A Manual on Naropa’s Six Yogas by sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa (1386-1434):

Tucci Tibetan Collection 1359

Marta Sernesi

Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitat Miinchen

Abstract

Text 13 59 of the Tucci Tibetan Collection (IsLAO) is a manual on the Six Yogas of Naropa titled dPal na ro’i chos druggi khrid yig bde chen gsal ba’i ’od zer stong Idem, authored by the abbot of gDan sa mthil, sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1386—1434). It is a blockprint of 168 folios decorated by 80 beautiful illustrations on the margins, which offers a picture of a unique moment in the political and religious history of Central Tibet. This paper situates the work within the author’s oeuvre, and attempts a reconstruction of the context of production of the blockprint. It argues that the latter was prepared in the first half of the 15th century, as part of a wider production of texts and art objects, under the auspices of the Phag mo gru ruling family, the lHa gzigs Rlangs, to which the author belonged. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2010.

Keywords

Phag mo gru pa, lHa gzigs Rlangs, bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, Tibetan blockprints, Tibetan histories, Six Yogas

Introduction

Among the texts collected by G. Tucci in what is now the Tucci Tibetan Collection at the Instituto Italiano per l’Africa e l’Oriente (IsIAO), are found rare copies, unique editions and also single copies of otherwise lost works. Therefore, the study of chosen exemplars of the collection often reveals more than antiquaries’ curiosities, but may contribute instead to the reconstruction of a fuller picture of the history of Tibetan books. This is my wish in presenting these notes on a work on the so-called Six Doctrines or Yogas of Naropa (Nd ro’i chos drug) recorded in a beautifully illuminated dbu chen blockprint of 168 folios. This text offers a picture of a unique moment in the political and religious history of Central Tibet, and I will therefore attempt a reconstruction of its context of production.

The text is no. 1359 of the collection (see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 448); it lacks a title page, but the title is given in the colophon (fol. 167a, see Appendix II) as dPal na ro’i chos drug gi khridyig bde chen gsal ba’i ’odzer stong Idan, which may be roughly translated as Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines of the Glorious Naropa, the Thousand Rays Clarifying the Great Bliss. The author signs himself (fol. 168a) bTsun pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. As will be shown, he may be safely identified as sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa, alias Drung chos rje ba (1386-1434), the 12th abbot of gDan sa mthil monastery (see Table 1). He is also known as sPyan snga lha gzigs ras pa.

The blockprint consists of 168 folios of thick Tibetan paper, printed on both sides starting with folio ib (cf. Fig. 1). The first two folios are smaller and darker in color (cm. 48,2 x 8,5; 48,2x9 respectively), and are a little damaged on the margins. The first folio has been reinforced by pasting on it two fragments of paper, on which dbu med script is still visible. The following folios are of irregular size, ca. 49/50cm. wide and 9/9,6 high. Each folio has seven lines of script (ca. 43,5/47x8001.), framed within a vertical line on each side but without horizontal lines at the top and bottom. The ductus is irregular, with the letters’ proportions varying. The treatment of the tsheg before a shad is inconsistent, even after particular letters such as nga and sa (cf. Fig. 2). Seven folios of the text have been replaced by handwritten ones, namely fols. 30, 31, 51, 112, 115, 139, 156; fols. 165 and 166 are damaged, with one line missing. The first 20 folios bear illustrations on the left and right margins, both recto and verso, and there is an illustration in the middle of the first (fol. ib) and last (fol. 168a)

folios, for an impressive total of So images (ca. 4,5 x 5 cm. +0,5 caption). These illustrated folios have only 6 lines of script (ca. 35,5 x 7 cm.) instead of seven, and often lack the page number.

Tucci thoroughly studied the work, as is evident by the numerous marks and notes in blue and red pencil. However, I could not identify any explicit reference to it in his writings. Unfortunately, we don’t know where Tucci acquired the copy, as is the case for the most part of the IsIAO Collection.

Unfortunately the text lacks a printing colophon, and therefore at the moment the print may not be exactly dated. I will suggest that it was printed from woodblocks prepared during the author’s lifetime or shortly afterwards. It would thus belong to the first half of the 15 th century, the earliest period of woodblock bookprinting in Central Tibet. Indeed, prints were starting to be executed in the 15 th century, and they are not extremely rare: however, only few belong to the first part of the century, or have been surveyed, published and described extensively. This means that we still lack a full picture of these early prints, nor sufficient examples for evaluation and comparison. A methodology for the codicological study of Tibetan xylographies has not been established yet, nor has an extensive typological survey been achieved. Therefore, I will try to put the text into context and support its early dating, mostly on historical grounds, but this remains to be verified in the future as more evidence becomes available.�

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Table 1. The Succession of the Abbots of gDan sa mthil until bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. In square brackets the year of ascension to the throne. Cf. Mig ’byed ’od stong, fols. 29b-4ib; LRCB: 365-403; BA: 495- 518 (Roerich: 569-595).

[ 1.] spyan snga rin po the Grags pa ’byung gnas (117 5-12 5 5) [1208 sa pho ’brug] [2.] rgyal ba rinpo che Grags pa brtson ’grus (1203-1267) [123 5 shing mo lug] [ j.] bCu gnyis pa Rin chen rdo rje (1218-1280) [1267 me mo yos] [4.] Grags pa ye shes (1240-1288) [1281 Icags mo sbrul] [5.] gNyis mchod pa Grags pa rin chen (1250-1310) [1289 sa mo glang] [6.] Tshes bzhi rnying ma pa Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1293—1360) [1 j 10 Icags pho khyi] [7.] bCu gnyis gsar ma pa Grags pa shes rab (1310-1370) [1360 Icags pho byi] [8.] Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa Grags pa byang chub (1356—1386) [1371 Icags mo phag] [9.] bSod nams grags pa (1359—1408) [1386 me pho stag] [10.] dPal ldan bzang po (1383-1407) [1405 shing mo bya] [11.] sGo sei ba bSod nams bzang po (1380-1416) [1408 sa pho byi] [12.] Nyer gnyis pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1386-1434) [1417 me mo bya]

Table 2. The Works by bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. The titles are listed as in the ’Bri gung chos mdzod, volumes Zhi and Zi (cf. also Sorensen 2007: 385, 387). Zhi. Phag gru’i spyan snga bsod rgyan gyi bka’ ’bum ka pa // bKa’ brgyud rin po che’i chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong // (fols. 1-180) [Composed ar rTses thang in 1418] [[[Sorensen]] 2007: Text A] [= TBRC W 18620 = MHTL 10843: sPyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan gyi chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong] [Martin and Bentor 1997: 66—67, no- no] [Ocean Annals ofAmdo (fol. 8): rje la na ro chos drug zhu mkhan spyan snga nyer gnyis pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan kyi chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong] Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan // (fols. 181-343) [NT = Sorensen 2007: Text B] sPyan sngalhagzigs kyi mgur’bum rin chen bang mdzod// (fols. 344-564) [n.p., n.d.] Zi. Phag gru’i spyan snga bsod rgyan gyi bka’ ’bum kha pa // Sems khrid yid bzhin nor bu’i khrid yig nor bu’i char ’bebs // (fols. 1-92) [Composed at rTses thang in 1419] bKa’ brgyud kyi dgongs pa’i log rtogs sei bar byed pa bai du rya’i ’phreng ba // (fols. 92— 186) [Composed at Yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang in 1423] [= TBRC W00KG03995] dPal na ro’i chos drug gi khridyig bde chen gsal ba’i ’odzerstong ldan // (fols. 187—527) [Composed at Yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang in 1419] [= IsIAO Collection n. 1359] Phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig gsal ba’i me long // (fols. 529-614) [Composed at rTses thang in 1410] [= TBRC W17282 = MHTL 11240 sPyan snga lha gzigs ras pa’i phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sei]

