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distinction between the “Pho” (“Male”) lineage and the “Mo” (“Female”) lineage; a variant on this is that of the “Pha” (“Father”) and “Ma” (“Mother”) lineages. Often these lineages are identified with the teachings passed from Padampa Sangyé (as the “father”) and those from Machik Labdrön (as the “mother”).75 These complementary lineages reflect the complex integration of Machik’s teachings with Buddhist traditions, as I discuss further below. Two sources that employ these categories are Gö Lotsawa’s The Blue Annals and Dharmasenggé’s Zhijé and Chöd History. These classifications are sometimes complemented by what is referred to as the “Gnyis med brgyud,” or “Non-dual lineage.” Another template for organizing lineages is that of the “Sras” (“Son” or “Offspring”)76 and “Ston” (“Teacher”)77 lineages.

Another prevalent model of establishing Chöd lineages is based on a taxonomy of the Buddhist vehicles of teaching (yāna; theg pa). In this classification, Chöd is divided into “Sūtra Chöd” (mdo gcod), “Tantra Chöd” (rgyud gcod) and “Sūtra/Tantra Chöd.” A fourth lineage category sometimes mentioned in this context is that of the gter ma (“treasure”) textual corpus. Sūtra Chöd refers to the Pāramitāyāna teachings that are grounded in the Prajñāpāramitā. Sūtra Chöd emphasizes the influence of Padampa Sangyé and stresses techniques of stabilization and pacification of the mind. In contrast with the Pāramitāyāna teachings of Sūtra Chöd, the Mantrayāna aspect of Tantra Chöd seems to be derived from *anuttaratantra (bla na med rgyud) teachings. Tantra Chöd incorporates Generation Stage (bla na med rgyud skyed rim) and 75 Kollmar-Paulenz says that “although most of the Tibetan sources explicitly name Ma gcig lab sgron ma as the founder of the Gcod school of Tibetan Buddhism, according to my knowledge, only G. Tucci, among the numerous scholars who took interest in the Gcod school and its fascinating ritual, pointed to Ma gcig as being the founder of the tradition of mo gcod. . . . It is very interesting that only Janet Gyatso discussed the question whether Pha Dam pa sangs rgyas or Ma gcig lab sgron ma founded the Gcod school. She decided this question in favor of the woman mystic” (1998, 23).

76 Other terms used in this context include “Thugs sras” or “Spiritual [literally “heart”] offspring”; the term for “daughter,” “sras mo” is also sometimes used. 77 A related term in this context is “Slob” (‘Student”) lineage, viz. Dpa’ bo Gtsug lag ‘phreng ba, Dam pa’i chos kyi ‘khor lo bsgyur ba rnams kyi byung ba gsal bar byed pa mkhas pa’i dga’ ston.

Completion Stage (rdzogs rim) practices. Tantra Chöd traces its transmission lineage from Vajradhara in the dharmakāya form of Yum Chen mo, the Great Mother Prajñāpāramitā, through the sambhogakāya as bodhisattva Tārā, from whom Machik, as nirmāṇakāya, received direct transmission. Machik’s synthesis of Sūtra Chöd and Tantra Chöd is referred to as the “combined Sūtra/Tantra Chöd.” I will be discussing some of the ways in which Chöd teachings are philosophically contextualized within Sūtra and Tantra categories in the next chapter. In my analysis of lineage sources below, I will discuss how several of these lineage categories inflect the development of the Chöd tradition.

1. CHOS ‘BYUNG

In this section, I will provide a brief survey of “chos ‘byung,” that is, “dharma histories” (literally, “the arising of dharma”) that include sections on Chöd. The genre of “chos ‘byung” includes literary texts that provide details of oral and/or written transmissions of teachings. While chos ‘byung often provide extensive lineage information, they are not comprehensive. Information about who received what teaching from whom is often scant, though these texts will sometimes mention certain details about the transmission, such as the place where the transmission was given, when it was given, who was present, and the particular occasion that precipitated the transmission. For my purposes, these texts record and map useful information on teaching lineages, which is important for charting processes of legitimation and renewal of Chöd from the perspective of a particular figure or institution.

Deb ther sngon po (late 15th to early 16th centuries)78 The earliest discussion of Machik and Chöd for which we can approximate a date is contained in The Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po) by Gö Lotsawa Zhonnupel (‘Gos lo tswa ba Gzhon nu dpal, 1392-1481; Karma Kagyü), a chos ‘byung composed in the late fifteenth century (1139-62). In the section on Chöd, Zhijé is not foregrounded (in contrast to other sources which characterize Chöd as a branch of Zhijé). This source contains a relatively brief biographical sketch with some lineage information as well as information on teachings that Machik received; it also mentions other figures who were key to the early development of Chöd. The transmission lineage of Buddhist Chöd from this text will be outlined in the next section of this study.79 Sections other than the one explicitly discussing Chöd have also provided me useful information for the broader genealogical study I am constructing. Dam pa’i chos kyi ‘khor lo bsgyur ba rnams kyi byung ba gsal bar byed pa mkhas pa’i dga’ ston (mid-16th century)

This source is attributed to Dpa’ bo Gtsug lag ‘phreng ba (1503-1605, Karma Kagyü);80 its composition has been dated to 1545-1565.81 This history is traditionally considered reputable, 78 I agree with Kollmar-Paulenz (1998, 11) that this is the earliest roughly datable source; however, I am no longer sure we can definitively date it to 1478 as is traditional. I am influenced by Leonard W. J. van der Kuijp’s argument against the traditional belief that ‘Gos lo tsa ba finished The Blue Annals before his death, positing that it was completed by ‘Gos lo tsa ba’s disciples after he himself had passed away (2006, 1). Regarding Gzhon nu dpal’s scholarly influences, van der Kuijp writes, “It is probably best to characterize him as a non-partial scholar in the sense that his training and scholarly interests led him to pursue textual studies that pertained especially to the Bka’ brgyud pa, Rnying ma pa, and Bka’ gdams pa traditions. Indeed, he shares these features with a good number of other fifteenth-century clerical associates of the Phag mo gru court at Sne’u gdong such as, to name but two, Byams gling paṇ chen bsod nams rnam rgyal (1400-1475) and Zhwa lu lo tsā ba chos skyong bzang po (1441-1528)” (2006, 7-8). I have looked for mention of Machik in other early biographical catalogues including the Deb ther dmar po (composed between 1346 and 1363) by Tshal pa Kun dga’ rdo rje (1309-1364) to no avail; however, as Kurtis Schaeffer notes (1995, 6), this text does contain a biography of Rangjung Dorjé. 79 My reconstruction of this source material varies from those provided by Edou (1996) and Kollmar-Paulenz (1993). 80 Gtsug lag ‘phreng ba, the second Dpa’ bo of Gnas gnan (1504-1566) was the de facto regent of the Karmapa lineage while the 5th Zhwa dmar and 4th Rgyal tshab were searching for the 9th Karmapa; at the end of his life he

but it does include hagiographical materials. As well as providing a brief outline of the philosophical underpinnings of the tradition, it provides a brief biographical sketch of Machik and information on transmission lineages. The Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston describes a Chöd lineage from Padampa Sangyé to Sma ra ser po and then Smyon pa be ro, as well as one from Kyotön Sonam Lama to Machik Labdrön; in addition, it divides the transmission from Machik into “the Student or Instruction lineage” (slob brgyud) and “the [[[spiritual]]] Son lineage” (sras brgyud). This text does mention that Machik met Padampa Sangyé, but does not explicitly say that she received Chöd teachings from him (1369-1371).

Chos ‘byung bstan pa’i padma rgyas pa’i nyin byed82 (late 16th century) This history, composed between 1575 and 1580, has a short entry on Chöd by ‘Brug pa Padma dkar po (1527-1592; ‘Brug pa Kagyü). Although the tradition is mentioned, it is not discussed in much detail. This work mentions transmissions of Chöd (“spyod” rather than “gcod”) teachings by Padampa Sangyé to Sönam Lama and Rma ra ser po, and it provides a short biography of Machik, including the names of her major students. Chos ‘byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho83 (early 17th century)

Zhab drung Ngag wang Nam gyal (1571-1626) of the Stag lung Kagyü tradition initially composed this treatise in 1609; it is said to have been reedited by Ngag wang Ten pai Nyi ma (b. 1788). The section on Chöd is even briefer than in other sources and provides no new lived in the Karmapa's monastery where he gave the dge tshul vows and many initiations to the 9th Karmapa Dbang phyug rdo rje.

