanar (for: †abinar)-tur aγun toγatu abisig-i gbe£ ol£an (for: ol an)-u aril iy-a qudulduγ£i (for: qudalduγ£i) abisi(n)g-un d rit tere minu tamu-yi T 3 gi gzugs brnyan yin | | (149-1 | missing) ces gsungs pa ltar bdag lta bus dbang gi ming btags pa’i gang (149-1 = 75a1: ging, for: gang) byung mang M 3 b t gek -yin arγ-a buyu kemen nomlaγsan-dur adali bi met []ber abisi(n)g-un nere g£ ali boluγsaγar 524 T 1 byung byed mkhan dag(g) (149-1: dagg, for: dag) pa’i (149-2: ba’i) phyir don gyis mdzad pa yin ’dra zhing | gzhan yang rje btsun ’jam dbyangs M 1 tusiyaqui-a£a iledd g£in idqa(a)qu-yin tula tusalan iledk -yin okiyal m n bolultai busu basa get lgeg£i man(g) u†iri ber T 2 kyis rje btsun tsong kha pa chen po la dbang bka’i rigs ma byed | gzhan du tshe thung bar ’gyur zhing | dngos M 2 boγda £ ngkaba-dur ta ber abisig-un il- d (? not clear) b talabai (for: tulabai) (or: kelebei ?) kerbe an(g)dal bolbasu nasun aγur boluγad sidei (for: sidi) T 3 grub las ring bar ’gyur ba dang | bstan pa la phan thog (149-3): thogs) chung ngu ’gro gsungs pas | zhal bzhugs M 3 qoladaqui ba †a£in (for: sa in)-dur tusa k rgek i inu yali£a (for: yali -a) gei bolun od[u]mui kemen ayiladduγ.san-iyar tungγalaγ gede 525 T 1 dus su rjes gnang re tsam ma gtogs | dbang bskur gtan mi mdzad pa’i rgyu mtshan de M 1 bol u bayiqu £aγ-taγan busud-tur inang arim nigen-e£e busu abisig yer orosiyal (for: r siyel) ese qayiralaγsan siltaγan T 2 yin gsung zhes bla ma rtogs ldan pas mdzad pa’i rje’i rnam thar zur ’debs las gsungs pa (149-4) ltar M 2 inu teyim buyu kemen blam-a duγdanba boγda z ngkaba-yin namtar s rdeb-e£e nomlaγsan met daγaγa u T 3 dgongs <pa> yin shes la (149-4: kha) | rtogs ldan pas de ltar gsungs pa ltar rjes gnang dang dbang bka’i rigs M 3 ayiladduγsan sanaγsan (JC aγsan) bolultai duγdanba-yin tere met nomlaγsan yosuγar inang kiged abisig-un il soyurqaγdaγ (JC: soyurqaγad) gei 526 T 1 gnang gi med tsho gsang ’dus kyi dbang brgyud (149-4 + dang) rjes gnang ’ga’i brgyud pa la rje tsong kha pa <’dren pa> gang yin dpyad M 1 gei bolγaqul-a sangd i-yin abi†ig n(g)d s n kiged inang-un n(g)d s n-d r boγda z ngkaba-yi toγulan (for: toγalun) £eneγ.sen inu yaγu bui sin(g) ilen T 2 par bya ba’i gnas (149-5) su ’dug go (mark by a pencil) | rje ’di la byams snying rje byang chub kyi sems dpag tu med pa mnga’ M 2 neyiledk -yin oron a iγu basu ene boγda-dur asaraqu nig lesk sedkel (for: sedkil) inu £aγla†i gei bui T 3 ste | phyogs phyogs kyi mu lto ba’i rigs mang skabs stong phrag tsam | nyung mtha’ yang lnga brgya M 3 qamuγγa ar γa ar[-]un soqur doγulang γuyilang£i (for: γuyiling£i) £aγa£in-u il olan y-e-degen mingγad-un ted i ked i £ gedk i-degen tabun aγuγad-un 527 T 1 tsam la dus rgyun du dbyar dgun gyi gon pa dang bza’ btung rgyun mi (149-6 = 75a6) ’chad par gnang nang (149-6: nas) gsos M 1 ted i-d r £aγ rg l i-de eb l un-u qub£ad ba idegen umdaγan-i rg l i tasural geg y-e soyurqa u te igen ayiladduγsaγar T 2 par mdzad | bya byed gang la yang bla ma dkon mchog rang la blo gtod de rnams kyis bslus mi yod zhes bdag M 2 amui yambar ba ile iledbe£ blam-a γurban erdeni-d r oyun sedkel (for: sedkil)-iyen daγadqabasu tede b k n ber umdaγ-a gei busu kemen nadur T 3 la yang yang gsungs | glang lor zhabs brtan brtan bzhugs phul skabs yang snga sor zhus pa’i rnam M 3 dakin dakin ayiladduγsan a uγu ten(g)de£e ker il-d r (JC: -dur) batudqaqu-yin dan(g)†uγ erg k -yin y-e-d r basu erten- ayiladqaγsan £iding (for: £adig)-iyan

528 T 1 thar gyi (150-1=75v1=BR 47v1) zhabs bskul zhus par | nga la bla ma gong ma <rnams kyi> rnam thar lta bu’i rnam thar bzang po ni med | ’on kyang M 1 eyin (JC: -iyan) sanaγul u ayiladqaγsan-a nadur deged blam-a narun £iding (for: £adig) met sayin £iding (for: £adig) inu gei bui -a bolba£u T 2 bla ma dam pa rnams las chos kyi bka’ drin zhus pa sogs kyi sa bon tsam zhig ster ro khyod kyis sgro btags M 2 deged blam-a-nar-nuγud-a£a : nomun a£(a)i £igsen ter(i)g ten tob£i ted iken nigen-i gs gei : £i ber orbuyilγa u (for: urbaγulγa u ?) ket rkei-e (for: ket rk i-e, JC: ket rek y-e) T 3 kyi bstod rang (150-1: ra) bzhin (150-2) ma byed ces bka’ phebs | zad pa (150-2: pha | ) zhes pa me stag nas da bar du rnam thar gsol ba btab M 3 b maγtaγtun kemen iled arliγ baγubai sadba kemek γal bar(a)s (JC; note 310) il n-e£e (JC: -a£a) ed ge k r(i)t le £idig (for: £adig)-iyan ayiladqa u soyurqamui 529 T 1 kyang thugs brel kyis gnang long med pa’am | bdag skal ba dang mi ldan pa yin nam | dus la ma M 1 yaγar[a]£u (for: yaγara u) ayiladduγ saγar toγ-a £il ge ese bolbaqu (for: bolbasu?) nige (?) bi qubi-l ge (for: -luγ-a) ese teg s γ.sen bolbaqu (for: bolbasu?) nige (?) £aγ-taγan T 2 babs pa gang yin kyang gnang ma byung | (150-2: + |) (150-3) sku gsung thugs kyi rten mang du bzhengs shing | de dag la dus rtag M 2 g r gd ge (?) aγsan bolbaqu (for: bolbasu?) alin-i bolba£u ese soyurqabai basu (for: basa) ene boγda ber bey-e arliγ sedkel (for: sedkil)- n †it gen olan(g)ta b t ge tedeger-i £aγ nasun T 3 tu mchod pa rgyun mi ’chad gnang ba dang | lhag par gzims gur bar ma la nyin re bzhin mchod pa rnam M 3 rg l ide dakin (JC: degen) ayiladqaqui ba ilangγui-a dumdadu ordon-dur ed r tutum doloγan aγun 530 T 1 pa bdun brgya tshar re bshams shing phul ba sogs dkon mchog (150-4) mchod pa la gtso bor mdzad pa ni dge pa’i bshes M 1 beledkel erg k i-degen γurban erdeni-yin takil-dur erkilen (for: ekilen) iledd γ.£i anu buyan : : T 2 gnyen phu chung ba (150-4: pa) dang ’dra | ri bo dge rgyas gling gtsug lag khang rten lha sku dang bcas pa dang | gzhan yang M 2 sadun b £ ngbe-l ge adali buyu ribuge ei ling-un keyid s m-e burqan †it gen-l ge selte ba busu basu (for: basa) T 3 rgyal ba rdo rje ’chang sogs bris ’bur gyi sku ’dra mang po dang | bka ’gyur tshar (150-5) gnyis gsum dang dngul

M 3 ilaγuγsan va£ir dar-a ter[i]g ten k r g saγumal burqad masi olan kiged qoyar qoyar γurba-yin (for: γurban-u) ted i kiged 531 T 1 gdung mchod rten brgyad sogs rten gsum bzhengs pa la brtson par mdzad pa ni dge pa’i bshes M 1 naiman m ngg n suburγ-a ter[i]g ten γurban †it gen : yeke ki†iyel-iyer (for: ki£iyel-iyer, JC note 313) b t g.en ayiladduγsan anu buyan-u sadun sbyan (JC: sabin) T 2 gnyen spyan snga ba dang mtshungs | dbus gtsang gi dge ’dun gyi sde dang | dus bde skabs grwa tshang gnyis M 2 -neg-l ge adali buyu basa baraγun tegeki (for: tege) keyid s me-yin quvaraγ-un ayimaγ ba erten- (JC: -u) engke £aγ-un y-e-d r qoyar T 3 la grwa pa stong phrag gnyis lhag tsam dang ding sang grwa pa (150-6) stong phrag la nye bar dus rgyun du zhabs tog mdzad pa M 3 da£ang-dur (JC: -tur) quvaraγ inu qoyar mingγ-a γarun kiged £aγ ed ge-deki mingγ-a siqaγu quvaraγ-tur £aγ erg l ide erg l k n(g)d lel ing£iyle (for: ile£ile , JC note 316) 532 T 1 lhur bzhes (150-6: bzhengs, incorrectly) ni dge ba’i bshes gnyen po to ba’i rnam thar gyi rjes su bsnyegs par mdzad | mdo sngags kyi M 1 ayiladduγ£i inu buyan-u saduva buduba-yin qaulai (for: qauli) irum-i daγa u ayiladduγsan bayidal-tai busu ene boγda T 2 gzhung lugs dang bzo gso rtsis (151-1=76a1=BR 48a1) sogs tha snyad kyi rig gnas rnams la mkhyen pa mkha’ ltar yangs M 2 ber sudur darani-yin qamuγ γoul yosun kiged urulaqai (for: uralaqui) ba em iruqai ter[i]g ten inaγungki-yin uquγan (for: uqaγan) oron qamuγar-tur ayilad£u inu oγturγai (for: oγtarγui) met aγuu T 3 pas mkhas pa’i yang rtser son | | (151-1=76r1=BR 48a1 : | missing) sdom pa gsum la bcas rang gi dri mas ma gos pas btsun pa’i M 3 -bar mergen- toyin-dur k r gsen γurban san(a)var-taγan kkirselte ber ese bol(t)uγsan tula ariγun-u deged 533 T 1 mchog tu gyur | ris med kyi ’gro ba rnams <la> (151-2) thugs rje’i (151-2: rje) chen po’i gter du gyur bas bzang po’i (151-2: ba’i) M 1 manglai boluγsan ba . alaγ(a)£ilan geg i-e amitan b k n : yeke nig lesk i-yin k sang-dur boluγsan tula sayin-u T 2 mthar thug tu gyur pa dang | rgyal ba yab sras sogs yongs ’dzin mkhas pa rnams las dam pa’i chos du ma gsan M 2 e£ s-t r k rk i boluγsan kiged basu ene boγda ber boγda dalai blam-a ter[i]g ten merg.en baγsi[-]nar b k i-e£e boγdas-un nom[-]un olan nigen : sonosun ayiladduγad T 3 cing sde snod la thos bsam dpyis phyin par gnas pa klog pa thos bsam dang (151-3) dus rgyun par tho rangs snga mo nas nyi phyed M 3 ayimaγ saba-yi sonosqu sanaqu-yin toyin-dur k rtelen oru†in sudur ayiladqaqu kiged sonosqu sanaqu ba £aγ rg l ide erte manaγar r-e£e ekile de 534 T 1 yol yol dang rgongs mo mi mang la mjal kha gnang nas gzims chud spug (for: sbug) tu phebs nas kyang thugs dam zab M 1 ngg.eren ngg.ertel-e ayiladduγad olan b k i m rg l£in-i oroi rg lk d (for: m rg lk d ?, JC note 319) ayilad u (for: ayilad£u) irγaqu nten (for: untan, JC note 320)-daγan alar[a] u g n narin bi†ilγal b t gel-d r T 2 bzhes la brtson par mdzad pa spong ba bsam gtan (151-3: bstan, incorrectly) dang | bstan ’gro’i rnam dkar kyi mdzad (151-4) bzang rgya mtsho’i M 2 £ingdalan ayiladduγ£i anu dayan-u (for: diyan-u) samadi bi†ilγal ayiladqui ba tob£ilabasu †a in amitan-u asuru £aγan sayin ugiyal-u dalai-yin T 3 rlabs bzhin yol med du lhun grub rgyun mi ’chad du ’phel bar mdzad pa bya ba las kyi ’khor lo ste ’khor lo

M 3 dabalγ-a met kelbeilgel (for: kelberil) geg i-e ng[-]degen b t ged rg l iden tasural gei arbidqaqu-yin okiyal iledd gsen iles[-] n k rd (JC: k rt )-l ge 535 T 1 gsum gyi sgo nas kyang byang phyogs kyi bstan pa rin po che nyin byed dbang po stong gi gzi ’phrog pa M 1 γurban k rden (for: k rd n, JC: k rten)- eg den-e£e umar-a g- n sa£in (for: †a in) erdeni-yi mingγan naran-u s r gerel-i bul[i]yaγsan met T 2 bzhin ches cher gsal bar mdzad (151-5) do | | sku gong ma’i bag chags sad pas sku na phra me (for: mo) nas a tsa ra’i skad M 2 neng yekede geyig l n okiyabai : deged deged t r l- n ab[i]yasun serigsen-iyer nasun seg der qara bi£aqan (for: bi£iqan)-e£egen (for: -a£aγan) azara-yin kele kiged T 3 dang | bod skad ’gran zla dang bral bar mkhyen | a tsa ra’i skad bdag gis mi shes kyang bod skad ni bod pa’i mi las M 3 kiged t bed kelen- £ ig rle†i (for: irlesi) gei ayiladqu b ged azara-yin kelen-yi (for: -i) bi[-]ber ese medebe£ t bed kele ayiladqu t bed k m n-e£e 536 T 1 kyang lhag pa’i phra zhing phra ba thams cad mkhyen pa ltar na a tsa (151-6) ra’i skad kyang de ltar mkhyen pa yin yod | legs M 1 £u (JC: £ ) lem i neng narin neyite-yi ayiladqui-bar bolal-a (for: boltal-a?) azara kelen-yi (for: kelen-i) £u (JC: £ ) bolba tere met ayiladdun bolultai sayin T 2 bshad ljags rtsom ni gsum (151-6: gong, correctly) du bshad pa ltar sku yon gyi rigs mi mngon par sbas pa ma gtogs ljags M 2 nomlal-i tuγurbin ayiladqu inu urid nomlaγsan met erdem- n il l iledkei niγuqui-a£a busu alin T 3 rtsom gang gnang thams cad ni tshig don ’byor pa shin tu legs pa ’dug na’ang bka’ las bla ma (152-1=76v1=BR 48b1) gong ma M 3 nomlal-i tuγurbin ayiladduγsan b k i inu ge udq-a-u (for: -yin, korea note 321) u£aral masi sayiqan abasu £u (JC: £ ) arliγ deged blam-a narun sayin arliγ 537 T 1 rnams kyi legs bshad mang po yod bzhin du nged chos byas pa la dgos pa ci yod gsungs nas M 1 nomlal olan bui b getele bide nom okiyaqu kereg yaγun (JC: aγun) bui kemen ayiladqa u T 2 ljags rtsom la thugs ’dod ye mi gnang | ’on kyang dad ldan rnams kyis nan gyis zhus par gnang ba’i M 2 nomlal okiyal-dur oriγlan t s£ ton[g] l yiledqu (for: yiledk ) amui bolba£u arim nigen s s gten ber yeke simdal-iyar £igsen- d r