The Author

The text was authored by a high hierarch of the Phag mo gru pa bKa’ brgyud school. sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po was the fifth of six sons of Shakya Rin chen (1347T1426), the nephew of Ta’i si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302-1364). He therefore belonged to the powerful lHa gzigs Rlangs clan, which defacto ruled Central Tibet for about a century from the secular seat of sNe gdong and the abbatial seat of gDan sa mthil, to which we may add the seat of rTses[/d] thang, the monastery founded by Ta’i si tu in 1351—opened in 1352. His older brother Crags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432) ruled from the seatofsNe gdong from 1385 to 1432, and two of his elder brothers, namely sPyan snga dPal ldan bzang po (13 8 3— 1407) and sGo sei ba bSod nams bzang po (1380-1416), were at the head of gDan sa mthil before him (see Table 1 and 3). He took the seat of the monastery in 1417, as the 12th abbot I spy an snga), and resided and gave teachings also at rTses thang: indeed, the seat of the latter monastery was also held by his relatives. He was regarded as the reincarnation of one of his powerful cousins, one of the most important hierarchs of his family, Crags pa byang chub dpal bzang po, alias Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa (1356-1386), who died in the same year of our author’s birth. This master was the son of Shakya Rin chen’s step-brother dpon Rin chen rdo rje (or Drung rin rdor ba) and his wife Zi na bKra shis skyid (see Table 3). He succeeded on the seat of gDan sa mthil to bCu gnyis gsar ma pa (1310-13 70)—the brother

Table 3. The family lineage of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. His name and his previous incarnation are underlined. [DT] indicates the succession at gDan sa mthil, [TT] the succession at rTses thang, and [R] the reigning years at sNe gdong. Rulers are in bold. In each rectangle brothers are figured, whose father is the last listed in the preceding rectangle, with the wives indicated in round parenthesis preceded by a plus sign (+).

of his grandfather—at the age of 15, in 1371- He was a disciple of the great Sa skya pa Bla ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312—1375), who had a key role in his unwilling succession to the throne of sNe gdong as the 3 rd Gong ma, at the death of ’Jam dbyangs Gu shri Shakya rgyal mtshan (1340-1373).8

bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s work was unknown until very recently, when it was printed within an extensive collection of bKa’ brgyud writings of the ’Bri gung school, the ’Bri gung chos mdzod (BGCZ). The master’s Collected Works covers two volumes (Zhi and Zi) of the collection and is constituted by seven texts. The first two of them, which concern us the most, are the Chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong—a religious history written by the author on which more will be said later—and the author’s biography.

The latter work is titled Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzangpo’i mam par tharpa mthong ba don Idan (NT), and was written by one dPal rTses thang btsun pa Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po at the order of the Gong ma Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414-T1444/5).10 It was thus written at an unspecified date during the latter’s reign (143 2-1444/5), at rTses thang, most probably shortly after the master’s demise. The author of the biography may be identified as Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (d. 1463), one of the main teachers of Khrims khang Lo tsa ba (or Lo

On the complex events related to the succession at sNe gdong, see van der Kuijp 2001. Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa was ordained by Bla ma dam pa in 1374, and was “invited” by his master to take the throne, which he reluctantly kept until 1381. Bla ma dam pa composed several works related to ’Jam dbyangs gu shri, some at the time of a great religious gathering presided over by the ruler in 1373. He also wrote a death eulogy for bCu gnyis gsar ma pa titled gDan saphag mo gru i spyan snga rin po che grags pa shes rab pa’i gshegs rdzong kyi ’bul yig (van der Kuijp 2001: 72, n. 28).

o Excerpts of the ’Bri gung chos mdzod, including these two works, have been published in Sorensen 2007. The publication consists of an dbu chen re-typing of the seven selected works, an introduction to each of them, and a preliminary title-list of the whole collection. Unfortunately, no information is provided on the location and format of the original texts. Note that in the very useful title-list provided by Sorensen (pp. 319-404), the volumes are not given in the correct order: they are listed from Ka to A, then Ki, Ku, Ke, Ko, Khi, Khu, Khe etc, while they should be ordered from Ka to A, then from Ki, Khi, etc. to I, then Ku, Khu etc. to U, followed by the consonants in “e” (Ke, Khe, etc.) and in “o” (Ko, Kho), finishing with volumes Ho, O and Hung. Indeed, volumes Zhi and Zi, constituting bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s Collected Works, are two consecutive volumes. The texts included therein are listed in Table 2.

Oi The date of death of the ruler is given in the IHo rong chos ’byung (LRCB: 402) as a shing pho byi year (1444), and in the New Red Annals (fol. 84a) as a shing glang year (1445); cf. Tucci 1971. chen) bSod nams rgya mtsho (1424-1482).11 Our author’s life-story is also briefly narrated in the IHo rong chos ’byung (LRCB: 393—402) and in the Blue Annals (Roerich 1979: 589-594), which both seem to summarize from the longer biography or a common source; finally, information about his training under different masters is provided by the spyan snga himself in a short section of his Vaidurya’i ’phreng ba (fols. 161—167).12

As may be expected for someone of his rank, he was trained in religion already in childhood, studying with the foremost masters of his time. He received his first ordination at age seven, and took monastic vows at eighteen. During his studies, the biographies unsurprisingly inform us, he showed himself versed in all the major branches of knowledge, and was repeatedly praised by his elders. Indeed, he received instruction from many different teachers of the time, but three he considered to be his extraordinary root-masters: khyad par thun mong ma yin pa’i rtsa ba’i bla ma mchog tu gyur pa ni/ slob dpon rin po che sher don pas rig pa’i gnad rnams khong du chud par mdzad cing man ngag kyang du ma gnang ba dang/ mtshungs pa med pa’i thugs rje’i mnga ba bla ma rin po che rin gzhon pas sems nyid sangs rgyas su ngo sprad

"I I thank Prof. Franz-Karl Ehrhard for this identification (personal communication, April 5th, 2009). The biography of bSod nams rgya mtsho, authored by the Fourth Zhwa dmar pa Chos kyi grags pa ye shes (r 45 3-1524), is studied in Ehrhard 2002; cf. also Ehrhard 2002b. The Great Translator met Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po for the first time in 1443 at rTses thang, and received from him the Fivefold Mahamudra (phyag rgya chen po Inga Idan) (Ehrhard 2002: 39). Fie further studied with this master, mainly at rTses thang and sNe gdong, on several occasions: among the teachings received figure the Six Yogas (Ehrhard 2002: 43-44, 54-55). At the masters death, which occurred in 1463 at sMan rgyal, “he headed the monks during the funeral rituals, as ordered by the Phag mo gru sde srid” (Ehrhard 2002: 58).

121 van der Kuijp 2001, written before the publication of the biography, already noted that the wordings of the accounts of the two histories are sufficiently close to posit a common source. The Vaidurya’i ’phreng ba is found in bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’sgSwwg ’bum (BGCZ, Zi, fols. 92-186); cf. Table 2. It was also digitized in 2001 by the TBRC from a “rare dbu med. manuscript discovered in the PRC”, made of 55 folios” (see TBRC: W00KG03995). It was composed in the year 1423 in response to eleven questions of one Yon tan bio gros. In fact, two-thirds of the text are devoted to answering the first question, concerning Sa skya Panditas polemic use of the definition dkarpo chig thub for the bKa’ brgyud Great Seal teachings (on which see for example Jackson 1994). The second question concerns instead the tenets of Tsong kha pa. The colophon reads: Ices pa ’di ni rtse gcig gis sgrub pa la gzhol ba’i mal ’byorpa mdo stodpayon tan bio gros kyis dris pa’i lan du! mdzes byed kyi lo smin drugzla bdi dkar phyogs la bka’ brgyud bla ma dam pa mams kyi zhabs ’byingpa btsun pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzangpos yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang nas springs pa dge legs su gyur cig! (fol. 186). On the place of writing, the Yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang, the same as our text, see below.