81 See Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 9 n.32) who is following S. Richardson in Lokesh Chandra’s edition of the Mkhas pa’i dga ston, Vol. 1, ix. 82 See folia 212a2-214a2. 83 See folia 19b-20a.

information. It is worth mentioning if only to demonstrate a continuation of historical awareness of the Chöd tradition. Dam pa’i chos kyi byung tshul legs par bshad pa bstan pa rgya mtshor ‘jug pa’i gru chen zhes bya ba rtsom ‘phro kha skong bcas84 (17th century) The tenth abbot of the Sakya monastery of Ngor, Dkon mchog lhun grub (1497-1557) left this chos ‘byung unfinished at his death. It was rediscovered by the 25th abbot, Sangs rgyas phun tshogs (1649-1705), who resumed work on it and completed it in 1692; it was published in 1705 at Sde dge. It is most remarkable for being a Buddhist history that emphasizes the Sakya pa lineages, while also including a discussion of Chöd.85 This Sakya chos ‘byung describes the transmission of the “Pho Chöd” and “Mo Chöd” lineages. It mentions the transmission of the pith of the Chöd collection (gcod skor gnad) to Sönam Lama and Sma ra ser po (of Yar lungs) from Padampa Sangyé in Gtsang on the latter’s third visit to Tibet. According to this text, on Padampa Sangyé’s fifth trip he travelled to Dingri (Ding ri) and taught the collection of Chöd transmissions; this teaching was twofold and would be transmitted as Pho Chöd (following Sma ra ser po) and Mo Chöd (following Machik).86

84 For the discussion of Chöd, see folia 167a-b (335-336). 85 As I have explained elsewhere in this study, Chöd teachings were not as prominent in the Sakyapa schools as they were in other Tibetan Buddhist schools. This text employs the classification of “pho” and “mo” when discussing Chöd transmission lineages. 86 “de yang dam pa nas brgyud pa’i gcod skor la / pho gcod mo gcod gnyis las / dang po ni sma ra ser po nas brgyud pa dang / gnyis pa ni ma gcig nas brgyud pa la zer ro / / ma gcig ni grwa pa mngon shes las rab tu byung zhing” (335).

‘Phags yul rgya nag chen po bod dang sog yul du dam pa’i chos ‘byung dpag bsam ljon bzang87 (18th century)

Written by the head of Dgon lung byams pa gling, Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ‘byor (1704-1788, Geluk pa), this text provides an elaboration on earlier accounts of the Chöd tradition. Kollmar-Paulenz88 (1988, 30-31, n. 52; original source reference 375, 22-23) points out a passage explicitly acknowledging the direct transmission of Chöd teachings on the four Negative Forces according to the Prajñāpāramitā from Padampa Sangyé to Machik;89 as is discussed earlier in this chapter, this connection is not easy to establish definitively. This chos ‘byung provides an important example of intersections between historical and biographical materials, as Kollmar-Paulenz has also noticed (1993, 13). Along with a biography of Machik, a lineage of “Mo Chöd ” is briefly traced. Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 14) observes that one unusual component of Ye shes dpal ‘byor’s chronology is that the Chöd tradition precedes the Zhijé tradition, contrary to other accounts.

Bstan ‘dzin gyi skyes bu rgya bod du byon pa’i ming gi grangs (18th century) Another eighteenth-century (1777) Geluk pa history was composed by Klong rdol bla ma Ngag dbang blo bzang (1719-1794). This text has a couple of passing mentions of Machik and Chöd.90 The most notable element of this brief account of Machik’s life is that Ngag dbang blo bzang explicitly claims that Machik was a student of and in a consort relationship with Padampa 87 See 374-379.

88 See Sarat Chandra Das (ed.), Pag sam jon zang, Part II, History of Tibet from Early Times to 1745 A.D., edited with an analytical list of contents in English (Calcutta, 1908). I have not yet had the opportunity to see a copy of this text.

89 “dam pa dang mjal te sher mdo’i bdud l’eu las gsungs pa’i thogs bcas thogs med sogs kyi bdud bzhi thad kar gcod byed kyi gdams pa thob cing.” Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 13-14) also briefly mentions this text and its discussion of the Zhijé and Chöd schools, noting that the transmission of mo gcod is associated with Machik Labdron. 90 See Volume za, including a reference to her lung bstan on 5r; to Chöd on 27r; and to her place of birth and family 32v.

Sangyé.91 This claim continues to be repeated by contemporary Western and Tibetan individuals from this point forward; however, given that Ngag dbang blo bzang doesn’t cite his sources, we are not sure of its provenance or veracity.92 Bde bar gshegs pa’i bka’ dgongs ‘grel bstan bcos ‘gyur ro cog par du sgrub pa’i tshul las nye bar brtsums pa’i gtam yang dag par brjod pa dkar chag yid bzhin nor bu’i phreng ba (18th century)

This text is part of the collection by Dkon mchog ‘jigs med dbang po (1728-1791; Geluk pa), the eleventh Khri of Bla brang bkra shis ‘khyil, who was recognized as the second incarnation of ‘Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. The version I have accessed is in the Co ne’i bstan ‘gyur gyi dkar chag yid bzhin nor bu'i phreng ba, which includes a section on Chöd in the third chapter entitled “Bstan ‘dzin rnams kyi bstan pa ji ltar bskyangs pa’i le’u,” with a subchapter entitled “Bod gangs can gyi ljongs su bstan pa ji ltar dar ba’i tshul” (folia 142b-143a). Grub mtha’ shel gyi me long93 (late 17th - early 18th centuries)

This text was composed by Thu’u bkwan Blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (1738-1802; Kadampa; Dga’ ldan Geluk) and completed in 1802.94 This source has one chapter on Zhijé which includes information on Chöd and echoes The Blue Annals. The section on Chöd focuses 91 “yum chen mo’i sprul pa ma gcig lab kyi sgron ma ‘khrungs yul ni / E lab kyi ‘dab grong mtsho mer mo / yab chos bla dbang phyugs mgon / yum klu ma ‘bum lcam dpal skyid kyi sras mor ‘khrungs / lo tsatsha ba khye gad ‘khor lo grags dang sku mched yin / pha gcig dam pa sangs rgyas kyi slob ma dang yab yum du gyur / dgung lo dgu bcu go gcig / mang ‘ga’ zhig gi dgu bcu rtsa lnga dang rtsa brgyad bar du bzhugs zer / sras ra dgra grub be phyis su rgyal ba don grub du grags so” (32v, emphasis added).

92 Many Tibetans have also spoken of the consort relationship between Padampa and Machik to me in conversation. Kollmar-Paulenz (1988, 22) cites a different edition of this text and remarks that, according to her research, this “is the only historiographical text which considers Ma gcig being the tantric consort of her teacher, although this is often asserted in Western works, cf. for example A. Ferrari, Mkhyen brtse’s Guide to the Holy Places of Central Tibet, Roma, 1958, p. 153, n. 543, and G. Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, Roma, 1949, I, p. 92.” One could also include Willis 1987, 98 and Samuel 1993, 477.

93 See chapter five on Zhijé, which includes information on Chöd. 94 For more on this figure and his work, see Gene Smith’s 1969 article "Philosophical, Biographical, and Historical Works of Thu'u bkwan Blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma" (2001, 147-70).

on its doctrinal tradition with a survey of the lineages and its general philosophical teachings, view and practice. Bstan pa'i snying po gsang chen snga 'gyur nges don zab mo'i chos kyi byung ba gsal bar byed pa'i legs mkhas pa dga' byed ngo mtshar gtam gyi rol mtsho (n.d.) The Snga ‘gyur chos ‘byung is mentioned by Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 16-17), but I have not been able to locate a copy anywhere. It is attributed to the late-18th/early-19th century Nyingma author Gu ru kra shi, a.k.a Stag sgang mkhas mchog ngag dbang blo gros. According to Kollmar-Paulenz, there is a short passage on Brgyud pa’i gcod kyi skor (folia 111b3-112b4), but it is of little value since it only repeats information, including a short biography of Machik, that is obtainable from other sources.

