Ninth Century Buddhist Images Carved at lDan Ma Brag to Commemorate Tibeto-Chinese Negotiations

by Amy Heller

First published in Kværne, P. (ed.), Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th International Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, Oslo (The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture), 1994, vol.1, pp.335-49 & Appendix to Volume 1, pp.12-19.

lDan ma brag has long been famous in Tibetan history as a place visited by the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu while en route to Lhasa in 641 A.D. for her marriage to btsan po Srong btsan sgam po. At this site, she is said to have built a statue of a Buddha, accompanied by inscribed prayers. Since the eleventh century, several Tibetan historians discussed these events, and identified the image as Maitreya, although one identified it as Vairocana; the

height of the image was given variously as seven, eleven, or eighty cubits 1. Indeed, the latter is the size of Maitreya himself according to Sanskrit and Pali texts, which lead to construction of colossal statues of Maitreya on borders from Afghanistan to Central Asia to China to show the conquest of the country by the Buddhist faith. Accordingly, the carvings at lDan ma brag would indicate the conversion of the Tibetans to Buddhism, and their association

with Wencheng Gongzhu would reflect the instrumental role she is traditionally assigned by Tibetan Buddhist historians. In 1986, a group of early ninth century inscriptions and monumental Buddhist images were discovered at a site called lDan ma brag. According to the inscriptions, these were carved to

commemorate contemporary Tibeto-Chinese negotiations. By virtue of the inscribed date and artists' names, the images are the most ancient dated examples of Tibetan art known at present. While it remains to be determined whether the site now called lDan ma brag has any relevance to the place visited by

Wencheng Gongzhu, the rock carvings and inscriptions provide significant new information. The carvings are located at approximately longitude 97.50, latitude 30.50, in the Kham region of eastern Tibet. The name of the rock is lDan ma brag; the site is few kilometers outside the town of Byams mdun, in

the Brag g.yab ("Dagyab") province, some 220 kilometers southeast of Chab mdo. The rock face is recessed from the rest of the cliff. The carvings previously escaped attention because they were concealed. During the twentieth century, a stupa served as cover until 1954, when local Tibetans built a new

temple to preserve them. This was demolished post-1959. In 1983, Nyima Dorjee, a Tibetan historian native to Brag g.yab, and his wife, Elizabeth Bernard, visited the site and realized its importance. Dorjee encouraged the local Tibetans to dig further, whereupon the four inscriptions at the base of the

images were revealed. As an appendix to this article, the reader will find the full text of the inscriptions, and proposed English translations, which have benefited from generous criticism by Samten Karmay and H.E. Richardson. These explicitly date the images as follows:

In the summer of the monkey year (804 or 816 A.D.) during the reign of btsan po Khri sde srong btsan, ...at the beginning of treaty negotiations with the Chinese... these prayers and images (were made) for the spiritual benefit of the Sovereign btsan po and the merit of all sentient beings... (5).

In addition, the historical inscription provides names of the Tibetan negotiators: the famous monk minister Bran ka Yon tan, chief minister (blon chen) 'Bro Khri gzhu ram shags and interior minister (nang blon) Dba's Khri sum bzher mdo brtsan. The prayer inscription was initially identified as an excerpt

from the 'Phags pa bzang po spyod pai smon lam, but this is subject to doubt. The fourth inscription, apparently contemporary with the others, describes offerings to Tibetan deities termed sku bla and ma gnyan po, which raise questions relevant to the persistence of the sacred cults of the btsan po and his protective deities at this date7. In addition are found the name of the principal donor, the Tibetan Ye shes dbyangs, and names of six craftsmen, Tibetan

and Chinese, who collaborated on the carvings. Before discussing the images in detail, a brief review of the historic context of these negotiations will better enable us to assess their significance in the political history of the Yarlung dynasty. After the treaty of 783, frequent armed hostilities characterized Tibeto-Chinese relations; these persisted in the early ninth century when btsan po Khri lde srong btsan (alias Sad na legs) assumed power.

There were negotiations in 804/805, interrupted by the death of the Emperor Te tsung (780-805); subsequently the throne was occupied for six months by Shun tsung (805) and after the latter's abdication, Hsien tsung became Emperor (805-820). On each of these occasions, several official missions were exchanged between the two countries, and also an amnesty was granted to the war prisoners. As summarized by J. Kolmas, "These manifestations of mutual respect and

understanding had the beneficial effect of the gradual removal of the previous feelings of hostility. Negotiations were begun roughly from the end of the first decade and resumed sporadically several times"9. Subsequently, the most important Tibeto-Chinese treaty of the Yarlung dynasty was concluded in 821/822 during the reign of Ral-pa can, Sad na legs' successor10. In hommage to the preliminary negotiations leading to this treaty, the lDan ma brag images and inscriptions were carved.

I. The image of Vairocana (plate 1)

In the center of the cliff is a rectangular low relief carving dominated by a crowned Buddha (height 192 cm, width 152 cm) inside an arch, seated on a

lotus pedestal supported by two lions. On both sides, in vertical rows eight figures measure 70-90 cm each in height11. The total measurement of the entire composition would be approximately 400 cm x 400 cm. Although it is difficult to see much detail from the photograph, it is possible to identify the central figure as a form of Vairocana Buddha, accompanied by eight Bodhisattvas. This representation of Vairocana may be stylistically related in many respects to

paintings from Dunhuang, executed during the Tibetan occupation between 781 and 848 A.D. The jeweled canopy is very similar to several examples found at Dunhuang in contemporary paintings which combine Chinese and Tibetan treatment of line and form12. The Buddha in this rock carving is not represented in typical Chinese fashion. Rather than the Chinese conventions for head with squared face and jaw inside a circular halo, here a broad forehead contrasts

with the triangular jawline. The halo has a pointed apex, accentuated by painted bands of color. The eyes appear long and narrow rather than round, the thin brows only slightly arched. It is impossible to see sufficient detail in the crown, but immediately above the forehead, a plain narrow band terminates in a rosette at right. At one side of the face, an earring hangs at chin level. The somewhat shortened arms and

elongated legs are perfectly smooth, lacking any muscular exertion. The waist is narrow. The shoulders appear naturalistic, but the garment which covers the shoulders and torso accentuates their breadth. This garment would appear to be the distinctive element of this image. From the fourth to eighth centuries, crowned Buddhas or Bodhisattvas wearing a sleeveless garment, slipped over the head and covering the chest and abdomen, are found in Central