’gro ba la mi ’jigs pa’i spobs pa byin pa dang/ thams cad mkhyen pa bio bzang grags pa’i dpal gyi bka’ mdo rgyud ma lus pa’i don khong du chud par nus pa’i bio gros byin pas ’di gsum la gtso bor byed pa yin/ (Vaidurya’i ’phreng ba, fols. 165-166; quoted verbatim in LRCB: 395-396).

The first one, Slob dpon rin po che Sher don pa, was responsible for the young boy’s formal training, especially in logic, reasoning and scriptures. In the incipit of the Manual on the Six Yogas, he is listed as a disciple of the 2nd Zhwa dmar mKha’ spyod dbang po (13 50—1405) (cf. Appendix I, fol. 3b).13 Rin chen gzhon nu (b. 1333) transmitted to bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po the instructions of the sems khrid, and is indeed mentioned as the source of the teachings in the abbot’s two manuals on the Great Seal practice, the Sems khridyid bzhin nor bu’i khridyig nor bu’i char ’bebs, and the Phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khridyig gsal ba’i me long} These texts and doctrines were later received, together with the Explanatory Text on the Six Yogas, by dBus smyon Kun dga’ bzang po (1458—1532) at Zab mo brag, an hermitage near gDan sa mthil, indicating that they were transmitted among the monastery’s ripas.15 The third root-master is Tsong kha pa Bio bzang grags pa (13 57—1419), who is portrayed as a key-figure in the religious training of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, especially in the transmission of the Six Yogas.16

The Work

The dPal na ro’i chos drug gi khridyig bde chen gsal ba’i ’od zer stong Idan,17 as we learn from its colophon (see Appendix II), was written in a Earth- Feminine-Pig year (= 1419) on the basis of teachings received from Tsong kha pa Bio bzang grags pa, combined with the author’s own knowledge of previous bKa’ brgyud treaties on the Six Yogas. In the list of lineages received found at the beginning of the text (see Appendix I), Tsong kha pa figures indeed as one of the author’s teachers, in a lineage passing through Bu ston Rin po che (1290—1364) , Bla ma dam pa [bSod nams rgyal mtshan] (1312-1375), and sPyan snga grags [pa] byang [chub] (1356-1386), our author’s previous incarnation, who was abbot of gDan sa mthil from 1371 and instructed Tsong kha pa himself.18

151 On the life of the madman of dBus, including the transmission of sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa’s teachings, see Ehrhard forthcoming. The masters instructing dBus smyon were Rin po che brag lcog pa Rin chen bzang po and Bang rim pa, both mentioned in the Blue Annals as the holders of sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa’s teachings in ’Gos lo tsa has time (BA: 519; Roerich 1949: 596). The former is called mKhan chen Rin chen bzang po by ’Gos lo tsa ba, so he must be the same mentioned also in BA: 632; see above, n. 14. At the same hermitage of Zab mo brag, dBus smyon received the O rgyan bsnyen sgrub from a disciple of rGod phrug ras pa. Cf. rje btsun kun dga bzangpa’i mam par tharpa ris med dadpdi spu longgyo byed, in Khams sprul don brgyud nyi ma (ed.), bKa brgyudpa Hagiographies, Tashijong, 1972, vol. 2, pp. 383-560: 408-411.

161 The transmission from Tsong kha pa of esoteric instructions and tantric teachings, including the Guhyasamaja and instructions by Naropa, occurred in 1412: nyi shu rtsa bdun la! thams cad mkhyen pa bio bzang grags pal gsang sngags kyi gnad mangpo dangl bye brag du gsangba ’dus pa’i man ngagmams mthong basf Spyir gsang sngags dang khyadpar rje btsun nd ro pa yab sras kyi gdams pa la! thun mong ma yin pa’i gnad du ma rnyedJ rdo rje ’chang dang gnyissu ma mchispa’i mospa dragposkyes/ (Vaidurya’i ’phrengba, fol. 164; LRCB: 394; NT: 36). The next meeting between the two masters, and transmission of the Six Yogas, occurred in 1415; see below.

1 Note that a text with the same title but made of 9 folios has been filmed by the NGMPP, Reel n. L 553/12. It is not, however, a copy of the sPyan snga’s text. ls) Tsong kha pa studied with this master in gDan sa mthil after his ordination in 1381,

Indeed, the Rlangs clan had close ties with Tsong kha pa. The ruler Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432) is known, among other things, as patron of both bKa’ brgyud and Sa skya masters, but most of all as the main protector and sponsor of Tsong kha pa. Under his rule, the great sMon lam chen mo festival in Lhasa was held, and Tsong kha pa’s disciples were able to build the monasteries of dGa’ ldan, ’Bras spungs, and Se ra, with generous patronage of officials (rdzong dpon) appointed by the ruler. Tsong kha pa not only had studied at gDan sa mthil, as already mentioned, but kept close ties with the Phag mo gru hierarchs, writing for example the sNgags rim chen mo in 1405 at the request of sGo sei ba, our author’s brother and former abbot of the family’s monastery.

According to bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s biography (fol. 40a—b), the transmission of the Six Yogas occurred in 1415, when Tsong kha pa was invited together with 700 monks by the ruler Grags pa rgyal mtshan to ’On bKra shis rDo kha. This explains why the bKa’ brgyud author is sometimes called, in later sources, rje la na ro chos drugzhu mkhan (the one who demanded the Six Yogas’ [instructions] of the Venerable [[[Tsong kha pa]]]).

Indeed, the treatise on Naropa’s Six Doctrines was remembered as one of the master’s main achievements, and it is referred to in several later sources. For example, van der Kuijp refers to the bKa’ gdams gsar rnying

gi chos ’byungyid kyi mdzes rgyan, written in 1539 by Pan chen bSod nams grags pa (1478-1554): “The Pan chen makes there no mention of him [i.e. the spyan snga\ having written a chronicle, although he does note by name a large study of the Naro chos drug and the Dris lan bai durya’i phreng ba among his writings that ‘quite captivate the mind of the scholar’ (mkhas pa’i yid rab tu ’phrog) " . '

The Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines of the Glorious Naropa was composed at the request of hermits (ri khrod pa) and spiritual friends of the author, led by rGya ma Rin po che gZhon nu ’od (1390—1454), abbot of the monastery of Rin chen sgang, and member of the local ruling house of rGya ma also supportive of Tsong kha pa. The place of composition of the text is “the Palace of the Jina, the hermitage/supplementary monastery (yangdgori) [which is] in the [midst of the] Forest of the Glorious Kun tu bzang po” (dpal kun tu bzangpo’i nags khrod kyi yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang). This should refer to a dwelling within the monastic complex of gDan sa mthil, as indicated by the reference to the “Grove of Samantabhadra”, indicating the family’s main monastery, where a number of works of the community were composed.

According to the colophon of our work, the teachings received from Tsong kha pa were supplemented by the author’s own knowledge of the Six Yogas and training with other masters. In particular, three more masters are mentioned in this context: (1) Prajna, standing for slob dpon chen po Shes rab don pa, severed the doubts about what he had heard; (2) Ratnakumara, a sanskritization of Rin chen gZhon nu, transmitted the profound instructions; (3) ’Jam pa’i dbyangs bestowed explanations on the inner meaning of the instructions. The introductory section of the text gives more interesting information on the religious background of the Phag mo gru hierarch (cf. Appendix I), providing also a list of lineages received (thobpa’i rgyud).