Theg pa'i sgo kun las 'dus pa gsung rab rin po che'i mdzod bslab pa gsum legs par ston pa'i bstan bcos shes bya kun khyab95 (mid-19th century) This study by the great Kagyü (and “ris med”) scholar Jamgön Kongtrül (1813-1899) is dated by Gene Smith (2001, 237) to 1863-1864. In this work, Chöd is considered to be a branch of the Zhijé tradition associated with Padampa Sangyé, although Kongtrül elsewhere (for example, in his Treasury of Instructions [[[Gdams ngag mdzod]]] collection and in his commentary on Chöd practice) classifies Chöd as independent of Zhijé.96 Often referred to as “encyclopedic,” this source includes factual data as well as narrative elaborations often included in hagiographical sources to contextualize Chöd from a Kagyü perspective. The section on Chöd is reminiscent of the information provided in The Blue Annals.97 However, it does include relevant 95 Chöd is discussed on folia 192a-194a in the section on Zhijé. 96 Reference to Chöd as a branch (yan lag) of Zhijé is seen in other sources such as the chos ‘byung by Padma rnam rgyal discussed below. 97 Note that it also includes the etymological discussion found in sources such as The Blue Annals and the Grub

citations from source materials (including The Great Speech Chapter and Le’u lag texts I have translated and included as appendices to the present study) and Kongtrül’s interpretation of these sources. Kongtrül cites the Zab don thugs kyi snying po by Smin gling lo chen Dharma śrī (1654-1718, Nyingma) on the topic of choosing an appropriate location for the practice of certain Chöd visualizations.98

Ma gcig mkha’ ‘gro snyan rgyud lam zab rgyun gyi rnal ‘byor bde bkod pa99 (19th century) Written by Smon lam Mtha’ yas rgya mtsho (b. 1863, Geluk), this historical survey is in a section of the text entitled Man ngag zab mo bdud kyi Gcod yul stan thog cig ma’i gzhung (291- 436) in the Geluk Gcod tshogs compilation. This text includes an extended discussion of the transmission lineages that varies somewhat from other studies. The work also includes an analysis of the teachings that argues against any misunderstanding of their multiplicity and for a more uniform view of the tradition. One of the ways in which it homogenizes and legitimates Chöd teachings is through its representation of the Chöd lineage beginning with a prediction of the Buddha, then moving to the Dharma ruler Khri srong lde btsan, on to Padmasambhava, and then to Ye shes mtsho rgyal as Tārā as Machik.100 Snga 'gyur rdo rje theg pa gtso bor gyur pa'i sgrub rgyud shing rta brgyad kyi byung ba brjod pa'i gtam mdor bsdus legs bshad padma dkar po'i rdzing bu101 (late 19th-early 20th century) mtha’ shel gyi me long.

98 Dharmaśrī’s text might be one of the earliest discussions of the role of place in Chöd practice. 99 The relevant chos ‘byung materials begin on folio 307 of the Chos tshogs. Neither Kollmar-Paulenz nor Savvas discusses this source. I have made a working translation of this document. 100 In Gcod tshogs 291-436; 307.3. 101 Chöd is discussed as a branch of Zhijé on folia 241-242. Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 17) gives the composition date of this text as 1850, which is not likely given the dates of Padma rnam rgyal.

Although this work, by the famous Nyingma scholar Zhe chen rgyal tshab Padma rnam rgyal (1871-1926, aka Padma dkar po), who was an esteemed student of Mi pham rgya mtsho, generally reviews familiar territory in its discussion of Chöd, it does discriminate more categories of transmission lineages than other sources. As a contemporary Nyingma pa historical survey of Buddhist teachings, this source also indicates continued interest in Chöd, albeit as a branch of the Zhijé tradition.

Zhi byed dang Gcod yul gyi chos ‘byung rin po che’i phreng ba thar pa’i rgyan (late 19th-early 20th century) This history of Zhijé and Chöd by Dharmasenggé (aka Chos kyi seng ge, late 19th/early 20th century; Nyingma)102 is one of the most popular in circulation, probably due to its efforts at providing a comprehensive summary of the existing sources. However, even including this study, desirable details and dates regarding the development of Chöd, such as the provenance of important texts and the identity of early figures in the transmission lineage, remain unavailable. Chos ‘byung kun gsal me long103 (20th century)

This recent historical survey (published in 1971) of the various religions of Tibet was written by the Bon scholar Dpal ldan tshul khrims (1904-1972). Chöd is treated as a distinct tradition in this work, which reviews the materials from The Blue Annals and other sources.

2. RNAM THAR

Another important category of texts in assessing the lineage history and tradition of Chöd is “rnam thar.” Rnam thar are life stories of remarkable spiritual persons, literally denoting 102 This text has been translated into German by Kollmar-Paulenz (1993). 103 See gcod yul dang kha rag pa'i chos skor thugs rje chen po'i chos sgrub pa rnams byung tshul mdor bsdus bshad pa'i skabs te/ le'u nyer gcig pa, 437-452.

stories of someone’s “complete liberation.” Sometimes they are considered biographies, while at other times they are referred to as “hagiographies.” These sources can sometimes provide us with historical information, although by nature the genre is often more concerned with providing inspirational narrative than empirical veracity. These materials are useful for gaining an understanding of how their subjects are remembered by the authors and for how key figures in a tradition are positioned. There are several spiritual biographies (rnam thar) of Machik, which will be briefly listed and introduced here. Phung po gzan skyur ba’i rnam par bshad pa las ma gcig lab sgron ma’i rnam par thar pa mdor bsdus tsam zhig (13th century)

In his 1996 study, Jérôme Edou, brought attention to a rare Kagyü lineage gter ma text, the Phung po gzan skyur ba’i rnam par bshad pa las ma gcig lab sgron ma’i rnam par thar pa mdor bsdus tsam zhig attributed to Kunpang Tsöndru Sengé (Kun spangs Brtson ‘grus seng ge, ca. 13th century). This manuscript is written in dbu med script and consists of 519 folio pages. Edou calls it the most extensive account of the life of Machik; however, it is unclear whether he is evaluating it due to its length or due to its content, especially since it is subtitled a “rnam par thar pa mdor bsdus” or “brief summary.” Edou deduces that this text by Brtson ‘grus seng ge text is “undoubtedly the direct source” for The Great

Explanation,104 although more study is

needed in order to substantiated such a claim.105

104 Edou writes: “This version [i.e. the Phung po gzan skyur ba’i rnam par bshad pa las ma gcig lab sgron ma’i rnam par thar pa mdor bsdus tsam zhig], appearing in a manuscript in cursive script, contains many expressions in eastern Tibet dialect. Comparing the two texts shows that [this text] . . . is undoubtedly the direct source from which [the Phung po gzan skyur rnam bshad gcod kyi don gsal byed] . . . was condensed after the correction of numerous spelling mistakes. The sequence is closely followed, with entire sections adopted word-for-word, but [[[Phung po]] gzan skyur rnam bshad gcod kyi don gsal byed] . . . eliminates some over-marvelous or over-lengthy descriptions, as well as technical explanations of transmissions, titles of texts and lists of names” (1996, 108). 105 For more on this issue, see Edou 1996, 108; 222; 196 n. 36; 196 n. 38; 222. To complicate matters further, Kollmar-Paulenz has disagreed with this position of Edou’s; however, she reads Edou as definitively dating the Namkha Gyaltsen text to the 15th century [although Edou doesn’t posit when in Namkha Gyaltsen’s life he would

Phung po gzan skyur rnam bshad gcod kyi don gsal byed106 (ca. 14th century) Given their inclusion as the first two chapters in the Phung po gzan skyur rnam bshad gcod kyi don gsal byed, which was itself included in a recently bound and easily accessible collection of three Chöd texts entitled the Gcod kyi chos skor, as well as the fact that they have been translated at least three times into the English language, these are probably the most popular rnam thar of Machik. The woodblocks for the edition of this text included in the Gcod kyi chos skor were commissioned by Lho pa sprul sku Nag dang mkhyen rab bstan pa’i dbang phyug (late 19th century; Geluk). This text is often referred to as the “Rnam bshad chen mo,” that is, the “Great Explanation.” There is another available edition of this text that is printed from woodblocks (n.p.; n.d).).107 I discuss this text in detail in the next section. Ma gcig ma’i rnam thar (n.d.)

A blockprint of this work was obtained by Edou from Lang Gonpa, near Phyger, Dolpo (1996, x; 220), but it does not seem otherwise to be available. Edou claims that it differs substantially from the two biographies by Kunpang Tsöndru Sengé and Namkha Gyaltsen (Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 1370-1433). According to Edou, the manuscript is in dbu med script and lacks information regarding date or author;108 the text does state that it was edited at the request of Rin bzang grags pa dbang phyug.109 This text is also entitled the Rnam thar mgur ma, have composed it; given that he was born in 1370, he might have composed it in the 14th century] and the Brtson ‘grus seng ge text to the 13th century (1998, 25 n. 3). Hermann-Pfandt has also critically addressed Edou’s work (1998).