Asia13. In the D. Rockefeller Collection, New York, a brass image of a Buddha (attributed to Kashmir or Gilgit), wearing a jeweled and fringed three pointed cape is approximately contemporary with the Byams mdun Vairocana14. In the rock carving, the garment rises stiffly above each shoulder to triangular points. Wide scallops delineate the edge of the fabric. Rather than a single point directed towards the abdomen, the front of the garment

separates into three sections from which tassels hang. This garment may also be compared to the ornamental cloth collars of Tibetan royal figures, now placed over the clay images of Srong btsan sgam po and his wives in the Potala Palace as well as on other particularly sacred images15. A similar collar is used for Tibetan religious dance costumes (plate 2)16. When the custom of such collars became common in Tibet is not known at present. The history of this

costume has not been studied, although it has been linked to the "cloud collar" pattern due to the scalloped edge17. The motif of the "cloud collar" became popular in China where it is found in Yuan garments and porcelain18. However in the absence of detail photographs, at present any analysis of the lDan ma brag garment remains tentative. No additional clothing can be discerned. This would indicate that Chinese stylistic conventions to portray Buddha in

voluminous folds of monastic robes have not been followed, and upon closer inspection, an Indian dhoti would probably be visible at the thighs. The legs and feet are presented in full lotus position (vajra paryanka āsana) with the soles of both feet upturned. The lotus pedestal is composed in two levels. The upper section has one layer of large, rounded petals, the lower portion presents a single layer of almost flat petals, symmetrically aligned about the

circular medallion at the top of the thick lotus stem. A lion is present on both sides of the stem. The lions' stance has the rearlegs bent and close to the body, while the forelegs are extended. The lions' heads face front but the bodies are in profile. The head and mane rest directly on the torso, there is seemingly no neck. It would appear that the lion has a wing extending from the haunch. This is a convention found in a contemporary Dunhuang document

now in the collections of the Musée Guimet19. It is useful to compare the stance of these lions with the monumental stone lions (plate 3) in the valley of the tombs of the Tibetan btsan po20. If presumed to date from the construction of the tombs21, these would have been carved ca. 790 - 840. The position of the legs is the same. The close-up photograph reveals that the tomb lion has no wings, but instead the tail is curved from between the legs and diagonally

carved in extension along the flank. In the lDan ma brag carving, in fact it is also the tail which extends beyond the lion's haunch, there is no wing. The mane of the tomb lions clings to the head in flat controlled curls. The mane of the lion in the Byams mdun carving is also curled, but it cannot be sufficiently seen to afford comparison. Although the bodies of the eight attendants are only partially visible, several points are significant. The

composition is symmetrical, four Bodhisattvas to each side, and apsara at the upper level of the canopy above the arch. The halo and mandorla of the attendants follow the same form as the central image, the Chinese circular model of halo is absent from this composition. Several of the figures appear to sit frontally, but at least two may have the body turned towards

the central Buddha. It would seem that the topmost figure at the viewer's right is portrayed kneeling towards Vairocana; two broad bands of a dhoti delineate the waist. The hands seem pressed together in a form of the gesture of offering (añjali mudrā). At shoulder level, two small triangles extend, visible both on this Bodhisattva and on the facing Bodhisattva on the other side of Vairocana. These small triangles painted in a different color

correspond to the triangular sections of the rear of the throne22. The crown of this Bodhisattva appears to have several triangular ornaments but this impression may be due to paint loss. Directly beneath this Bodhisattva is another, seated frontally with legs crossed at the ankles. The third Bodhisattva in this row also appears to have the body turned towards Vairocana. The lowest Bodhisattva has lost all paint, yet it may be most clearly seen. The head is tilted with its back towards Vairocana while the torso swings slightly to the right. This position breaks the frontality of the composition.

II. The Iconography for Vairocana

The Indian texts of Sādhanamālā typically list iconography for Vairocana Buddha in one-head, two-armed form, stipulating white body color and the gesture of teaching (dharmacakra) or the bodhyagri mudrā (where the index finger of the right hand is clasped by the left hand, closed in a fist)23. In Tibet several two-armed forms holding a round golden ornament have also been identified24. Indeed, the wheel or disc is recognized as the emblem of Vairocana. In the Byams mdun rock carving, the hands appear empty, joined together in a form of the gesture of meditation (samādhi or dhyāna mudrā). The iconography of this Buddha corresponds closely to that described in several texts of the class of the Caryatantra25: the Abhisambodhi Vairocana is a crowned Buddha with

one face, his hair in braids and chignon, the body color of gold, adorned with jewelery, wearing silken garments, having two hands in dhyāna mūdra, here termed dharmadhātu mudrā (chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya). In this gesture, the hands are empty, palms one above the other, with the thumbs touching at fingertips. Vairocana sits in meditation, his legs are crossed in full lotus position. He is seated on a lotus cushion rising from a lion throne,

surrounded by several Bodhisattvas. The total number of attendants is not specified26. The lDan dkar ma library catalogue lists several texts for this form of Vairocana, so it is certain that these had already been translated into Tibetan during the reign of Khri srong lde btsan long before the carving of the Byams mdun images27. It seems quite probable that the ninth century artists were following the description for this form of Vairocana, with paint loss

accounting for the body color. The reader is referred to plate 4 for a Tibetan drawing which may also represent Abhisambodhi Vairocana28. There are at least two alternative iconographic identifications which merit consideration. As mentioned earlier, the local name for the rock is lDan ma brag. In Tibetan historical accounts which refer to lDan ma brag, it is said that Wencheng Gongzhu stopped there while en route to Tibet to marry Srong btsan sgam po, and

she had built a giant image, either identified as Maitreya or Vairocana (cf. supra). The name of the nearest village to this rock is Byams mdun, which translates ‘in front of Maitreya’, or poetically ‘in the presence of Maitreya’, and the small sanctuary near the rock carving is called ‘Maitreya temple’ due to its important image of Maitreya,

now half destroyed29. However, the Buddha carved in the rock does present iconographic similarity with one form of Maitreya. In two texts, Maitreya serves as attendant in the close entourage of Vairocana, and he is to be represented ‘identical with’ Vairocana - but Vairocana in these cases has a white body, three faces and six hands, one of which holds the wheel emblem30. According to Bhattacharyya, Maitreya as represented with two hands in Indian sculpture

often shows the dharmacakra gesture, which could also lead to confusion with some forms of Vairocana, but usually Maitreya has a stupa in his crown. Bhattacharyya also describes Maitreya ‘seated with legs interlocked’ and yellow or golden body31. If not holding the usual attributes of vase or flowers, or lacking the stupa decoration in his crown, understandably this might lead to some confusion with Abhisambodhi Vairocana - particularly if the latter is

represented without his entourage32. Another possible identification would be Amitābha, often represented in monastic robes, showing dhyāna mūdra. Indeed, the eight Bodhisattva are not exclusively associated with Vairocana, and notably in other Tibetan texts, they are associated with Amitābha/Amitāyus. Among the paintings recovered from Dunhuang, the British Museum possesses an example previously identified as Amitābha accompanied by the eight Bodhisattvas

