Articles by alphabetic order
A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z
 Ā Ḍ Ḥ Ī Ḷ Ṃ Ṇ Ñ Ṅ Ṛ Ṣ Ś Ṭ Ū Ö Ō
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0


Difference between revisions of "Aaa"

From Tibetan Buddhist Encyclopedia
Jump to navigation Jump to search
Line 1: Line 1:
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
I have attempted [[to construct]] a new [[typology]] for [[pilgrim]]¬
 +
ages, which 1 believe is more relevant to the [[inherent]] structures
 +
of .[[Sinhalese]] [[religion]]. Rather than basing this [[typology]] upon
 +
historical origins, as Turner has done in his [[own]] work, I have
 +
concluded that a [[typology]] based upon types of [[religious]] exper¬
 +
iences and [[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} is more fitting. [[Pilgrimages]] in [[Sri Lanka]] reflect the three-fold orientation of [[Sinhalese]] [[religion]]:
 +
the paradigmatic [[spirituality]] of the [[Buddha]], the civil [[religion]] of
 +
the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]], and, as Obeyesekere has recently charac¬
 +
terized it, “the [[rising]] tide of [[bhakti]] religiosity in [[Buddhist]] [[Sri Lanka]]." 37 By [[understanding]] the significance of [[pilgrimage]]
 +
within these three orientations, we can gain a more accurate
 +
[[awareness]] of how a [[people]] of central importance to the history
 +
and maintenance of the [[Buddhist tradition]] have articulated the
 +
various {{Wiki|dimensions}} of their [[own]] [[spirituality]] through a recog¬
 +
nizable modality of [[religious]] expression that is culturally ubi-
 +
quitious.
  
−
that in the M [[sutta]] the [[Buddha’s]] original defence of his position
 
−
either never existed or has been lost. There is no {{Wiki|evidence}} that a
 
−
[[monk]] ever defended this aspect of the [[Teaching]] in a [[debate]], but
 
−
then the [[suttas]] are primarily about the [[Buddha]] and only oc¬
 
−
casionally about {{Wiki|individual}} [[monks]].
 
−
 
−
The right to utter a [[lion’s roar]] is not limited to the [[Tatha]]-
 
−
[[gata]], or to those situations where the [[Buddha]] permits his [[monks]]
 
−
to proclaim certain [[subjects]] in this way. A [[monk]] may also utter a
 
−
[[lions]] roar’ on his [[own]] initiative. In the [[Nikayas]] this [[monk]] is
 
−
always [[Sariputta]].
 
−
 
−
In an upsurge of [[faith]], [[Sariputta]] proclaims to the [[Buddha]],
 
−
 
−
* Lord, such is the [[faith]] l have in the [[Exalted One]] — Dhagava,
 
−
that (I know) there has not been, will not be and is not found
 
−
today any [[samana]] or [[brahmana]] who is better than the [[Exalted One]], or has more [[higher knowledge]] with [[respect]] to the [[Highest]]
 
−
[[Enlightenment]]’ 73 . The [[Buddha]] acknowledges [[Sariputta’s]] remark,
 
−
“This {{Wiki|speech}} you have uttered, [[Sariputta]], is [[noble]], bull-like. A
 
−
[[lion’s roar]], seized with {{Wiki|certainty}}, is uttered’ 74 . Thus the [[Buddha]]
 
−
himself categorises this utterance as a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’. The [[Buddha]]
 
−
immediately challenges [[Sariputta]] on his capacity to make such a
 
−
remark, forcing hint to admit that he has not known all {{Wiki|past}}
 
−
[[Buddhas]], does not know all [[future Buddhas]], and does not even
 
−
know the {{Wiki|present}} [[Buddha]] to the required extent to be able to
 
−
* support his claim. [[Sariputta]], however, is not daunted. He asserts
 
−
that he can support his claim, which he has made because he has
 
  
 +
NOTES
  
−
73 D ^S. Ill 99. Cf. D II 82f = S V 159. both of which only include (14)  
+
1. Nancy Falk uses this [[phrase]] lo designate the [[tradition]] "in which the
−
below. S V 159 includes the [[Buddha's]] final injunction (see below) that this text
+
[[Buddha]] is said lo have authorized Unit the familiar [[pilgrims]]* visits to the
−
should regularly be recited to converts ([[monks]], [[nuns]] and lay-followers).  
+
great sites associated with Ins [[life]] and the practices associated with his [[relics]]
 +
and stupus." See Nancy Falk, “To (laze on the [[Sacred]] Traces,” Hisioty of  
 +
[[Religions]] 10 (May, 1977), p. 285, n. 15; for the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] version of the origins
 +
ol [[relic]] veneration, sec A/ ahdpannibhdna Suttduta in Dfgha Nikdya (Dialogues of
 +
the Uuddha), n ans, and ed. by [[T. W. Rhys Davids]] in [[Sacred Books]] of the Bud¬
 +
dhists, Vol, 3 ([[London]]: [[Pali Text Society]], 1977; first published in ill 10): pp.
 +
154-57 and pp. 185-91.  
  
−
74 D iii 95; tr. T.W. and C/VF. [[Wikipedia:Thomas William Rhys Davids|Rhys Davids]], [[Dialogues of the Buddha]] (DB)  
+
2. See further [[discussion]] and relevant [[bibliography]] in Frank Reynolds,  
−
111 95
+
“The Several [[Bodies]] of [[Buddha]]: Reflections on a Neglected Aspect of [[Thera]]*
 +
[[vada]] [[Tradition]].” History of [[Religions]] 10 (May, 1977): pp. 374-89.
  
 +
3. Even before the arrival of the [[tooth relic]] in the 4thxentury C. E., [[relics]]
 +
assumed major imjK>i lance in the [[ritual]] [[life]] and [[symbolism]] of [[Sinhalese]] roy¬
 +
alty. For a summary, see [[Tilak]] Hctliarachy, History of [[Kingship]] in [[Ceylon]] up to
 +
thehturth Century A. 1 ). ({{Wiki|Colombo}}: Lakchousc Investments, 1972), pp. 25-29
 +
/Kissim; for another {{Wiki|excellent}} study of the prominence of [[relics]] in [[relation]] to
 +
{{Wiki|royal}} [[imagery]], see Alice Greenwald, “The [[Relic]] on the {{Wiki|Spear}}: Historiography
 +
and the [[Saga]] ol Duuhagamanl,” in Bardwel! Smith, ed., [[Religion]] and the Legiti-
  
−
Manne — The Lion’s Koar
+
{{Wiki|motion}} of Rower in [[Sri Lanka]] (Chaiubcrsburg, PA: Auiina [[Books]], 1978), pp.
 +
1-3-35.—  
  
−
seen in accordance with [[Dhamma]] 75 , arguing through the use of a
+
4. A detailed summary of the legend may be found in G. P. Mulalase-
−
simile that he has seen what is important.  
+
kera, The [[Pali Literature]] of [[Ceylon]] ({{Wiki|Colombo}}: M. D, Gunasena and Co., 1928),  
 +
pp. 65-68; and A. M. Hocart, The [[Temple of the Tooth]] in [[Kandy]] , Memoirs of the
 +
{{Wiki|Archeological}} Survey of [[Ceylon]], Vol, IV ([[London]]: Luzac and Co., 1931), pp.
 +
1-5.  
  