106 See 11-44.

107 I have copies in my collection provided by Leslie Kawamura/Herbert Guenther and Orgyen Tenzin. See also Dus gsum rgyal ba kun gyi yum gcig ‘phags ma lab kyi sgron ma’i rnam par thar pa phung po gzan bsgyur gyi rnam par bshad pa mkha’ ‘gro bye ba’i gsang lam (1992. Shinhua: mtsho sngon mi rigs dbe skrun khang, 1992). This source, unavailable to me at present, is cited in Edou; Edou says that this is an edition of the rnam bshad found in the Gcod kyi chos skor. 108 Edou does note that it “appears to be quite old” (1996, 194, n. 28).

referring to the spontaneous songs (mgur) attributed to Machik that are included in the text. According to Edou, this text includes a chapter describing Machik’s conflict with her parents regarding her decision to devote herself to Dharma practice, and another chapter detailing Machik’s travels to various places in order to practice Chöd.110 Ma cig lab sgron rnam mthar pad ma dkar po’i phreng ba (n.d.) This is a biography by Rgyal thang ri khrod pa mentioned in the Labrang dkar chag.111 I have not been able to identify this author, nor have I been able to locate a copy of this manuscript to date.

Ma gcig gi rnam thar mdzad pa bco lnga pa112 (15th/16th century) This spiritual biography about Machik and fifteen important deeds in her life was composed by Gshongs chen ri khrod pa Mkhas pa btsun bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (15th c., Shangpa Kagyü); it consists of twenty manuscript pages. Kollmar-Paulenz (1998, 12) dates this text (along with Gsongs chen ri khrod pa himself) to the 16th century and posits that it is the earliest datable rnam thar for Machik, but she suggests that it is derivative from earlier unknown sources. Given contemporary dating of Gshongs chen ri khrod pa to the 15th century, it might be more accurately dated to that century rather than the 16th century. 109 The TBRC database has a record for a “Grags pa dbang phyug” who is dated to the 12th-13th centuries (P4205), although this may not be the same person.

110 Edou outlines the chapters as follows: “(1) How Machig renounced the worldly life and left her family; (2) How Machig opened the gates of Dharma; (3) How Machig followed Thöpa Bharé and taught Dharma to her husband and her son Gyalwa Döndrop; (4) How Machig gained realization and subjugated demons in fearful places; (5) How Machig taught the ultimate meaning (of her doctrine) to Lhatag Khenpo and others; (6) How Machig settled at Zangri and worked to propagate her doctrine for the benefit of beings; (7) How Machig departed for the state beyond suffering” (175, n. 3). 111 Actually, the Labrang Karchag (relevant selections photocopied from LTWA) has numerous Machik texts, but I haven’t been able to obtain them. On this text, see also Edou 195, n. 33. 112 In Thang stong chos mdzod. Thimpu and Delhi: Kunsang Topgay, 1976. Vol. 1. 21-41. Trans. in Azzato 1981, 67-93.

Gcod yul nyon mongs zhi byed kyi bka’ gter bla ma brgyud pa’i rnam thar byin rlabs gter mtsho113 (19th-20th centuries)

This collection of biographies by the Nyingma pa author Rdza rong phu bla ma Ngag dbang bstan ‘dzin nor bu (1867-1940 CE)114 includes spiritual biographies of Machik and of various lineage holders. Ngag dbang bstan ‘dzin nor bu posits that Machik received Chöd teachings directly from Padampa Sangyé.115 Kollmar-Paulenz asserts that a comparison of the two twentieth-century texts by Chökyisenggé and by Ngag dbang bstan ‘dzin nor bu suggests that Rong phu bla ma used biographical material on Machik from sources including the verse biography of Gshongs chen bla ma discussed above and the recently discovered Ma gcig ma’i rnam thar. According to Kollmar-Paulenz, these different biographical elements “which probably date as far back as the 12th century have been lost over the centuries and we can only get glimpses of the diverse material in the few texts which have survived during the almost nine centuries since Machik’s death” (1998, 13).116

3. THREE IMPORTANT SOURCES FOR TRANSMISSION LINEAGES

The three texts that I will consider here each contribute something specific to my project of complicating the commonly depicted picture of Buddhist Chöd. The rnam thar chapters of The Great Explanation establish precedents for later lineage constructs. The Blue Annals, as a 113 Viz. folia 13a-40b.

114 Kollmar-Paulenz dates this collection after 1903 (1993, 22 n. 65). 115 Fols. 25b-26ra2.

116 One of the episodes that Kollmar-Paulenz alludes to is an obscure verse by Gshongs chen bla ma, who was writing in the 16th century, that mentions a conflict between Machik and the abbot of Lhas stag that Kollmar-Paulenz argues requires extra-textual knowledge to understand, but which she was able to understand because of her familiarity with the later biographical presentation by Rong phu bla ma (1998, 19-20).

highly regarded historical document, contextualizes Chöd more broadly within Tibetan Buddhism. This source also provides details about key figures in the Chöd tradition that suggest alternate lineage constructions that were developing in the transitional period of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The Ring brgyud provides an example of an explicit effort to codify a transmission lineage from Machik Labdrön to the Third Karma pa Rangjung Dorjé. As I explain in chapter six, the texts I have translated in the appendices establish the relationship between Machik and Rangjung Dorjé as perhaps the most historically important in the transmission and renewal of the Chöd tradition.

A. The Great Explanation rnam thars

The earliest sources available to me thus far which present transmission lineages for Chöd are the two rnam thar texts about Machik which are collected in The Great Explanation.117 These two rnam thar are usually taken to be a single biography. However, close reading reveals sufficient discontinuity between the first and second chapters to suggest that they were not meant to be considered as contiguous, but rather are two distinct life stories. According to the colophon, the biographies in The Great Explanation were redacted by Namkha Gyaltsen,118 with

117 There is at least one other source that I have not been able to study in detail yet, the Phung po gzan skyur ba’i rnam par bshad pa las ma gcig lab sgron ma’i rnam par thar pa mdor msdus tsam zhig, an dbu med text attributed to Kunpang Tsöndru Sengé. This also may be the same text as the Ma gcig lab kyi sgron ma’i rnam thar dang gcod kyi chos skor ma ‘ongs bstan bcas pa; however, there are several texts with this title which may or may not be identical. To make matters more confusing, a text by this title is mentioned in Kollmar-Paulenz (2005); in this article, Kollmar-Paulenz attributes the text to a 19th century Mongolian author, Blo bzang bstan pa chos ‘phel dpal bzang po. My next project will be an analysis of the editions of texts which are identified by this title in the near future in order to understand better the development and circulation of the Chöd traditions.

118 I cannot confirm with confidence that Namkha Gyaltsen was the author of this text; however, his editorial remarks make it clear that he was an editor. This dating is only accurate if we can identify this Namkha Gyaltsen with Drung chen Namkha Gyaltsen (1370-1433), a Shangpa Kagyü scholar. Edou (1996, 195 n. 35; 195 n. 36.) refers to Khetsun Sangpo’s Biographical Dictionary (1977, Vol. VII, 401). Harding follows Edou in this regard. I am not completely convinced that the Namkha Gyaltsen who edited the two rnam thar chapters of the Rnam shad chen mo and possibly compiled the other eight chapters (as Harding suggests) is identical with Drung chen Namkha Gyaltsen; however, at this point I lack sufficient evidence to identify him otherwise and so defer to Edou. See also Dharmasenggé’s Zhi byed chos ‘byung in this regard (540 ff.).

the assistance of Bkra’ shis rgyal mtshan,119 and they were collected by ‘Byams pa bsod nams.120 In the edition most commonly circulating at present, there are explicit editorial notes stating not only that Namkha Gyaltsen has edited these two texts and added his own material, but also that an author who identifies him (her?) self as “Shes par ‘bum” has added further materials.121 The following interpretations, which speculate on how Namkha Gyaltsen and Shes par ‘bum have both preserved and renewed the transmissions and history of Chöd by reconstructing details about lineage transmissions and their own roles as editors, are based on my own translations of the primary texts.122

In the first rnam thar, the narrative recounts a meeting between Padampa Sangyé and Machik. Padampa Sangyé arrived in Tibet to meet with Machik as a very young woman (apparently when she was still a reader for Lama Drapa Ngonshé) whom he believed to be an embodiment of an Indian paṇḍita called Bhadra from Potari.123 After greeting her as a Primordial Wisdom ḍākinī, he observes that her arrival in Tibet to help all sentient beings is a marvel worth rejoicing over. When Machik asks Padampa Sangyé how she can proceed to help all sentient beings, he states, “You, girl, should disclose your secret faults, crush indecision, give unflaggingly, eliminate obscurations, realize attachments, wander severe places! Knowing that all beings are like space, in severe places, seek the buddha within yourself.” Before he leaves, he 119 Thus far, I have been unable to identify this person in relation to Namkha Gyaltsen, aside from the mention of him in the addendum by Namkha Gyaltsen. TBRC has a listing for a person by this name, but the date given for him is in the 13th century.

120 Lab sgron 1974, 85. I have not been able to locate ‘Byams pa bsod nams in any sources other than The Great Explanation thus far.