(plate 5)33. This painting has several inscribed cartouches written in Tibetan, and is believed to have been painted during the Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang. In many respects, the iconography and composition of this representation are virtually identical with the lDan ma brag Vairocana. Beneath a canopy, the gold-color Buddha is crowned, hair in braids, dressed in dhoti and adorned with jewelery, his hands in dhyāna mūdra; the eight Bodhisattva

surround the Buddha in two rows of four. The costumes of the Dunhuang scroll are inspired by Indian garments. The lotus pedestal and lion throne beneath the central figure are quite similar to the lDan ma brag carving. Two distinguishing factors for Amitābha, the peacock vehicle and the color red, are notably absent from the Dunhuang painting. Although no certain identifications may be made of the eight Bodhisattva surrounding the Buddha of the rock

carving, in the light of the iconographic information presented here, the question may be raised whether the two compositions indeed represent a particular treatise then popular, associating the eight Bodhisattva with Vairocana. In addition to the Tibetan representations, Chinese, Central Asian, and Indian examples34 of this iconography have been identified, all firmly dated (by virtue of excavation) to the eleventh century or earlier35 (plates 6 and 7).

III. The Cult of Vairocana

Relatively little is known about the cult of the eight Bodhisattva in early ninth century Tibet, but the importance attributed to Vairocana by the early Tibetan kings has been documented as of the eighth century by H.E. Richardson. In his recent study of this cult, he determines its popularity in Tibet due to the number of documents from Dunhuang including hymns in praise of Vairocana, the tantra in his name and a description of his iconography36. The tantra

dedicated to Abhisambodhi Vairocana is perhaps better known by its title in the Sino-Japanese tradition as the Mahavairocanasūtra. It had been translated from Sanscrit to Chinese in the first quarter of the 8th century; shortly thereafter this and other texts dedicated to Vairocana were translated into Tibetan as attested by the lDan dkar ma catalogue and the colophons of the texts still preserved in the Tibetan canon. Also, in central Tibet, Richardson

has noted the image of Vairocana in the Ramoche temple of Lhasa and the early kings' special reverence for Vairocana. Closer to Byams mdun, some fifteen kilometers south of Jyekundo, at 'Bis mdo, there are several rock carvings including Vairocana and eight Bodhisattva attendants as well as prayers identified as the bZang spyod. These are attributed by inscription to the same

donor as lDan ma brag, the monk Ye shes dbyangs, in the dog year of the reign of Khri lde srong btsan (806 A.D.) (37). Another group of carvings is found some 100 kilometers north of Jyekundo, at Leb khog. It is said that this group has a considerable number of archaic images and inscriptions, including Maitreya, Vairocana, some animals, quotations from several sūtra, etc. At lDan khog yet another site of rock carvings has been identified with an

inscription attributed to the reign of Khri srong lde btsan38. Clearly adequate photographs are necessary to evaluate all of these sites. The question remains: why Vairocana? Several factors seemingly intertwine. Vairocana's emblem is the wheel, which is referential in Buddhist iconology to two distinct phenomena: Shakyamuni's discourse where he initially ‘set the wheel of dharma in motion’ and the Buddhist legend of the Cakravartin, the wheel-turning

sovereign who establishes social harmony and ensures utopia. This latter role certainly coincided. With the position attributed to the bstan po according to Tibetan royal cults39. In the opinion of H.E. Richardson, it is a "virtual certainty" that the Vairocana cult and representation were imported to Tibet via Dunhuang or "at least in the Dunhuang style from the northeast border of China"40. Another import from this region was the very popular Avatamsaka sūtra of which the Gandavyūha sūtra is the last chapter41. This cycle may bear some relation to the contents of the prayer inscription carved in the rock. Were it to be the bZang spyod, which concludes the Gandavyūha sūtra, there would be a clear connection to Vairocana's role in this literature as the Supreme Buddha, the Great Illuminator, while Maitreya's role to ensure the entry into the realm of Vairocana is also quite important in this sutra42.

Although the prayer at lDan ma brag is not the bZang spyod, it clearly discusses Buddha-nature in terms which relate to the teachings within the Gandavyuha cycle where Buddha-nature is expressed as an innate spark of Buddhahood in each sentient being43. The great popularity of these teachings in Central Asia and China was partially connected with a correlation to Confucian stress on innate goodness, epitomized in the emperor as ideal ruler, while in Tibet,

these ideals link with the cults of the btsan po as guarantor of prosperity and human justice. To conclude, for the residents of Byams mdun, it is clear that the statues and inscriptions carved at lDan ma brag in honor of the treaty negotiations in the early ninth century correspond to those mentioned in Tibetan historical literature as constructed by Wencheng Gongzhu. Once the inscriptions were concealed, the people associated the monumental rock carving

with an illustrious and portentous moment in Tibetan history, while the negotiations leading to the Tibeto-Chinese treaty of 821/22 were obscure. It remains to be determined if at this site there had earlier been a Maitreya statue and inscription quoting the bZang spyod, possibly later replaced by the present carvings during the ninth century. One cannot say at present if there is any historic basis for the attribution of a statue to Wencheng Gongzhu, or

even if she visited this site. Nonetheless, the inscriptions now revealed at lDan ma brag provide significant information for political history and raise questions concerning the religious doctrines then taught. From an art historical perspective, it is essential that the other sites mentioned receive adequate photographic documentation, while lDan ma brag should be thoroughly investigated. Pending the results of such investigations on the spot, it must

be emphasized that this Buddha is the oldest image dated by inscription yet found in Tibet - as such it provides a unique document of Tibetan aesthetic sensitivity and carving skills in the early ninth century.

NOTES

1. According to Nyima Dorjee, the carvings are described in Mani bka' bum, Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long, and the Biography of the Third Dalai Lama. Chab spel (1988. "bTsan po’i dus kyi brag brkos yig ris gcig gsar du mtsham sbyor zhus pa", Krung goi bod kyi shes rig 1: 44-53.) provides the exact reference for Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long, p. 122 of the 1981 Beijing edition ( ... dei bar la rgya mo bza’ la sogs pa’i bod blon rnams kyis lDan ma brag rtsar

phebs nas / brag la byams pa khru bdun pa cig dang / bzang spyod gnyis brkos mar bzhengs /. ... ). Cf. fol.100b, Biography of The third Dalai Lama, Lhasa edition (author: The Fifth Dalai Lama, composed in 1646): Chab mdo ba rnams kyis gdan drangs pa’i phebs lam du / rgya mo bza’i phyag bzo las grub pa’i rnam snang gi sku mjal bas / de rnam snang dngos su gyur pa’i dbu gtsug nas ’od zer rnam pa lnga ‘phro ba dang thugs ka nas mgon po gur zhi ba’i chas can gsal bar gzigs. We are indebted to P.K. Sörensen for kindly permitting us to consult his forthcoming book, The Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies, prior to