Apart from the already mentioned transmission by Tsong kha pa of a lineage descending from Khro phu Lo tstsha ba through Bu ston, Bla ma dam pa and Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa, he received instructions of the Phag mo gru lineage from his cousin, and former abbot of gDan sa mthil, bSod nams grags pa (1359—1408), and from the already mentioned yogin Rin chen gZhon nu. He moreover received transmission of the Karma pa lineage from three different sources: the 5th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa (1384-1415) himself, the already mentioned master Sher don pa, and Chos rje Rin po che lHo rin pa (1347-1414), another master of the Rlangs Table 4. Illuminations of the print: the masters folio

number left illumination right illumination

lb bCom ldan ’das rDo rje ’chang Bla ma rin po che Rin bzhon[= gzhon] pa
2a rje btsun Te lo pa rje btsun Na[= Na] ro pa
2b sGra gyur [= bsgyur] Mar pa lo tsha rje btsun Mid la
3 d dGam po ba[= sGam po pa] ’Gro mgo[n] [[[Phag mo gru pa]] (1110-1170)]
3b ’Bri khung chos rje [’Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217)] Dus gsum [m]khyen pa [1st Karma pa (1110-1193)]
4a rje spyan mnga’ [[[Grags pa ’byung gnas]] (117 5-12 5 5)] Ras chen [[[Sangs rgyas ras chen]] dpal grags (1148-1218)]
4b rGyal ba [[[Rin po che]] Grags pa brtson ’grus (1203-1267)] Pom brag pa [bSod nams rdo rje (1170-1249)]
5a bCu gnyis pa [[[Rin chen rdo rje]] (1218-1280)] dKar ma spags shi [2nd Karma pa (1204-1283)]
5b [illegible] [gNyis ntchod pa Grags pa rin chen (12 50-13 10)] sNyan ras pa
6a Tshes bzhi pa [[[Grags pa rgyal mtshan]] (1293-1360)] Rang byung rdo rje [3rd Karma pa (1284-1339)]
6 b bCu gnyis pa [[[gsar ma pa]] Grags pa shes rab (1310-1370)] mGom rgyal ba [La stod rtogs ldan mGon rgyal ba]
7a Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa [[[Grags pa byang chub]] (13 56-1386)] Rol pa’i rdo rje [4th Karma pa (1340-1383)]
7b bCo brgyad pa [bSod nams grags pa (1359-1408)] mKha[’] spyod pa [2nd Zhwa dinar
(1350-1405)]

8a Chos rje thams cad mkhyen pa shar gTsong kha pa (13 57-1419)] Chos rje de bzhin gshegs pa [5th
Karma pa (1384-1415)]

8b [Slob] dpon sher don lHo rim pa [lHo rin po che Grags gsal yon tan (1347-1414)]

Table 5. Illuminations of the print: the Buddhas
folio
 
number left illumination right illumination


9a bCom ldan ’Khor lo bde mchog bCom ldan ’das Kye rdo rje
9b Mi spyod pa ’Jam rdor
10a gDan bzhi Ye shes mkha’ ’gro ma
10b Dus ’khor rDo rje ’jigs byed
11a Ma ha ma ya Sangs rgyas thod pa
11b rDo rje mal ’byor ma Yum chen mo bdag med ma
12a Sangs rgyas Sha kya thub pa Sangs rgyas rDo rje snying po
12b Klu [1] rgyal po Sangs rgyas Rin chen ’od ’phro
13a Sangs rgyas dpa’ bo’i sde [illegible}
13b [illegible} Sangs rgyas Rin chen zla ’od
14a Sangs rgyas mthong ba don yod Sangs rgyas Rin chen zla ba
14b Sangs rgyas Dri ma med pa Sangs rgyas dPal sbyin
15a Sangs rgyas Tshangs ma Sangs rgyas Tshangs pas sbyin[= byin]
15b Sangs rgyas Chu lha Sangs rgyas Chu lha’i lha
16a Sangs rgyas dPal bzang Sangs rgyas Tsan dan dpal
16b Sangs rgyas gZi brjid mtha’ yas Sangs rgyas ’Od dpal
17a Sangs rgyas Mya ngan med pa’i dpal Sangs rgyas Sred med kyi bu
17b Sangs rgyas Me tog dpal Sangs rgyas Tshangs pa’i od zer
18a Sangs rgyas Pad ma’i ’od zer Sangs rgyas Nor dpal
18b Sangs rgyas Dran pa’i dpal Sangs rgyas mTshan dpal shin tu yongs grags
19a Sangs rgyas dBang po rtog gyi rgyal po Sangs rgyas Shin ru rnam par snom pa
19b Sangs rgyas g.Yu las shin tu rnam par rgyal ba Sangs rgyas rNam par snom pa
20a Sangs rgyas Ri dbang gi rgyal po sMan gyi bla ma Bai durya ’od kyi rgyal po
20b [ill] nas snang ba bkod pa’i dpal Sangs rgyas Rin chen pad mas rnam par gnon ba

clan. These two main lineages of transmission of the Six Yogas—the Phag mo gru, also through the mediation of Tsong kha pa, and the Karma pa— are represented, as we will see, in the illustrations of the print (see Table 4) and testify to the status of the hierarch among the greatest masters of his time. The preamble of the Text and the Chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong

Before turning to the print, a passage of the text’s incipit, preceding the thobpa’i rgyud, deserves our attention (fol. 3a, see Appendix I):

This explanation is two-fold: (1) the explanation of the great qualities of the instructions, to generate the aspiration towards the profound path, and (2) the explanation of the actual instructions, to easily proceed through the fast path of the fortunate [ones]. The first is two-fold, [its first subsection (1.1) being] the history of the doctrine and [its] lineage [of transmission], in order to [establish their] foundation and the faith [in them]: in its extended form, it is the bKa’brgyudkyi chos ’byungmig ’byed ’odstong, and in its condensed form, the sKyes sbyor gyi khridyig ma rig mun sei. As for the very extensive form, it is extremely necessary to know it from [the work] that will be written in the future.

Therefore, his “explanation of the actual instructions” {gdams pa dngos bshad), that is to say the manual on the Six Yogas itself, is preceded by the instructions intended to produce the aspiration or inclination towards the profound path, which should be introduced by a history of the doctrine and the bKa’ brgyud lineage. In this regard, the author mentions two of his writings: (i) The extensive history of the doctrine and its lineage, for the sake of arousing faith by means of establishing their genuine foundation or origin, which is The Religious History of the bKa’ brgyud, [called] One Thousand Rays Opening the Eyes-, (2) its condensed form, called The Explanatory Text on the Practice of Generation, the already mentioned text on the bKa’ brgyud Great Seal practice called phyag chen lhan gcig skyes sbyor (Practice of Co-emergent Generation of the Great Seal). He also adds that the very extensive version of the history of the lineage is still lacking, and he wishes it to be composed in the near future.

This last line points to the relationship between the Mig ’byed ’od stong and two other well-known historical works of the 15 th century. Indeed, before its very recent publication, bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s historical work was known indirectly to scholars as a source of the IHo rong chos ’byung, the chronicle completed in 1447 by the spyan snga’s disciple Tshe dbang rgyal. This latter work, as stated in its colophon, was written to fulfill the request by the Phag mo gru master to compose a very extensive history of the bKa’ brgyud school: chos rje spyan sngas/ chos ’byung mig ’byed ’od stong mdzad nas ma ’ongspa ni bka’ brgyud kyi mam thar rgyas pa ’byon par ’gyur zhes gsungs (LRCB: 846).