−
The content of [[Sariputta’s]] defence of his [[lion’s roar]] is a
+
5. [[Walpola Rahula]] notes that according to the Da(hawn{isa, Dauiapura
−
lengthy itemisation of what all the [[Buddhas]], {{Wiki|past}}, {{Wiki|present}} and
+
was located in [[Kalinga]]. Cf. A Histoty of [[Buddhism]] in [[Ceylon]] ({{Wiki|Colombo}}: M. D.
−
{{Wiki|future}}, have achieved. The details, in as brief a [[form]] as possible,  
+
Gunasena, 1956), p. 97. He further cites Percey Brown’s [[Indian]] [[Architecture]] ,  
−
are:
+
wherein Brown identifies [[Dantapura]] with [[Puri]] or [[Bhubaneswar]]. Brown be¬
 +
lieves that the Jagganath [[Temple]] “occupies the site of sonic still more [[ancient]]  
 +
monument, not improbably the [[shrine]] of the [[Buddha's]] tooth at [[Dantapura]].”
  
−
(14) i. ‘That all [[Buddhas]], "after they have abandoned the five hin¬
+
6. Mahdvajjisa , [[Wilhelm Geiger]], ed. and trails. ([[London]]: Luzac and Co,  
−
drances and after they have weakened [[corruptions]] of the
+
1964; originally publisned in I9l2),'pp. 89-96. flic Uaihawmsa account was
−
[[mind]] by means of [[wisdom]], being possessed (then) of
+
no [[doubt]] intended to establish the same [[degree]] of authenticity for the da(ndd
−
hearts well established in the four exercises for setting up
+
as the AT aluivatiisa account had done for the Alms-Bowl [[Relic]].  
−
[[mindfulness]] and having thoroughly developed the seven
 
−
constituents of [[knowledge]], have wholly [[awakened]] (or will
 
−
wholly [[awaken]]) to tne uttermost [[awakening]]" 76 .  
 
  
−
ii. ‘That on one occasion when he came to the [[Buddha]] to
+
7. The [[language]] of “[[righteousness]]” consistently applied to [[ritual]] and
−
hear [[Dhamma]], the [[Buddha]] [[taught]] it in such a way that
+
[[ethical]] acts of the [[king]] is rooted ifi conceptions of [[Buddhist]] [[kingship]] mod¬
−
[[Sariputta]] [[attained]] [[perfection]] in one particular [[dhamma]],  
+
elled after the {{Wiki|ideal}} [[cakravartin]] (“turner or the [[wheel]]” of [[righteousness]]). For
 +
[[scriptural]] accounts of the cakravArtin {{Wiki|ideal}} in the Therav&da [[canon]], see the  
 +
Cakkavatti’Sihandda and Aggailha [[suttas]] in the Dlglu i Nikdya 4,59-76 and 77-
 +
94, For detailed interpretations see S. J. Tanibiah, [[World]] Coiujuewr, [[World]]
 +
Retwuncer ([[Cambridge]], UK: {{Wiki|Cambridge University Press}}, 1976), pp. 32-72;
 +
B. Smith, “The {{Wiki|Ideal}} {{Wiki|Social}} Order as Puli rayed in the Chronicles of [[Ceylon]],”
 +
in Smith, ed., The Two [[Wheels]] of Dlwmma (ChamlxM'sburg, PA: {{Wiki|American Academy of Religion}}, 1972), pp. 31-57; B. G. Gokhale, “Early [[Buddhist]]
 +
[[Kingship]],” Journal of [[Asian Studies]] 26 (1966), pp. 15-22; and especially E.
 +
Sarkisyanz, [[Buddhist]] Back-gtoutuls of the Bume.se Hexmlution fllie Hague: Mar-
 +
linus Nijholf, 1965), pp. 10-97; Joseph Kitagawa’s brief article “[[Buddhism]]  
 +
and {{Wiki|Asian}} Politics,” {{Wiki|Asian}} Suwey 2 (1962), contains a brief overview of the
 +
theme.
  
−
namely, [[faith]] in the [[Teacher]] 77 .  
+
8. This [[belief]], set forth in the oj>cnmg pages of the Maluiwunsa, is exam¬
 +
ined in detail by Regina Clifford, “The Dhammadlpa [[Tradition]] or [[Sri Lanka]]:
 +
Three Models within the [[Sinhalese]] Chronicles,” in Smith, ed., [[Religion]] and
 +
Legiliuutlion , pp. 36-47.  
  
−
iii. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[skilful]]
+
9. F4-Hien, A Record of [[Buddhistic]] {{Wiki|Kingdoms}}, trails, by {{Wiki|James Legge}} (Lon¬
−
[[dhammas]] is unsurpassable by any [[samana]] or [[brahmana]],  
+
don: [[Oxford University Press]], 1886; reprint ed., [[New York]]: Dover Publica¬
−
these [[skilful]] [[dhammas]] being the [[Four Foundations of Mindfulness]], the [[Four Right Exertions]], the [[Four Bases of Psychic Power]], the Five Controlling {{Wiki|Principles}}, the [[Five Powers]], the Seven Constituents of [[Knowledge]], and the
+
tions, 1965), pp. 104-07.
−
[[Noble Eightfold Path]]. In this [[connection]], a [[bhikkhu]],
 
−
having destroyed the [[intoxicants]], [[lives]] in the [[attainment]] of
 
−
having [[experienced]] for himself through his [[own]] [[higher Knowledge]] in this very [[life]] the [[release]] of the [[mind]], the
 
  
 +
10. [[Malalasekera]], p. 66; cf. G. C. Mcndis, The Early Histoty of [[Ceylon]]
 +
([[Calcutta]]: {{Wiki|YMCA}} Publishing House, 1954), pp. 58-59; Howard Wriggins,
 +
[[Ceylon]]: Dilemmas of a New Notion ([[Princeton]], N. J.: [[Princeton University Press]],
 +
i960), p. 180 n. 18, compares it to the {{Wiki|crown}} of Si. Stephen in {{Wiki|Hungary}}.
 +
Other [[scholars]] have compared it to Constantine's Labarum and [[Thailand’s]]
 +
{{Wiki|Holy}} [[Emerald Buddha]].
  