publication. He provides the following references to lDan ma brag: Mani bka’ ’bum, fol. 128b5: lDan ma brag rtsar brag la rgyas pa’i dbu dum bros mar bzhengs /; bKa'chems ka khol ma (1): fol. 741.3-4. de nas Dza yul thang snar zhabs phab nas brag la rgyas pa’i dbu dum rkos mar bzhengs / der kyang blon po ma byung nas / de nas gDan ma brag rtsar byon nas / byams pa khru bcu [g]cig pa cig bzhengs der byon pa ma byung; bKa'chems ka khol ma(2) p. 185.18-186.1: Khams su lDan ma’i brag sngon rtsi dkar can la rgyas pa’i dbu dum dang / bzangpo spyod pa’i smon lam ’bur du btod pa brkos nas bris; lHo brag chos 'byung, Ja, fol. 32a2-3: Khams su Phebs nas mgar sgug pa’i spyir brag logs la rgyas pa’i dbu dum dang bzang spyod bros / rdo sku khru brgyad bcu pa brkos

Among these sources, it is to be noted that although the construction of the image is attributed to the Chinese princess, the size of the image varies considerably, and all but the Fifth Dalai Lama identify the main image as Maitreya. This is elucidated to some extent in the discussion on iconography (cf. infra), although the present findings indicate that the main image is indeed to be identified as a form of Vairocana. 2. Cf. Williams, P. 1989. Mahāyāna Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, London, pp.228-231. 3. China Daily, August 28, 1986, published a brief article on this discovery, "Cliffs Clue to Tibetan, Han Ties". The inscriptions are first published by Chab spel, 1988. op. cit. Cf. also Richardson, H.E. 1988. "More Early Inscriptions from Tibet", Bulletin of Tibetology 1988 (2):5-7. 4. For description of a visit in 1918, cf. Teichman, E. 1922. Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet,

Cambridge. Phonetics for the name is Draya Jyamdun. However, Teichman did not visit the cliff. Our map is a section of Teichman's map of Eastern Tibet (ibid). 5. The date of the monkey year is either 804 or 816 A.D. if one accepts the reign dates for Sad na legs as 804-817 according to the Tang Annals. Richardson (1985. A Corpus of Early Tibetan Inscriptions, London) mentions negotiations in 804/805 undertaken between btsan po Sad na legs and Emperor Te

tsung prior to his death later that year. In personal communication, however, Richardson stated that he considered 816 as the more likely date because there is no certain evidence that Bran ka dpal gyi yon tan, mentioned in this inscription, was Chief Minister before 808. 6. Chab spel (1988. op. cit.) identified it as such. We are much indebted to Paul Williams for kind verification (personal communication, 24.X.92): ... unfortunately this is not from

the 'Phags pa bzang spyod pa’i smon lam. It is nothing like it ... My guess is that your text is a summary for popular consumption of the basic intention of the Dam pai chos kyi rgyal po theg pa chen po’i mdo (Lhasa: mDo mang Va 1-23 a 6, Stog Palace no. 216). This suggestion is supported by the frequent references in this sūtra to the minds of sentient beings and their relationship to the (aspect of ‘Buddha-nature’) sangs rgyas kyi ngo bo ... (it) is confirmed pretty conclusively by the reference in your text to the Dam

pai chos kyi yi ge, which corresponds to Dam pa’i chos kyi rgyal poi yi ge which we find at the end of our sutra. On the other hand, your text is not, I think, a straightforward quote, and it uses the expression sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin rather than ngo bo. Thus I think your text is a popular statement by a monk (Tibetan or Chinese?) of the intention or purport of this sutra. Cf. Blondeau, A-M. 1976. "Les religions du Tibet" Encyclopédie de la pléïade, Histoire des religions, Paris, vol.III: 233-329, for discussion of summarized or simplified texts used to convert the Tibetans during the Yarlung dynasty.

Cf. also Karmay, S. 1988. The Great Perfection, Leiden, concerning the Tibetan conceptions of 'Buddha-nature' during this period. 7. Cf. notably the detailed study of the sku bla, Macdonald, A. 1971. "Une lecture des P.T.1286, 1287, 1038, 1047 et 1290. Essai sur la formation et l'emploi des mythes politiques dans la religion royale de Srong btsan sgam po", Etudes tibétaines dédiées à la mémoire de Marcelle Lalou, Paris, pp.190-391. More recently, R. A. Stein has examined Tibetan religion at this time in "Tibetica Antiqua IV. La tradition relative au début du bouddhisme au Tibet", BEFEO 75: 169-196. 8.

Among recent studies, cf. Tarthang, T. (ed.) 1986. Ancient Tibet, Berkeley CA. (Dharma Publishing), Richardson 1985 op. cit., and Beckwith, C. 1988. The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia, Princeton N.J. 9. Kolmas, J. 1966. "Four Letters of Po Chu i to the Tibetan Authorities (808-810 A.D.)", ArOr 34: 375-410. 10. The text is recorded on the rdo ring of Lhasa, cf. Richardson 1985 op. cit. pp. 106-143. 11. Dimensions for all figures from China Daily article. 12. Cf. Duan Wenjie (ed.). 1989. Les fresques de Dunhuang, tome 2, Bruxelles, pl.145: "Avalokitesvara muni d'un disque ruyi, grotte no. 14, Dernière période

des Tang." 13. Harle, J.C. 1988. "Some Foreign Elements of Costume and Hair-style in Indian Art", in Gnoli, R.(ed). Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, Roma, 1: 569-578, discusses this garment which he terms a "camail, chasuble", "of Central Asian origin with pan-Asian distribution", and illustrates a 4-5th c. stone Buddha from Taxila, as well as the famous Musée Guimet Bodhisattva from Fondukistan (7-8th c.) Harle also cites Pal, P. 1975. Bronzes of Kashmir, Graz, pl. 16,30,32,36, for later examples. 14. D. Klimburg-Salter has identified this image as "Jeweled Shakyamuni (8th-early 9th c.)"

(1982. The Silk Route and the Diamond Path, Los Angeles). However, this same image is also identified as "Buddha Vairocana in dharmacakramudra (Kashmir, 9th-10th century)" in Huntington, J. 1983. "Three Essays on Himalayan Metal Images", Apollo CXVIII (261): 416-425. We are indebted to Ulrich and Heidi von Schroeder for the information that this garment is to be found on many Hindu-Sahi royal and divine metal images from Kashmir and the Swat Valley as of ninth to eleventh century. The Tibetan custom of placing a cloth over the shoulders might be borrowed from the Kashmiri usage. 15. Cf. Sis, V. and Vanis,

J. 1961. Tibetan Art, London, pl. 57, and Snellgrove, D.L. and Richardson, H.E. 1980. A Cultural History of Tibet, Boulder, p.90 for Srong btsan sgam po. Cf. also Meyer, F. 1987. "The Potala Palace of the Dalai Lamas in Lhasa", Orientations 18/7: 14-33 and fig.30-31. 16. Dance Costume, Collection of The Newark Museum (54.1 Gift of Alice Boney; 11.648, Crane Collection; 48.18, acquired by exchange with American Museum of Natural History). We thank Valrae Reynolds, Curator of the Asian collections, for her generous help. Cf. Reynolds, V. 1978. Tibet a Lost World, Bloomington, p.66, cat. nos. 144-146. 17.