121 Unfortunately, at this point little can be learned about the figure of Shes par ‘bum. 122 Although these materials have been translated in part or whole by several others, including in Edou and Harding, I have found omissions and mistranslations in their works, so I have chosen to provide my own translations here for the context of my argument.

123 In the rnam thar texts, Machik is considered to be the fulfillment of the prophesied embodiment of other Dharma teachers, e.g. Lab sgron 1974, 42.

makes the prophecy: “Your teaching will be like the sun rising in the sky!”124 Shortly after this passage, we are told that Machik receives teachings from Kyotön Sönam Lama that are in the transmission lineage of Sūtra teachngs from Padampa Sangyé, although none of these are specifically affiliated with Chöd.125 After receiving these teachings, Machik performs many amazing activities, including flying through the air, chanting in Sanskrit, and casting out her body as food to spirits (‘dre) (Lab sgron 1974, 35).

A third mention of Padampa Sangyé and Machik meeting occurs in the first rnam thar. This time, Padampa Sangyé goes to Grwa thang, where he has heard that Machik is doing pilgrimage. In this episode, it is explicitly stated that Padampa Sangyé gives teachings directly to Machik and others, including a direct introduction to Nam mkha’ sgo byed. In addition, we are told that he gives teachings to Machik on Zhijé and Chöd practices, all of which she “completely took to heart.” The list of teachings given here is: a Zhijé Cycle’ Instruction on the Six Chöd Banquets (tshogs); the Zhijé “hung” Cycle; the Bare126 Cycle of Instructions; the Three

Cycles of Teachings on “phat”; the Symbolic Teachings of Utpala; Mahāmāyā; the Two-faced Lady; the Profound Path of Guru Yoga of the Precept Lineage (bka’ brgyud); instructions on the transference of consciousness into another body (‘pho ba grong ‘jug) and entering the excellent path of the crucial points of guiding the body and mind; the crucial personal instructions through the subtle drop of simultaneous teachings on the manner of training in the illusory body, dreams and the intermediate state (bar do); and the personal instructions of the secret precepts on 124 “Bu mo khyod mtshang yul nas ‘don / mi phod pa rdzis / mi nub pa bskur / ‘khrib chod / zhen pa mthong / gnyan sa ‘grim / sems can nam mkha’ ltar shes par gyis la / gnyan khrod du sangs rgyas rang la tshol dang / khyod kyi bstan pa mkha’ la nyi ma shar pa bzhin du ‘ong ba yin gsungs nas lung bstan gnang pa mdzad de” (Lab sgron 1974, 32).

125 She does receive a Nam mkha’ sgo byed empowerment, although it is not clear from the text whether or not this teaching is associated with either Padampa or Chöd (Lab sgron 1974, 35). 126 dmar, lit. “red,” but meant to suggest the red color blood or of meat laid bare.

“‘Khrül Chöd” [the “cutting of illusion”], together with the eight instructions on the Chöd practice of accomplishing in one sitting the visualization of the great charnel grounds (Lab sgron 1974, 41).

In the narrative of the second rnam thar, Machik travels to meet Padampa Sangyé in Dingri. Padampa Sangyé informs Machik that he does not have any teachings more profound than those he has already given her, though he can give her a teaching from the “profound” Prajñāpāramitāsūtra. He then tells her of a teaching on how to invite a retinue of guests— including the Great Mother, the female embodiment of Prajñāpāramitā—and how to make a great banquet for them, along with offerings; because of receiving yogic abilities through the power of the blessings from making this banquet and the offerings, the practitioner will have a long life clear of obstacles (Lab sgron 1974, 54-55). Machik requests that Padampa Sangyé give her this teaching, for which they make a maṇḍala offering, during which Machik directly

recognizes Padampa Sangyé himself as Red Mañjuśrī. Along with the initiation for this sādhana practice, it is said that Padampa Sangyé gave her other teachings, including an uncommon personal instruction on the profound instruction and empowerment of the blessings of the teachers of the Speech Lineage (bka’ brgyud bla ma’i byin rlabs kyi dbang dang gdams pa zab mo thung mongs ma yin pa’i man ngag), as well as many secret teachings, including the bare instruction of the science of inner development, the distinctive meaning of entering the middle path,127 and physical yoga practices128 for making one’s wind energies (rlung) suitable. 127 “nang rig pa’i dmar khrid dbu ma’i lam du zhugs pa’i don khyad par can cig” (Lab sgron 1974, 56). 128 “lus ‘khrul ‘khor la gnas shing” (Lab sgron 1974, 56); lit.“abiding in the body’s machinery.” There are many versions of such yogic practices, including ones developed by Nāropā.

The second mention of Padampa Sangyé in the narrative of the second rnam thar is in the context of a discussion of Grub se, a figure sometimes considered to be Machik’s younger son.129 The narrative tells of Padampa Sangyé being invited to Zangs ri for a great celebration for Grub se becoming a renunciant. Grub se is given the name of Tönyon Samdrub and Padampa Sangyé gives him many teachings. Tönyon Samdrub, when making supplication prayers to them, would refer to Padampa Sangyé as his “father” and Machik as his “mother”; according to this account, this is how Padampa Sangyé came to be known as “Pha” (“father”) Dampa.130

The last mention of Padampa Sangyé in the narrative of the second rnam thar (prior to the addenda by Namkha Gyaltsen and Shes par ‘bum) is in a passage describing how Machik faces doubt and cynicism about the authority of her teachings as Buddhist Dharma. Three expert teachers arrive from India to review the legitimacy of her teachings and the validity of her claims regarding past incarnations as Indian men. The expert teachers listen to her claims, including her description of relics that she has left behind in Pho ta ri from her embodiment as Smon lam grub. Even though those gathered believe Machik’s teachings and the stories about her previous births, and thus their doubts are dispelled, Padampa Sangyé is invited in order to prevent the arising of any further doubts or disbelief (sgro ‘dogs nges par chod). Padampa Sangyé is then requested to travel to India with the expert teachers and to bring back a relic; he himself keeps the relic in order to support his personal practice.131 Here the rnam thar narrative explicitly spells out the efforts that have been made to legitimize Machik’s Chöd system as authoritative Buddhist teachings through the intervention of Padampa Sangyé.

129 In this passage, Grub se is referred to as the younger son of Machik and Thod pa Bha dra. The issue of identifying Machik’s “biological” and “spiritual” children is one I am continuing to investigate. 130 Lab sgron 1974, 65-67. 131 Lab sgron 1974, 73-78.

This second rnam thar is followed by a note by Namkha Gyaltsen in which he states that he has included his own addendum.132 Within this addendum is a further composition that is self-attributed to Shes par ‘bum. This additional material has a structured discussion of transmission lineages that appear to be meant to complement the narrative discussions of transmissions of teachings in the bodies of the two rnam thar. In this second rnam thar and the annotations by Namkha Gyaltsen and Shes par ‘bum, many categories for the transmission lineages are first elaborated. These categories of transmissions, although they are sometimes reordered or combined, create precedents for later authors who reconstruct the lineages of Chöd. According to the addendum by Namkha Gyaltsen, Dharma lineages based on her

personal experience (thugs la ‘khrungs pa’i myong chos) were transmitted by Machik Labdrön through a family line of her sons and daughters,133 and through 116 dharma lineage line holders; these lineages began with Machik and did not exist prior to her.134 This comment by Namkha Gyaltsen provides very few details, neglecting to identify the biological or spiritual children who received the teachings, or the dharma lineage holders. One can only surmise that this is an early version of what will later be delineated as the “sras brgyud” (usually translated as the “son lineage”) and the “ston (or “slob”) brgyud” (the “teaching” or “student lineage”).

132 Edou, based on guidance from Khenpo Tsultirm Gyatso, has chosen a different way to read this section and to present it in his translation. Edou does not read the whole section as being an addendum by Namkha Gyaltsen, but only a brief paragraph that opens this section (whereas I agree here with Harding’s decision to read a larger passage as the addendum). In addition, Edou edits out a section, “since this untranslated section consists of a very technical exposition of the differing lineages and lineage holders, as well as the empowerments passed on in each” (1996, 208 n. 40); he includes the omitted materials later in his own discussion.

133 Note that this does not necessarily mean her biological sons and daughters: it might also signify her spiritual sons and daughters, which isn’t uncommon in discussions of lineage masters. 134 Lab sgron 1974, 80-1. Other sources that assert Machik founded Chöd herself include: Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston (1370, 11-12); Chos ‘byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho 19v, 4-5 (“gdam pa ‘di yang thugs la shar”) and the Zhe chen chos ‘byung 241v, 2-3.