This statement is not found in the Mig ’byed ’od stong itself, but only in the Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines, in the final phrase of the passage quoted above. Tshe dbang rgyal, closely related to the Stag lung pa Ri bo che monastery in Khams, studied in Central Tibet under bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po and other influential teachers of the time, such as Tsong kha pa and the sTag lung Ya thang throne holder Byang chub rgya mtsho (1403—1448). His important and very extensive history of the bKa brgyud lineages was compiled between 1446 and 1451, and survives only in manuscript form.

From its colophon we learn that the author wrote the work after meeting bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po and accepting the latter’s request, and based his work, for the chronological order, on the Mig ’byed ’odstong. Indeed, he made ample use of the former history, quoting it verbatim or slightly abridged in different portions of his work, and of course for the section concerning the Rlangs family and the gDan sa mthil abbots. This is also the case for the Blue Annals, whose author ’Gos lo tsa ba was another disciple of the Phag mo gru abbot: he does not acknowledge the previous work, but clearly also summarizes from it the section regarding the genealogy of the Phag mo gru, and by some later scholars it is held that also his extensive religious history was compiled following bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s prediction.

The history of the Doctrine called Mig "byed od stong was written by bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po at rTses thang in 1418, at the request of the ruler, his elder brother Grags pa rgyal mtshan. This history is divided into three main sections: (1) Rgser 'p hr eng of the lineage of the abbots of gDan sa mthil, from Vajradhara and Tilopa, passing through Mar pa and his disciples, down to the author’s predecessor (and brother) bSod nams bzang po (1380-1416); (2) The family lineage history of the lHa gzigs Rlangs clan, including a sketch of the life of Tai si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302-1364) and his successors; (3) A brief summary of different bKa brgyud lineages. The history therefore narrates the brief life-stories of the abbot’s family lineage and main teachers, the same that appear in his lineages-received (thob pa’i rgyud) section of the Six Yogas text, and that are represented in the blockprint’s illustrations (see Tables 1 and 4).

The history and the illustrations represent the abbatial genealogy (gdan [sa’i] rabs) of gDan sa mthil, which partially coincides with the clans’ genealogy (gdung rabs) of the Rlangs, in a uncle-nephew type of succession. The Mig ’byed od stong is not an isolated work, but is inscribed within a constellation of related writings which deal more properly with the secular accomplishments and biological identity of the clan. Together, these texts accomplish the project of representing both the secular (mi chos) and spiritual (lha chos) heritage of the family. The Rlangs kyi gdung rgyudpo ti bse ru is the family genealogy proper, which narrates the mythical origin of the clan, the illustrious predecessors, and the prophecy announcing the first ruler Tai si tu;v also the so-called “testament” ofTa i si tu is part of this network of texts.3S This group of texts is supplemented by small appendixes redacted in the 15 th century, and completed by the Mig ’byed ’odstong.

The latter history, written in 1418 following an exhortation by the ruler, was thus conceived in the context of a wider network of texts which record the deeds of the ruling family, found mythically its power and exceptional status, and establish the indissoluble link between the religious and the

secular authority. The Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines, written in the following year, at its beginning refers the reader to the Religious History and to its function of founding the faith in the lineage. A last line in the same paragraph announces a longer history of the bKa’ brgyud lineage to appear shortly, a prophecy fulfilled by the abbot’s disciple Tshe dbang rgyal with his voluminous lHo rong chos ’byung. The illustrations of the print of the manual, as well, portray in full the lineage succession of the abbot, another, this time visual, reference to the Religious History and the role of bSod nams rgyal mtshan as the main representative of the lha chos.

The Print

To conclude this survey of IsIAO text n. 1359, I will venture a few considerations to support an early date (i.e. first half of the 15 th century) for the xylographic print of this exemplar. Unfortunately—and quite surprisingly given the great amount of work necessary for the production of such an extensively illustrated print—our text lacks an independent printing colophon. In its absence, and that of any external reference to the enterprise, every attempt at exactly dating the print is speculative. Prints from early woodblocks are not uncommon in contemporary library collections, and we are starting to get documentation, typological descriptions and studies of a number of early Tibetan exemplars. As is well known, printing projects were being conceived and sponsored in Central Tibet at the beginning of the 15 th century. The most obvious source of inspiration for the fostering of this technology must have been the Yongle edition of the bKa’ ’gyur, printed by order of the Ming Emperor Chengzu and completed in 1410. At least two copies of it were brought to Tibet soon afterwards by Tibetan masters invited to the Chinese court: one was donated by the Emperor in 1414 to the Sa skya pa master Chos rje Kun dga’ bkra shis (1349-1425), the other in 1416 to Tsong kha pa’s disciple Byams chen chos rje Shakya ye shes (1352/54-143 5), who stored it in the monastery of Se ra which he founded in 1419. It is no surprise that among the oldest sets ofprints produced in Central Tibet in the 1420-1450 are the so-called Old dGa’ ldan prints (dGa’ ldan par rnying), of works by Tsong kha pa, and some volumes of Sa skya pa works. These prints were sponsored by high officials under the Phag mo gru. Also the ruler of rGyal mkhar rtse, Rab brtan Kun bzang ’phags pa (1389-1442), and the ruler of Mang yul

Gung thang Kri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan (1404—1464) fostered a number of printing projects.

Unfortunately, only a few of the illuminations from these early prints have been published, and the mise en page proper to the different printing workshops have not been compared. The systematic study of the illuminations of Tibetan texts is still at its inception. Thus, to propose a date on the basis of stylistic grounds is hazardous, and only a brief note will be provided here. The blockprint has 80 illustrations (see Tables 4 and 5). The first eight folios, both recto and verso, bear portraits of the masters of the lineage down to the author. From folio 9a to nb are images of deities of the supreme class {bla na med pa) of tantric scriptures, to whom are linked the religious instructions delivered in the text. In the folios following, until 20b, a succession of Buddhas are depicted, starting with Sakyamuni.

The illuminations of our text show a dependence from models proper to the earlier period of painting in Central Tibet (nth-i4th cent.). In particular, the portraits of the masters show a close stylistic relationship with thangkas of the 14th cent. The masters are seated on thrones of lotus petals, turned in three-quarter profile; the details of the figures, such as the treatment of the robes, are sometimes quite elaborate, showing attention and care for such details, and demonstrating a high degree of craftsmanship. Significantly, the illuminations lack any trace of landscape, foliage or clouds, in contrast with many later blockprints’ illustrations. The figures fill up almost completely the rectangular space; sometimes a simply drawn single or trilobate arch is found, and the corners are often filled with mantra syllables. In brief, it seems that the stylistic features of the print’s illustrations accord generally with the dating of the author of the text, or at least there are no evident signs pointing towards a later date. The author is depicted at the center of the first folio (verso) as a monk in red robes, seated on a throne, with the caption bCom Idem ’das ’Khor lo bde mchog la na mo, since he was regarded as a manifestation of Cakrasamvara (see Fig. 3). He is flanked by Vajradhara on the left—the deity held as the source of the lineage—and his root-master Rin chen gzhon nu on the right. In the following pages are depicted Tilopa, Naropa, Mar pa and Mi la ras pa (until here the illustrations have been coloured), sGam po pa and Phag mo gru pa (fols. 2a-2b-3a; cf. Figs. 1,2). Afterwards the lineage splits into two different branches, which are represented each on one side of the folios, as to have on each folio the portraits of contemporary masters: on the left the succession of abbots of gDan sa mthil (the Phag mo gru pas), on the right the lineage of the Kam tshang/Karma bKa’ brgyud pas (see Table 4). The two lineages are listed at the beginning of the text among the lineages received \thob pa’i rgyud} section of the incipit (fols. 3 a— 3 b, see Appendix I). It is evident how these images convey the status of the author as the main clerical representative of the ruling family, at the center of the religious and political life of Central Tibet at the time. Indeed, the overall iconographic construction is closely connected to his history of Tibet (the Mig ’byed ’od stong) evoked in the opening section of the text as the preliminary instructions to awaken the faith in the lineage (see above and Appendix I). This function of memory, legitimation and support of faith is proper to specific texts but also to art objects of the time, in particular the so-called lineage-thangkas. The illustrations of the IsIAO text form a composition which mirrors in theme, construction and function these cloth-paintings of masters’ successions. From this perspective we may notice how the latest Fig. 3. Detail of folio ib: the portrait of the author, sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal 53 (2010) 121—163