Cf. Olson, E. 1961. Catalogue of the Tibetan Collection of the Newark Museum, vol. IV, Newark, p.40. Olson supplied a name for the garment and translation: Tib. stod g.yogs, literally "upper garment" or Chinese yun chien "cloud-collar". According to Tibetan informants, a more appropriate term would be stod khebs, which H.A. Jäschke (1972 reprint, A Tibetan English Dictionary, London, p.223) defines as "a sort of frill or ruffle of the lamas." Bod rgya tshig mdzod chen mo also lists stod gos (silk shirt). In a short ritual dedicated to this form of Vairocana, composed by Rgyal ba’i ’od (Jayaprabha, P. 3489),

the reading is dar la stod g.yogs dang smad g.yogs can, 'having silk upper garment and trousers.' It is to be noted that the earliest commentary and the tantra do not stipulate specific garments but rather state that Vairocana is to be represented in Bodhisattva form, with crown and jewelery. This description of Vairocana as Bodhisattva implies royal garments not monastic robes. As far as we have been able to determine, the poncho garment appears to be an artistic convention denoting sovereignty. 18. Cf. Harle op. cit. 19. Auboyer, J. and Jéza Berard, R.(ed.) 1976. La route de la soie, Paris, pl.

302, inv. no. MG EO 1174, ninth-century (?), painting on hemp, described as a "winged lion." 20. Photograph courtesy of H. E. Richardson. 21. Cf. Snellgrove and Richardson 1980. op. cit., p.33-48, who assign the lions to the tomb of Ral pa can (reign: 815-836). J. Panglung has published the most detailed study of the royal tombs to date, and described the lions' location as beside the tomb of Khri srong lde btsan (reign: 755-ca. 794 A.D.). Cf. Panglung, J. 1988."Die metrischen Berichte über die Grabmäler der tibetische Könige", in Uebach, H. and Panglung, J. (eds.) Tibetan Studies, Munich,

pp.321-367. 22. It is probable that the site was re-painted and the triangular throne ornaments may be a later embellishment. It is impossible to tell if these triangles are in relief as well as painted. 23. Sadhanamala as translated in Bhattacharyya, B. 1968. The Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta, p.45, 53-54; Mallmann, M. T. 1975. Introduction à l’iconographie du tantrisme bouddhique, Paris, translates additional sections of this as well as text 19 of Nispannayogāvali, viz. the Vajradhātu mandala where Vairocana is white, either with one face and two hands or with four faces and eight hands. Both

Sādhanamālā and Nispannayogāvali anthologies are, however, later than the lDan ma brag carvings. Tucci, G. 1939. Indo-Tibetica, IV/1, Roma, p.119 summarizes iconography for Vairocana listing four forms: 1) white, one face, dharmacakra mudrā; 2) white, four faces and two hands in byang chub mchog (bodhiyagri) mudrā as in the Tattvasamgraha cycle; 3) yellow, one face and hands in samādhi mudrā as in the Vairocanābhisambodhi cycle; 4) white, four faces, two hands in samādhi mudrā as characteristic of the Durgatipariśodhana cycle. 24. Richardson, H.E. 1990. "The Cult of Vairocana in Early Tibet", in

Skorupski,T. (ed) Indo -Tibetan Studies, Tring, pp.271-274. This iconography is also found in a painting from Dunhuang now in Musée Guimet (inv. no. MG 17.780: Vairocana is crowned and dressed in royal garments, gold body color, holding wheel), illustrated in Klimburg-Salter 1982. op. cit., pl. 68. 25. Cf. bSod nams rGya mtsho and Tachikawa, M. 1989. The Ngor Mandalas of Tibet Tokyo, color plate 20: "Rnam snang mngon byang lha brgya dang nyi shu rtsa gnyis kyi dkyil 'khor. 122-deity Abhisambodhi Vairocana Mandala". Cf. also Blo gter dbang po, 1972. rGyud sde kun btus, Delhi, vol. III: 1 - 13. 26. Cf.

Tibetan Tripitaka (Peking edition), Bstan’gyur, vol. 32, texts nos. 3486-349, which include sādhana and commentarial literature by Buddhaguhya and rGyal ba’i ’od The tantra reference is Tohoku 494: rNam par snang mdzad chen po mgnon par rdzogs par byang chub pa rnam par sprul pa byin gyis r1obs pa shin tu rgyas pa’i mdo sde’i rgyal po zhes bya ba. A.Wayman has informed us that Buddhaguhya's commentary was translated into Tibetan ca. 760-70, while the tantra was only translated by Silendrabodhi and dPal brtsegs ca. 775. Cf. Wayman, A. 1992 The Enlightenment of Vairocana, New Delhi. The source of the sample

description is Peking text no. 3489, rNam snang kyi sgrub pa’i thabs kyi cho ga, fol. 359 b- 362 a (author: rGyal ba’i ’od), as well as Buddhaguhya's principal commentary. In this commentary and ritual, the name of mudrā is chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya, while Wayman found elsewhere chos kyi dbyings kyi stong pa nyid kyi phyag rgya (his translation: dharmadhātu ākāśa mudrā), rendered as ‘space mudra’ in his recent book. On Buddhaguhya, cf. Lo Bue, E. 1987. "The Dharmamandala sutra by Buddhaguhya" Orientalia Iosephi Tucci Memoriae Dicata, 2:787-818. Cf. Lalou, M. 1953, "Les textes bouddhiques au temps du

roi Khri srong lde brtsan," Journal Asiatique, nos. 321-322, no.609 for another text written by rGyal ba’i ’od. 27. Lalou 1953. ibid., p.326. 28. Collection of the Newark Museum, W. Clark Symington Bequest Fund. Previously identified as Amitabha, cf. Reynolds, V., A.Heller, and J.Gyatso, 1986. Catalogue of the Newark Museum Tibetan Collection, vol. III: Sculpture and Painting, Newark N.J. This drawing is part of the contents of a chorten, radio-carbon dated to 1230 A.D. Although this is an ink drawing on paper, lacking all color, the identification as Abhisambodhi Vairocana is proposed due to the