T 3 rim pa la | rgyal ba tsong kha pa la brten (152-2) pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor dbu mdzad chos rjes zhus pa | slob dpon M 3 soyurqaγsan erge inu ilaγuγsan z ngkaba-dur †it gsen blam-ayin urba um£ad £ s r i ber £igsen ba lubbun 538 T 1 shr ye thu sangs rgyas bkra shis <kyis> zhus pa’i skyer skad (152-2: sgang, correctly) pa las brgyud pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor rgyas pa (152-2: gyis pa, incorrectly) | rje nyid M 1 sireyet (for: sireget ) sang ai ta†i ber £igsen irγan ba-a£a nd s legsen blam-a-yin yoga delgeyiengg i (for: delgerengg i) kiged boγda-yin T 2 kyi ’khrungs rabs gsol ’debs phun tshogs sku gsum ma sogs (152-3) ’og nas bshad pa ltar te mang du mchis | M 2 ber[-] n t r l yes- n albaral p n£oγ g £ m ma ter[i]g ten qoyin-a nomlaγsan met olan bui : T 3 sras slob kyi rim pa ni | rje nyid kyi dbu blar pa’i dge ldan khri rin po che sangs rgyas rin chen gyi sku skye bya M 3 r-e †ibinar[-]un erge inu boγda-yin ber[-] n ter[i]g n blam-a geden(g) tiba rinbu£ei sang i rin(g)£in-u qubilγan ayul-un 539 T 1 yul mkhan po shar khang no mon khang | bkra shis lhun po’i grwa pa mer ken no mon khang | yang de’i M 1 qambu †arqang nom[-]un qaγan dasilh nbu-yin sabai mergen nom[-]un qaγan basu T 2 sku (152-4) nye no mon khang sku gzhon pa | ’phags pa’i gnas brtan yan lag ’byung sogs rgya bod kyi mkhas grub M 2 teg n qubilγan nom[-]un qaγan g †un(g)ba qutuγtu aγui (for: aγuu) †it gen- yanglaγ i ng ter[i]g ten enedkeg t bed- n mergen T 3 mang par (152-4: por) sku skye ba bzhes pa stong ’khor zhabs drung ’jam dpal bzang po | khu ston gyi rnam sprul khri rin po M 3 siditen-d r t r l abun ayiladdugsan dongqor sabd n imbal sangpuu k baγsi-yin qubilγan erdeni 540 T 1 che rgyal khang rtsa ba dpal ’byor rgya mtsho’i (152-5) sku skye blo bzang bstan ’dzin | grub chen legs tshogs lhun grub M 1 †ir[e]get ilkangzaba bal ur imsu-yin qubilγan lubsang ten(g)zin yeke sid t leg£uγ lh nd b- n T 2 kyi sku skye rin po che mkhan po no mon khang | snga sor khal kha o’i rod thams cad la slob dpon a bh[a]ya ka M 2 qubilγan er(i)deni qambu nomun qaγan erten qalq-a oyirad b k nd r abh[a]y-a kiri baγ†i-yin T 3 ra’i lugs kyi rdo rje phreng ba’i dbang gnang ba’i rdo rje ’chang zhabs drung gi sku skye o chir ta ra (152-6) khu thug thu | dkyil khang M 3 yosun-u va£ir erkei-yin abisig soyurqaγsan va£ir dar-a saba dungyin qubilγan o£ir dar-a qutuγtu ilqan 541 T 1 slob dpon pa rje zhal snga nas sangs rgyas dpal bzang gi sku skye er te ni no yon khu thog (152-6: thug, correctly) thu | M 1 lubbun ba boγda-yin gegen sang£ai balsang qan qubilγan erdeni noyan qutuγtu T 2 rje zhal snga nas sangs rgyas bzang po’i sku skye ta la’i manydzushr khu thug thu | dge ldan khri rin po che ljang M 2 boγda-yin gegen sang£ai sangbu-yin qubilγan dalai manzusiri qutuγtu geden(g) tiba rinba£i angramba-yin T 3 ram pa’i sku skye blo bzang khu thug thu | (152-6 + |) (1531=77r1=BR 49a1) bla ma zhang gi khrir phebs pa’i i la kug sang chos rje’i sku skye | M 3 qubilγan lubsang qutuγtu †ang blam-a-yin siregen-d r alγaγsan ilaγuγsan £ s r i-yin qubilγan 542 T 1 zhal snga nas tshul khrims chos ’phel ba’i sku skye dga’ ldan khu thug thu | shar rtse zhal snga nas dpal M 1 £ ltim £uyipel-yin (for: -un) gegen- qubilγan γa[n]dan qutuγtu †arzi-yin gegen bal ur T 2 ’byor dbang po’i sku skye shar rtse khu thug thu | dga’ ldan byang rtsi’i bla ma (153-2) chos skyong rgya mtsho’i M 2 vangbu-yin qubilγan †arzi qutuγ tu γa[n]dan ang zi-yin blam £oyi £in am£u-yin qubilγan T 3 sku skye er te ni e la kug sang khu thug thu | ser byes pa zhal snga nas byams pa smon lam gyi sku skye M 3 erdeni il[a]γuγsan qutuγ-tu ser ei ba-yin gegen imba mun(g)lamun qubilγan 543 T 1 pan.d.i ta no mon khang | ’bras spungs sgo mang bla ma’i (153-2: ma’i bla, incorrectly) sku skye i la kugs sang khu thug thu | sprul M 1 ban(g)dida nom[-]un qaγan barayib ng γoma-yin blam-a-yin qubilγan ilaγuγsan qutuγ-tu b rilg T 2 sku bsod nams ye shes dbang (153-3) po’i sku skye na rang khu thug thu | zhal snga nas chos gnyer grags pa’i sku skye M 2 sodnam ye†i vangbu-yin qubilγan naran qutuγtu £uyiner daγbayin qubilγan-u T 3 she re’ thu khu thug thu | pu thug sen khu thug thu | gangs can mkhan po’i sku skye | mer gen (153-3 ken) no mon khang (153-3 khan) M 3 gegen sir[e]get qutuγtu b t gsen qutuγtu γang in qambu-yin qubilγan mergen nom[-]un qaγan 544 T 1 gi sku skye rab brtan | ’jigs med rdo rje ta la’i khu thug thu | bde thang pan.d.i ta (153-4) khu thug thu | u’i tsen M 1 qubilγan rabdan igmed dor ei dalai qutuγtu de tang bandida qutuγtu i ing T 2 no yon gyi sku skye | mkhar sngon gnas bcu tho yon gyi sku skye | thos bsam gling zhal snga nas legs bshad M 2 noyon-u qubilγan k ke qota-yin γnab£u toyin-u qubilγan toyisam ling-un gegen legsadan T 3 dpal ldan pa’i sku skye mer ken chos rje | rgyas pa zhabs drung gi sku skye i la kug sang | slob dpon pa M 3 baldan-yin (for: -u) qubilγan merg.en £oyi i ayiba †abd d-yin (for: -un) qubilγan ilaγuγsan lubbun 545 T 1 she (153-4: shi) re (153-4: ri) ke’ thu sangs rgyas bkra shis | ’dar pa’i gzhi dgon gyi bla ma pan.d.i ta chos rje | M 1 sir[e]get sang ai da†i dar ba-yin saγurin keyid- n blam-a ban(g)dida £os r i T 2 mer ken pan.d.i ta rab byams pa sogs slob ma’i gtso bo rnams dang | gzhan yang bla (153-5 + ma) che chung mang M 2 mergen ban(g)dida rab amba ter[i]g ten sabinarun (for: †abinarun) erken ed b k n kiged busu basu yeke baγ-a blam-a-nar ile ba T 3 po dang | khal kha’i rgyal po gsum gyis gtsos pa’i dpon che chung sogs : : skya ser M 3 qalq-a-yin γurban qaγan ber erkilen yeke baγ-a ter[i]g ten qara 546 T 1 (153-6) mchog dman rnams dang | ngos cag sogs chos kyi bdun rtsi thob pa’i M 1 quvaraγ deged do[u]r[a]du olan b k i kiged ba b r n ter[i]g ten nom-un arsiyan-i k rtegsen T 2 slob mar gyur pa bgrang ba las : ’das shing : brjod kyis mi lang

M 2 †abinar toγ-a-a£a ket rged g le g i£e†i gei bui T 3 de ltar byang phyogs kyi bstan pa dang : ’gro ba’i don : rgya mtsho’i gos can M 3 tere met umar-a g- n †a in amitan-u tusa aγui yeke b k del[e]kei-yin 547 T 1 gyi mtha’ang khyab par mdzad pa’i : : ’phrin las (154-1=77v1= BR 49b1) gong ’phel du

M 1 ki aγar t gemel okiyal iles-iyen arbidqaqu-yin tul[a]da T 2 zhabs pad rdo rje ltar : : : mi ’gyur ba’i : : rang bzhin du

M 2 lmei-yin lingqu-a-ban va£ir met urbalta gei-yin ber£ilen-d r T 3 byin gyis brlabs te : : brtan par bzhugs bzhin pa : : lags shing M 3 adisla u batuda orusiγsaγar m n b ged 548 T 1 da dung yang bdag : : : sogs gdul bya’i M 1 ed ge £u (JC: £ ) bi ter[i]g ten nomuqadqaqui amitan-u T 2 mgon skyabs dang : : dpung gnyen : dam par

M 2 deged itegel abural kiged m g T 3 bskal brgya’i bar du zhabs : pad : brtan (154-2=77v2=BR 49b2) par : gsol ba ’debs so | | (up to p. 548-3 the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript follows xylograph editions of Zanabazar’s biography in the Tibetan language) (The Colophon added to the Tibeto-Mongolian manuscript, extant in the xylograph editions) 549 T 1 zhes pa ’di ni dza ya pan.d.i ta blo bzang ’phrin las dpal bzang po’i gsan yig gi nang du rje btsun M 1 kemek ene inu ay-a bandida sumadi karm-a sarai badar-a-yin sonosuγsan bi£ig- n dotora deged T 2 dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i ’khrungs rabs bco lnga’i rnam thar gsung ’dug pa las M 2 get lg.eg.£i sumadi †a£in (for: †a in)-u duv[a]za sarai badar-ayin arban tabun t r l- n £adig nomlaγsan b k i-e£e ge£ yilen (for: ge£ilen) T 3 zur du blangs te bris pa’o | | M 3 abu u (for: ab£u) bi£ibei ::

5.2. CONCORDANCE OF THE XYLOGRAPH EDITIONS

5.2 Concordance of the Xylograph Editions

The biography of Zanabazar appears in Zaya Pandita’s "Collected Works" (gsung ’bum) in Lokesh Chandra’s edition 1981: 124-154 (abbreviated LC); Beijing original xylograph, vol. nga, . 62v6-77v2 (Be.); Byambaa Ragchaa’s edition 2012, . 34b6-49b3 (BR). LC = Be. = BR LC = Be. = BR 124 = 62v = 34b 140 = 70v = 42b 125 = 63r = 35a 141 = 71r = 43a 126 = 63v = 35b 142 = 71v = 43b 127 = 64r = 36a 143 = 72r = 44a 128 = 64v = 36b 144 = 72v = 44b 129 = 65r = 37a 145 = 73r = 45a 130 = 65v = 37b 146 = 73v = 45b 131 = 66r = 38a 147 = 74r = 46a 132 = 66v = 38b 148 = 74v = 46b 133 = 67r = 39a 149 = 75r = 47a 134 = 67v = 39b 150 = 75v = 47b 135 = 68r = 40a 151 = 76r = 48a 136 = 68v = 40b 152 = 76v = 48b 137 = 69r = 41a 153 = 77r = 49a 138 = 69v = 41b 154 = 77v = 49b 139 = 70r = 42a

256 CHAPTER 5. TRANSLITERATION  Bibliography Ahmad, Z. 1970. Sino-Tibetan Relations in the Seventeenth Century, Serie Orientale Roma, vol. 40, Instituto Italiano per il medio ed Estremo Oriente, Roma. Ahmad, Z. 1995. A History of Tibet by the Fifth Dalai Lama of Tibet translated by..., Indiana University Oriental Series, Indiana University, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, Bloomington, Indiana. Ahmad, Z. 1999. Sans-rGyas rGya-mTsho. The Fourth Volume, Continuing the Third Volume, of the Ordinary, Outer Life, Entitled "The Fine Silken Dress", of My Own Gracious Lama, Nag-dBan Blo-bZan rGya-mTsho Page 1a-Page 203a, Translated from the Original Tibetan by Zahiruddin Ahmad, ata-Pit.aka Series, Vol. 392, New Delhi, International Academy of Indian Culture and Aditya Prakashan. Alekseev, K., Turanskaya, A. 2013 "An Overview of the Altan Kanjur Kept at the Library of the Academy of Social Sciences of Inner Mongolia , Asiatische Studien / tudes Asiatiques, LXVII (3), Bern, pp. 755 782. Atwood, Ch.P. 2004. Encyclopedia of Mongolia and Mongol Empire, Facts on File, Inc., New York. Atwood, Ch.P. 2010. "How the Mongols Got a Word for Tribe and What It Means". In: "Special Issue in Honour of the 90th Birthday of Professor Jin Qizong", Studia Historica Mongolica, Tomus 10. Jakhadai 257

Chimeddorji and Jighachidai Buyandelger (eds.) on Behalf of China’s Society for the Study of Mongolian History, Inner Mongolia University Press, Hohhot, pp. 63-89. Atwood, Ch.P. 2012 "Banner, Otog, Thousand: Appanage Communities as the Basic Unit of Traditional Mongolian Society". Mongolian Studies, Journal of The Mongolia Society, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 1-76. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2002. "Brief Study of the Mongolian Transmission of the Buddhist Treatise ‘ es bya rab gsal’ by ’Phags pa bla ma Blo gros rgyal mtshan". In: Tractata Tibetica et Mongolica. Festschrift f r Klaus Sagaster zum 65. Geburstag, Kollmar-Paulenz, K. and Peter, C. (eds.), Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, pp. 13-20. Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. (trans.), 2006. Szireget G szi Czord»i, Czikula Kereglegczi. Zasady buddyzmu, (wstƒp, przek“ad i opracowanie Agata Bareja-Starzy«ska) [Czikula Kereglegczi. Principles of Buddhism. Introduction, translation and study by A. Bareja-Starzy«ska], Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2008. "The Growth of the Religious Authority of the First Jetsundampa of Mongolia (1635-1723)". In: Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists. PIATS 2006: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, K nigswinter 2006, Elverskog, J. (ed.), IITBS GmbH, Halle, pp. 49-57.

Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2009a. "The ’Spiritual Sons’ of the rst Mongolian Jetsundampa Zanabazar (1635-1723)", Mongolo-Tibetica Pragensia, vol. 2, No. 2 (Special Commemorative Issue in Honour of Assoc. Prof. J. Lubsangdorji on his 70th birthday), pp. 7-18. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2009b. "Biographies of the First Jetsundampa nd r Gegeen Zanabazar Blo bzang bstan po’i rgyal mtshan (1635-1723) Brief Survey of Sources", Zentralasiatische Studien, 38, International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies, Halle, pp. 53-63. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2010a. "The Mongolian Incarnation of Jo nang pa Taranatha Kun dga’ snying po: nd r Gegeen Zanabazar Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1635-1723). A case study of the TibetoMongolian Relationship". In: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan and Himalayan Studies, Held at the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, September 2009 on the Occasion of the ‘Thank you India’ Year, Vitali, R. (ed.), The Tibet Journal, Autumn 2009Summer 2010, vol. XXXIV-XXXV, pp. 243-261. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2010b. "Mongolian Biography of Zanabazar (16351723), the First Mongolian Jetsundampa A Preliminary Study of the Manuscript from the Kotwicz Collection". In: "Altaica et Tibetica. Anniversary Volume Dedicated to Stanis“aw Godzi«ski on His Seventieth Birthday", Rocznik Orientalistyczny, vol. 63, No. 1, pp. 31-43.

Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. 2010c. "Czyngis-chan bodhisattwa, czyli o buddyzmie w Mongolii" [[[Chinggis Khan]] as a Bodgisattva or about Buddhism in Mongolia]. In: wiat Orientu Orient w –wiecie, BarejaStarzy«ska, A, Balcerowicz, P., Rogala, J. (eds.), Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa, pp. 96-111. Bareja-Starzynska, A. 2011. "Some Remarks on the Mongolian Manuscript Labeled "History of Erdeni Ju" Kept in the Kotwicz Collection at the Archives of Sciences in Cracow, Poland". In: The International Conference on "Erdene-Zuu: Past, Present and Future", Matsukawa, T. and Ochir, A. (eds.), Ulaanbaatar, pp. 176-183. Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. 2012a. "I D»ebcundampa Mongolii, Dzanabadzar (1635-1723) ojciec mongolskiego buddyzmu?" [The 1st Jebtsundampa of Mongolia, Zanabazar (16356-1723) the father of the Mongolian Buddhism?], Politeja. Studia Buddyjskie, No. 2(18), Uniwersytet Jagiello«ski, pp. 181-192. Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. 2012b. " History of Erdeni Ju or Biography of the First Jetsundampa Zanabazar : Information about a Mongolian Manuscript Kept in the Kotwicz Private Archive at the Archive of Sciences in Cracow, Poland". In: In the Heart of Mongolia. 100th Anniversary of W. Kotwicz’s Expedition to Mongolia in 1912 (Studies and Selected Source Materials). Tulisow, J., Inoue, O., BarejaStarzy«ska, A., Dziurzy«ska, E. (eds.), Polska Akademia Umiejƒtno–ci, Cracow, pp. 385-391. Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. 2012c. "Description of the Erdene Zuu Monastery Life (including am) Based on Notes by Kotwicz". In: In the Heart of Mongolia. 100th Anniversary of W. Kotwicz’s Expedition to Mongolia in 1912 (Studies and Selected Source Materials). Tulisow, J., Inoue, O., Bareja-Starzy«ska, A., Dziurzy«ska, E. (eds.), Polska Akademia Umiejƒtno–ci, Cracow, pp. 131-189. Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. 2013. "A Brief Introduction to a Manuscript of nd r Gegen’s Biography Kept by Prof. Ts. Shagdars r ng". In: "Festschrift f r Professor Dr. Klaus Sagaster zum 80. Geburtstag", Weirong, S., Kollmar-Paulenz, K. (eds.), Historical and Philological Studies of China’s Western Regions, No. 6, Beijing, pp. 53-64.

Bareja-Starzynska, A. (in print) "The reincarnation lineage of Zaya Gegeen". In: Zaya Gegeenii Monastery, Special Issue of the Bulletin du MusØe d’anthropologie prØhistorique de Monaco, Charleux, I. (ed.). Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. and Byambaa R. 2012. "Notes on the Pre-existences of the First Khalkha Jetsundampa Zanabazar According to His Biography Written in the Horizontal Square Script". In: "Oriental Studies. Past and Present. Proceedings of the International Conference of Oriental Studies, Warsaw, 2010", Rocznik Orientalistyczny, BarejaStarzy«ska, A. and Mejor, M. (eds.), vol. 65, No. 1, pp. 24-40. Bareja-Starzynska, A. and Havnevik, H. 2006. "A Preliminary Study of Buddhism in Present-day Mongolia". In: Mongolians from country to City. Floating Boundaries, Pastoralism, and City Life in the Mongol Lands, Bruun, O. and Narangoa, L. (eds.), Kopenhaga, NIAS (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies), pp. 212-236. Bawden, Ch. 1961. The Jebtsundamba Khutukhtus of Urga. Text, Translation and Notes, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 9, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Bawden, Ch. 1968. The Modern History of Mongolia, Kegan Paul International, London, New York. Bawden, Ch. 1997. Mongolian-English Dictionary, K. Paul International, London, New York. Bentor, Y. 1996. Consecration of Images and Stupas in Indo-Tibetan Tantric Buddhism, E.J. Brill, Leiden, New York, K ln. Berger, P. and Bartholomew, T.T. 1995. Mongolia: The Legacy of Chinggis Khan. Thames & Hudson, San Francisco. Bethlenfalvy, G. 1982. A Hand-list of the Ulaanbaatar Manuscript of the Kanjur Rgyal-rtse them spangs-ma. AkadØmiai Kiad , Budapest. Beyer, S. 1978. The Cult of Tara. Magic and Ritual in Tibet, University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London. Bira, Sh. 1960. Mongol’skaya tibetoyazichnaya istoricheskaya literatura (XVII-XIX), Studia Historica, Tomus III, Fasc. 1, Ulaanbaatar. Bira, Sh. 1970. Mongolian Historical Literature of the XVII-XIX Centuries written in Tibetan, The Mongolia Society Occasional Papers, Number 7, Krueger, J.R. (ed.), Bloomington.

Bira, Sh. 1978. Mongol’skaya istoriogra ya (XIII-XVII vv.), Izdatel’stvo "Nauka", Moskva. Bira, Sh. 1980 (1994). "The Clear Mirror by Zaya-Pan.d.ita Blo-bzan ’Phrin-las", Acta Orientalia Academiae Hung., Tomus XXXIV (1-3), pp. 7-16; reprinted in Studies in the Mongolian History, Culture and Historiography. Selected Papers Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA), Tokyo, pp. 246-254. Bira, Sh. 1995. nd r gegeeniin namtruud orshvoi, (no publisher), Ulaanbaatar. Bira, Sh. 2006. "Khalkhyn Zaya Bandida Luvsanprinlein mongol nomyn garchig khemeekh orshivoi (1642-1715)" In: Mongol sudlalyn g lliin t ver, P revjav, E. and Bira, Sh. (eds.), Olon Ulsyn Mongol Sudlalyn Kholboo, Ulaanbaatar 2006, pp. 202-208, facsimile 209-225. Bod kyi lo rgyus 1991. Bod kyi lo rgyus zhib ’jug la nye bar mkho ba’i lo rgyus don chen re’u mig ke ta ka zhes bya ba bzhugs so, Phun tshogs Tshe ring (ed.). Mi rigs dpe skrun khang. Byambaa, R. 1997. Khevtee d rv ljin seg t nii dursgaluud, (no publisher), Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. 2004a. The Bibliographical Guide of Mongolian Writers in the Tibetan Language and the Mongolian Translators, vol. 1, Mongol Bilig Series, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. (ed.), 2004b. The Collected Works /gsung ’bum/ of Blo bzang ’phrin las, re-edition, Mongol Bilig Series, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. (ed.), 2004c. Collected Works of Jebzundampa Khutukhts of Khalkha. I Rje btzun Dam pa Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtsan, II Rje btzun Dam pa Blo bzang bstan pa’i sgron me, III Rje btzun Dam pa Blo bzang bstan pa’i Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma, Mongol Bilig Series, vol. I, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. 2005. Zanabazaryn d rv ljin seg, Mongol Bilig Series, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. (ed.), 2006. The Collected Biographies of Jebzundampa Khutugtus of Khalkha, re-edition, Mongol Bilig Series, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. 2009. Erdene Bandida Khutagt Lamyn gegeen Luvsandanzinjaltsangiin Namtar khiigeed S nb miin Garchig (1639-1703), Mongol Bilig Series, vol. V, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. 2011. The Collected Works (Gsung ’bum) of Bragri Yodzin Damtsigdorje (1781-1855), Mongol Bilig Series, Bibliographical Guide Series VI, Ulaanbaatar. Byambaa, R. (ed.), 2012. The Collected Works / Gsung ’bum/ of Luvsanprinlas (Zaya pan. d.ita Blo bzang phrin las, 1642-1716), Mongol Bilig Series, vol. XVI (IV), Ulaanbaatar. Cabezon, J.I. 1996. "Firm Feet and Long Lives: The Zhabs brtan Literature of Tibetan Buddhism". In: Tibetan Literature. Studies in Genre., Cabezon and Jackson (eds.), Snow Lion, Ithaca, New York, pp. 344-367. Cabezon, J.I. and Jackson, R.R. (eds.), 1996 Tibetan Literature. Studies in Genre, Snow Lion, Ithaca, New York. ChaloupkovÆ, L. and Dashbadrakh, D. 2003. "About the Biography of Darpa Pandita Called The Beautiful Jewel Rosary of Victorious Teaching", Archiv orientÆln , vol. 71, No. 3, pp. 285-292. Chandra, L. 1963. Materials for a History of Tibetan Literature, ataPit.aka Series, vol. 28-30, Part 2, International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi. Chandra, L. 1973 79. Mongolian Kanjur, ata-Pit.aka Series, vol. 101 208, Sharada Rani, New Delhi. Chandra, L. 1975. Dharmatala’s Annals of Tibet, ata-Pit.aka Series, vol. 225, Sharada Rani, New Delhi. Chandra, L. 1981. Works of Jaya-pandita Blo-bzang-’phrin-las, ata-Pit.aka Series, vol. 1-4, vol. 278-281, International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi. Chandra, L. 1982. Life and Works of Jebtsundampa I, ata-Pit.aka Series, vol. 294, International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi. Charleux, I. 2006. Temples et monastŁres de Mongolie-IntØrieure, ComitØ des Travaux Historiques et Scienti ques and Institut National d’Historie de l’Art, Paris.

Charleux, I. 2015. Nomads on Pilgrimage. Mongols on Wutaishan (China), 1800-1940, Brill’s Inner Asian Library, vol. 33, Brill, Leiden, Boston. Chengxiu, J. 2002. Shiliu, shiqi, shiji Menggu zhengzhi gaige lun yu Zangchuan fojiao-yi Tumote, Kaerka zuoyi wei zhongxin. The doctoral dissertation supervised by Prof. Feng Erkang, University of Nankai. Chimpa, L. and Chattopadhaya, A. (trans.), 1997. Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi. Chiodo, E. 2009. The Mongolian Manuscripts on Birch Bark from Xarbuxyn Balgas in the collection of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Part 2, Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. C ppers, C. Kalender under preparation. Dalai Lama 5 Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’i rnam thar, vol. 1-3, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang (China ed.), 1989. Damdins ren, Ts. 1979. "Ramayana" v Mongolii. Izdanie tekstov, perevod, issledovanie Ts. Damdins rena, Izdatel’stvo "Nauka", Moskva. Das, C. 1902 (reprint 1985). Tibetan-English Dictionary, Gaurav publishing house, Calcutta (Reprint-Compact Edition). Dashbadrakh, D., 1998. Mongol-T vdiin uls t r, shashny khariltsany t kh (XVI-XVIII zuuny ekhen), Ulaanbaatar. Dashbadrakh, Ch. (trans.), 2001. Agvaanprinleijamts, Jivzun Darnatyn Gegeenii deed khuvilgaan Agvaanluvsanchoijinyamdanzanvanch gbalsanbogiin d r khiigeed t khend yalguulsad beer boshog z lsen ba khaany ugsaany yosyg todruulan ildsen end relt zegdliig mashid arilgagch, shashin t riin naran saran khosolsny gerliin gegee khemeegdekh orshiv, Mongol Uls Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademi T khiin Kh reelen, Ulaanbaatar. Dashbadrakh, Ch. 2004. Mongolyn khutagtuud. Mongolyn khutagtuudyn namtryn oilgolgo (XVII-XX zuun), Mongol Uls, Shinjlekh Ukhaany T khiin Kh reelen, Ulaanbaatar. Dashdavaa et al. 2011. V.L. Kotvich. Iz epistolyarnogo naslediya, Dashdavaa, Ch., Tsolmon, Ts., Naranjargal, D., Tsogzolmaa, Ts., (eds.), Ministerstvo Obrazovaniya Nauki i Kultury Mongolii, Ulaanbaatar.

Demberel, I. (trans.), 1993. Surkhan. Agvalluvsandondov, Mongolyn soyolyn t khet dursgaluud, khaad, bogd naryn namtar, Ulaanbaatar. Dotson, B. 2014. "The First Tibetan Buddhist Biographies?", blog Early Tibet, January 2012, http://earlytibet.com/2012/01/11/ tibetan-buddhistbiographies/ (accessed on March 15th, 2014). Dungkar, 2002. Mkhas dbang Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las mchog gis mdzad pa’i bod rig pa’i tshig mdzod chen mo shes bya rab gsal zhes bya ba bzhugs so, (Great Encyclopaedia of Tibetan Studies Called Elucidation of Knowledge Composed by Eminent Great Scholar Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las), Krung go’i bod rig pa dpe skrun khang, Beijing. Edgerton, F. (ed.), 1985. Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi. Eimer, H. and Germano D. (eds.), 2002. The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism. PIATS 2000, Brill, Leiden, Boston, K ln. Elverskog, J. 2003. The Jewel Translucent Sutra. Altan Khan and the Mongols in the Sixteenth Century, Brill’s Inner Asian Library, vol. 8, Brill, Leiden, Boston. Elverskog, J. 2006. Our Great Qing. The Mongols, Buddhism and the State in Late Imperial China, University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu. Elverskog, J. (ed.), 2008. Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists. PIATS 2006: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, K nigswinter 2006, IITBS GmbH, Halle. English, E. 2002. Vajrayogin : Her Visualization, Rituals, and Forms. A Study of the Cult of Vajrayogin in India, Wisdom Publications, Boston. Futaki, H. 2011. "On the Mongolian Biography of the Jebtsundamba Khutugtus". In: The International Conference on "Erdene-Zuu: Past, Present and Future, Matsukawa, T. and Ochir, A. (eds.), Ulan Bator, pp. 35-49. Ganzorig, D. 2005. The Light of Radiating Knowledge. A Biography of Naran Khutugtu, Treasures of Mongolian Culture and Tibeto-Mongolian Buddhism (Series), vol. 2, Budapest. Haderer, H. 2009. "The Sacred and the Profane On the Representation of the rst and second rJe btsun dam pa Khutukhtus in Mongolian Buddhist Art". In: The Arts of Tibetan Painting. Recent Research on Manuscripts, Murals and Thangkas of Tibet,the Himalayas and Mongolia (11th -19th century), http://www.asianart.com/articles/haderer/ index.html (accessed on 04.02.2014) Heissig, W. 1953. "Some Glosses on Recent Mongol Studies", Studia Orientalia, vol. XIX: 4, Societas Orientalis Fennica, Helsinki. Heissig, W. 1954. Die Pekinger lamaistischen Blockdr cke in mongolischer Sprache: Materialien zur mongolischen Literaturgeschichte, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 2, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Heissig, W. 1959. Die Familien- und Kirchengeschitsschreibung der Mongolen I. 16.-18. Jahrhundert, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 5, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Ichinnorov, S. 2005. nd r Gegeen Zanabazar. Namtar, buteeliin zarim asuudal, M nkhiin seg, Ulaanbaatar. Iltgel shastir 2006. Tsanjid, A., Choimaa Sh. (eds.), Mongol Ulsyn Ikh Surguul’, (2 volumes: terg n, ded devter), Mongol Sudlalyn T v, Ulaanbaatar. Ishihama, Y. 1992. "A Study of the Seals and Titles Conferred by the Dalai Lamas". In: Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies in Narita, Japan 1989, Ihara, Sh. and Yamaguchi, Z. (eds.), Narita, pp. 501-514. Ishihama, Y. 2001. Tibet Bukkyo sekai no rekisiteki kenkyu, Toho Shoten, Tokyo. Ishihama, Y. 2004. "The Notion of "Buddhist Government" (chos srid) Shared by Tibet, Mongol and Manchu in the Early 17th Century". In: The Relationship Between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet, C ppers, Ch. (ed.), Lumbini International Research Institute, Lumbini, pp. 15-31.