figures depicted are the author and his root-masters, which would indicate a manufacture during the author’s life or shortly afterwards by the wish of one of his disciples. In particular, on page 8 a, the portrait of Tsong kha pa is on the left, and that of the 5 th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa is on the right side (see Fig. 4). This is the picture of a very specific moment in the history of Central Tibet, when the two masters were the most influential and celebrated. It is the time-span of the reign of Crags pa rgyal mtshan, who patronized both and protected the growth of Tsong kha pa’s community next to the bKa’ brgyud institutions. The Phag mo gru ruler died in 1432, and his younger brother Che sa Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan (1389-1444) aspired to the throne, but bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, at the time at the head of gDan sa mthil and thus the most authoritative family representative, preferred to enthrone his brother’s son. Thus Crags pa ’byung gnas (1414D1444/5) was enthroned at the age of nineteen. However, two years later, in 1434, the powerful uncle (our author) died, and again the ruler’s father tried to ascend the throne: “This period is known as the great anarchy of the year of the tiger, and as the year of the internal collapse of the Phag mo grus” (Tucci 1971, p. 219). The son succeeded in keeping the position, but already in 1435 the Rin spungs family began to make their power and influence felt in the province of gTsang. Soon afterwards, the fight for control over Central Tibet exploded. The Rin spungs family, supporting the Karma pa hierarchs and in particular the 4th Zhwa dmar Chos grags ye shes (1453-1524), moved hostility towards the Dge lugs pas, and during the 1480s and 1490s it degenerated into a civil war. Only fifty years after the death of our author, the successors of the masters depicted together on fol. 8 a of the IsIAO text were strongly fighting each other. We may thus posit that a print of this kind would not have found a good reception—and even less likely a sponsor— towards the end of the 15 th century.�

Fig. 4. Folio 8a: the portrait of Tsong kha pa and of the 5 th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa.

A powerful Hierarch and a Wealthy Patron In view of the political events of the time and the evidence gathered, I believe that IsIAO text 13 59 is a print produced in Central Tibet under the reign of the Phag mo gru pas, after 1419 (the year of the death of Tsong kha pa and of the composition of the text) and not later than the 1470s, but most probably during the first half of the 15 th century, under the ruler Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374-1432) or his successor Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414-T1444/5). Indeed, the printing blocks may have been carved towards the end of the life of sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan (d. 1434), i.e. during the 1420/3 os, as part of the printing activity fostered by the Phag mo gru ruler (and author’s brother) Grags pa rgyal mtshan, which was intended to fulfil the last wishes of rje Tsong kha pa and was mostly dedicated to the latter’s oeuvre (Jackson 1989, 1990). This would not only fit in the picture of the political and patronage’s context of the time, but also account for the lack