Buddha's mudra, crown, garments and jewelery, and stance on the lotus cushion. 29. Personal communication from Nyima Dorjee. 30. Mallmann 1975 op. cit., p.246. 31. Bhattacharyya 1968 op. cit., p.88. However, no specific text is quoted for this description. 32. Cf. Klimburg-Salter 1982 op. cit., pl. 57, and 1989. The Kingdom of Bamiyan, Rome, pl. 43, for the discussion of a Dunhuang drawing said to portray Maitreya represented with one head, two hands in chos kyi dbyings kyi phyag rgya, crown and jewelery, vajrasana. This identification as Maitreya is

determined by virtue of a small stupa above the crown, in the apex of the nimbus. Rather than a lion beneath the lotus cushion, there is a dragon. 33. Collection of the British Museum. We thank Anne Farrar, Assistant Keeper, for her assistance. This scroll is also illustrated in black and white in Yoritomi, M. 1990. "An Iconographic Study of the Eight Bodhisattvas in Tibet", in Skorupski, T. (ed.), 1990, op. cit., pp.323-332. Yoritomi cites this painting by a Japanese reference which corresponds to Whitfield, R. 1982. The Art of Central Asia in the Stein Collection of the British Museum, Tokyo,

where it is possible to see a color representation of this painting. Were the Buddha's body red and were the Buddha dressed in monastic robes, then the identification as Amitabha would be conclusive. However, the body color is golden, the lion throne is clear, the mudrā and stance and garments also correspond to the iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana. In the light of information presented here on the iconography of Abhisambodhi Vairocana we therefore propose to identify the Buddha of the Dunhuang scroll as Vairocana rather than Amitabha. 34. For a Central Asian example, cf. Klimburg-Salter

1982. op. cit. pl. 54, Traveling Shrine in wood, now in the collection of the Nelson Gallery, Atkins Museum of Fine Art, Kansas City, MO. We are indebted to K. Tanaka for two references to Abhisambodhi Vairocana surrounded by eight Bodhisattva: one mural painting from An-xi (Gansu), Yu-lin caves, displaying the 'cloud collar', crown, chignon and braids, jewelery, mudra and lion throne, estimated date late Tang dynasty (plate 6, previously published in Anonymous, 1990. Chugoku-Sekkutsu, Tokyo), and the statue from Ratnagiri (tenth century), analysed by the late Dr. Sawa, 1988. Mikkyo-bijyutsu-no-genxo,

Kyoto. A notable 15th century Tibetan representation is the gilt copper Vairocana in the eastern temple of the bum pa level at Gyantse, cf. Lo Bue, E. and Ricca, F. 1990. Gyantse Revisited, Firenze, pl. 27. 35. We thank Ulrich von Schroeder for this photograph from Ratnagiri, Orissa, India (plate 7). Cf. Mitra, D. 1983. Ratnagiri, New Delhi, pl. 260 and p.314. 36. Richardson 1990. op. cit., p.272. 37. H. E. Richardson kindly sent us this article: gNya' gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and Padma 'Bum, 1988. "Yul Shul khul gyi bod btsan po’i skabs kyi rten yig brag brkos ma 'ga’", Krung go Bod kyi shes rig, 4:

52-65. Geoffrey Samuel has recently visited this site and taken a videotape of the image and inscriptions. 38. Again we thank H.E. Richardson for the reference: P. Tsering, "Epenkundliche und historische ergebnisse einer reise nach Tibet im jahre 1980", Zentralasiatische Studien, 16-18: 349-504. In a future study we hope to compare several of these ancient Tibetan rock carvings of images and inscriptions. 39. For the definition of the cakravartin, cf. Williams 1989 op. cit. p. 129. On the cult of the btsan po, cf. Macdonald 1971. op. cit. 40. Personal communication, 8.VII.1992. 41. Cf. Cleary, T. 1989.

Entry into the Realm of Reality. A translation of the Gandavyuha, the final book of the Avatamsaka sutra, Boston, pp.387-394. 42. This literature also retained popularity in India. According to S.Lévi (Epigraphia Indica, XV, pp.363-364, quoted by Mitra 1983. op. cit., p.19), in 795 A.D. the king of Orissa presented Emperor Te tsung with a letter accompanied by a manuscript of the Gandavyūha and the vow (i.e. the bZang spyod). The continued importance

attributed to Vairocana in India and Kashmir is also indicated by Rin chen bzang po's translation from Sanskrit of the literature of the Tattvasamgraha cycle as well as a ritual for Abhisambodbi Vairocana (P. 3488). 43. Personal communication from Paul Williams, 24.X.1992. Cf. Williams 1989, op. cit. pp.116-138.

APPENDIX

The Inscriptions of lDan-ma-brag

gi-gu in reverse shown as underlined i modern equivalences by Chab-spel shown in parenthesis ( ) proposed reading by A. Heller shown in brackets [ ] questionable reading noted by Lhasa commission shown { } ... lacuna in text noted by Lhasa commission

The text of the inscriptions is based on the reading quoted by Chab-spel 1988. op. cit. However, since no photographs of the inscriptions have been published, in some cases the readings may be conjectural, whilst in other cases there are lacunae. The translations proposed here remain tentative in view of these factors.

I.

// dam pa'i chos kyi mdo ni/ sems can thams cad la yang sangs rgyas kyi rang bzhin dran zhing shes pa’i sems re re yod de/ sems de ni mkhan-po dang lhas kyang ma byas pha ma las kyang ma skyes/ thog ma’i mtha’ mya’i [myi =mi] rnyed pa nas kyang yong (ye) nas yod/ mthar kyang shing ba’i ma myed par yang my’i 'gyur to/ sems des dge’ ba rgya cher spyad de sems can kun la legs pa byas shing dam pa’i chos byin ba dang/ sems rnam par spyangs pas na/ sangs rgyas dang byang chub sems dpar rgub (sgrub) nas/ skye ba dang rga ba dang na ba dang shi ba las thar te bla na med pa’i bde skyid ba thob bo/ sems des legs nyes ’dran (’dres) mar spyad na lha dang myi’i gnas su skye ’o/ sdig pa dang myi dge’ ba’i las cher spyad pa na/ sdig yul sems cah dmyal ba las rtsogs par skyes te sdug bsngal ba’i nang du rgyun tu 'khor ro/ de bas na bdag gi sems la bla na myed pa'i byang cub [chub] man cad kyang yod/ sems can dmyal ba yeng (yan)

chad kyang yod pa yin no/ dam pa’i chos kyi bdud rtsi myong na sdug bsngal thams cad las thar pa’i sa myod do (myong ngo) yun du bde skyid pa’i gnas myang (kyang) thob pa’i phyi do (phyir ro)/ de bas na sems can la dam pa’i chos gces te/ ma ma chis (mchis) pa myi tung ngo [1tung ngo]/ mdor spros par nyad [snyad] de bdag dang gzhan gyi don la rgyang ring po dang/ ched ka chen po la rtogs nye zhib de dg’ ba’i bshes { } na [dge ba’i bshes gnyen] la dris shig dam pa’i chos kyi yi ge la yang rtogs shig dang khong du chus par 'gyur ro/ : /1

Concerning the Sutra of the noble Dharma, all sentient beings possess a mind for remembering and knowing Buddha-nature. As for this mind, it was not made by a lord (i.e. a creator) or gods, and (it) is not born of a father and mother. Having obtained the hul Dan body, it was there from beginningless time.