The next section is an insertion, composed by Shes par ‘bum, into Namkha Gyaltsen’s addendum.135 This section presents two different categories of transmission lineages—which can be characterized as Sūtra and Tantra—to Machik Labdrön. Three slightly different lineages of Sūtra Chöd are distinguished in the insertion by Shes par ‘bum.136 First, the thabs rgyud, or “lineage of liberative technique,” stresses the development of bodhicitta and the accumulation of merit from the aspect of conventional truth. This lineage runs from Buddha Śākyamuni through Mañjuśrī, Āryadeva (the spiritual son of Nāgārjuna), Āryadeva the Brāhmin, Padampa Sangyé,137 Skyo [ston] Śā kya ye shes, and Sönam Lama (and both his uncle and nephew)138 to Machik Labdrön. Second, the shes rab rgyud, or “lineage of knowledge,” emphasizes the accumulation of knowledge from the perspective of ultimate truth. This lineage is transmitted from Yum Chen mo (the Great Mother, Prajñāpāramitā), Tārā, Sukhasiddhi, Āryadeva the Brāhmin, Padampa Sangyé, and Kyotön Sonam Lama to Machik. The third Sūtra lineage is the gnyis med rgyud, or “nondual lineage,” which unites the two accumulations of liberative technique and knowledge. This lineage also begins with Yum Chen Mo, who transmits teachings to Śākyamuni, Tārā, Mañjuśrī, Āryadeva, Āryadeva the Brāhmin, Padampa Sangyé, Kyotön Sonam Lama, and finally Machik.

135 This insertion is not acknowledged by Edou. Although Harding mentions this author in a footnote (2003, 305 n. 48), she does not address these editorial layers in her translation or discussion. 136 Edou refers to the work of a 19th century Geluk scholar, Chödpa Blo gsang don stan (d. 1950) in his characterization of these three: “The means lineage emphasizes the gradual meditation methods such as love and compassion and the accumulation of merit according to relative truth. The wisdom lineage presents Chöd under the aspect of absolute truth and the accumulation of wisdom (Skt. prajñā, Tib. shes rab). The nondual lineage unites these approaches” (1996, 82). Blo gsang don stan’s work is the Lam zab mo thabs shes kyi spyod yul stan thog gcit tu nyams su len tshul ‘khrid chog dgra las rnam par rgyal ba’i rgyal mtshan, in Gcod tshogs: the collected teachings of the Dge lugs tradition (Dharmashala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1996, 191-251; see 231ff.).

137 The text notes that Padampa was connected with both the “big” and the “little” Aryadevas. 138 Harding seems to think “khu dpon” is a person, rather than referring to an uncle and a nephew (2003, 98).

Although this has not been explicitly noted by translators such as Harding or Edou, Shes par ‘bum characterizes the Sūtra lineage as the “Personal Instructions on the Speech Lineage.”139 If this title were actually to refer to a lineage from the “Kagyü school,” it is odd that such important figures as Nāropa, Maitripa and Marpa are not acknowledged. Rather, it seems like the “Lineage of Means” operates to assert the connection from Machik back through to Buddha Śākyamuni in an orthodox fashion, situating Chöd within the paradigm of buddhavacana for legitimation.

It is curious to note that all three tributaries of the Kagyü Personal Instruction Lineage foreground the two Āryadevas, with an effort to connect Āryadeva the Madhyamaka scholar with Āryadeva the Brahmin, the maternal uncle of Padampa Sangyé. This connection actually seems more important to the author than other links between important figures. Though as I noted above, many important Kagyü figures are not included in these lineages, the presence of Sukhasiddhi (Su ka siddhi)140—an important supramundane figure traditionally linked with 139 bka’ brgyud don gyi man ngag gi brgyud pa la gsum ste. Edou refers to these three as “The Sūtra Tradition” (1996, 81); Harding refers to them as “lineages of the esoteric instruction of ultimate meaning of the precept lineage (the sūtra lineage)” (2006, 98).

140 Sukhasiddhi is usually considered a ḍakiṇī who often taught students of Niguma. She is considered one of the foremost teachers of Mkhas grub Khyung po rnal ‘byor (990-1130), who is traced to the same family clan as Milarepa. He is recognized as the founder of the Shangpa Kagyü tradition, itself considered one of the Eight Great Practice Chariots, of which Chöd is another Chariot. A song (mgur) attributed to Sukhasiddhi uses the trope of “cutting the mind”:

When the awareness dakini Sukhasiddhi received perfect empowerment into the emanated mandala from the glorious master, the great Virupa, she attained to the eighth stage of awakening in a single night. She truly beheld Vajradhara and became inseparable from the Bhagavani Nairatmya. In order to impart the essential instructions to fortunate disciples, she uttered this song: Disengaging from the objects of the six senses,

To experience non-thought, is the path that leads beyond.
The expanse of ultimate reality is non-conceptual.
Mahamudra is devoid of mental activity.
Do not meditate! Do not meditate! Do not engage in mind-made meditation!
Mind-made meditation is a cycle of delusion!
Conceptual thoughts are the shackles binding you to saṃsāra.
Turning away from conceptual mind, there is no meditation!
Space is empty and non-conceptual!
The root of conceptual mind, cut off!

Kagyü lineages (in particular the early Shangpa Kagyü)—is worth noting.141 Though Padampa Sangyé is included in all three Sūtra transmission lists, none describes Machik receiving Chöd teachings directly from Padampa Sangyé.

The second category of transmission lineage mentioned by Namkha Gyaltsen is the Secret Mantra (or Vajrayāna) lineage, which originates with Rdo rje ‘chang chen po (the great Vajradhara), is passed to the Eminent Lady Sgrol ma (Tārā), and is then bestowed upon Machik. By dividing the transmission lists into these categories, Shes par ‘bum here establishes the legitimation of Chöd through both Sūtra and Tantra lineages. In the next chapter, I will discuss how Machik herself legitimates her philosophy through the union of Sūtra and Tantra traditions. Shes par ‘bum also provides lineage lists of those who received teachings from Machik.142 The recipients listed for the lineage of both Creation (bskyed rim) and Completion (rdzogs rim) teachings are Tönyon Samdrub; Gangs pa rmug sangs; Gangs pa lhun grub; Sangs rgyas bstan bsrung; Mnyam med rdo rje ‘dzin pa;143 Gangs pa rin po che; Bla ma rdo rje; Stong zhig Namkha Gyaltsen; and Bkra’ shis rgyal mtshan.144 The system of Creation and Completion delineated here includes teachings on the mantra practices of tshe sgrub kyi skor (a cycle for Cut off this root and then, relax!

Thus it was said.

“A brief teaching of Sukhasiddhi, from the ‘shangs pa mgur mtsho’.” Trans. Sherab Drime (Thomas Roth), http://rywiki.tsadra.org/index.php/Sukhasiddhi. The translation in Timeless Rapture (49) has a different translation of this song which doesn’t use the same term, “cut.” 141 Timeless Rapture says that Machik is an incarnation of Sukhasiddhi, a female co-founder of the Shangpa lineage; it notes that “[t]he Severance linege often walked hand-in-hand with the Shangpa teachings through the walls of Tibet

’s religious institutions, whereas less ethereal traditions were often stopped at the gates” (2003, 28-29; 199 n. 30).

142 Here the text includes teachings that Machik received and composed herself (Lab sgron 1974, 81-82). 143 This person may be the same person who is known as Mnyam nyid rdo rje ‘jung pa, but this requires further investigation.

144 Rossi-Filibeck states that “The Karma pa masters received the gCod teaching from the Gaṅs pa masters, so named from the Śam po or Śam bu’i gaṅs hermitage, and they in their turn had received it from Thod smyon bsam grub, a Gcod master” (1983, 48).

attaining a long life); Zhi rgyas dbang drag gyi sbyin sreg (burnt offerings for pacification and destruction); and las bzhi’i me mchod (a fire offering for the four activities [of pacifying, increasing, magnetizing and subjugating]). In addition, the Personal Instructions on the Speech Lineage includes teachings according to the Prajñāpāramitā system on the Four Empowerments of Meditative Stabilization, and the empowerments and gtor ma associated with the banquet offerings for the five families. Shes par ‘bum considers these teachings to be a combination of Sūtra and Mantra, which is based on the empowerment of Transforming the Buddhas of the Ten Directions. Shes par ‘bum claims that the system of Creation and Completion, along with the tradition of Chöd, is uncorrupted up to Namkha Gyaltsen.145 Shes par ‘bum states that the Creation and Completion system was severed with the instruction of Bkra’ shis rgyal mtshan, which was only approximated based on empowerments and banquets.146

The text then returns to the addendum composed by Namkha Gyaltsen. This section lists the recipients of the transmission of a teaching referred to as “a hundred empowerments and a hundred feasts”; the list of recipients includes Tönyon; Gangs pa rmug sangs; Grub chen pa; Mkhas grub chen po; Skye med gnam mtsho; Mnyam med rin po che; Ras chen gzhon nu; and Bsod nams rdo rje. Namkha Gyaltsen here uses literary conventions to emphasize the authoritative preservation and transmission of the Sūtra, Mantra, and Union of Sūtra and Mantra instructions to Tönyon Samdrub: these instructions “were kept in the heart of Machik” and “all of them, without exception, were taken to heart by Tönyon.”147 Namkha Gyaltsen then notes that 145 Given that this list goes past Namkha Gyaltsen to Bkra’ shs rgyal mtshan, I am not sure what this insinuates about the lineage post Namkha Gyaltsen.