−
75 dhammanvayo vidiio. D III 100.  
+
11. Bard well Smith, “Polonnaruva as a {{Wiki|Ceremonial}} Complex: [[Sinhalese]]
 +
{{Wiki|Cultural}} {{Wiki|Identity}} and the Dilemmas of {{Wiki|Pluralism}},” in A. K. Narain, ed.. Studies
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
 
  
 +
in Hi\hn of [[buddhism]] ({{Wiki|New Delhi}}: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 19HU), p.
 +
310.
  
−
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
12. Tuinbiah. [[World]] Conqueror, p. 90, cites a lentil century inscription
 +
which reads: "The [[king]] is a Bodhisatlva on whom the [[Sang]] ha bestows [[king]]-'
 +
ship..."
  
 +
13. Uardwell Smith, "The {{Wiki|Ideal}} {{Wiki|Social}} Order,” p. 50.
  
−
[[release]] through [[wisdom]] that is free from [[intoxicants]] 78 .  
+
14. On the manner in which [[Kirti]] Sri strengthened his reign in the [[eyes]]  
 +
of the [[Kandyan]] {{Wiki|aristocracy}} by means of the numerous reforms he intro¬
 +
duced, see L. S. Dewaraja, The [[Kandyan]] {{Wiki|Kingdom}} of [[Ceylon]] % 1707-1760 (Co¬
 +
lombo; Like House Investments, 1972, esp. pp. 94-118.  
  
−
iv. 'That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the description
+
15. Sir Richard Alumhare, The [[Kandy]] Esala Perahara ({{Wiki|Colombo}}: [[Ceylon]]  
−
of the [[sphere]] of [[perception]] 79 is unsurpassable.  
+
Daily News, 1952), p. 2.  
  
−
v. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to {{Wiki|conception}} 80
+
I (i. Kitsiri NI alalgoda, li uddhism in [[Sinhalese]] [[Society]] 1750 - I 900 , ([[Berkeley]]  
−
({{Wiki|gestation}} and [[birth]]) is unsurpassable. (The text here shows
+
and [[Los Angeles]]: {{Wiki|University of California Press}}, 1970), p. 04.  
−
that {{Wiki|conception}}, {{Wiki|gestation}} and the [[quality]] of the [[birth]] of
 
−
the {{Wiki|foetus}} arc meant.)
 
  
−
vi. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the ability of  
+
17. H. L. Seucviratnc, [[Rituals]] of the [[Kandyan]] [[State]] ([[Cambridge]], UK: Cam¬
−
mind-reading 81 is unsurpassable.  
+
bridge {{Wiki|University}} Press, 1978), pp. 71-72 writes that the kapa [[symbolize]] the  
 +
[[sacred]] center or axis muitdi of the {{Wiki|kingdom}}.  
  
−
vii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[attainment]] of  
+
18. The [[phrase]] belongs to Clifford Geertz, who defines it as "the {{Wiki|theory}}
−
[[seeing]] 82 is unsurpassable. (The text here describes four le¬
+
that the court-and-capital is at once a [[microcosm]] of the [[supernatural]] order—
−
vels of [[attainment]] with regard to [[meditation]] on the [[body]].)
+
an image of the [[universe]] on a smaller scale—and the material cmlxKliment of
 +
the {{Wiki|political}} order. It is not just the nucleus or the engine, or the pivot of the
 +
[[state]], it is the [[state]]. The equation of the seat of {{Wiki|rule}} with the dominion of {{Wiki|rule}}
 +
is more than an accidental {{Wiki|metaphor}}; it is a settlement of a controlling politi¬
 +
cal idea—namely, that by the mere act of providing a model, a paragon, a
 +
faultless image of civilized [[existence]], the court shapes the [[world]] around it into
 +
at least a rough approximation of its [[own]] [[excellence]]. The [[ritual]] [[life]] of the
 +
court, and in fact, the [[life]] of the court generally, is thus paradigmatic, not
 +
merely reflective, of {{Wiki|social}} order. What it is reflective of, the {{Wiki|priests}} declare, is
 +
a [[supernatural]] order, ‘the timeless [[Indian]] [[world]]* of the [[gods]] upon which men
 +
should, in strict proportion for their {{Wiki|status}}, seek to pattern their [[lives]].” In
 +
Negara: The Theatre-State in Nineteenth Century [[Pali]] ([[Princeton]], NJ: [[Princeton University Press]], 1981), p. 13. Tambiah applies the "[[doctrine]] ol [[die]] exempla¬
 +
ry center” to {{Wiki|medieval}} [[Thai]] polity in [[World]] Conqueror , p. 123; Smith—citing '
 +
Paul Wheatley's Pivot of the Four Quarters ({{Wiki|Chicago}}: Aldine Press, 1971), Rob¬
 +
ert [[Red]] field’s and M ilton Singer's "The {{Wiki|Cultural}} Role of Cities,” Economic
 +
Developm* nt and {{Wiki|Cultural}} Change 3 (1954): 53—72) and Robert Heine-GeldemV
 +
classic "Conceptions of Stale and [[Kingship]] in {{Wiki|Southeast Asia}}," {{Wiki|Data}} Papen
 +
Number 18, {{Wiki|Southeast Asia}} Program ([[Ithaca]], NY: [[Cornell University]], 1956),
 +
pp. 1-3—applies the model to [[ritual]] [[life]] in Polounaruva, in "[[Sinhalese]] Cul¬
 +
tural {{Wiki|Identity}},” pp. 295 and 308-10. Its application to [[Kandy]] is [[self]] evident.  
  
−
viii. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[typology]] of  
+
19. Malalgoda, pp. 118. quotes a [[British]] official upon the relic’s seizure:
−
[[people]] 82 is unsurpassable. (The text here describes seven
+
"We have this day obtained the surest [[proof]] of the [[confidence]] of the [[Kandyan]]  
−
[[characteristic]] ways of [[attaining]] [[release]], [[vimutti]]).  
+
{{Wiki|nation}} and their acquiescence in the Dominion of [[British]] Government.”
  
−
ix. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the (qualities of)
+
20. {{Wiki|Culture}} of [[Ceylon]] in {{Wiki|Medieval}} Times, Heinz Bcchcrt, cd„ ([[Wiesbaden]]:
−
[[concentration of the mind]] 84 is unsurpassable. (The text
+
Otto Marrassowiu. I960), p. 215.  
−
here describes the seven constituents of [[knowledge]], [[satta bojjhanga]]).  
 
  
−
x. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with’regard to modes of
+
21. Scncviratnc, pp. 137-46.  
−
progress 82 is unsurpassable.  
 