Likewise, it will not die at the end. If this mind practices virtue vastly and does things favorable to all, giving noble Dharma and purifying itself, after having liberated itself from birth and old age, illness and death, it will attain supreme happiness, having a Bodhisattva (career) and realizing Buddhahood. If there is practice of virtue and vice alternatively, there is birth in the realms of gods and men. And if the majority of activities are non-virtuous and sinful, there will be birth in hell with continuous suffering. Therefore, in one's mind there is (the seed) of Buddhahood and that of the

beings in hell. If the mind experiences the nectar of the noble Dharma, it will obtain this land of liberation from all suffering and the state of great joy. For this reason, the "sacred law" is to be cherished and it is not appropriate to not have it ( the Dharma ). In short, ask masters for detailed expositions for the sake of oneself and others (even if they are) far away and (enduring) great hardship. The books of the noble Dharma must be learned and we will comprehend them (?).

II. // Spre’u gi lo’i dbyar/ mtsan po [[[btsan po]]] khri sde srong brtsan gyi ring la/ dg’e slong chos dang chab srid kyi bka’ chen po la brags ste/ gser gyi bku rgyal man cad kyi thabs rtsal/ jo mo mchims lta legs mo brtsan la rtsogs pa/ rjes (rje) ’bangs2 mang mo zhig thar par bkyel/ bka’ chen po la gtogs pa’i

dge slong bran ka yon tan dang lho don dam dang blon chen zhang ’bro phri [khri] gzu’ dam (ram) shags… dang nang blon { } blon khri sum bzheng mdo’ brtsan la rtsogs pa/ chab srid la bka’ rtsal te/ rgya dang mjal dus (dam)3 kyi mgo’ brtsams pa’i las la { }4 mkhan bod gor ye shes dbyangs dang/ dg’e slong stag lo gthan te dang/ gad nam ka’i snying po dbyangs kyis/ btshan po’i [[[btsan]] po’i] sku mon [sku yon] dang sems can thams cad kyi bsod nams su/ sku gzugs [=

sku brnyan] dang smon lam ’di rnams bris te/ spyi’i zhing (zhal) ta pa ni/ ’or ngu’i [’o ngu’i]5 gnas brtan/ rlang mchog rab dang/ gnyi bzang po dpal kyis bgyis/ las dpon { } dg’e slong zhe hr’i dg’e slong { } gseng pab shin dang yen dam yes bgyis jo (rdo) mkhan..{ }/ yugs gi nyag bre shab dang shod lags kod (legs kong) dang/ ldum ma ’gam dang rgya hun bong tseng spang (spad) dang/ hva ho’u jin rnams kyi bgyis so / :/ ’di la rjes su yi reng (rang) bas kyang bsod nams mnyam par thob bo/

In the summer of the monkey year during the reign of the btsan po Khri sde srong btsan6. The dge slong having authority over the doctrine and the kingdom7, those holding rank of the golden level8, the lady Queen Legs mo btsan of Mchims9, and others brought deliverance to many subjects. The dge slong holding

high authority Bran ka yon tan10, and Lho don dam11, the great Minister 'Bro khri gzhu ram bshags12 … and the minister of the interior, Khri sum bzheng mdo btsan13, etc. (all these) were appointed to negotiate14. At the beginning of treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese15, the abbot Ye shes dbyangs16 and the monk Stag lo gthan te and Gad Nam ka'i snying po have had these prayers and this image made for the spiritual benefit of the Sovereign btsan po and the prosperity of all sentient beings. As for the supervisors, ’O ngu the cider (v. note 5), Rlang mchog rab and Bzang po dpal did this (work). The foreman

(for construction): the monks called Dge slong Zhe hri, Dge long gseng pab shin and … did this (work). The chief stone-carvers were Yugs Nyag bre shab and Shog legs kong and Ldum ma ’gam, and the Chinese Hun bong tseng spad and Hva ho’u jin17. He who takes pleasure in this (work) will attain equal merit (with those who made it).

III. [shes dbyangs kyis yol dang ’bom dang led { } bi’u du yang rgya-che { } bris so: mkhen ni dge slong ring rdo rjes/]

No translation proposed for Inscription three.

IV. // sku bla dang dang ma gnyan po ’di’ la/ phyag ’tshal zhing mchod pa byas na ji smon to chog’grub cing tshe phyi ma la yang lha yul du skye’o/ kha ngan nam rkyad ka byas na/ ’phral du yang nad la rtsogs pa nyes pa sna tshogs ’byung la/ yun du yang na (ngan) dag tu ltung ngo/ bka’ khrims las kyang chos la ngan {rgyu} byas na/ yang mes spun tshun cad nas bca [bca’] bde gun zhed pa byed do/ de bas na su yang phyar ka dang rkyel ka ma byed cig

When one makes offerings and pays hommage to the sku bla and the (1ha) gnyan po (?)18 all wishes will be realized and (he or she) will be born as a god in the next life. If one utters evil words and so produces all sorts of misery (such as) sudden illness and constantly falling into evil (births), and if (evil words ) are made for the purpose of harming the Dharma which is against the law, may all as far as the ancestors (be cursed) and may only the joyous (i.e. virtuous) oath be made. For these reasons no-one shall make blame (phyar ka) nor overthrow (rkyel ka) (?) ...

End of text, followed by a few more carved Tibetan letters, said by Chab-spel to be illegible, then a Chinese inscription. The newspaper article (China Daily, Aug. 26, 1986) states that in all there are 800 Tibetan words and 60 Chinese characters, but according to Chab-spel's article, there are only "about ten" Chinese characters.

Notes to the inscriptions

1. We thank Ven. bsTan-’dzin Yang-dag, Rabten Choeling Monastery, Switzerland, for his help with this translation, and Samten Karmay for his criticism. 2. rje 'bangs. According to H. E. Richardson, "although this appears in later usage apparently meaning 'ruler and subjects', cf. rje blon 'king and ministers', it is not found so far as I can see in early Tibetan. There the term rjes 'bangs is seen several times, e.g. P.T. 131, 230 and Thomas, TLTD, p.97. I wonder whether rje 'bangs may be a reader’s error. If it is not, there is a comparable usage rgyal 'bangs, meaning 'subjects of the king'." (personal communication).