Ishihama, Y. and Fukuda, Y. 1989. A New Critical Edition of the Mahavyutpatti. Sanskrit-Tibetan-Mongolian Dictionary of Buddhist Terminology, Materials for Tibetan-Mongolian Dictionaries, vol. 1, the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo. Jackson, D. 2005. "Spuren Taranathas und seiner Pr existenzen: Malereien aus der Jo nang pa-Schule des tibetischen Buddhismus". In: Die Welt des tibetischen Buddhismus, K pke, W. and Bernd, S. (eds.), Mitteilungen aus dem Museum f r V lkerkunde Hamburg, NF. vol. 36, Hamburg, pp. 11-65. J schke, H.A. 1881 (reprint 1989). A Tibetan-Eenglish Dictionary, London. Reprint by Rinsen Book Company, Kyoto. Jigmeddorj, E. and S khbaatar, Na. (eds.) 2014. Galdan Boshgot sudlal, 2 vols., Bibliotheca Oiratica, Tod nomiin gerel t v, Ulaanbaatar. Kaplonski, Ch. 2004. Truth, History and Politics in Mongolia. The Memory of Heroes, Routledge Curzon, London and New York. Kara, G. 2005. Books of the Mongolian Nomads. More than Eight Centuries of Writing Mongolian, Indiana University Bloomington, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, Bloomington. Karmay, S. 2015. The Illusive Play. The Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama, Serindia Publications, Chicago. Kh relbaatar, L. 1996. Ogtorguin tsagaan gardi, Mongol Uls. Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademiin Khel Zokhiolyn Kh relen, Ulaanbaatar. Kh relbaatar, L. 2005. "Boshigtiin elch gelend rg s n Javdzandambyn zalbiraas den g lekh n’". In: Quaestiones Mongolorum Disputatae, No. 1. Futaki, H. and Oyunbilig, B. (eds.), Association for International Studies of Mongolian Culture, Tokyo, pp. 91-110. Kh relbaγatur, L. 2009. nd r gegeen- namtar, b r mongγol-un aradun keblel- n quriy-a, K keqota. Klafkowski, P. 1987. Damch Gyatso Choje. Rosary of White Lotuses, Being a Clear Account of How the Precious Teaching of Buddha Appeared and Spread in the Great Hor Country, Asiatsiche Forschungen, vol. 95, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Kollmar-Paulenz, K. 2001. Erdeni tunumal neret sudur. Die Biographie des Altan qaγan der T med-Mongolen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der religionspolitischen Beziehungen zwischen der Mongolei und Tibet im ausgehenden 16. Jahrhundert, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 142, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden. Kollmar-Paulenz, K. 2002. "The Transmission of the Mongolian Kanjur: A Preliminary Report". In: The Many Canons of Tibetan Buddhism: Proceedings of the Ninth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000, Eimer, H. and Germano, D. (eds.), Brill, Leiden, pp. 151-176.

Kollmar-Paulenz, K. 2008. "Forming a Mongolian Buddhist Identity: the Biography of Neichi Toin". In: Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists. PIATS 2006: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, K nigswinter 2006, Elverskog, J. (ed.), IITBS GmbH, Halle, pp. 13- 28. Krueger, J.R. 2014. (reprint) "Three Oirat-Mongolian Diplomatic Documents of 1691". In: Galdan Boshgot sudlal, Jigmeddorj, E. and S khbaatar, Na. (eds.), 2 vols., Bibliotheca Oiratica, Tod nomiin gerel t v, Ulaanbaatar, pp. 49-57. Laagan, B. 2004. Khalkhyn tamga bukhii khutagtuudyn tovchis, (no publisher), Ulaanbaatar. Lamotte, E. 1970. "Le Bouddha insulta-t-il Devadatta?", BSOAS, 33, 1970, pp. 107-115. Lamotte, E. 1988. History of Indian Buddhism. From the Origins to the aka Era, Translated from the French by Sara Webb-Boin under the supervision of Jean Dantine, Publications de l’Institut Orientaliste de Louvain, Institut Orientaliste, UniversitØ Catholique de Louvain, Louvain-Paris. Lessing, F.D. 1982. Mongolia-English Dictionary, The Mongolia Society, Inc., Bloomington, Indiana. Ligeti, L. 1942-44. Catalogue du Kanj ur Mongol ImprimØ, No. 1, Bibliotheca Orientalis Hungarica 3, SociØtØ K r si Csoma, Budapest. Lo Bue, E. 1990. "Iconographic Sources and Iconometric Literature". In: Indo-Tibetan Studies. Papers in Honour and Appreciation of Professor David L. Snellgrove’s Contribution to Indo-Tibetan Studies, Skorupski, T. (ed.), Buddhica Britannica, Tring, pp. 171-197. Lung rigs...2000. Lung rigs smra ba dka’ chen mi pham rdo rjes mdzad pa’i snyan ngag le’u gnyis pa’i dper brjod. Blo gsal yid ’phrog dri za’i tambura’i sgra dbyangs, Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies, Sarnath, Varanasi. Majer, Z. and Teleki, K. 2013. History of Zaya Gegeenii kh ree, the Monastery of the Khalkha Zaya Pandita, Admon print, Ulan Bator. Martin, D. 2006. "The Mysterious Whitehead". In: Tibeto-logic, December 21, 2006, see Internet sources Miyawaki, J. 1994. "How Legends Developed about the First Jebtsundamba: In Reference to the Khalkha Mongol Submission to the Manchus in the Seventeenth Century". In: Memoires of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, No. 52, pp. 45-67. Miyawaki, J. 1992. "Tibeto-Mongolian Relations in the Time of the First Rje btsun dam pa Qutugtu". In: Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies in Narita, Japan 1989, Ihara, Sh. and Yamaguchi, Z. (eds.), Narita, pp. 599-604. Monier-Williams, M. 1974. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, New Edition, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Patna. Mori, M. 2009. Vajraval of Abhayakaragupta. Edition of Sanskrit and Tibetan Versions, 2 vols, The Institute of Buddhist Studies, Tring. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho 1989, see Dalai Lama 5. Nyam Ochir, P. (trans.) 2012. Khalkhyin Zaya Bandida todorkhoin tol’ Khalkh Zaya Pandita’s Clear Mirror, Polar Star, Ulaanbaatar. Ochir, A. and Gerelbadrakh, J. 2003. Khalkhyn Zasagt khan aimgiinkhny ugsaatny b reldekh n, garal, Mongol Ulsyn Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademi, T khiin Kh reelen, Ulaanbaatar. Okada, H. 1992. "The Third Dalai Lama and Altan Khan of the T med". In: Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies in Narita, Japan 1989, Ihara, Sh. and Yamaguchi, Z. (eds.), Narita, pp. 645-652. Okada, H. 2014. (reprint) "Galdan’s Death; When and How". In: Galdan Boshgot sudlal, Jigmeddorj, E. and S khbaatar, Na. (eds.), 2 vols., Bibliotheca Oiratica, Tod nomiin gerel t v, Ulaanbaatar, pp. 64-70. Okada, H. and Miyawaki-Okada, J. 2008. "The Biography of Zaya Pandita, the Greatest Oirad Monk". In: Biographies of Eminent Mongol Buddhists. PIATS 2006: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Eleventh Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, K nigswinter 2006, Elverskog, J. (ed.), IITBS GmbH, Halle.

Poppe, N. 1967. The Twelve Deeds of Buddha. A Mongolian Version of the Lalitavistara. Mongolian Text, Notes and English Translation, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 23, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Poppe, N. 1991. Grammar of Written Mongolian, 4th unrevised printing, Porta Linguarum Orientalium, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Pozdneev, A.M. 1971-1977 (1896). Mongolia and the Mongols, Krueger, J.R. (ed.), Indiana University Publications, Uralic and Altaic Series, vol. 61, Part 1 1971, Part 2 1977, Bloomington (Translation of the "Mongoliya i Mongoly" 1896). Pozdneev, A.M. 1978. Religion and Ritual in the Society: Lamaist Buddhism in late 19th century Mongolia, Krueger, J.R. (ed.), The Mongolia Society, Bloomington. Ravjamba... Ravjamba Zaya bandid Namkhaijants sudlal 2008. Ulaanbaatar. Ray, R. 1994. "A Condemned Saint: Devadatt". In: Buddhist Saints in India by Reginald Ray (http://www.leighb.com/Devadatta.pdf) Rdo rje tshe brtan (ed.), 1997. Bod kyi yig tshags phyogs bsgrigs [Collection of Archives from Tibet (1309-1728)], vol. I. Roerich, G.N. 1949. The Blue Annals. Parts I & II, Motilal Banarsidass, Calcutta, Delhi. Rerikh, G.N. 1983-1993. Tibetsko-russko-angliiski slovar’ s sanskritskimi parallelyami, Par onovich, Yu. and Dylykova, V. (eds.), Izdatel’stvo "Nauka", Moskva. Robinson, J.B. 1996. "The Lives of Indian Buddhist Saints: Biography, Hagiography and Myth". In: Tibetan Literature. Studies in Genre, Cabezon and Jackson (eds.), Snow Lion, Ithaca, New York, pp. 57-69. Robson, J. 2010. "Monastic Spaces and Sacred Traces: Facets of Chinese Buddhist Monastic Records". In: Buddhist Monasticism in East Asia. Places of Practice, Benn, J.A., Meeks, L. and Robson, J. (eds.), Routledge, London and New York, pp. 43-64. Roesler, U. 2014. "Operas, Novels, and Religious Instructions: Life-stories of Tibetan Buddhist Masters between Genre Classi cations". In: Narrative Pattern and Genre in Hagiographic Life Writing: Comparative Perspectives from Asia to Europe, Conermann, S. and Rheingans, J. (eds.), (Narratio Aliena Studien des Bonner Zentrums f r Narratologie.), EBV, Berlin, pp. 113-139. Sagaster, K. (trans.) 1967. Subud erike ‘Ein Rosenkranz aus Perlen’. Die Biographie des 1. Pekinger l£ang skya Khutukhtu Nag dban blo bzan £’os ldan, verfasst von Nag dban £’os ldan alias es rab dar rgyas, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 20, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Sagaster, K. 1976. Die Weisse Geschichte ( aγan te ke). Eine mongolische Quelle zur Lehre von den Beiden Ordnungen Religion und Staat in Tibet unde der Mongolei. Hrsg., bersetz und kommentiert von..., Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 41, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden. Sagaster, K., 1989. "Der Buddhismus bei den Mongolen". In: Die Mongolen, Heissig, W. (ed.), Pinguin Verlag, Innsbruck, pp. 233-39. SÆrk zi, A. (ed.) in collaboration with Szerb, J. 1995. A Buddhist Terminological Dictionary. The Mongolian Mahavyutpatti, Asiatische Forschungen, vol. 130, Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden. Sazykin, A.G. 2006. Mongol’skiye perevody "Mandzhushri-nama-sangiti". Mongolian Translations of Maæju–r -nama-samg ti, Department of Linguistics, Kyoto University, CSEL Series 9, Kyoto. Schulemann, G., 1958. Geschichte der Dalai-Lamas, (2nd ed.), Leipzig. Schwieger, P. 2015. The Dalai Lama and the Emperor of China: A Political History of the Tibetan Institution of Reincarnation, Columbia University Press, New York.

Sereeter, . 1999. Mongolyn Ikh khuree, Gandan khiidiin t khen b tetsiin tovch. 1651-1938, Mongol ndesnii T v Arkhiv, (place of publication not indicated). Seyfort Ruegg, D. 2008. The Symbiosis of Buddhism with Brahmanism / Hinduism in South Asia and of Buddhism with ’local cults’ in Tibet and the Himalayan region, Verlag der sterreischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien. Seyfort Ruegg, D., 2004. "Introductory Remarks on the Spiritual and Temporal Orders". In: The Relationship Between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet, C ppers, Ch. (ed.), Lumbini International Research Institute, Lumbini, pp. 9-13. Shagdars ren, Ts. 1981. Mongol seg z i, Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademiin Khevlel, Ulaanbaatar. Shagdars ren, Ts. 2001. Mongolchuudyn seg bichigiin tovchoon, Bibliotheca Mongolica: Monograph 1. Edited by Choimaa, Sh., Center for Mongolian Studies, National University of Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar 2001. Sheehy, M.R. 2009. "A Lineage History of Vajrayoga and Tantric Zhentong from the Jonang Kalacakra Practice Tradition". In: As Long as Space Endure. Essays on the Kalacakra Tantra in Honor of H.H. the Dalai Lama, Arnold, E.A. (ed.), Editor on behalf of Namgyal Monastery Institute of Buddhist Studies, Snow Lion Publications, Ithaca, New York, pp. 219-236. Skorupski, T. 1996. "The Canonical Tantras of the New Schools". In: Cabezon, J.I. and Jackson, R.R. (eds.), Tibetan Literature. Studies in Genre, Snow Lion, Ithaca, New York, pp. 95-110. Sku ’bum gdan rabs 1982 Gser tog blo bzang tshul khrims rgya mtsho, Sku ’bum byams pa gling gi gdan rabs don ldan tshangs pa’i dbyangs snyan, Mtsho sngon mi rigs dpe skrun khang (Xining ed.) Smith, G. 1969. The Autobiography of the First Panchen Lama Blo-bzangchos-kyi-rgyal-mtshan edited by Ngawang Gelek Demo with an English introduction by E. Gene Smith, Gedan Sungrab Minyam Gyuphel Series, vol. 12, New Delhi. Somlai, G. 1988. "The Lineage of Taranatha According to Klon-rdolbla-ma". In: Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the 4th International Association for Tibetan Studies. Schloss Hohenkamer Munich 1985, Uebach, H. and Panglung, J.L. (eds.), M nchen, pp. 449-451. Soninbayar, Sh. (trans.) 1995. Agvaants ltemjamts, Avralt itgelt Bogd Jivz ndambyn khiid Baruun Kh reenii garsan yosyg tovch g lsen shudarga orshigchdyn chikhnii chimeg khemeekh orshvoi, Mongolyn burkhan shashny t v, Gandantegchinlin khiid, nd r gegeenii neremjit Shashny deed surguul’, Ulaanbaatar. Soninbayar, Sh. 1998. "Zaya bandida Luvsanperenlein negen t vd namtar", Lavain egshig, No. 1, Gandan Tegchenlin khiid, Ulaanbaatar, pp. 28-43. Sopa, Geshe Lhundup with Newman, B. 2008. Steps on the Path to Enlightenment: A Commentary on Tsongkhapa’s Lamrim Chenmo, Vol. 3: "The Way of the Bodhisattva", Wisdom Publications, Boston. Sperling, E. 1992. "Notes on References to ’Bri-Gung-Pa Mongol Contact in the late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries". In: Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies in Narita, Japan 1989, Ihara, Sh. and Yamaguchi, Z. (eds.), Narita, pp. 741-750. Sperling, E. 2003. "Tibet’s Foreign Relations during the Epoch of the Fifth Dalai Lama". In: Lhasa in the Seventeenth Century: The Capital of the Seventeenth century, Pommaret, F. (ed.), Brill, Leiden, pp. 119132. Stearns, C. 1999. The Buddha from Dolpo. A Study of the Life and Thought of the Tibetan Master Dolpopa Sherab Gyaltsen, Suny Series in Buddhist Studies, State University of New York Press, New York.