  
−
xi. ‘That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to conduct in
+
22. Ibid., p. 1?7.  
−
[[conversation]] 86 is unsurpassable.  
 
  
−
xii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[ethical]]  
+
23. Ibid., pp. 112-14; cf., Nur Yalman, Under the [[Bo Tree]]: Studies in [[Caste]] ,
−
conduct of man 87 is unsurpassable.  
+
Kinship and [[Marriage]] in the interior of [[Ceylon]] ([[Berkeley]]: {{Wiki|University of California Press}}, 1971), p. 58.  
  
−
xiii. - That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the .variety (of
+
24. For an {{Wiki|excellent}} assessment of [[Buddhism’s]] {{Wiki|political}} participation in
 +
recent [[Sinhalese]] {{Wiki|politics}}, see Wriggins, Dilemmas, pp. 169-210; for a study of
 +
{{Wiki|modern}} [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|political}} [[thought]] in [[Sri Lanka]], see [[Bruce Matthews]], "The
 +
[[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist]] Altitude Toward Parliamentary {{Wiki|Democracy}},” [[Ceylon]] Jour¬
 +
nal of Historical and {{Wiki|Social}} Studies 6 (July-Dee., 1976), pp. 34-47; and Urmila
 +
Phadnis, [[Religion]] and Politics in Sri Lunka ({{Wiki|New Delhi}}: Munohar [[Book]] Service,
 +
1976).
  
−
the results) of instruction 88 is unsurpassable. (The text here
+
25. Kdyena vded ciltena
−
describes the [[Buddha’s]] [[knowledge]] with regard to the stage
+
Pamddena tnayd katam
−
an {{Wiki|individual}} will reach on receiving a particular ([[form]] of)
+
Accnyaqi kluima me hhante
−
instruction.)
+
Bhuripaiiha Tathdgata.  
  
−
xiv. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to [[knowledge]]
+
Uevo vax\atu kale no
−
concerning the tstage of) [[release]] of other [[people]] 89 is
+
Sassusam patthiheiu ca;
−
unsurpassable.
 
  
−
xv. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to {{Wiki|eternalism}} 90 is
+
PUo bhavalu loko ca; *
−
unsurpassable
 
  
−
xvi. That the.Buddha’s [[teaching]] with regard to the [[knowledge]]  
+
[[Raja]] bluwatu diuunmiko .
  
−
that enables {he [[remembrance]] of former life-times’* is
+
[[Akasa]]({hd c<ubhumma((lui
−
unsurpassable
+
Dcvd juigd MahidJhikd
 +
Punmn law anumodilvd
 +
Ciraqi rakkluintu lokasa.sunow.
  
−
xvii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to the [[knowledge]]
+
Cited in^Hocart, p. 27.  
  
−
regarding the decease and [[rebirth]] of [[beings]] 92 is unsur¬
+
20. Seneviratnc', p. 120.
−
passable
 
  
−
xviii. That the [[Buddha’s teaching]] with regard to varieties of  
+
27. Victor Turner, "The Center out there: Pilgrim's Coal,” History of  
−
[[supernormal power]] 93 (i.e. the [[noble]] and the [[ignoble]]) is
+
Religions 12 (February, 1973), 213-15.  
−
unsurpassable.  
 
  
−
xix. That with regard to the varieties of [[supernormal power]] 94
+
28. Ibid., p. 193. Passim. -
  
 +
29. R. A. L. I I. Gunawardana, Robe and Plough: Monastirism and Economic
 +
Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka (Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1979;
 +
Association for Asian Studies Monograph Scries. No. XXXV), pp. 260-62.
  
−
78 Ibid.  
+
30. Reynolds, "The Two Wheels of Dliamtna: A Study of Lilly Bud¬
 +
dhism," in Smith, Two Wheels , pp. 6-30.  
  
−
79 cyatana-pa/'inaui. D HI 102.  
+
31. For descriptions of cubic life at Kataragama, see Paul Wirz. Katara-
 +
gama: The Holiest Place in Ceylon , translated from the German by Dons B.
 +
Pralle (Colombo: Lake House, 1966); Gauanath Obeyesekere, "The Fire
 +
Walkers of Kataragama: The Rise of Bhakti Religiosity in Buddhist’Sri
 +
Lanka, "Journal of Asian Studies 37 (May, 1978), pp. 457-78; and Bryan Pfaf-
 +
fenberger, "The Kataragama Pilgrimage: Hindu-Buddhist Interaction and
 +
its Significance in Sri Lanka’s Polyethnic Social System,” Journal of Asian
 +
Studies 38 (February, 1979), pp. 253-70.  
  
−
80 gabbavakkanti. ibid.  
+
32. Cf. John Halverson, “Religion and Psycho-social Development in
 +
Sinhalese Buddhism "Journal of Asian Studies 37 (February, 1978). pp. 221-
 +
32.  
  
−
81 udesana vidha. L) 111 103.
 
  
−
82 Jassana-samapalli. D III 104.  
+
33. Scncvir.itnc, p. 1*17.  
  
−
83 puggala-pahhalti. D III 105.  
+
3*1. Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New ^ ork: Colum¬
 +
bia University Pi css, 11178), pp. 17-19.  
  
−
84 [[padhana]]. D III *106.  
+
35. Malatgoda. p. 255.  
  
−
85 patipadu. ibid.  
+
’ 36. Sec (lie ireatmctil of public symbols and civil religion in Ronald
 +
('.rimes. Symbol and Conquest: Public and Ritual Drama in Santa Fe. New Mexico
 +
(lihaca, NY; Cornell University Press, 1976).  
  
 +
37. Olieyesekerc, “Fire-Walkers,*’ p. <157.
  
−
86 bhassa-samacara. ibid,
+
A New Approach to the InLra-  
 +
Madhyamika Confrontation over the
 +
Svatantrika and Prasangika
 +
Methods of Refutation
  
−
87 purisa-sila-samacara, ibid.
 