3. The reading by Chab spel Tshe brtan phun tshogs prefers rgya dang mjal dam, but it is grammatically acceptable to retain dus, rgya dang mjal dus "when meeting the Chinese". In the opinion of Samten Karmay, this reading can be retained, and does not require modification. However, the usage of the term mjal dum, which Richardson translates as "treaty", is recorded several times during the reign of Khri Lde srong btsan. Cf. Richardson, 1985. op. cit.

4. Richardson suggested here that mol or mold seems a probable word to fill the lacuna. cf. Lhasa Treaty, east. 5. ’O-ngu is proposed in the place of ’Or-ngu, due to a personal communication from Nyima Dorjee, native of Brag-g.yab and historian specialized in Khams regional history. According to Dorjee, Vairocana translated the Nyi-’od seng-ge commentary as well as the translation of the Rgyud Gsang-ba’i snying-po at the site of ’O-ngu in southern Khams.

6. Richardson remarked: "I think the preamble means that the inscription was written in the monkey year, not necessarily that the events described took place in that year. That would seem to be the case in the Zhol and rKong-po inscriptions." (personal communication). 7. Richardson noted that there is no certain evidence that Bran-ka yon-tan was chief minister before 808, and proposed that the monkey year might be 816 rather than 804. 8. Richardson stated that "although Chinese records mention gold as an honor next after so-so it is not mentioned in Tibetan documents, e.g. P.T. 1071." (personal

communication). 9. Richardson has noticed that the queen Legs-mo-btsan was included among the witnesses to the edict of Khri Lde-srong btsan after ’Bro Khri-mo-legs and before Cog-ro brtsan-rgyal. 10. We are indebted to Samten Karmay for the information that Bran-ka yon-tan was the chief negotiator for

the 821/23 Lhasa treaty with the Chinese. Cf. Demiéville, P. 1952. Le Concile de Lhasa, Paris. 11. According to Richardson, "Lho Don-dam, hitherto unrecorded, was also a dge -slong. The Lho clan does not figure in Tibetan records after its disgrace in 707 until it reappears in the person of a fairly lowly minister as witness to the edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan's Edict." (personal communication). 12. Rectification of ’Bro-phri gzu dam shags to ’Bro khri gzhu ram shags, mentioned as commander who conquered Khotan ca. 792 in Old Tibetan Chronicle (P.T.1287), according to Beckwith, 1988. op. cit. p.155.

13. According to Richardson, "the Edict of Khri Lde-srong brtsan shows that Khri sum bzher Mdo-btsan was of the Dba's clan". 14. 'appointed to negotiate': chab-srid la bka’-rtsal, literally bka’-rtsal =to order, to appoint , chab-srid =temporal or political power, i.e. they were appointed to political power for this meeting, i.e. as negotiators. Richardson has interpreted this differently, viz." having been given authority, (they) consulted about the task of negotiating a treaty." 15. If instead of reading mjal-dus, the rectification of mjal-dum is preferred, since Richardson translates mjal-

dum as a "treaty", the sentence would then read "at the very beginning of the treaty (negotiations) with the Chinese..." Karmay considered that mjal-dum is to be preferred reading here, as otherwise the following phrase mgo’a brtsams-pa doesn't make sense. 16. Richardson remarked, "Ye-shes-dbyangs provides a number of problems. The reading of his family or monastery name is suspect. I cannot find either Gor or Dgor anywhere and suspect that there may be an

error in reading. Ye-shes dbyangs was clearly a person of importance in the frontier region. Despite the difference in the family or monastic name, the name Ye-shes-dbyangs points to Spug Ye-shes-dbyangs, a famous lama in the succession of dhyana teachers at Khri-ga some eighty miles southeast of Kokonor. Their history is outlined in P.T. 996 which has been translated by Mlle Lalou (1939. "Document tibétain sur l'expansion du Dhyana chinois", Journal Asiatique 231: 505-523.). Spug Ye-shes-dbyangs was ordained in the reign of rgyal-mo-myes, presumably Khri Lde-gtsug-brtsan. He was learned in Chinese and

Sanskrit as well as Tibetan. He died in a horse year at age of 80. If that year was the tenth after the monkey year, 816, he would have been ordained at the age of nine, at the earliest ... That is, in my view, the only obstacle to accepting the historically most probable date of 816 for the lDan-ma-brag inscription. At the last minute, I have seen that R. A. Stein puts Spug Ye-shes-dbyang's birth in Khri Srong Lde-brtsan's life, 742-797." 17. Richardson

proposes the following tentative translation of this passage: "The stone mason Yugs carved the scroll capital and the base. Ma-’gam and the Chinese Hun-bong-tseng gave the (cost of ) the ldum and Hva ho’u jin and others did the work." He notes that the words are obscure, but reads Yugs either as a name or as a synonym for gdugs, umbrella;. nya would be something of a rope-like pattern; bre-ba is a capital, and shod the base; ldum, some sort of enclosure..." 18. According to Karmay, ma gnyan-po is a doubtful reading. He proposes "maybe Lha gnyan-po."

Tibetan language sources

rGyal ba’i od (Jayaprabha), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad kyi sgrub pa’i thabs kyi cho ga", in D.T. Suzuki (ed) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan ’gyur rgyud ’grel, 77:223-229. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, ca. 1900. rJe btsun thams cad mkhyen pa bsod nams rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dngos grub shing rta, Lhasa. Chab spel tshe brtan phun tshogs, 1988. "bTsan po’i dus kyi brag brkos yig ris gcig gsar du mtsham sbyor zhus pa", Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig, 1:44-53. gNya’ gong dkon mchog tshe brtan and Padma ’bum, 1988. "Yul shul khul gyi bod btsan po’i skabs kyi rten yig brag brkos ma ’ga"', Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig,

4:52-65. Blo gter dbang po (ed), 1972. "rNam par snang mdzad mgnon pa byang chub snying rje ’byung ba lha brgya dang nyi shu rtsa gnyis mtshan ma gnyis dang bcas pa’i dkyil ’khor", rGyud sde kun btus, 3:1-38 (New Delhi). Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par byang chub pa rnam par sprul pa’i byin gyis brlabs kyi rgyud chen po’i bshad pa", in D.T. Suzuki (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan 'gyur rgyud 'grel, 77:110-215. Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Buddhaguhya), 1957. "rNam par snang mdzad mngon par dzogs par byang chub pa rnam par sprul pa byin gyis rlob pa’i rgyud chen po’i grel pa, in D.T. Suzuki (ed.) Tibetan Tripitaka bstan ’gyur rgyud ’grel, 77: 231-322. bSod nams rgyal mtshan, 1981. Rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long, Beijing.

Non-Tibetan language sources

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