Fig. 4. Continued of any colophon celebrating the author or stating the print to have been made in his memory. If the text was not printed under Grags pa rgyal mtshan, it must have been executed at the order of his successor Grags pa ’byung gnas, possibly shortly after the master’s death, in the 1430S/40S. Indeed, the ruler was a protege of the gDan sa mthil abbot, who had a key role in his enthronement. The powerful uncle is also recorded among the main teachers of the ruler, together with rGya ma gZhon ’od pa, who as already noted is mentioned in the colophon of the Six Yogas manual as its chief requester. At the death of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, the ruler performed the funeral rites and ordered the erection of a bkra shis sgo mangs stupa in his memory. Afterwards, the abbot’s chair remained empty, but it was Grags pa ’byung gnas himself, though apparently not enthroned as such, who acted as spyan snga and gave religious instructions at gDan sa mthil?6 Moreover, Grags pa ’byung gnas ordered the writing of the hierarch’s biography—possibly in the context of the funeral offerings. It may be at this point that the print was made. Indeed, we know that texts were printed at rTses thang under this ruler. Therefore, a strong bond existed between our author bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po and his nephew, the Gong ma Grags pa ’byung gnas, a bond of such a nature to constitute a very plausible motivation for the print of the IsIAO text. Indeed, the print is extraordinary as it is very extensively illustrated, an unusual feature for Tibetan texts, which normally have only the first and last few folios bearing images. It was more common in Tibetan manuscripts (and this could point to a model), but I am not aware of block-printed texts with such a proliferation of images. This could testify to a very wealthy patron, and a specific intent of legitimation and attestation of power in the production of the object. As has been shown, for both its contents and material aspect, the IsIAO text 1359 is a gate to a specific political and institutional context, which corresponds to the years 1420/45. This is therefore the most plausible timespan for the production of the print, with its beautiful illustrations, as part of a wider production of both texts and art objects, which represent, celebrate and symbolically reinforce the religious and secular power of the author’s family, the IHa gzigs Rlangs, which ruled over Central Tibet the span of a century, and had its height under the tenure of sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa and the rule of his elder brother Crags pa rgyal mtshan. However, this dating is tentative, and should be verified when more research on early blockprints from central Tibet will be available, and against the growing data regarding bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s life and works. Acknowledgements This paper was written in winter 2008—2009, during my stay at the International Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, sponsored by the J. Gonda Foundation, which I thank for their generous support. I owe to the kindness of Prof. Elena De Rossi Filibeck, Dr. Michela Clemente and the IsIAO Library’s director Dr. Francesco D’Arelli the precious opportunity to consult and study some of the texts of the Tucci Tibetan Collection: to them I express my gratitude. Moreover, I wish to thank Prof. Franz-Karl Ehrhard for his advice on several points discussed here, Prof. Leonard van der Kuijp for comments on a draft of this paper, and both for kindly granting me access to their forthcoming works. I also wish to thank Prof. Jonathan Silk for the painstaking editorial revision. A French version of this paper was presented at the first conference of the Societe Europeenne pour l’Etude des Civilisations de l’Himalaya et de l’Asie Centrale, which was held in Paris, College de France, 27—28 April 2009; I thank the participants for their interest and comments. Appendix I: Incipit (Tibetan Text) [ib] \mchodpar brjodpa\ /na mo gu ru man tra de wa/ bla ma dang yi dam lha la phyag tshal lo/ /mkhyen pa’i khyon yangs brtse ba’i go ’byed dpag yas yon tan rgyu skar can/ /bde stong pad gnyen bdud rtsi’i ’od bcas ’gyur med yintra ni la’i mdangs/ /stong nyid kun khyab chos sku’i ngang du sna tshogs sprul pa’i go skabs ’chang/ /dbus nas gsal mtshungs yan lag bdun ldan khyab bdag rdo rje ’chang la ’dud/ /gang de’i sku gsung thugs dang gnyis med grub pa’i dbang phyug kun gyi gtso/ /’phags pa’i yul swo ma lus zhing du bla med theg pa gsal mdzad pa/ Ite lo na ro mar pa mid la sgam po pa dang bde gshegs swo [= sogs]/ /’gran zla med pa’i bka’ rgyud mchog ’di gsungs sp [y]i bor kun tu brten/ dpe med dge tshogs yon tan kun ’chang ’gro la phan bde’i gzhir gy[u]r pa/ /rab ’b[y]am [2a] /rgyud sde’i chu gter dbus na mkhyen brtse’i lo thog dang bcas te/ /chos dbyings kun ’gro khyon kun ’gengs byed rnam dag sgyu ma’i rnam rol can/ /dpal ldan bla ma rgya mtsho’i gos can gang des bdag rgyud byin gyis rlobs/ /slar yang mi zad bka’ drin phul byung ba/ /sku gsum mngon gyur bio bzang grags pa’i dpal/ /dmigs med chos sku’i bdag nyid rad na’i zhabs/ mkhas grub pradznya’i mtshan gsum gus par ’dud/ /bde chen lha yi lam las rgyu/ /rnam dag dbang po’i gzhu lta bu/ /sna tshogs sprul pa’i gar bsgyur bas/ /skal ldan dbang po tshim mdzad pa/ /dpal ldan ’dus pa bde ba’i mchog/ /sgyu ma chen mo kye’i rdo rje/ /rnal ’byor nam mkha’ la swo[= sogs] pa/ /yi dam mchog la gus phyag ’tshal/ [rtsompar dam bca’ba\ /bde ba chen po myur du rtsol mdzad rnam dag sgyu ma’i dpal ster zhing; gnyis med thabs shes rgyud don phul phyin snying po’i snying po mchog gyur pa/ /rab ’byam zhing du ’bad bas bsgrubs kyang rnyed par dka ba zab mo’i [2b] lam; zla bral na ro’i chos drug gang ’di gus par ’dud cing bri bar bya/ /shugs drag brtse bas skyong mdzad cing/ /mthu chen bdud dpung ’joms byed ba’i/ /mkha’ ’gro chos skyong tshogs la ’dud/ /dgyes bzhin gnang nas grogs mdzod cig// //de yang ’dir grangs med pa’i skal par phul du byung ba’i tshogs gnyis bskrun te/ mchog tu mi ’gyur ba bde ba chen po’i ye shes kyis srid pa’i rtsa ba drungs phyung nas/ mtha’ yas pa’i sems can phan bde’i lam la ’god pa’i tshul ni/ dman pa la mos pa rnams la/ skyob pa shakya’i rgyal po’i skur bstan nas/ gzhi spong ba’i lam bstan te rang rang gi byang chub la bkod/ rgya che ba la mos pa’i sems dpa’ rnams la/ gong du smos pa’i sku de nyid dang/ longs sku’i tshul gyis byang chub sems dpa’i sde snod rnams dang/ lam myur du bgrod par ’dod pa rnams la/ rgyud sde ’og ma gsum dang/ bye brag du ’dod yon ma spangs par tshe [3a] /’di nyid du sangs rgyas thob par ’dod pa’i dbang po yang rab la/ gnyis su med pa’i rgyud sde pha ma rnams gsungs shing/ de’i rdzogs rim mthar thug pa ni/ dpal na ro pa’i chos drug yin te/ ’di ’chad pa la gnyis/ zab mo’i lam la spro ba bskyed pa’i phyir gdams pa’i che ba bshad pa dang; skal ldan bde blag tu myur lam bgrod pa’i phyir gdams pa dngos bshad pa’o/ /dang po la gnyis las/ khungs btsun pa dang yid ches pa’i phyir chos dang brgyud pa’i lo rgyus rgyas pa/ bka rgyud kyi chos ’byung mis[= mig] ’byed ’od stong dang/ mdor bsdus pa/ skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sei/ shin tu rgyas pa/ ma ’ongs pa na rtsom par ’gyur ba las rtogs par bya zhing/ nye bar ’kho’ ba/ [3a] [thob pa’i rgyud] rang gis thob pa’i rgyud pa ni/ rdo rje ’chang; te lo pa/ na ro pa/ mar pa/ mid la/ sgam po pa/ bde gshegs/ ’bri khung chos rje spyan snga/ rgyal ba/ bcu gnyis pa/ gnyis mchod pa/ [3b] tshes bzhi pa/ bcu gnyis gsar ma pa/ chos rje rin po che bsod nams grags pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; rje spyan snga/ bla ma te se ba; tshes bzhi rnying ma ba/ bla ma rin po che rin gzhon pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; bde gshegs; gling ras/ rgya ras; rgod tshang ba; de dang gong gi rje spyan snga gnyis ka la yang dgon pa/ de la spyan snga rin ldan/ bya btang dbang rin/ mkhas grub chos rje/ khra ston rin po che/ sman lung pa shag gzhon/ bla ma rin po che rin gzhon pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang rje sgam po pa/ dus gsum mkhyen pa/ ’gro mgon ras chen/ spom brag pa/ karma dpag shi/ gnyan ras/ rang byung rdo rje/ rtogs ldan mgon rgyal/ rol pa’i rdo rje/ rtogs ldan ye shes dpal ba/ chos rje de bzhin gshegs pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; rol pa’i rdo rje la chos rje rin po che lho rin pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; [4a] /rtogs ldan ye shes dpal ba la slob dpon chen po sher don pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; ’gro mgon rin po che/ rgyal tsha rin mgon; kun ldan gtsang pa ras chung/ khro phu lo tstsha ba/ bla chen bsod dbang/ khro phu rin po che/ yangs rste ba rin chen seng ge /bu ston rin po che/ chos rje bla ma dam pa/ spyan snga grags byang pa/ thams cad mkhyen pa bio bzang grags pa/ des bdag la’o/ /yang; nye rgyud byed na/ ’gro mgon rin po che la/ rgyal tsha; kun