  
−
88 anusasana-vidha. D 111 107.
+
by Shohei Ichimura
  
−
89 para-pug gal ;a-vunutti-hdna. D 111 [[108]].  
+
There is good reason to believe that the Vigrahavyavartaui (Vi-  
 +
graha. hereafter), one of the definitive works of NSgStjuna, was
 +
not only the starting point of controversy between Naiy&yika
 +
logicians and Madhyamika dialecticians, but also the fountain¬
 +
head of the intra-Buddhist controversy which divided the
 +
Madhyamika into two camps: the Svatantrika and the PrSsah-
 +
gika schools. While the intensity of Hindu-Buddhist confronta¬
 +
tion exhibited in classical and medieval India is understandable
 +
in view of their doctrinal differences, the intensity of the intra-
 +
Madhyamika confrontation is somewhat surprising, as the two
 +
camps held the same doctrine, i.e., universal emptiness (Sunya-
 +
td), differing only in their methods of demonstrating it. The
 +
Svatantrika and the Prasangika, respectively, relied on the syl¬
 +
logistic and dialectic 1 forms of argument, both of which, in fact,
 +
were given by Nagarjuna in the Vigraha. The intra-Madhya-  
 +
mika dispute, though no doubt contributing to the cause of
 +
methodological refinement, seems at times to have lost sight of
 +
the middle course. In this respect, 1 am inclined to think that
 +
the two methods should i>e given {{Wiki|equal}} analysis, for the [[sake]] of
 +
a clearer [[understanding]] of their common [[doctrinal]] [[insight]] and
 +
method of demonstration. The pur pose of this paper is to open
 +
the way to a more balanced analysis of the contesting [[methods]]
 +
in terms of the [[logical]] [[principle]] of anvaya-vyalireka .*
  
−
90 sassaia-vddesu. ibid.
 
  
−
91 , pubbe-nivasanussati-nanp. D HI 110.  
+
eventually decides the ease, asks (and not states, as translated
 +
previously): “Indeed, has the [[Buddha]] prescribed somewhere a [[parajika]]
 +
with regard to a penny ( masaka) or even less than a penny?” The answer
 +
to this question is of course “no”: apatti thullaccayassa ... atirekamasako
 +
va unapancamasako vJ, Vin III 54, 22, cf. Ill 47, 3 “it is a grave
 +
offence (but no [[parajika]] ), [if the stolen goods arc worth} more than a
 +
masaka or less than five masaka .” Thus [[Godha]] reverts the earlier verdict
 +
that there had bc^n a theft, and rightly so.  
  
−
92 ; sattanam cutupapala-hdna. D 111 111.
+
The Application of the [[Vinaya]] Term nasana 1
  
−
93 [[iddhi-vidha]]. D III 112.
+
The first section in the [[book]] of [[Buddhist]] [[monastic discipline]] ([[Vinaya]]- j
  
−
94 [[iddhi-vidha]]. D III 1!3.
+
[[pitaka]]) is known as [[parajika]]. The significance of these {{Wiki|rules}} is ernpha- j
  
 +
sized by the fact that out of the list of 220 prescriptions which arc .1
  
−
Manne — The [[Lion's Roar]]  
+
recited fortnightly ( [[patimokkha]]) only these four {{Wiki|rules}} are announced to '1
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
a [[newly ordained monk]] immediately alter [[full ordination]] (upasampaiia\
  
−
ihe [[Buddha]] is unsurpassable. There is nothing hie does not
+
Vin I 96.20-97.18) 2 . The {{Wiki|transgression}} of one of the [[parajika]] {{Wiki|rules}}
−
know”, and no other [[samana]] or [[brahmana]] [[knows]] it better,
+
leads to the [[monk's]] or [[nun’s]] [[permanent]] and irreversible loss of {{Wiki|status}} as
−
xx. That the [[Buddha]] has achieved whatever can be achieved
+
a [[fully ordained]] member of the order. , ; j
−
by a [[faithful]] clansman who is steadfast and has aroused .
 
−
his energies, by a man’s capacity to hear burdens, (his) '  
 
−
endeavour, [[energy]] and steadfastness’ 96 — The text here
 
−
specifies that the [[Buddha]] is not [[attached]] to what is low nor
 
−
to [[asceticism]], and that he can attain the [[four jhanas]] at will.  
 
  
−
[[Sariputta]] concludes his argument by saying that he has, heard
+
[[Buddhist law]] as specified in the [[Vinayapitaka]] is generally based on the >
−
from the [[Buddha]] himself that there have been {{Wiki|equal}} [[Buddhas]] in
 
−
former times and that there will again be [[Buddhas]] {{Wiki|equal}} to him¬
 
−
[[self]], but that is is impossible for two {{Wiki|equal}} [[Buddhas]] to [[exist]] at
 
−
the same time.
 
  
−
The qualities attributed to the [[Buddha]] as Dliagava in [[Sari]]-
+
{{Wiki|concept}} that an offence is established only after the offender pleads
−
putta’s [[lion’s roar]] bear remarkably little resemblance to the points
+
guilty. 3 Consequently, if an offender is {{Wiki|aware}} of his [[parajika]] offence
−
claimed by the [[Buddha]], in the [[name]] of [[Tathagata]], to be his
+
and leaves the order on his [[own]] initiative, the [[Vinaya]] describes no
−
[[powers]] and confidences. Only in points (xiv), (xvi) and (xvii) of
+
concrete act of Expulsion by the [[Samgha]]. Rather the' actual {{Wiki|status}} of a
−
quote (14) is there any correspondance and this is with the list of
+
[[person]] guilty of such a {{Wiki|transgression}} is rendered by the words ayam pi
−
quote (8) above, regarding points (vii), (viii) and (ix) respectively.  
+
parajiko hoti asatfivaco, “This one has committed a [[parajika]] and (there¬
 +
fore) is without (any) communion” (c.g. Vin 111 46.20**; cf. Vin IV
 +
213.37**-38**) 4 .  
  
−
I have argued 97 that the collection of [[suttas]] now known as
+
There are, however, a few instances in the [[Vinayapitaka]] where another
−
[[Dlgha Nikaya]] was originally a collection of [[suttas]] grouped
+
term is applied to express that a [[person]] has to leave the order, namely
−
together through their effectiveness in gaining converts and lay
+
nasana, naseti etc. This [[state]] of affairs led Isalinc Blew HORNUK in her
−
support (and that for that [[reason]] it is entertaining). The ending of
+
English translation of the [[Vinayapitaka]] to the conclusion that the verb
−
this [[sutta]] shows clearly its {{Wiki|propaganda}} purposes. After [[Sariputta]]
 
−
has finished, a [[monk]], [[Udayin]], remarks that the [[Tathagata]] will not
 
−
proclaim himself, although any other [[ascetic]] who had even one of  
 
−
those qualities would boast about it. The [[Buddha]], also {{Wiki|speaking}}
 
  
 +
1. I wish herewith to express my [[gratitude]] to Prof. Osxar von HinOber. who
 +
kindly sent me material on the term nasana which he had collected, and provided
 +
very helpful suggestions. Additionally, I wish to draw the reader’s [[attention]] to an
 +
article written by 6dith NOLOT, which is published in the [[Journal of the Pali Text Society]] XXIII (“Studies in [[Vinaya]] Technical Terms VI"). There NOLOT provides
 +
an extremely useful systematic collection of the material on nasana in the [[Pali]] and
 +
[[Sanskrit]] sources.
  