Sugimoto, T. 1982. "A Re-evaluation of Devadatta: the Salvation of Evil Men in Buddhism", Studies in Religions East and West, No. 9, Ronsh, pp. 360-376. Sumatiratna 1959. Bod hor gyi brda yig ming chig don gsum gsal bar byed pa’i mun sel sgron me, Corpus Scriptorum Mongolorum, vol. 12, Ulaanbaatar. Templeman, D. 1989. The Life of Kan. ha/Kr..sn. acarya by Taranatha, Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, Dharamsala. Templeman, D. 1992. "Taranatha’s Life of Kan.ha/Kr.s.n.acarya an Unusual Siddha Hagiography". In: Tibetan Studies, Proceedings of the 5th International Seminar on Tibetan Studies in Narita, Japan 1989, Ihara, Sh. and Yamaguchi, Z. (eds.), Narita, pp. 309-313. Terbish, L. 2008. Oiradyn burkhany shashny tovch t kh, Biblioteca Oiratica, IX, Tod nomyn gerel t v, Ulaanbaatar. The Third Dalai Lama 1985. Esseence of the Re ned Gold, Mullin, G.H. (ed.), Snow Lion Publications, inc., Ithaca, New York. Thupten Jinpa 2013. Wisdom of the Kadam Masters, Wisdom Publications, Boston. Tohoku Catalogue 1934. A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons (Bka’-’gyur and Bstan-’gyur), Hakuju Ui, Menetada Suzuki, Yensho Kanakura and Tokan Tada (eds.), Sendai. Tsendina, A. 1999. Istoriya Erdeni-dzu. Faksimile rukopisi, perevod s mongol’skogo, vvedeniye, kommentarii i prilozheniya A.D. Tsendinoi, Vostochnaya Literatura RAN, Moskva. Tserensodnom, D. and Khadaa, Ts. 1997. Burkhan bagshiin arvan khoyor zokhyonguin tailbar, Mongol Ulsyn Shinjlekh Akademiin Khel Zokhyolyn Kh reelen, Dashchoilon khiid, Ulaanbaatar.

Tsyrempilov, N.V. 2014. "Rannii etap rasprostraneniya i utverdeniya buddizma v Rossiiskom Zabaikale". In: Buddizm v istorii i kulture buryat, Garri, I.R. (ed.), Institut mongolovedeniya, buddologii i tibetologii Sibirskogo Otdeleniya RAN, Ulan-Ude, pp. 4-35. Tucci, G. 1949. Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 3 vols, Istituto Poligra co e Zecca dello Stato, Roma. Tulisow et al. 2012. In the Heart of Mongolia. 100th Anniversary of W. Kotwicz’s Expedition to Mongolia in 1912 (Studies and Selected Source Materials). Tulisow, J., Inoue, O., Bareja-Starzy«ska, A. and Dziurzy–ka, E. (eds.), Polska Akademia Umiejƒtno–ci, Cracow. Tuttle, G. 2005. Tibetan Buddhists in Making Modern China, Columbia University Press, New York. Tuttle, G. 2011. "An Overview of Amdo (Northeastern Tibet) Historical Polities", Tibetan and Himalayan Library (THL) http://www.thlib.org/places/polities Uspensky, V.L. 2011. Tibetskii buddizm v Pekinie, Sankt-Peterburg. Uspensky, V.L. 2014. "The Status of Tibet in the Seventeenth Early Eighteenth Centuries: A Mongolian Perspective". In: "Exploring Languages and Cultures of Asia. Prof. W. Kotwicz in Memoriam. Proceeding of the Third International Conference of Oriental Studies, Cracow, 15-17 November 2012", Rocznik Orientalistyczny, vol. 67, No. 1, pp. 230-237. Waldschmidt, E. 1963. "Reste von Devadatta-Episoden aus dem Vinaya der Sarvastivadins", ZDMG, 113, pp. 552-558. Wayman, A. 1959. "Studies in Yama and Mara", Indo-Iranian Journal, 3, Chapter I and II, pp. 44-73, Chapter III, pp. 112-131. Wayman, A. 1962. "Outline of the Thob yig gsal ba’i me long", Indo-Asian Studies, I, pp. 109-125. Willis, J.D. 1985. "On the Nature of rnam thar: Early dge pa Siddhas’ Biographies". In: Soundings in Tibetan Civilization, Aziz, B.N. and Kapstein, M. (eds.), Manohar, Delhi, pp. 304-319.

van der Kuijp, L.W.J. and Tuttle, G. 2014. "Altan Qaγan (1507-1582) of the T med Mongols and the Stag lung Abbot Kub dga’ bkra shis rgyal mtshan (1575-1535)". In: Trails of the Tibetan Tradition. Papers for Elliot Sperling, Vitali, R. (ed.), Amnye Machen Institute, Dharamsala, pp. 461-482. Vetturini, G. 2007. bKa’ gdams pa School of Tibetan Buddhism, Part 1, University of London, School of Oriental and African Studies, London. Vostrikov, A. I. 1970. Tibetan Historical Literature [by]... Translated from the Russian by Harish Chandra Gupta, Indian Studies: Past & Present, Calcutta. Internet sources: Don Croner’s blog http://www.doncronerblog.com/2012/10/mongolia-zayapandita-clear-mirror.html (22.11.2013) Nitartha Tibetan-English Online Dictionary: http://www.nitartha.org/ dictionary Pandey, A. 2014. Proposal to Encode the Zanabazar Square Script in ISO/IEC 10646 http://www.unicode.org/L2/L2014/14024-zanabazarsquare.pdf Rangjung Yeshe Viki http://rywiki.tsadra.org/index.php/ Resources for Kanjur and Tanjur Studies at the University of Vienna https://www.istb.univie.ac.at/kanjur/xml4/editions/lithang.php TBRC The Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center: http://www.tbrc.org Tiblical https://sites.google.com/site/tiblical/ Marin, D., Tibetan Proper Name Index, Fascicle One by... THL Extended Wylie Transliteration Scheme http://www.thlib.org/reference/transliteration/