146 I have only been able loosely to translate this last sentence due to a vocabulary problem, that is, the term “nye ge ba”: “dbang tshogs la brten pa tsam nyeg ge ba las ma byung ba yin no” (Lab sgron 1974, 82.6). The next line states “sprul shad kyis bar ‘di shes par ‘bum pas sbyar ba yin” (82.6-83.1) (“This ‘material’ between the sprul shad (a type of literary marker) is composed by Shes par ‘bum). 147 “ma cig gi thugs la yod chad kyis chos mdo sngags gnyis dang zung ‘jug dang gsum gyis dgams pa ma lus pa

Gyalwa Dondrub completely “takes into [his] heart” Machik’s Personal Instructions on the Speech Lineage (bka’ brgyud don gyi man ngag), Personal Instructions of the Prajñāparamitā cycle (phar phyin skor gyi man ngag), and the Prajñāpāramitā cycle together with the Uncommon Instruction on the Essential Points of Profound Meaning (zab pa’i don gnad kyi gdams pa thun mong ma yin pa dang bcas pa phar phyin gyi skor).

The four “Ornament Daughters” (sras mo rgyan bzhi), along with Chökyisenggé, are the direct recipients of the cycle of the Union of Sūtra and Mantra; the cycle of the Dharma of Heartproduced Experience (thugs las ‘khrungs pa’i myong chos kyi skor); the Profound Path of the Four Empowerments of the Mother Tantra Ḍākinī (ma rgyud mkha’ ‘gro’i dbang bzhi’i zab lam); Mahāmāyā; the Profound Activity of Guru Yoga (bla ma’i rnal ‘byor zab las ma); the Three Cycles of Visualization from the Perspective of the Protectors of the Three Families (rigs gsum mgon po’i sgo nas dmigs pa skor gsum);148 the Personal Instructions on the Special

Avalokiteśvara Meditation (khyad par spyan ras gzigs sgom pa’i man ngag); the Knot of Precious Jewels (rin po che’i rgya mdud ma); and the Vajra Verses. Namkha Gyaltsen seems less concerned to demonstrate the authoritative transmission of other teachings, using less emphatic language to mention that Mañjughoṣa of Stod sde and Grol sde rgyal ba’i ‘byung gnas were among the sixteen recipients of Machik’s oral transmission of the infinitely scattered Cavernous Instructions of the [[[Prajñā]]] Pāramitā (pha rol phyin pa la khog phug pa’i gdams pa kha ‘thor ba’i mtha’ yas pa gcig).

Namkha Gyaltsen then discusses Machik’s son Grubpa, who visited her because of faith due to conditions at the time he reached the age of forty-two: “Machik, having seen that the time had come to discipline [him], gave him instruction. Having taken the lay precepts, he was given thams cad thod smyon gyis thugs su chud par byas” (Lab sgron 1974, 83.2). 148 Namely, Avalokiteśvara, Manjuśrī, and Vajrapāṇi.

the name of Gyalwa Dondrup. When he reached forty-eight, he attained spiritual accomplishment.” He taught in many spontaneous ways, including speeches, songs and so forth. Gyalwa Dondrup had two sons: the eldest was a householder known as Tshangs dbang rgyal, and the youngest took monastic vows and was called Khams bu ya le. Tshangs dbang rgyal had three sons: the eldest was Dam pa ston chung, and the youngest one was Skye med ‘od gsal chen po. The middle one was renowned as Tönyon Samdrub. Namkha Gyaltsen records the significance of the name of Tönyon Samdrub’s daughter: because she was born on an occasion when he was involved in a dispute and was unable to formulate a response to his unnamed opponent, she was called Lan thog ma (“Lightning response”). Lan thog ma was considered an emanation of Machik, and she was renowned for spreading the teaching of Mahāmudrā Chöd and expanding its lineage.

Whereas Namkha Gyaltsen is concerned with charting how the teachings passed from Machik to her community of Dharma descendants, Shes par ‘bum tries to legitimate Chöd by establishing formal lineages that reach back to Śākyamuni. Shes par ‘bum also tries more clearly to identify and distinguish teachings associated with the Sūtra, Mantra/Tantra and Unified teachings of Chöd. If the interpolation by Shes par ‘bum was in fact (as it appears) composed later than Namkha Gyaltsen’s commentary, it indicates an increasing formalization in the legitimation of Chöd lineage traditions.

B. The Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po)

The earliest extant source that features the explicit characterization of Chöd lineages as “Male” (“pho”) and “Female” (“mo”) is The Blue Annals, the Chos ‘byung by the 15th century Karma Kagyü scholar Gö Lotsawa Zhonnupel. In contrast with the emphasis on the categories of “Sūtra,” “Tantra,” and “Union” lineages of Chöd in the Rnam bshad texts, as noted above, The

Blue Annals employs classifications of “Pho (“Male”) Chöd” and “Mo (“Female”) Chöd.” In this source, the lineage of Chöd teachings that Machik received depends on whether one reads the section on Pho Chöd or Mo Chöd. Gö Lotsawa posits that the secret precepts of the Male Chöd system were passed from Padampa Sangyé to Sönam Lama and Sma ra ser po of the Yar klungs region, while Female Chöd was transmitted by Machik Labdrön. Texts which include a Mo Chöd lineage tend to emphasize that Padampa Sangyé directly transmitted Chöd teachings to Machik; texts which do not foreground the connection between the two also do not distinguish a lineage of Mo Chöd.

According to the discussion of the Pho Chöd lineage, one can trace the following. Sma ra ser po (aka Ram par ser po of Yar klungs) (A1) received the teachings from Padampa Sangyé (A) and committed them to writing. They were entitled “Khrul tshogs drug pa,” (or Brul tshogs, Six Groups of Precepts of Chöd);149 Sma ra ser po did not commit the verbal precepts to writing. He refrained from teaching these and constantly practiced the method of Vajravārahī of Ha bu, as well as that of Chöd. In old age, Sma ra ser po bestowed the Chöd teachings on his attendant Smyon pa be re (or Be re smyon pa) (A1a), but he requested that the latter not pass them on to others. However, eventually Smyon pa be re transmitted the gzhung brul tshogs drug (the six groups of texts on Chöd), along with the introduction and precepts,150 to (Ri khrod) Phug ston (A1b). Phug ston later taught three of the Brul tshogs in Phu tang; Śa ston rdo ‘dzin (A1b1) received these teachings at this time. He also transmitted the Brul tsho drug to an unnamed Khampa scholar (A1b2), whose yogin-copyist wrote them down.

149 As I have noted elsewhere and confirmed with Dan Martin, physical copies of these Khrul or Brul tshogs teachings by Padampa do not seem to exist any longer, nor are the oral teachings transmitted. 150 This seems to have been done with some reluctance, since the Blue Annals records the following scenario after Phug ston made his request for the Chöd teachings to Smyon pa be re: “The bla-ma Be-re sMyon-pa said: ‘No one knows that I possess this doctrine! Did a demon tell it to you?’ Again he asked: ‘Do you really intend practising it?’—‘Yes, I want to practise it!’” (Roerich 1976, 998).

Rog Śes rab ‘od learned of the existence of the Brul tsho drug teachings from the yogincopyist and understood that they originated with Phug ston. Upon receiving a request for the teachings from Rog Śes rab ‘od (A1b3), Phug ston gave him the first section of teachings; however, Rog Śes rab ‘od wondered if this was the complete teaching and asked Phug ston if there were more teachings. Phug ston told him that there were more teachings, but that because he had not disclosed more than three sections to Śa ston Rdo ‘dzin at Phu thang, he did not want to upset Śa ston by giving Rog Śes rab ‘od additional teachings. Phug ston’s reason for not giving the complete transmission to Śa ston was that others in his community did not

appropriately appreciate their teacher and only cared for the texts. Rog Śes rab ‘od beseeched Phug ston for the complete teachings, and Phug ston relented, transmitting the Brul tsho drug pa teachings together with the oral precepts, along with the demand that Rog Śes rab not commit them to writing. It is said that Phug ston decided to pass along the teachings when he realized that Rog Śes rab ‘od would benefit all sentient beings. These teachings were then passed from Rog Śes rab ‘od to Sum ston ras pa (A1b3a), who passed them to Bla ma gnyan ston (A1b3a1). Phug ston also transmitted the Brul tsho drug pa teachings to a daughter, Skal ldan (A1b4). She taught them to Gtsang ston skyi tshang ba (A1b4a), who passed them to Gnyan ston (A1b4a1). Gnyan ston transmitted them to a nephew Chos sdings pa dar ma shes rab (A1b4a1a), who then passed them to Sgrig ston sangs rgyas (A1b4a1a1).