−
95 asesatn abhijiiniili. ibid.  
+
2. [[Nuns]] have to observe eight [[parajika]] {{Wiki|rules}} which arc announced to them a lie [[full ordination]] (Vin II274.23-24).  
  
−
96 Ibid.  
+
3. Cf. VON HinOber, “[[Buddhist Law]]”, p. 11.  
  
−
97 Mar.nc (1990): 4.  
+
4. In the casuistries the expression is upattim tvam [[bhikkhu]] apanno parujikam ,
  
 +
“You, [[monk]], have committed a [[parajika]] offence” (c.g. Vin HI 57.14-15).
  
−
about himself as [[Tathagata]], agrees with this rather emphatically,
 
−
and then instructs [[Sariputta]] to give this [[discourse]] frequently to
 
−
those among the followers, [[monks]], [[nuns]], lay-men and -women,
 
−
who [[feel]] [[doubt]] and hesitation concerning the [[Tathagata]] 98 . In this
 
−
way the [[Buddha]] specifically approved this as a list of his qualities
 
−
which may be [[taught]] to followers. I think it is significant that he
 
−
imposes this limit, i.e. that he docs not [[acknowledge]] this as a list
 
−
which is to be defended before a general public 99 .
 
  
−
There is another occasion when [[Sariputta]] roars his [[lion’s roar]] 100 , Here a [[monk]] goes to the [[Buddha]] and accuses [[Sariputta]] of  
+
ndscti in the Suttavibhahga generally refers to the expulsion of members
−
an offence. The [[Buddha]] sends for [[Sariputta]]. [[Ananda]] and [[Maha Moggalana]] immediately call all the [[monks]], telling them to come
+
of ti e order who have committed a [[parajika]] offence (BD I, p. xxvii).  
−
because ‘[[Sariputta]] is about to roar his [[lion’s roar]] in the presence
+
This statement will be qualified in this paper.  
−
of the [[Buddha]]’ 101 . Clearly they expect a theatrical occasion.
 
−
[[Sariputta]] defends himself against the accusation. He agrees that
 
−
someone who is not [[mindful]] of the body’s [[action]] 107 might have  
 
−
done such a thing, but as for himself, ‘his [[heart]] is like the [[earth]],
 
−
[[abundant]], .extensive, [[boundless]], without [[hatred]], doing no harm’ 101
 
−
and, moreover, he is ‘filled with [[horror]], loathing and {{Wiki|disgust}} at his
 
−
foul [[body]] 106 , and he carries it around like a dripping [[bowl]] of fat 105 .  
 
−
The accusing [[monk]] immediately begs [[Sariputta’s]] pardon. The
 
−
[[Buddha]] reprimands him, and then says to [[Sariputta]], ‘Forgive this  
 
−
IV 377; U. Woodward, GS IV 251.  
 
  
−
Duddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
In the eldest stratum of the [[Vinaya]] , the [[Patimokkha]] , ndsand with
 +
[[respect]] to [[monks]] or [[nuns]] is used in only one instance, that is [[Parajika]] 2
 +
of the Bhikkhunivibhaiiga (Vin IV 216.31**-217.3**). 5 This {{Wiki|rule}}
 +
forbids [[nuns]] to keep quiet about the [[parajika]] offence of a fellow [[nun]]. 6
 +
“Has been expelled'* (ndsita) in this {{Wiki|rule}} is listed in a series of verbs
 +
expressing that the [[nun]] guilty of a [[parajika]] offence has not left the order
 +
in the usual wry, but rather that she kept quiet about her misdeed for a
 +
certain period before finally leaving the order for another [[reason]].
 +
Indeed, both the forced and the voluntary leaving of the order are
 +
clearly contrasted here by the use of the terms ndsita and avasaia (Vin
 +
IV 216.33**-34** and 217.13-15). Thus [[Parajika]] 2 of the BhikkhunU
 +
[[vibhanga]] indicates that the expulsion ndsand of [[nuns]] (and [[monks]]) comes
 +
about when they, after committing a [[parajika]] , keep their [[deed]] quiet and
 +
as a result fail to leave the order on their [[own]] initiative. In this case the
 +
[[Samgha]] is apparently forced to take an active role in the expulsion of
 +
the offender. The procedure of expulsion, however, is nof dcscribccUn
 +
the [[Vinaya]].
  
 +
Another reference in the [[Vinaya]] also uses ndsand inxonnpction with a
 +
[[parajika]] offence (Vin 1 173.20-22): A [[monk]], whp is accused of a
 +
[[parajika]] offence during the pavdrana {{Wiki|ceremony}} at the end of the rainy
  
−
[[foolish]] man, before his head splits into seven pieces’ 106 .  
+
5. In another passage of the pdfimokkha , ndsand docs not refer to [[fully ordained]]  
 +
{{Wiki|individuals}} but to novices (ja/mwenz) (see below, p.99).  
  
−
A further [[lion’s roar]] is attributed to [[Sariputta]] in the Sarp-
+
6. The text of this {{Wiki|rule}} in OLDENBERG’s edition (Vin IV 216.31 -217.3) is not
−
yutta [[Nikaya]] 107 . Here a [[monk]] reports to the Buddha.that [[Sari]]¬
 
−
[[putta]] has claimed [[arahantship]]. The [[Buddha]] summons [[Sariputta]]
 
−
and challenges him. [[Sariputta]] is able to answer all the [[Buddha’s]]
 
−
questions satisfactorily and the [[Buddha]] leaves the scene. [[Sariputta]]
 
−
then proclaims to the [[bhikkhu]] that, although it took him a while
 
−
to find his answer to the [[Buddha’s]] first challenge, once he had
 
−
found his wits, he could have gone on answering for several
 
−
nigh:s loS . Tins proclamation is reported to the [[Buddha]] by one of  
 
−
the [[monks]], Kajarakkhartiya, who as his [[name]]" shows is a [[noble]]
 
−
( khaitiya ), and who may therefore have had some [[knowledge]] of
 
−
[[debate]] conventions. It is this [[monk]] who gives the utterance the
 
−
designation ‘[[Sariputta’s]] [[lion’s roar]]’ 109 although the expression ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ itself docs not appear in [[Sariputta’s]] utterance. The [[Buddha]]
 
−
supports Sariputta’r claim, using the same terms as [[Sariputta]] did
 
−
in his proclamation: ‘If I were to question [[Sariputta]] on this {{Wiki|matter}}  
 
−
differently, with different words (or) differently according to a
 
−
different method, [[Sariputta]] would explain this {{Wiki|matter}} to me,
 
−
differently, with different words (or) differently according to a
 
−
different method’ 110 . . .  
 