Index
A bhya ka ra, 112
A bu tha’i, 103
A chi thu chos rje, 135
A pa ka, 158
Abaγ-a, 158
Abaga, 158
Abhay-a karai, 112
Abhayakara[[[gupta]]], 112, 181
Abhayakaragupta, 33, 122
Abhidharmako–akarika, 180
Abutai / Abatai Khan, 24, 43, 49, 50, 52,
54, 83, 89, 103, 105, 139, 148
Achitu Choje, 64, 135
A£itu £oyi i, 135
Aginsky Datsan, 8, 12, 13, 21, 56, 99
Aginsky Monastery, 99
Agramba Agvaangeleg, 182
Agvaangonchig, 181
Agvaanluvsanchoidan, 156
Agvaanluvsandanzinjaltsan, 184
Agvaanluvsandonduv, 47, 52, 80, 108
Agvaanluvsanravdan, 184
Agvaansodnam, 183
Agvaant vden Ravjamba, 47, 51 53, 65, 82,
109, 154, 155, 178
Agvaants ltemjamts, 53, 78, 82
Aγvangludui imso, 134
Akya Losang Lungtog Jigme Tenpai Gyeltsen, 92
Akya Rinpoche, 92
Altan gerel, 42
Altan Khan, 7, 46, 52, 72, 92, 104, 110, 180,
184
Altan tob£i, 44
Amdo, 63, 64, 81, 119, 156, 162
Amitayus, 120, 134, 150, 152, 160, 163
Anuttara[-yoga-tantra], 160
Angaja, 179
Arani, 135
Arani Aliqan, 63, 135
Arban qoyar jokiyangγui, 45
Arkhangai, 94
Armenians, 102
Arsalan, 139
Asanga, 33
A–vaghos.a, 45, 122
At –a, 33, 46, 78, 110, 115, 180
Avalokite–vara, 133, 174
Avral iltgelt Bogd Jivz ndambyn khiid Baruun kh reenii garsan yosyg tovch g ulsen shudraga orshigchdyn chikhiin chimeg khemeekh orshvoi, 48
Ayushi Guushi, 84
Ayusi, 133, 152, 160
Ayu†i, 150, 163
Ayuu†i, 120
Acarya-kriyasamuccaya, 113 Aryadeva, 33
Ba’ thur hong tha’i ji, 138
Baatur Khung Tayiji, 61, 85
Baga Juu, 151, 183
279
Baγatar qungtayi i, 138
Ba(γa)tur Khung Tayiji, 138
Baljor-ravdan, 179
Baljorravdan, 138
Bal ur vangbu, 183
Bandida £os r i, 185
Bandida nom[-]un qaγan, 183
Ban(g)£in yesi jimso, 141
Baraγun, 125, 126, 131
Barbai Tsobo, 51
Baruun Kh ree, 48
Bathula Dorjebum, 152
Batu M ngke Dayan Khan, 24, 43, 49, 83,
89, 102 Batu Nasu, 126 Batulai, 53, 67, 152, 159 bDe thang pan.d.ita khu thug thu, 185
Be’a kha ta lar am pang, 147
Beihatalar, 147
Beijing, 161, 164 166
Bekter, 44
Berei, 110
Berei b ng, 117
Bereib ng, 109
Bereyib ng, 183
Bhairava, 109, 122 Bir wa pa, 184 bKa’ gdams bu chos zhu len nor bu’i phreng ba bu chos rngog chos nyi shu,
116 bKa’ gdams glegs bam, 39, 78, 109, 123 bKa’ gdams glegs bam pha chos bu chos, 78,
109 bKa’ gdams pa, 115, 168 bKa’ ’gyur, 7, 45, 126, 150, 154, 161 bKra shis lhun po, 110, 126 Bla brang gzims khang ser po, 141
Bla ma lnga bcu ba’i rnam bshad, 122
Bla ma lnga bcu pa’i rnam bshad slob ma’i re ba kun skong, 122
Bla ma rim, 122
Bla ma rtogs ldan pa, 171
Bla ma zhang, 182
Bla med lugs, 160
Blam-a duγdanba, 171
Blam-a ligeba£u-yin nam†ad, 122
Blo bzang, 100
Blo bzang bstan ’dzin, 180
Blo bzang bstan ’dzin dpal bzang, 76
Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho, 61, 78
Blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan, 31, 76,
180
Blo bzang bstan ’jin, 30
Blo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma, 122
Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, 60, 78, 107
Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 187
Blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i khrungs rabs bco lnga’i rnam thar, 8, 35
Blo bzang bzod pa rgya mtsho, 33, 136
Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 26, 111
Blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal, 35
Blo bzang chos ’phel, 64
Blo bzang grags pa, 99
Blo bzang khu thug thu, 182
Blo bzang tshul khrims rnam rgyal, 185
Blo bzang ’jam dpal bstan ’dzin, 117, 179
Blo bzang ’phrin las, 5, 21, 31
Blo bzang ’phrin las dpal bzang po, 187
Bodhisattvacaryavatara, 174
Bogd Khaan, 73
Bogd Khan, 86
Bogda Gegen, 75
Bogda Khagan, 73
Bogda Khan, 75
Borjigid, 88, 89
Brag ri yongs ’dzin dam tshig rdo rje, 94
Bragri Yongdzin Damtsigdorje, 94 Brahma, 49, 102 brTson ’grus grags pa, 182 bShes gnyen grags pa, 184
bSod nams chos kyi nyi ma, 184 bSod nams rgya mtsho, 50, 51, 89, 103, 109 bSod nams ye shes dbang po, 184 bsTan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 100 Bu ston rin po che, 33
Buddha, 45, 52, 131, 147, 152, 157
Buddha Bhagavan, 140, 142
Buddha Tathagata, 164 Buddhacarita, 36, 45
Burgasutai, 67, 159
Burumdun, 168
Buryat Zaya Pandita, 28
Buryatia, 8, 12, 21, 56, 93, 99
Buton Rinpoche, 33
B rilg sodnam ye†i vangbu, 184
B t gsen Khutugtu, 184
B t gsen qutuγtu, 184
Bya khung brag, 110
Bya khyung, 131
Bya khyung brag, 110
Bya khyung dgon, 110
Bya khyung theg chen yon tan dar rgyas gling, 119 Bya yul, 117, 178
Byams pa, 123, 128
Byams pa gling, 132
Byams pa gling no mon khang, 77, 106
Byams pa gling pa, 118
Byams pa gling pa mkhan po, 70
Byams pa smon lam, 183
Byang rtse, 183
Byis pa, 183
’Bar ba’i gtso bo, 51
’Bras, 110
’Bras spungs, 62, 80, 109, 110, 117, 183
’Brom ston, 40, 110, 115, 174
’Brom ston pa, 168
’Brom ston rgyal ba’i ’byung gnas, 168
Candragomin, 33
Central Asian Muslims, 102
Chab mdo byams pa gling, 77, 78, 81, 106,
118 Chakhar, 59
Chakhar Khan, 105
Chakhundorji, 65, 164
Chamdo, 118
Chamdo Jampa Ling, 81, 106
Chan chu yang, 153
Chandmaniin erikh, 32
Changkya / Jangiya Khutugtu, 13, 64, 137,
151, 156, 163
Changkya / Jangiya-khu’a, 159
Changkya Ngawang Choden, 100
Chen po hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos ji ltar dar ba’i tshul gsal bar brjod pa padma dkar po’i phreng ba, 48
Chenngaba, 174
Chenye, 118
Chenye Gonpa, 118
Chenyepa, 84
China, 87, 93, 102
Chinggis Khan, 23, 24, 43, 49, 52, 55, 72,
75, 83, 89, 95, 102
Chinggisid, 22, 24, 72, 75, 102
CHog-Thu, 50
Choje Dondub Rinchen, 110
Chojor Rabjampa, 151, 161, 162
Chokyi Gyelpo, 106, 118
Chokyi Oser, 45
Chokyong Gyatso, 183
Chonggye Emchi, 127
Chonggye Pandita, 127
Chonyer Dragpa, 184
Chophel, 167
Choros, 61
Chos gnyer grags pa, 184
Chos kyi ’od zer, 45
Chos kyi rgyal po, 78, 81, 106, 118
Chos rje don grub rin chen, 110
Chos rje dpal ’byor dbang po, 183
Chos skyong rgya mtsho, 183
Chos ’byor rab ’byams pa, 151, 161
Chos ’byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho, 110
Chos ’khor rgyal (rgya tshwa rdzong), 145
Choyiji Ozer, 45
Choyijid Dakini, 42
Chu bzang pa, 111
Chu bzang pa dkon mchog chos bzang, 111
Chusangpa, 111
Chusangpa Konchog Chosang, 111
Croner, Don, 23 Cun cing teng, 167 aγan nuur, 124 aγlasi gei s me-yin erge-yin b g de s meyin bayiγuluγsan yabudal-i bayi£aγaγsan dangsa, 29
an£u yang, 153 ang £ung yuvan s m-e, 153 intamani-yin erike, 32
iqula keregleg£i teg s udqatu †astir, 7, 69 oyi or rab amba, 151 oyi or rab imba, 161 ngaba, 109 ung i em£i, 127 uyi £in am£u, 183 uyiner daγba, 184 bsang-ba, 111 ltim £uyipel, 182
Da£aγ id ng rinbu£ei, 167
Dag yig rin chen za ma tog, 153
Dag yig za ma tog, 153
Dagpo Drungtsoba, 118
Dagpo Kagyu, 104
Daγbu d ng £u ba, 118
Daiching, 147
Daiching Khung Tayiji, 144
Dakyik zam-a dok, 153
Dalai Lama, 33, 35, 61 63, 67, 70, 71, 73, 78, 79, 82, 85 88, 94, 105, 108,
111, 112, 116, 118, 126 131, 134
136, 141, 145, 149, 152, 159, 168,
169, 175, 180, 184
Dalai man usiri, 133
Dalai manzusiri qutuγtu, 182
Dalai Maæju–r , 133
Dalai Maæju–r , 181
Dambadarjaa khambo, 28
Damdin, 163
Dan.d.in, 40
Dar-a eke, 157
Darmabala, 154 Darpa, 136, 185
Darpa Pandita, 136
Darpa Pandita Losang Sopa Gyatso, 33,
136
Darpa Sonam Lhunrub Dorje, 136
Darva Pandit nomch khutagt Sodovjamts,
33
Dasi lh n(g)b , 126
Daszilh n-bu, 110
Dayan Khan, 64
Dayan Khung Tayiji, 129
Dayi£ing qung[-]tayi i, 144 Dayi£in[g], 147 dBen sa, 180 dBen sa blo bzang don grub, 180 dBen sa sprul pa’i sku, 78 dBen sa sprul sku, 61, 81 dBu mdzad chos rje, 177 dBus, 34, 109, 121, 131, 141 De mo sprul sku, 167
De tang bandida qutuγtu, 185
Deba, 159
Demo Tulku, 167
Dem -yin qubilγan, 167
Desi Sangye Gyatso, 159
Dethang Pandita Khutugtu, 185 Devadatta, 68, 69, 73, 140, 142 dGa’ ldan, 110, 182 dGa’ ldan byang rtsi, 183 dGa’ ldan khri pa, 63 dGa’ ldan khu thug thu, 182 dGa’ ldan pho brang, 82
dGa’ ldan rdo rje, 138 dGe ’dun rgya mtsho, 113 dGe ldan, 110, 135, 144, 182 dGe legs rab brtan rdo rje, 179, 185 dGe ’dun rgya mtsho, 141 Dgilden, 135 dGon lung, 135 dGon lung byams pa gling, 156 Dha yo’i hong tha’i ji, 129
Dha yu’ai qung tayi i, 129
Dharmabhadra, 154
Dharmak rti, 33
Dharmaraks.ita, 33
Dharmatala, 48 53 Dignaga, 33 dKyil khang, 181 dKyil ’khor gyi cho ga rdo rje phreng ba, 112
Dogolong Tshering, 80
Dologan Nagur, 148
Dolonnuur, 66
Don grub rin chen, 119
Dondub Ephu, 160
Dondub Rinchen, 119
Dondup Gyel, 50
Dongqor sabd n imbal sangpuu, 180
Dorje Gyelpo, 104
Dorje Jab, 145
Dorjechang Shabdrung, 181
Dorjechang Shabdrung Jinpa Dargye , 181
Dorjijab, 65
Dor i ab, 145
Dotson, Brandon, 37 Dowager, 150 dPal ’byor dbang po, 183 dPal ’byor rab brtan, 138, 179, 184 dPal rdo rje ’jigs byed lha bcu gsum ma,
151 dPal ri bo dge ldan pa’i chos spyod sna tshogs kyi ’grel ba phyogs bsgrigs, 100
Drepung, 62, 78, 80, 93, 109, 110, 117, 122,
136, 183
Dromton, 40, 110, 115
Dromton(pa), 168
Dund b rin£in, 119
Dunhuang, 37, 50
Dwags po bka’ brgyud, 104
Dwags po drung ’tsho ba, 118
Dza ya pan.d.i ta, 187 ’Dzapo, 139
E re khe’i mer ken, 105
Eastern Mongols, 86
Eight Jetsundampa, 75, 92
El ci ken, 146
El deng hong tha’i ji, 133
Eljigen, 146 El igen, 146
Engke amuγulang, 29
Enkh Amgalang, 135
Ensa / Bensa, 180
Ensa / Bensa Losang Dondub, 180
Ensa / Bensa Tulku, 61, 65, 69, 73, 78, 81,
85, 107
Er te ni e la kug sang khu thug thu, 183
Er te ni jo bo, 105
Er te ni no yon khu thug thu, 181
Erdene Zuu, 104
Erdeni uu, 105 Erdeni ilaγuγsan qutuγ-tu, 183
Erdeni Ilagugsan Khutugtu, 183
Erdeni Jobo, 166
Erdeni Juu, 7, 65, 83, 90, 104, 105, 120,
123, 128, 146, 184 Erdeni Khung Tayiji, 133
Erdeni Mergen Noyan Khutugtu, 181
Erdeni Noyan Khutugtu, 181
Erdeni noyan qutuγtu, 181
Erdeni tunumal neret sudur, 46, 77
Erkei Mergen, 43, 83, 105
Esen T m r Khan, 45 Esrua, 102
Europeans, 102
Fifth Dalai Lama, 6, 14, 26 28, 31, 39 41, 46, 50, 54, 60, 61, 63, 65, 67 70, 72, 77, 79 82, 85, 103, 112, 113,
117, 118, 122, 123, 134, 136, 159,
168, 169, 182
First / Fourth Panchen Lama, 26, 61, 81
Fourteenth Dalai Lama, 74, 92, 94 Fourth Dalai Lama, 52, 92
Gadam legbam, 123
G. adamblegbam, 109
Galdan Boshugtu, 6, 28, 30, 60 63, 65
73, 85, 86, 88, 139, 140, 143 146,
167, 174 Galdandorji, 179
Ga[n]dan ang zi, 183
Gandan Jangtsi, 183
Gandan Khutugtu, 182
Gandan qutuγtu, 182
Ganden, 63, 64, 100, 111, 121, 134, 136,
178, 180, 182 184 Ganden Dorji, 138, 179
Ganden Phodrang, 82
Ganden Tripa, 63, 65
Gangchen, 184
Gangchen Chophel, 185
Gangchen Khenpo, 184
Gan(g)dan £oyin(g)qur, 110
Gan(g)danamkai ilsen, 122
Ganges, 102
Gangjin qambu, 184
Gangs can chos ’phel, 184
Gangs can mkhan po, 184
Ganjurpa, 28
Ganjurpa Nomun Khan, 22
Ganjuurva Nomyn Khaan, 22
Garuda, 100, 101
Geden, 110, 111, 134, 135, 144, 178, 182
Geden(g)dor i, 138
Geden(g), 182
Gedun Gyatsho, 113
Gedun Gyatso, 113, 141
Geleg Rabten Dorje, 179, 185
Gelegjamts Doorombo, 33, 132, 155
Gelegravdandorj, 138
Gelong Solpon Radnabhadra, 46
Gelugpa, 6, 26, 62, 63, 77, 80, 81, 89, 90, 110, 111, 117, 118, 121, 141, 146,
150, 169, 183 Gen(g)den imso, 113
Gen(g)d n imso, 141
Geresengje, 49
Geresenje, 64, 120
Geresenje Jalair Khung Tayiji, 49, 103
Gesar, 42
Gling stod zhabs drung blo bzang rgya mtsho, 31 Gnab£u toyin, 185 gNas bcu, 151 gNas bcu tho yon, 185 Gnasba£u toyin, 151
Golung Jampa Ling, 156
Goma, 183
Gomang, 183
Gomde Namkha Gyeltsen, 122
Gonchigdorji, 179
Gonlung, 135
Goviin noyon khutagt, 181 Grub rgyal ma, 120, 133 gTsang, 34, 109, 111, 121, 131
Gu ri Khan, 50
Gun.aprabha, 33
Guhyasamaja, 172
Gurupaæca–ika, 122
Gushri Khan, 61, 85
Gusiri Blo bzang bstan ’jin, 29
Guushi Khan, 50, 61, 72, 85, 103, 183
G nb m, 109
G ngga ningbuu, 169
Gyad bu nor, 139
Gyel Metog Thang, 145
Gyel Wangchog, 122
Gyelba Gyatso, 118, 180
Gyelkhangtse, 124
Gyelkhangtseba Peljor Gyatso, 180
Gyeltse, 126
Gyeltse Thempang, 126
Gyepa Shabdrung, 185
Gyuto, 122
Gzungs thar, 24
’Gro mgon bstan pa’i nyi, 183
Haribhadra, 33
Hayagr va, 94, 163
Hohhot, 151, 183
Hong Tayiji, 150
Horizontal Square Script, 84, 154
Hung tha’i hu, 167 Hung Thaihu, 167
I la kug sang, 185
I la kug sang chos rje’i sku skye, 182
I la kug sang khu thug thu, 183
Ikh Kh ree, 138, 179
Ikh Khuree, 185
Ilagugsan, 185
Ilagugsan Choje, 182
Ilagugsan Khutugtu, 183
Ilaγuγsan, 185 Ilaγuγsan £ s r i-yin qubilγan, 182
Ilaγuγsan qutuγ-tu, 183 Ila u teg s n g£igsen burqan, 140
Ildeng Khung Tayiji, 133
Ildeng qung tayi i, 133
India, 7, 94, 102, 179 Inner Mongolia, 158
Ja£ ng, 131
Jagaddarpan.a, 113
Jakhyung, 131
Jakhyung Drag, 119
Jakhyung Gon, 110
Jakung Drag, 110
Jal midaγ tang, 145
Jalair Khung Tayiji, 24, 43, 49, 83, 89, 102
Jalkhanz, 76, 124, 180
Jalkhanz Khutugtu, 76
Jamba Daichin Vang, 166
Jamba ling nom[-]un qaγan, 77, 106
Jampa Ling, 118
Jampa Ling Nomun Khan, 77, 81, 106, 118
Jampa Lingpa, 78, 118
Jampa Lingpa Khenpo, 70
Jampa Monlam, 183
Jamyang Choje, 62, 80, 82, 117
Jamyang Choje Tashi Pelden, 51, 117
Jamyang Pelden, 180
Jamyang Trulku, 80, 82, 113, 118
Jamyang Tulku, 80 Jan(g)dan uu, 153
Jang, 121, 125
Jang kya qu, 159
Jang Rampa, 182
Jangba qubilγan, 151
Jangyan-a qutuγtu, 156
Jantsan, 181
Jantse, 183
Jarbunai, 129
Jasag Lama of Beijing, 151
Jasagtu Khan, 29, 64, 65, 67, 105, 136, 146,
181
Javdzdamb, 10
Jay-a bandida, 187
Jaya bandida qutuγtu, 29
Jaya Pan.d.ita, 29
Jaya Pandita, 29, 30
Jaya-pan.d.ita, 26 Jayapan.d.ita, 26
Jayiba †abd d, 185
Jayul, 117, 178
Je, 183
Jedbunor, 139
Jehol, 150
Jetsun, 100
Jetsun Dampa Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo, 99
Jetsun Lama, 100
Jetsundampa, 5 10, 12, 21, 25, 31, 34, 35,
38, 39, 43, 44, 46, 53 55, 60 70, 72, 73, 76 82, 86 94, 101, 106, 108, 109, 116, 117, 122, 127, 130, 132, 136, 144, 147 149, 151 154, 157, 160, 161, 163, 165, 167 169,
174, 177 179, 185 Ji£ ng, 110
Jib undamba, 108
Jidbu nor, 139
Jigmed dor ei dalai qutuγtu, 185
Jigmed Dorje Dalai Khutugtu, 185
Jilin, 163
Jilze ten(g)bang, 126
Jimba li(a)ng ba, 118
Jimba mun(g)lam, 183
Jimbal a£ d, 131
Jirgalangtu, 29
Ji d blam-a, 140
Jæana Vajra, 52, 79
Jo nang pa, 60
Jonang Kunga Drolchog, 51
Jonangpa, 60, 62, 63, 74, 77, 80, 81, 169
Jungar, 59, 61, 90
J ng£in, 160
’Jam dbyangs chos rje, 62, 80
’Jam dbyangs chos rje bkra shis dpal ldan,
117
’Jam dbyangs dpal ldan, 180
’Jam dbyangs rgya mtsho, 180
’Jam dbyangs sprul sku, 80
’Jam dpal rtsa rgyud, 131
’Jang, 131
’Jang sa tham, 131
’Jigs byed, 109, 122
’Jigs byed kyi bskyed rim dngos grub kyi snye ma, 122
’Jigs med rdo rje ta la’i khu thug thu, 185 Kadam Legbam, 78, 109
Kadampa, 115 117, 168, 174, 178
Kagyu, 118, 182
Kalmykia, 93
Kangxi, 6, 28, 29, 60, 63, 67, 70, 86, 88, 90, 135, 150, 153, 156, 161 163
Kanjur, 7, 32, 38, 45, 84, 107, 126, 131, 132,
150, 152, 154, 158, 161, 174
Karay-a-sam ca£a, 113
Kavyadar–a, 40
Kedub Sangye Yeshe, 107
Kentei, 134, 146
Kentei Khan, 121
Kentei qan, 121
Kh khe khoto, 30
Khadro Gyatso, 106
Khal kha, 124
Khalkha, 28, 38, 59 63, 65 67, 71 73, 77
80, 82 90, 92, 94, 105, 119 121,
124, 127, 129, 135 137, 144 147,
151, 164, 165, 174, 180, 181, 184 Khalkha Zaya Pandita, 5, 6, 28 31, 46
Khambo Nomun Khan, 185
Khanbo Nomun Khaan, 179
Khanchin Choijal, 181
Khangai Khan, 24, 136
Kharigchin, 29
Kharnag Chodze, 118
Khasui, 24
Khedub Khyungpo, 33
Khedub Sangye Yeshe, 73, 78, 142, 143, 180
Khedub Thamche Khyenpa, 170
Khen the’i han, 121
Khorchin, 151, 185
Khoshuud, 61, 85
Khu rin bel cher, 135
Khu ston brtson ’grus g.yung drung, 180
Khu ston rnam sprul, 180
Khubilai Khan, 75
Khujirt, 24
Khuton, 180
Khyab bdag ’khor lo mgon po Rje btsun blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i rnam thar skal ldan thar
’dod re ba skong ba’i dga’ ston, 47
Khyab bdag ’khor lo’i mgon Rje btsun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar skal bzang dad pa’i shing rta, 47
Kirin, 163
Kitad, 90
Klu ’bum ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho,
63
Kokonor, 110
Kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho, 156
Kongtrul Yonten Gyatso, 156
K ke Khota, 7, 29 31, 135, 151, 183 185
K ke qota, 29, 151, 185
K nd l n(g) Sain Noyan, 25
K nd l n(g) Sayin Noyan, 121
K nd l n(g) Ts kh r, 23 25
Kri ya sa mu tstsha, 113 Kriyasamucca[ya], 113
Kr.s.n.acarin, 51, 52, 80
Kr.s.n.acarya, 51, 52, 80 Ku cor rtogs ldan, 171
Ku cor sangs rgyas dpal bzang, 171
Kucor Sangye Pelsang, 171
Kucor Togden, 171
Kumbum, 93, 109
Kun dga’ ’od zer, 7
Kun dga’ snying po, 77, 169
Kunga Nyingpo, 60, 77, 82, 169
Kunga Odzer, 7
K ren bel£er, 135
K ren Belcher, 63 65, 135, 136, 163, 185,
186
K reng bel£ir, 135
K riyen bel£iger, 135
Kyarpone, 129
Kyilkhang, 181
’Khrungs rabs gsol ’debs, 178
Laikhur Khan, 105
Lalitavistara, 45
Lam rim, 122
Lam rim chen mo, 122 Lama Pandita Choje, 136
Lama Shang, 182
Lama Togdenpa, 171
Lamain Gegen, 31 Lamrim, 122
Lamyn Gegeen, 31, 180, 181
Lamyn Gegeen Losang Tenzin Gyeltsen, 31
Lanka, 50 lCang skya khu’ thog thu, 156 lCang skya khu’a, 159 lCang skya Khutugtu Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan, 64
lCang skya ngag dbang chos ldan, 100
Leg£uγ lh nd b, 180
Legs bshad dpal ldan pa, 185
Legs tshogs lhun grub, 180
Legsadan baldan, 185
Legshe Peldenpa, 185 Legtsog Lhundrub, 180 lHa bla ma byang chub ’od, 33 lHa byin / sbyin, 68 lHa dbang chos kyi dbang phyug, 77 lHa dbang chos kyi rgyal mtshan, 77 lHa khang ser po, 155 Lhalama Jangchub Od, 33 Lhasa, 27, 116, 117 lHo brag nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 33
Lhodrag Namkha Gyeltsen Pelsangpo, 33