ldan gnyis kas thug cing/ de gnyis ka la khro phu lo tstsha bas thug; brgyud tshul ’di la/ ’gro mgon rin po che nas bcu gnyis gsar ma payan la’ang brgyud tshul gcig byed/ I $6 Marta Semesi /Indo-Iranian Journal5J (2010) 121—16] Appendix II: Colophon (Tibetan Text and Translation) [167a] /dpal na ro’i chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal ba’i ’od zer stong ldan ces pa ’di ni/ mngon mtho nges legs kyi rgyu phun sum tshogs pa du ma’i bdag nyid rgya ma rin po che gzhon nu ’od dang/ dpal ldan bla ma dam pa rnams mnyes pa gsum gyis mnyes par byed pa sgom pa grags pa legs grub dang/ rgyal ba’i bstan pa la mi phyed pa’i dad pa brtan po dang ldan pa bya ra gzhon nu bio gros dang/ gzhan yang mang du thos pa’i dge ba’i bshes gnyen du ma dang/ de kho na nyid la rtse cig tu mnyam par ’jog pa’i ri khrod pa du mas yang nas yang du bskul ba’i ngor/ ye shes kyi mkha’ ’gros rje btsun te lo pa la gsungs pa’i ka dpe snga ma dang/ rje btsun te lo pas na ro pa la gsungs pa’i ka dpe phyi ma dang/ des mar pa la gsungs pa’i rdo rje’i mgur dang/ rje btsun mar pa nyid kyi tshigs su bead pa brgyad pa dang/ de dang/ rje btsun mid la’i mgur ma rnams kyi dgongs pa gnad du phyin na khrid yig nyid du ’dug pas/ de dag gi don dang/ ka dpe’i ’grel pa mar pas mdzad zer na’ang/ rje btsun gyi gsung du mi ’dug te/ legs cha mang po ’dug pas de rnams dang/ mes rngog ’tshur gsum dang/ rje bstun ras chung pa dang/ mnyam med sgam po pa dang/ ’bri sgom ras pa’i slob ma mal yer pa ba rnams kyi man [167b] ngag dang; [ill. = ’gro ba’i] mgon po dpal ldan phag mo gru pa dang/ ’jig rten mgon po dang/ rje spyan snga yab sras dang/ dus gsum mkhyen pa karma pa la man ngag rnams dang/ zhang ’tshal pa dang/ stag lung pa dang/ gling ras yab sras rnams dang/ khyad par du yang rgyal ba yang dgon pa dang/ u rgyan pa sogs bka brgyud pa’i gdams pa rnams kyi dgongs pa ma lus par khong du chud par byas shing/ gzhan yang de ngag gi ’byung khungs dam par gyur pa dpal gsang ba ’dus pa dang/ bde mchog ’khor lo/ dgyes pa rdo rje/ ma ha ma ya/ dpal gdan gzhi la sogs pa rnams kyi rtsa bshad kyi rgyud dang/ dpal bde ba’i mgon po sogs kyis mdzad pa’i grub pa sde bdun dang/ bram ze chen po’i dho ha skor gsum/ nag po spyod pa’i dpyid thig /’phags pa klu sgrub yab sras kyi rgya gzhung rnams la ’dris par byas shing/ rgyal ba’i dgongs pa ma lus pa’i don mthar phyin pa rje btsun dam pa bio bzang grags pa’i zhal snga nas kyi gdam ngag gi snying po rnams dang/ rang gi myong ba ’thad ldan lung rigs dang mi ’gal ba mtha dag gis spras te/ dpal ldan bla ma dam pa rnams kyi zhabs rdul spyi bos blangs shing/ khyad par du ’ang mkhas grub pradznya’i mtshan can gyi drin las thos pa’i sgro ’dogs bead de/ rdo rje ’chang dang gnyis su med pa drin can rad na ku ma ra’i gsung gi bdud rtsi las zab mo’i gdams pa mtha dag la nges pa rnyed pa/ slaryang phyi Itar tha mal pa’i tshul gyis rgyal ba’i bstan payongs rdzogs su ’dzin cing/ nang [168] /gi don la rje btsun ’jam pa i dbyangs kyis dngos su gsung gi bdud rtsi gnang te/ gsang ba Itar [ill = bde] chen mchog gi sku brnyes pa shar tsong kha pa bio bzang grags pa’i dpal gyi bka’ drin gyis ches cher gsal bar byas pa btsun pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos/ gangs ri’i khrod kyi sgrub gnas du ma’i gtso bor gyur pa dpal kun tu bzang po’i nags khrod kyi yang dgon rgyal ba’i pho brang du/ sa mo phag gi lo ming gzhan bsgyur byed ces pa’i lo’i chu shel gyi dbang po mgos nya ba’i dkar phyogs la sbyar ba’i yi ge pa ni lung rigs smra ba nam mkha ye shes kyis bgyis pa’o/ /’dis kyang gsang ba bla na med pa’i bstan pa phyogs bcur rgyas shing yun ring du gnas par byed nus par gyur cig/ //’di ni nyams khrid rdzogs par ma thob pa’i rigs la mi bstan zhing shin tu dam par bya’o/ /chos ’di’i bka bsrungs dpal mgon bya rog gdong gis mdzod cig shubham// This Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines of the Glorious Naropa, the Thousand Rays Clarifying the Great Bliss, was repeatedly requested by bdag gnyid rGya ma rin po che gzhon nu ’od, who has the many accumulations causing higher rebirths and ultimate deliverance, and sgom pa Grags pa legs grub, who served the Illustrious True Masters with the three services, and bya ra gZhon nu bio gros, who has a firm unwavering faith in the Teaching of the Jina, and moreover by many learned spiritual friends, and many hermits one-pointedly absorbed into the Ultimate. The Ka dpe snga ma spoken by Jnanadakini to the Venerable Tilopa; the Ka dpe phyi ma spoken by the Venerable Tilopa to Naropa; the rDo rje’i mgur spoken by the latter to Mar pa; the Tshigs su bead pa brgyad by the Venerable Mar pa himself: if [someone wishes] to reach the main points of the intention of these [texts] and of the songs (mgur ma} of the Venerable Mid la [ras pa], these are in this Khrid yig of mine; and although it is said that Mar pa made a commentary on the Ka dpe, and on the meaning of [all] these other [texts], these are not the words by the Venerable [[[Mid la]]]. Many beneficial sections [of the teachings] exist: the [preceding texts], and the instructions by the three [[[disciples]] of Mar pa], Mes [tshon po], rNgog [[[chos]] rdor], [and] ’Tshur [[[dbang]] nge], by the Venerable Ras chung pa and the Incomparable sGam po pa, and by ’Bri sgom ras pa’s disciple Mal yer pa; the instructions by the Illustrious Lord Phag mo gru pa, by ’Jig rten mgon po (1143-1217), by the Venerable sPyan snga father [[[Grags pa ’byung gnas]] (1175-1255)] and son [[[Grags pa]] brtson ’grus (1203-1267)], and by the [1st] Karma pa Dus gsum mkhyen pa (mo-1193); and [the instructions] by Zhang ’tshal pa [[[brtson ’grus]] grags pa (1123-1193)], Stag lung [thangpa bkrashis dpal (1142-1209/1210)], Gling ras pa [[[padma rdo rje]] (1128-1188)] father and son [[[gTsang]] pa rgya ras ye shes rdo rje (1161- 1211)] and in particular also by rGyal ba Yang dgon pa (1213-1258) and U rgyan pa [[[rin chen]] dpal (1230-1309)], etc.; Having understood without exception the intention of these instructions of the bKa’ brgyud pa, and moreover, being familiar with the supreme source of these words: the root and explanatory tantras of [the cycles of] Guhyasamaja, Cakrasamvara, Hevajra, Mahamaya, Catuhpitha, etc.; the Seven sections of Accomplishment, made by the Glorious Sukhanatha and the other [[[mahasiddas]]]; the Three Cycles of Doha by the Great Brahmin [[[Saraha]]]; the dPyid thig by Krsnacarya; the Indian scriptures by Arya Nagarjuna father and son; The essential instructions from the mouth of The One who perfected the complete meaning of the intention of the Jina, The Venerable [[[Tsong kha pa]]] Dam pa Bio bzang grags pa, [I have] adorned by all which is in accordance with my experience and does not contradict reasoning and scriptures, which I received [[[bowing]]] the top of the head at the feet of the Illustrious True Masters. In particular, by the kindness of the scholar named Prajna I had severed the doubts about what I have heard, [and] by the ambrosia of the speech of the kind Ratnakumara, who is indivisible from Vajradhara, I could gain certainty about all the profound instructions; furthermore, for the external aspect, I completely apprehended the Teaching of the Jina by ordinary means, [and] as for the internal meaning, the Venerable ’Jam pa’i dbyangs bestowed [on me] directly the ambrosia of his speech, [and] as for the secret aspect, it was greatly clarified by the glorious kindness of Shar Tsong kha pa Bio bzang grags pa, who attained the supreme body of Great Bliss. bTsun pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po composed [this treatise] at the the Palace of the Jina, the supplementary monastery [which is] in the [midst of the] Forest of the Glorious Samantabhadra, [and has] become the foremost of the many realization places of the snowy mountain hermitages, in a Earth-Feminine-Pig year [= 1419], the year also called sgyur byed, during the waxing moon of the nth month. As for the writing, it was accomplished by the preacher of reasoning and scriptures Nam mkha’ ye shes. By this [text] may these secret and unsurpassable instructions spread in the ten directions, and endure for a long time! These [instructions] are very sacred, not being taught to lineages which have not perfectly obtained the experiential explanations. May dPal mgon Bya rog gdong act as protector of these teachings. Happiness and goodness! Abbreviations [BA] ’Gos Lo tsa ba gZhon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po [The Blue Annals]. Reproduced by Lokesh Chandra. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1976. [BGCZ] Bri gang chos mdzod. [LRCB] rTa tshag tshe dbang rgyal, lHo rong chos ’byung, Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1994. [MHTL] Materials for the History of Tibetan Literature, ed. by L. Chandra. New Delhi, 1963. [NT] Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i mam par thar pa mthong ba don Idan. Sorensen 2007, text B. 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