  
−
This so-called ‘[[lion’s roar]]' is qualitively different from [[Sari]]- •
+
correct. The text of the [[Burmese]], [[Sinhalese]], and [[Thai]] editions is: yd pana
 +
[[bhikkhuni]] jdnam pdrdjikam dhanimarji ajjhapannant bhikkhunirjt n' ev' attand
  
 +
paiicodcyya na ganassa droceyya yadd ca sd fhita vd ossa cuta vd ndsita vd
 +
avasatd vd sd pacchd evaq i vadeyya : pubbevaharp [[ayye]] anndsirp etam [[bhikkhu]]-
 +
nim evarupa ca evarupa ca sd bhaginiti, no ca kJ>o attand palicodessup na
  
−
106 U.ama Siiripulla imassa inoghapurisassa. purassa tatth' eva sattadhd
+
ganassa drocessan [Vin: pajicodcyyam na ganassa drocceyyan) ti, ayam pi
−
muddhd phulissali'ti. A IV 378. Sec Witte), op. tit* regarding this threat. The
+
[[parajika]] Itoti asamvdsa vajjapcticchadikd 'ti. HORNER’s translation of this {{Wiki|rule}}
−
threat ib surprising here as the accusing [[monk]] was neither questioning nor being
+
(B D 111, p. 166) has to be corrected accordingly: “Whatever [[nun]], [[knowing]] that a
−
questioned by [[Sariputta]] although he may be taken to have challenged him,  
+
[[nun]] has fallen into a {{Wiki|matter}} involving defeat, should neither herself reprove her,
−
albeit behind his back.
+
nor speak to a group, but when she may be remaining or deceased or expelled or
 +
withdrawn, should afterwards speak thus: ‘Ladies, before I knew this [[nun]], she
 +
was a sister like this and like that, (but 1 [[thought]]:) ‘I will neither myself
 +
reprove her nor speak to a group [BD III, p, 166: and should neither herself
 +
reprove her nor should speak to a group]’, she also becomes one who is
 +
defeated, she is not in communion, she is one who conceals a fault”
  
−
107 S II 50-5.  
+
season 7 * , admits to having committed it. The Saipgha then performs •
 +
pavdrana only after having expelled him ( nasetva ). In this particular
 +
case the expulsion of the offender may be necessitated by the Samgha’s
 +
[[desire]] to perform an {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act, the validity, of which requires the
 +
order to be both “complete" ([[samagga]]) and “[[pure]]” (jpousuddha), that is,
 +
without offence at that very [[moment]]. When one of the participants is*
 +
found to be not “[[pure]]" the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act loses validity, thus a [[monk]]
 +
guilty of a [[parajika]] offence has to be removed perhaps even {{Wiki|physically}}*
 +
by the [[Samgha]]. He must remain outside the spatial boundary (simS)
 +
stipulated for this {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act within which only “[[pure]]” [[monks]] can
 +
be {{Wiki|present}}. Thus in this particular case the [[reason]] for the use of the term
 +
ndsand might once again be the necessity for an active role of the
 +
Saipgha in the expulsion. This supposition seems more likely if onie
 +
remembers that'the offender evidently failed to confess his offence
 +
immediately after having committed it but rather only after having been
 +
placed under [[investigation]] during the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of pavaranid:
  
−
[[108]] S II 54.  
+
In other passages of the Suttavibhafiga the term ndsand instead of
 +
[[parajika]] is used. Some of these references are to be found in the
 +
casuistry of [[Parajika]] l of the Dhikkhuvibhaiiga, that is, the {{Wiki|rule}}
 +
prescribing [[celibacy]]. There the following eases arc mentioned (Vin III
 +
33.24-28): A [[monk]], who is guilty of having raped a [[sleeping]] co-monk
 +
or {{Wiki|novice}}, should be expelled ( ndsetabbo ). In the event that the victim
 +
wakes up and consents to the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the [[monk]], both participants
 +
have to be expelled ( ndsetabbd ). The same {{Wiki|rule}} applies in the ease of a
 +
{{Wiki|novice}} raping a [[sleeping]] [[monk]] or fellow-novice (Vin 111 33.28-31), and
 +
in the ease of a [[monk]] who is forced to rape a [[nun]], a {{Wiki|female}} probationer'
 +
(sikkliainana), or a [[female novice]] (Vin 111 39.37-40.6): Both partic¬
 +
ipants arc found not guilty if they do not consent, but otherwise have to
 +
be expelled ( ndsetabbd ). The same goes for a [[monk]] who is forced to
 +
rape a lay-woman, a [[homosexual]] 9 , or another [[monk]] (Vin 111 40.5-13).  
  
−
109 S Ji 55. 5 46.  
+
7. On this {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act see Jin-11 CHUNG, Pravdrandvastu im [[Vinayavastu]] dcr
 +
Mulasdrtdstivadin , Gottingen, 1997 (SWTF, Beiheft 7) (in press).  
  
−
no s i: so.  
+
8. There is at least one instance of a [[physical]] expulsion of a [[monk]] found to be not
 +
“[[pure]]” (Vin 11 237.8-10: atha kho Mahamoggalldno tarft puggalam bdhayam
 +
gahetvd [[bahi]] dvdrakotthakd nikkhdmctva sucighatikaqi datvd .„).  
  
−
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
9. For an [[interpretation]] of the term [[pandaka]] see Leonard ZWILLING, “Homo¬
 +
{{Wiki|sexuality}} as Seen in [[Indian Buddhist]] Texts”, [[Buddhism ]], {{Wiki|Sexuality}}, and [[Gender]] ,
 +
ed. Jos6 Ignacio CabezGn, [[Albany]], 1992 ([[Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica]] Series,
 +
113), pp. 203-214.
  
−
putta’s previous one in .several important ways. In the. first place
+
In all these eases the term pdrajika is not applied even though the  
−
it is not a proclamation of the [[Buddha’s]] qualities: it is Siiriputta’s
+
respective offenders arc apparently guilty of a pdrajika offence. It may
−
demonstration of his [[own]] [[understanding]] of the [[Teaching]]. Second¬
+
be that in the [[Vinaya]] for these instances the term ndsetabba is used
−
ly, and most importantly, this utterance is not termed a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ by the [[Buddha]], but only by a [[monk]]. The [[monk]] uses this
+
instead of pdrajika , once again because an expulsion performed by the  
−
{{Wiki|terminology}} in his report to the [[Buddha]] and the [[latter]] uses
+
[[Samgha]] is [[thought]] necessary. 10
−
different {{Wiki|terminology}} in his answer. On the previous occasion it
 
−
was the [[Buddha]] who gave the [[name]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ to [[Sariputta’s]]
 
−
utterance. Here the text specifically [[attributes]] different termino¬
 
−
logy to him. In this {{Wiki|literature}} prone to repetition, the absence of  
 
−
repetition where it could be expected must be regarded as
 
−
significant. Instead of the repetition, the [[Buddha]] describes
 
−
Sarifiutta as someone* who has ‘well-mastered the [[sphere]] of
 
−
[[religion]]’ 111 .  
 