Lifanyuan, 135
Ligden Khan, 7, 45
Lingto Shabdrung Losang Gyatso, 31 Lithang, 131, 184 lJang ram pa, 182 Lo dgon pa, 174
Losang, 100
Losang Chokyi Gyeltsen, 26
Losang Chophel, 64
Losang Dragpa, 99
Losang Gyelpo, 25
Losang Jampel Tenzin, 117
Losang Khutugtu, 182
Losang Prinlei, 5
Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen, 60, 78, 107
Losang Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo, 187
Losang Tenpai Nyima, 122
Losang Tenzin, 180
Losang Tenzin Gyatso, 61, 78, 85, 107
Lovon Shireyet Sangye Tashi, 178
Lu Cangyong, 38
Lubsang qutuγtu, 182
Lubsang tangzin, 180
Luvsan Dandzan, 44
Luvsanperenlei, 21
Luvsanprinlei, 5, 12, 21 24, 32, 34
Luvsanprinlei Pelsangpo, 187
Luvsanshiva, 32
Luvsantsultimnamjal, 185
Mahakala, 78, 108
Maharatnakut.a, 69
Mahasam. mata, 76
Mahasiddha Virupa, 184
Mahayanottaratantra-–astra, 140
Maitreya, 123, 128
Maitreya-natha, 33
Manchu, 75, 87, 88, 90, 91, 123
Manchuria, 163
Manchus, 66
Maæju–r , 131, 133, 157, 164, 170, 174
Maæju–r ’Jam dbyangs chos rje, 180 Maæju–r -Namasamg t , 78, 107
Maæju–rimulatantra, 131
Marpa, 42
Maudgalyayana, 68
Mayidar, 123, 128
Mara, 141, 142
Mdo mdzangs blun, 42
Mer ken chos rje, 161, 185
Mer ken no mon khang, 179
Mer ken pan.d.i ta rab byams pa, 138, 185
Mergen £oyi i, 185
Mergen £oyisr£i, 161
Mergen bandida rab amba, 185
Mergen Choje, 161, 162, 185
Mergen nom[-]un qaγan, 179
Mergen Nomun Khaan 179
Mergen Nomun Khan, 184
Mergen Pandita Rabjampa, 137, 185
Mergen sidatu budda zana, 78
Mergen sidatu budda zana-yin gegen, 107
Mi la ras pa, 160
Milarepa, 42, 160 Mitra, 33 mKha’ ’gro rgya mtsho, 106 mKhar nag chos mdzad, 118 mKhar sngon, 151, 185 mKhas grub khyung po, 33 mKhas grub sangs rgyas ye shes, 73, 78,
107, 143, 180 mKhas-grub III Blo-bzang-bstan-’dzin-rgyamtsho, 81
Molon Toyin, 46
Mongolia, 5 8, 10 13, 21, 23, 26 28, 31, 33, 34, 42, 44, 46, 47, 50, 51, 75
77, 79, 83, 85 87, 89, 92, 94, 102,
136, 165, 181, 184, 185
Mongols, 75, 78, 79, 83, 85, 86, 88 95 Monguor (Tu), 156 mTshan brjod, 107 mTsho dkar, 124 Mu zeng, 131
Na rang khu thug thu, 184
Nag po spyod pa, 51, 80
Nag tsho lo tsa ba, 33
Nagpo Chopa, 51, 80
Nagtso Lotsaba, 33
Nam mkha’ bsod nams grags pa, 26, 78, 108
Nam mkha’i rgya mtsho, 7, 27
Naman sanggiri, 107
Namgyel, 116
Nam il da£ang, 116
Namkha sodnam daγba, 108 Namkha Sonam Dragpa, 26, 78, 79, 108
Namkhai Gyatso, 7, 27, 28, 30, 46
Namkhaijamts, 28
Nang so rnam rgyal, 136
Nangso Namgyel, 136
Nanyue shiba gaoseng zhuan, 38
Naran Khutugtu, 184
Naran qutuγtu, 184
Naropa, 120, 134
Narthang, 122
Narthang Gyatsa, 122
Nagarjuna, 33
Neyichi Toyin, 151, 183, 185
Ngag dbang blo bzang bstan ’dzin, 178
Ngag dbang blo bzang bstan ’dzin rgyal mtshan, 184
Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan, 64, 156
Ngag dbang blo bzang don grub, 47, 80, 178
Ngag dbang blo bzang rab brtan, 184
Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, 26, 60
Ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho, 63, 134
Ngag dbang bsod nams, 183
Ngag dbang dge legs, 182
Ngag dbang dkon mchog, 181
Ngag dbang ’phrin las rgya mtsho, 48
Ngag dbang rgya mtsho, 10
Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, 110
Ngag dbang tshul khrims rgya mtsho, 48,
78
Ngag dbang ye shes thub ldan, 155
Ngag gi dbang phyug, 47
Ngag gi dbang po, 47
Ngaggi Wangchug, 47
Ngaggi Wangpo, 47
Ngawang Gyatso, 10
Ngawang Lodo Gyatso, 63
Ngawang Lodro Gyatso, 134
Ngawang Losang Choden, 64, 156 Ngawang Losang Dondub, 47, 52, 80, 108
Ngawang Losang Donduv, 178
Ngawang Losang Gyatso, 26, 60
Ngawang Namgyel, 110
Ngawang Trinley Gyatso, 48
Ngawang Tsultrim Gyatso, 48, 108
Ngawang Yeshe Thubten, 51 53, 65, 82,
159, 178, 179, 181
Ngawang Yeshe Tuvden, 109, 110, 154
Ngor, 113
Nidanakatha, 36
Niguma, 34, 120, 133, 134
Ningxia, 158
Nis.pannayogaval , 112
No mon khang, 180
Nogonukuu ijeng Noyan, 103
Nom-un qaγan, 78
Nom[-]un qaγan, 180
Nomgon S miin Dara Ekh Lam, 48
Nomun Khaan, 180
Nomun Khaan Kushonpa, 179
Noonukhu ijeng, 49, 103
Nor bu phreng ba, 32 Nor bu phreng ba, 40
Noyan Khutagtu, 181
Noyan K nd l n(g) Ts kh r, 23
Noyon Kh ndl n Ts kh r, 23
Noyon Khutugtu, 25, 121
Nyal Gungang Choje Lhodzepa, 113
Nyal pa chos rje, 108
Nyan po shakya rgyal mtshan, 110
Nyelpa Choje, 108
Nyenpo Shakya Gyeltsen, 110 Nying Sha, 158
O chir ta ra khu thug thu, 181
Ochir dar khutagt, 181
Ochir Opathai, 49
Ochirdara Khuthuktu, 181
Oirat, 6, 10, 27, 28, 49, 59, 64, 66, 67, 72,
80, 86, 89, 90, 102, 103, 139, 181
Oirat Zaya Pandita, 7, 27, 28, 30, 31, 46 Olan-a erg gdegsen, 76
Ongnigud, 151, 185
Onohu U’ijen, 49
Onokh izen Noyon, 23
Or dus, 158
Or khi tai, 24
Ordos, 152, 158 Orkhidai, 23, 24 let, 61, 129, 137, 162 nd r Gege(ge)n, 5, 60, 76
nd r gegen- namtar, 9, 14, 54, 65
Pa thu la, 152
Pa thu la’i, 67, 159
Pa thu las, 159
Pa thu mong kho ta yan, 102
Padmasambhava, 42
Paljor Rabten, 138
Pan chen, 111
Pan chen bzang po bkra shis, 184
Panchen Lama, 23, 30, 31, 33, 35, 41, 81,
82, 84, 86, 108, 111, 114, 115, 121, 122, 138, 142, 143, 170, 175,
183 185
Panchen Yeshe Tsemo, 141 Pandita Choje, 185
Pandita Chokyi Ninjed, 51
Pandita Nomun Khan, 183
Pan. chen ye shes rtse mo, 141 Pan.d.i ta chos rje, 185
Pan.d.ita no mon khang, 183
Pathu Mongkho Tayan, 49
Pathu Mungkhe Tayan, 49
Peljor Gyatso, 180
Peljor Rabten, 179
Peljor Wangpo, 182 Pha chos, 79
Phag mo gru pa, 104
Phagmo Drupa, 104
Phagmo Drupa Dorje Gyelba, 51
Phagmo Drupa Dorje Gyelpo, 50, 104
Phagpa Chogyel, 78
Phagpalha, 78
Phreng ba ’khor gsum, 112
Phu chung ba gzhon nu rgyal mtshan, 174
Phuchungba, 174
Phun tshogs sku gsum ma, 178
Pinthu Nangso, 126
Po to ba, 175
Po to ba rin chen gsal, 175
Potala, 116, 164
Potoba, 175
Pozdneev, Aleksei, 28, 46
Pu thug sen khu thug thu, 184
Puntsag Juu, 183
’Phagpa Square Script, 154
’Phags pa bla ma chos kyi rgyal mtshan,
154
’Phags pa chos rgyal, 78
’Phags pa lha, 78
’Phan po, 110
’Phan yul, 110
’Phying ba stag rtse, 132
’Phyong rgyas em chi, 127
’Phyongs rgyas spyan g.yas dgon, 118
Qadalara, 147
Qalq-a, 124
Qanggda im£ł, 106
Qarnaq £oyinzad, 118
Qayidub sang i i†i, 143
Qing, 6, 61, 62, 67, 71 73, 75, 88, 91 Qong tayisu, 167
Ra ding / Re ding, 110
Ra ma n.a, 103
Ra sgreng, 110
Rab brtan, 185
Rab brtan mkha’ ’gro kun bzang, 137
Rab brtan rdo rje, 138
Rab brtan wang, 137
Rab ’byams pa ngag dbang ye shes thub bstan, 47
Rab imba mergen ban(g)dida, 138
Rabdan, 185
Rabdan qan(g)do g nsang, 137
Rabjamba Gungaajamts, 32
Rabjampa Ngawang Yeshe Thubten, 47
Rabten, 185
Rabten Dorje, 138
Rabten Khado K nsang, 137
Rai£ung, 160
Rang rang gi rtsa ba’i bla ma la sbyar chog pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor skyer sgang pa las brgyud pa’i gdams pas brgyan pa, 178
Ras chung, 160
Ras chung rdo rje grags pa, 160
Ratna-gotra-vibhaga, 140
Ratnasambhava, 133
Rahu, 104
Rama, 103
Rama(na), 49, 50, 52, 54, 103
Ramayan. a, 50 Ravan.a, 49, 50, 103 rDo rje ’chang, 132 rDo rje ’chang zhabs drung, 181 rDo rje ’chang zhabs drung sbyin pa dar rgyas, 181
rDo rje ’jigs byed, 109, 122 rDo rje phreng ba, 168, 181 rDo rje phreng ba’i dkyil ’khor, 112 rDo rje rgyal po, 104, 127, 139 rDo rje skyabs, 145 rdo rje’i rna bar ’thul ba’i ma la ya’i dri, 82
Rechung Dorje Dragpa, 160
Rechungpa, 160
Records of Teachings Received, 46
Red mda’ pa, 33
Reddapa, 33
Regent, 26, 27, 78, 82, 108, 126, 127, 159 Reting, 110 rGyal ba rgya mtsho, 118, 180 rGyal ba tsong kha pa la brten pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor, 177
rGyal dbang mchog, 123 rGyal khang rtse, 76, 124, 180 rGyal khang rtse ba dpal ’byor rgya mtsho,
180 rGyal me tog thang, 145 rGyal rtse, 126 rGyal rtse them spangs, 126 rGyas pa zhabs drung, 185 rGyud bla ma, 140 Ri bo dga’ ldan pa, 121
Ri bo dge rgyas gling, 65, 83, 121, 134, 146
Ri bo ge rgyas gling, 127
Ri bo rtse lnga, 162
Ribo Gandenpa, 121
Ribo ge ei ling, 127
Ribo Gegye Ling, 65, 83, 90, 121, 127, 134,
146, 174
Ribuge ai ling, 121
Rigs kun khyab bdag za ya pan. d.ita blo bzang ’phrin las bka’ ’bum legs bshad kyi po ti gnyis pa’i dkar chag nor ’phreng dang bklag lung legs par thob pa’i brgyud bcas bzhugs, 32
Rin ’byung snar thang brgya rtsa rdor ’phreng bcas nas gsungs pa’i bris sku mthong ba don ldan, 122
Rin chen brag, 110
Rin chen ’byung gnas, 133
Rin(g)£in iungnai, 133
Rinchen Drag, 110 Ring£in b(a)raγ, 110 rJe btsun dam pa, 60, 108 rJe btsun dam pa blo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, 99
rJe btsun dam pa rin po che’i rnam thar bstod tsig skal bzang dad gsos, 48
rJe btsun dam pa Ta ra na tha gang gi mchog sprul Ngag dbang blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma bstan ’dzin dbang phyug dpal bzang po’i sku ’phreng so so’i rnam thar dang rgyal pa rnams
lung bstan dang rgyal rabs kyi tsul gsal bar byed pa ’khrul snang rab gsal chos srid nyi zla zung gi ’od kyi snang ba, 48
rJe btsun tsong kha pa la brten pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor, 177 Rje drung rin po che, 77 rJe nyid kyi ’khrungs rabs gsol ’debs kun tu dga’ ba’i ma, 178
rMang mkhar dga’ ldan dar rgyas gling, 136 rNam rgyal grwa tshang, 116 rTa [mgrin], 163 rTa mgrin yang gsang, 94 rTa tshag rje drung rin po che, 167 rTag brtan, 169 rTag brtan phun tshogs gling, 169
Russia, 93
Rwa sgreng, 110
Sa skya, 110
Sa skya Pandita, 33
Sa£in-u duvadza siri bhadara, 100
Saddharmapun. d.arikasutra, 69, 142
Sain Noyon Kh ndl n Ts kh r, 23, 24
Sakya, 65, 110, 136, 146
Sakya Pandita, 33
Salekye, 139
Sandalwood Buddha, 153, 161
Sang£ai balsang, 181
Sang£ai sangbu, 181
Sang i rin(g)£in-u qubilγan, 178
Sangs rgyas bcom ldan ’das, 140
Sangs rgyas bzang po, 181, 182
Sangs rgyas dpal bzang, 181
Sangs rgyas rdo rje, 183
Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, 53, 67, 182
Sangs rgyas rin chen gyi sku skye, 178
Sangs rgyas snang grag, 184
Sangye Dorje, 183
Sangye Gyatso, 53, 67, 70
Sangye Pelsang, 181
Sangye Rinchen, 178
Sangye Sangpo, 181
Sarγ-a-yin k riyen, 150
Sayin Noyan Khan, 181
Sayin Noyon aimag, 30 Sayin-i erkileg£i s me, 29 sDe pa, 159 sde srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, 159 Se chen nang so rnam rgyal tho yon, 136
Se ra, 110
Se£in nangsu nam il toyin, 136
Sechen Khan, 66, 136, 165
Sechen Nangso Namgyel Toyin, 136
Sechen Rabjampa Khutugtu, 27
Second Dalai Lama, 113, 116, 145
Sempa Chenpo Pelden Yeshe, 33
Sems dpa’ chen po dpal ldan ye shes, 33
Seng ge, 139
Senge, 94
Sengge, 61, 67, 72, 139
Ser, 110 Ser byes dpe mdzod, 183 ser byes pa, 183 Sera, 33, 110, 136, 183
Sera Je, 136
Sere, 110
Sergan Khutagt, 179 Ser ei ba, 183 sGo mang, 183 sGom sde nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 122 sGrol, 157 sGrol ma g.yul bzlog, 156 sGrol ma g.yul bzlog bltas chog tu bkod pa bden ’bras myur sto, 156
sGrub thabs brgya rtsa, 122
(Sha kya’i btsun pa blo bzang ’phrin las kyi) zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i chos kyi thob yig gsal ba’i me long,
6, 32
Shakyamuni, 46
Shankh Khiid, 48, 83
Shar chos rje grags pa rgya mtsho, 48
Shar ka’i khu re, 150
Shar khang no mon khang, 178
Shar khang sku skye, 117
Shar pa sgom sde ba nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 122
Shar rtse khu thug thu, 183
Sharchoje Dragpa Gyatso, 48
Shargyn kh reen, 150
Sharkhang Kukye, 117
Sharkhang Nomun Khaan, 178
Sharkhang Tulku, 117
Sharpa Gomdeba Namkha Gyeltsen, 122
Shartse, 182
Shartse Khutugtu, 182
Shengzu, 29
Sherab Sengge, 45
Shes rab seng ge, 45
Shi re’ thu khu thug thu, 184
Shi ri ke’ thu sangs rgyas bkra shis, 185
Shiliu, shiqi, shiji Menggu zhengzhi gaige lun yu Zangchuan fojiao-yi Tumote, Kaerka zuoyi wei zhongxin,
10
Shira, 65
Shireget G shi Chorji, 7, 69
Shireget Sangye Tashi, 185
Shiret Khutugtu, 184
Shiva Shireet, 32
Shiva Shireet Luvsan, 33
Sholoi Ubashi Khung-Tayiji, 105
Shr ye thu sangs rgyas bkra shis, 178 Shulen Norbu Trengba, 116
Shunzhi, 150
Sigemuni, 150
Sir[e]get qutuγtu, 184
Sireget g si £or i, 7, 184
Sireget sang ai da†i, 185
Sireyet sang ai ta†i, 178
Sirga, 150
Sirγ-a-yin k riyen, 150
Sirha, 150
Sixth Dalai Lama, 32 sKu ’bum, 93, 109 sKyabs mgon rje btsun dam pa sku ’phren rim byon rnams kyi rnam thar mdor bsdus su brjod pa dang ldan kun dga’i mdzes rgyan zhes bya ba, 48
sKyar po nas, 129 sKyer sgang pa las brgyud pa’i bla ma’i rnal ’byor rgyas pa, 178 sNa dkar rtse rdzong, 110 sNar thang brgya rtsa, 113, 122 sNe gdong, 104 Sonam Gyatso, 50, 51, 89, 103, 109, 148
Songtsen Gampo, 72
Soninbayar, 32, 78
Soninbayar, Sh., 48
Sor Sung Tor Ken, 152
Soyombo, 154
Soyombo Script, 84, 154 S nid, 65, 158 sPrul sku bSod nams chos kyi nyi, 184 sPrul sku bSod nams ye shes dbang po, 184 sPyan g.yas, 118 sPyan g.yas pa, 84 sPyan snga ba, 174 sPyan snga ba tshul khrims ’bar, 174 Srong btsan sgam po, 72 sTag lung, 110 sTag tshang lo tsa ba, 40 sTag tshang lo tsa ba shes rab rgyal mtshan,
110 sTod lung pa dkon mchog chos bzang, 111 sTong ’khor, 180 sTong ’khor zhabs drung ’jam dpal bzang po, 180
Su madhi sasana dhara, 29
Su nyid, 158
Subadai, 67
Subud erike, 13, 129, 153, 160, 163, 167
Subudi Jasagtu Khan, 30
Sumadi karm-a sarai badar-a, 187
Sumadi †a in-u duvaza sarai badar-a, 187
Sumati, 100
Sumati K rti, 99
Sumati asana Dhara, 29, 30
Sumati asana Dhvaja, 108
Sumati asana Dhvaja r bhadra, 187
Sungtar, 24
Suntar, 23
Suntor, 23
Sur s ng durgen, 152 S len norbu norbu barinba, 116 ariputra, 68 akyamuni, 68, 69, 73, 150 akyaprabha, 33 akya–r , 33 antideva, 33, 174 antiraks.ita, 33 ubhakr.tshna, 134 ang blam-a, 182 ara s m-e, 155 arqan qubilγan, 117 arqang nom[-]un qaγan, 178 arzi qutuγ tu, 183 asana Dhvaja ribhadra, 100 idet gab£u, 184
Ta la’i maædzu shr , 133
Ta la’i maæju shr khu thug thu, 182
Ta’i ching, 147
Ta’i ching hong tha’i ji, 144
Tabuduγar dalai blam-a, 112, 123, 134
Taglung, 110
Tagten, 169
Tagtsang Lotsawa, 40
Tagtsang Lotsawa Sherab Gyeltsen, 110
Taγdan, 169
Taγl ng, 110
Takten House, 14
Taktser Rinpoche, 92
Tangsag Ganden Chokor, 110
Tanjur, 32
Taranata, 116
Tashilhunpo, 110, 111, 126, 141, 178, 181,
182, 184, 185
Tatsag Jedrung Rinpoche, 167
Tara, 156, 157
Taranatha, 41, 42, 50, 52, 54, 60, 62, 77, 79 81, 112, 115, 116, 122, 169,
176
Te[ng]sel gei nd s n, 160
Tenpai Gyeltsen Pelsangpo, 100
Tha’i hu, 152
Tha’i hu chen mo, 150, 152
Tha’i hung tha’i hu, 150
Thang sag dga’ ldan chos ’khor, 110
Thangsagpa Yeshe Jungne, 110
Them spangs, 126
Third Dalai Lama, 72, 77, 81, 92, 103, 104,
109, 113, 184 Tho Samling, 185
Thogme Pelsang po, 33
Thogs med dpal bzang po, 33
Thos bsam gling, 185
Thu she ye thu, 105
Thub bstan chos ’khor, 184
Thub bstan ’jigs med nor bu, 92
Thub dbang, 150
Thubten Jigme Norbu, 92
Thushe Yethu, 80
Tibet, 6 8, 11, 13, 26, 29 31, 33, 34, 36 39, 41 43, 50, 51, 54, 83 85, 87, 93,
94, 102, 109, 112, 179 Tibetans, 86, 88, 90, 92
Toglungpa Konchog Chosang, 111
Tongkhor Shabdrung Jampel Sangpo, 179
Torgut, 151
Toyisam ling, 185
Trashi Dondrub, 82
Tsala ’ir hor (for: hong) tha’i ji, 102
Tsalair Hong Thaij, 49
Tsan dan jo bo, 153
Tsandana jo bo, 161
Tsang, 109, 121, 125, 126, 131, 136, 174,
180
Tsang pa sku skye, 151
Tsangpa Kukye, 151
Tsarpa, 110
Tsesjav Kh ndl n, 23
Tsewang Rabten, 66
Tshal gung thang, 182
Tshal pa, 132
Tshalpa, 182
Tshar pa, 110
Tshe dbang rab brtan, 66
Tshe dpag med, 150, 152, 160
Tshe [dpag med], 163
Tshul khrims chos ’phel ba, 182
Tsong kha pa, 33, 99
Tsongkhapa, 33, 46, 51, 82, 83, 99, 100,
108 110, 119, 122, 131, 157, 170
172, 177, 180
Tsultrim Ch phelba, 182
Tulku Sonam Yeshe Wangpo, 183
Turkestan, 102
T menkhen Sain Noyon, 23
T menkhen Sayin Khan, 23, 24
T sheet Khaan, 10
T shiyet Khan, 10, 31, 43, 61, 63 67, 70,
79, 81 83, 92, 105, 130, 136, 145, 164
T shiyet Khan, Chakhundorji, 64 67, 72, 73, 85, 127
T shiyet Khan, Gombodorji, 60, 76, 79,
127, 138
U, 109, 121, 125, 126, 131, 141, 174
U rang khang, 144, 147
U tsu mer chin, 158
Udbalai doγ, 139 Ui tsen no yon, 185
U’i tsen no yon, 103
U’itsen Noyon, 49 Uizen, 185
mer£in, 158
Ula, 163
Um£ad £ s r i, 177
Umdzad Choje, 177
Urad, 158
Uriyangkhai, 144, 147
Uriyangqan, 144, 147
Utpala, 139
Utpala’i mdog, 139
Utpalavarn.a, 139
Uttaratantra, 140 Uyizin, 185 tai †an, 162 i, 109, 121, 125, 141 ijen Noyan, 24 ijeng Noyan, 43, 83, 89, 103 ijeng Noyan (i.e. ijeng Noyan)., 49
ijeng Noyan / Noyon, 49 ijing Noyan, 185 i ing noyan, 185 jemchin, 158
Va£ar erike, 168
Va£ir dar-a qutuγtu, 181
Va£ir erike-yin qota mandal, 112
Va£ir qaγan, 127, 139
Vai–al , 68
Vajraval , 112, 114, 122, 168, 181
Vajraval -nama-man. d.alopayika, 112
Vajra Abatai, 49
Vajra-king, 89, 104, 105, 127, 139 Vajra-raja, 50, 51, 89, 104
Vajrabhairava, 109, 121, 122, 151
Vajradhara, 132, 174, 181
Vajrapan.i, 51, 133
Vajrayana, 174
Vasubandhu, 33, 112
V£irdar-a, 132
Vikrama– la, 112
Western Mongols, 86, 90
Wulajie, 163
Wutaishan, 29, 30, 162, 163 Xiaozhuang, 150, 152, 167
Yalgusan Khutagt, 183
Yaman(g)dag.a, 122 Yaman(g)daka, 122
Yaman(g)dakg.a, 109
Yamantaka, 109, 121, 122, 151
Yan lag ’byung, 179
Yanglaγ i ng, 179
Ye shes rdo rje, 52, 79
Ye shes thub bstan, 47
Yeke tayiqu, 150, 152
Yeshe Dorje, 52, 79, 80
Yeshei Tubten, 47
159, 162, 163, 169, 172, 181 185,
187
Zaya Pandita Khutugtu, 26
Zaya Pandita Luvsanprinlei, 22
Zayaiin Kh ree, 33
Zha lu lo tsha ba chos skyong bzang po, 153
Zhalu Lotsaba Chokyong Sangpo, 153
Zhongzhengdian, 160, 167
Zhu lan nor bu phreng ba, 116
Zhva dmar gar dbang chos kyi dbang phyug,
132
 