At this point, The Blue Annals notes that Sum ston ras pa (aka Bsod nam shes rab) (A1b4a1a1a)151 bestowed the transmissions on Sangs rgyas ston pa (aka Brtson ‘grus seng ge) (A1b4a1a1a1). The transmissions were then passed from Sangs rgyas ston pa to Mkhas btsun Gzhon nu grub (A1b4a1a1a1a). According to the Deb sngon, the lineage then continued and 151 It is not explicitly stated that Sum ston ras pa received the Pho Chöd teachings from Sgrig ston sangs rgyas; however, given the logic of transmission lineages, this would only be worthwhile for Gö Lotsawa Zhonnupel to note as a continuation of an unbroken lineage.

spread widely. The author states that he has only recorded the life stories of those whom he met. Another lineage that arises from Padampa Sangyé (A) according to the Deb sngon is a transmission received by Skyo Śākya ye shes (A2) (and two children with leprosy entrusted to the latter who were cured through practicing these teachings); after some time, afraid that the lineage might come to an end, Skyo Śākya ye shes bestowed the teachings on his nephew Sönam Lama (A2a) and later became a teacher of Machik.152

The discussion of the Mo Chöd lineage in The Blue Annals is somewhat ambiguous and seems to suggest, rather than establish, the transmission of Chöd teachings from Padampa Sangyé to Machik Labdrön: it does not explicitly discuss such a transmission.153 Gö Lotsawa Zhonnupel seems more interested in tracing the lineage that descends from Machik than explicitly establishing Machik’s precedents. Perhaps because his project of historicizing Chöd is only one part of his comprehensive project of reconstructing Dharma associations in Tibet, Gö Lotsawa is not particularly concerned with legitimating the lineage.154

152 However, other sources suggest that Sönam Lama received the teachings directly from Padampa. 153 At the beginning of the discussion of the Mo Chöd lineage in The Blue Annals, there is mention of a transmission

given by Padampa to a person named “Ma jo mchod gnas ma”: “Padampa gave Ma jo mchod gnas ma three heartfelt words, by which she obtained liberation. It is actually the case that she was liberated by these words just as it is said. Because she was a natural yoginī, many distinct instructions originated [with her].” [“dam pa sangs rgyas kyi

gsung gis yar glungs rog pa sar ma jo mchod gnas ma la snying gtam tshig gsum byas pas mo des grol / zhes gsungs pa ltar rang snyid [should read “snying”] des grol ba yin mod kyi / ‘di rang bzhin gyi rnal ‘byor ma yin pas ‘phral gyi gdams pa’ang mang du byung ba yin no” (‘Gos lo tswa ba Gzhon nu dpal 2003, 1141)]. This account is also given in the Mkhas pa’i dga’ ston. If this is the case, it might be to make a direct connection between Padampa and

Machik, while acknowledging that the transmission was not conventional. However, “Ma jo mchod gnas ma” could also refer to another of Padampa’s students, Ma jo byang chub of upper Gnyal, but there would be even less textual

connection between Padampa and Machik if this were the case. Gö Lotsawa Zhonnupel, in the context of discussing Padampa’s visit to Tibet, when he was encircled by four black birds which transformed into four ḍākinīs—Labsgron of Gye, Ma jo byang chub of upper Gnyal, Zang mo rgyal mthing of Gtsang, and Smyon ma of Lha sa—goes on to discuss the latter two briefly, but seems to ignore Ma jo byang chub. Kollmar-Paulenz (1993, 228) has charted

an elaborate “Mo gcod” lineage from her own reading of the Deb ther sngon po; however, I have not been able to retrace her steps confidently based on my own reading of this text. 154 Drapa Hagtön is only mentioned in the Deb ther sngon po (in a lineage from Machik to her sons) and in the colophon of The Great Speech Chapter as a recipient of aural teachings.

C. Ring brgyud gsol ‘debs lineage list

The Ring brgyud kyi gsol ‘debs ma gcig gis mdzad par ban sgar ‘jam dpal bzang pos kha bskang ba ldeb155 is a practice text invoking the recipients of a transmission of Chöd teachings. It was composed in the 15th century by Ban sgar ‘Jam dpal bzang po, a student of Mthong ba don ldan (the sixth Karmapa) and teacher of Chos grags rgya mtsho (the seventh Karmapa).156 This text is particularly important for my present study, as it traces a Chöd lineage that is transmitted through holders of the Karmapa title, establishing the key Chöd connection between Machik and Rangjung Dorjé. Unlike the Rnam bshad texts and The Blue Annals, the Ring brgyud gsol ‘debs does not classify its lineage according to a particular category such as “Male lineage,” “Union lineage,” or one of the other popular categories of Chöd lineages. It is also distinct in that it takes care to identify locations for many of the transmissions.

The Ring brgyud gsol ‘debs transmission list of Chöd originates with Bhagavan Śākyamuni at Vulture Peak and continues to Mañjuśrī on the Lion’s Seat. From Mañjuśrī, the teachings were passed to Āryadeva in his grass hut in India, then to Padampa Sangyé at Langkhor Dingri (Glang ‘khor Ding ri) in Latö (La stod), and then to Machik Labdrön at her retreat in Zangri Khangmar (Zangs ri Mkhar dmar). This is one of the earliest instances of a text making a direct connection between Padampa Sangyé and Machik Labdrön in the context of Chöd transmissions; as we have seen, texts such as The Blue Annals are more ambiguous about the direct receipt of Chöd teachings by Machik from Padampa Sangyé. According to the Ring brgyud, Machik passed the teachings to Kham bu ya le157 at a Severe158 Charnel Ground Retreat, 155 Included in The Treasury of Instructions.

156 Although it is attributed to a 15th-century author, the lineage list it presents continues several centuries beyond Ban sgar ‘Jam dpal bzang po. I do not know of previous discussions of the lineage list, including in Kollmar- Paulenz.

and the transmission then continued to Dznyā na (Jñāna) dzwa la159 in the land of Turquoise.160 The lineage continues to the Great One (chen po) of Sky Lake161 on an island in Sky Lake.162 At this point the Chöd transmission enters the Karma Kagyü lineage, with Rangjung Dorjé receiving the transmission from the Great One of Sky Lake while at a pilgrimage place in Tsurphu Valley. Rangjung Dorjé is then responsible for passing along the teaching to his student G-yung ston chen po,163 in the Display of Self-Generating Equanimity, who then passes the teaching to his own student, the Fourth Karmapa, Rol pa rdo rje,164 in the Palace of Unelaborated Reality. The next figure in this transmission lineage is an individual about whom little is known, Ri khrod dbang phyug;165 we are told that he received the teachings while at the Victorious Inner Abode Charnel Grounds,166 which might be a reference to Gnas nang ri khrod, one of the ten charnel grounds at the Geluk Se ra byes institution. From Ri khrod dbang phyug the lineage continues to Mkha’ spyod dbang po,167 the Second Zhwa dmar in the Karma Kam tshang tradition, in the Maṇḍala of Victory over Appearances and Existents. The transmission lineage passes from the

157 Revised from Kham bu la ye (P3315), a student of ‘Jam dbyang mgon po and teacher of Thod smyon la ston. 158 Reading “gnyan sa” for “gnyen sa.”

159 Thus far I have been unable to identify this figure with any confidence. 160 TBRC P10180 lists a Lam ‘bras master, (Mi nyag) Pra dznyA dzwa la, b. 12th c. TBRC P5293 is for (Khri thang) DznyA na, 11th c.

161 Thus far I have been unable to identify this figure with any confidence.

162 Possibly a large lake northwest of Lhasa, otherwise known as “Tengri Nor.”

163 P1454, 1284-1365, a student of Rangjung Dorjé and teacher of Rol pa rdo rje.

164 P1456, 1340-1483: Karmapa IV.

165 P7850, n.d.

166 If this is a reference to one of the ten charnel grounds (Gnas nang ri khrod) at Se ra byes, then this figure might be Geluk; or it might just be that the area was not dominated by Geluk at his/her time. 167 P1413, 1350-1405.