Yi dam rgya mtsho’i rin chen ’byung gnas kyi lhan thabs rin ’byung don gsal,
122
Yon tan rgya mtsho, 92, 180 Yonten Gyatso, 92, 180
Zanabazar, 5, 6, 8 14, 21, 22, 25, 26, 33, 34,
38 44, 47, 48, 51 56, 60 73, 76
81, 83 85, 87 91, 93, 100, 105, 108, 112, 113, 115, 117, 122, 131, 135, 137, 138, 143, 145 148, 150,
151, 154 156, 160 164, 167, 185
Zanabazar Square Script, 85, 154
Zang, 109
Zangdan uu, 161
Zaya bandid khutagtynd odoo bui nom sudryn temdeglel dans, 22
Zaya bandida Luvsanperenlein namtar kh sliin khangagch galbarvaas modon,
22
Zaya bandida Luvsanprinlein khuraangui namtar, 22
Zaya Gegeen’s or Zayaiin monastery, 42
Zaya Pandita, 5, 7 12, 21 34, 38 48, 50 55, 62, 63, 66 69, 73, 77, 79 81, 83, 85, 87, 89, 90, 99, 103, 108, 113, 120, 125, 139, 140, 143, 154, 157,
 
Part III

Appendix
 
Chapter 6
Facsimile of the Tibeto-Mongolian Manuscript 
300CHAPTER 6. FACSIMILE OF THE TIBETO-MONGOLIAN MANUSCRIPT 
Chapter 7
Facsimile of the Tibetan Xylograph 

 
Chapter 8
Photographs
303
View publication stats