  
−
[[Sariputta]] is attributed with three different types of [[lions]]’ roar.
+
Another instance of rape is mentioned in the introductory story of the  
−
Two of these can be regarded as genuine, the criterion for
+
{{Wiki|rule}} [[Samghadisesa]] 8 in the Bhikkhuvibhahga: Two [[monks]] [[feel]] that they ,
−
genuineness being that the texts have the [[Buddha]] himself so
+
have been treated unfairly by Xhc [[monk]] [[Dabba]]. Therefore, they persuade
−
designate the utterance. These are (i) when the ‘[[lion’s roar]]* took
+
the [[nun]] Mctliya to accuse [[Dabba]] of having raped her in order to have
−
place in [[debate]] circumstances in praise of the [[Buddha]] (D 28X and
+
[[Dabba]] expelled (ndsdpcyya; Vin III 162.14-27). 11 Thus this passage also
−
' (ii) when the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ took place in defence of, and asserting
+
pertains to the instances of the casuistry of Pdrajika 1 mentioned above.  
−
the [[quality]] of his [[own]] [[mental state]] (A IV 238). The third, Le. the
 
−
final example in this section cannot be accepted as a true ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ as, according to the text, the [[Buddha]] did not give it this
 
−
title. In none of these is the location a public assembly, but rather
 
−
these are private lion’s roars made only before the [[Sangha]] of  
 
−
[[monks]].  
 
  
−
There js one occasion in each of the [[Thera]]- and [[Theri-gatha]]  
+
It is quite possible that the two malicious [[monks]] aimed to have [[Dabba]]
−
when a [[monk]] utters his ‘[[lion’s roar]]’,
+
expelled by the [[Samgha]], as implied by the application of the verb
 +
ndsdpcyya . However, according to the story, the [[Buddha]] asked [[Dabba]]
 +
# whether the [[nun’s]] accusations were true (Vin III 162.30-31), and the
 +
putimokkha {{Wiki|rule}} [[views]] the ease as an example of a [[consciously]] false
 +
accusation of a pdrajika offence (Vin III 163.22**). i2 Since [[Dabba]]
 +
pleaded innocent to having raped Mettiya, the [[Buddha]] ordered Mettiya
 +
to be expelled (Vin III 16238-163.1: tena hi bhikkhavc Mettiyam
 +
bhikkhunim ndsethu).^ This procedure, however, is not based on any
 +
fixed {{Wiki|rule}} of the [[Vinaya]], since until then there existed no regulation
 +
prohibiting [[monks]] or [[nuns]] from accusing another of having committed a
 +
pdrajika offence. In the [[Vinaya]] a [[person]] having [[caused]] the formulation
  
 +
10. This Could be the casc.bccausc a rape is viewed as a very grave {{Wiki|transgression}} ol
 +
both [[Buddhist]] [[monastic]] and [[Brahmanical]] taw. Rape in the [[Vinaya]] , particularly the
 +
rape of a [[nun]], is frequently mentioned as one of the most serious infringements
 +
of [[Buddhist]] [[monastic]] law (cf.Vin 1 85.24; 89.2-3 and 11-12; 121.7; 135.3;
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
/ 168.10; 320.13 etc.); for some examples in the [[Brahmanical]] law see Ganganatha
  
 +
JUA, [[Hindu]] Law in its Sources , Vol. 1, [[Allahabad]], 1930, pp. 481-484.
  
−
(15) 175. 'Come, [[Nandaka]], let us go into the presence of the  
+
11. In the [[Cullavagga]] (Vin 11 74.24 - 79.37) the introductory story of [[Samghadisesa]]
 +
8 is repeated almost [[word]] for [[word]]. Here Mettiya is also expelled, and the story
 +
introduces the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of the giving of a sativinaya , “a verdict of  
 +
innocence” (Vin II 79.37-80*31). By means of this {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act it is
 +
officially agreed that the [[Samgha]] trusts the accused [[person]] (cf. NOLOT, SVTT 11,
  
−
[[preceptor]]. We shall roar the [[lion’s roar]] face to face
+
► pp.99, 109).  
−
with the best of the [[Buddhas]].  
 
  
−
176. We have now [[attained]] that goal for which, with
+
12. However, the focus of this {{Wiki|rule}} is not on the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the [[nun]] Mettiya but on
−
[[compassion]] for us, the [[Wikipedia:Sage (sophos|sage]] made us go forth — the  
+
the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the [[monks]] who [[caused]] Mettiya to utter the wrong accusation.  
−
{{Wiki|annihilation}} of all [[fetters]]’ 112 . •
 
  
−
(16) 331. *... The [[Buddha’s teaching]] has been done.  
+
13. Vin 111 162.38-163.3. After that the malicious [[monks]] were remorseful and
 +
begged the other [[monks]] not to expel Mettiya for she had not committed any
 +
offence (Vin III 163.3-6).  
  
−
332. Allow me, [[noble lady]], 1 wish to go to [[Savatthi]]: I shall
 
−
roar a [[lion’s roar]] in the presence of the {{Wiki|excellent}}
 
−
[[Buddha]]’" 1 .
 
  
−
The [[reason]] for these ‘lion’s roars’, as the texts she./, is that
+
of a pdtimokkha {{Wiki|rule}} is exempted from any {{Wiki|punishment}}, since [[Buddhist]]
−
the [[disciple]] has [[attained]] the final goal and wishes to announce
+
[[monastic]] law is a case-law following the [[principle]] nulla poena [[sine]]  
−
this to, and perhaps have it confirmed by, the [[Buddha]]. This may
+
lege. 1 * In any case, even if Mettiya had been found guilty of an offence,
−
be {{Wiki|evidence}} of a {{Wiki|custom}} or a tendency to proclaim this [[degree]] of  
+
she would have had to undergo the {{Wiki|punishment}} for a [[samghadisesa offence]], that is a 14 days probation ( mdnatta )'*, rather than an expulsion
−
personal [[attainment]] publicly in the presence of the [[Buddha]]. As,
+
from the order, as was the case according to the introductory story of
−
however, only two examples arc attested, one in [[Theragatha]], one
+
[[Samghadisesa]] 8. Until this point in the text the only [[cause]] for the appli¬
−
in Thcrigatha, it is impossible to be certain of this. These
+
cation of nasana mentioned in the [[Vinaya]] is rape or the [[concealment]] of
−
instances could be also be cases of {{Wiki|poetic}} licence
+
a pdrajika offence. However in this ease, Mettiya neither concealed a
 +
pdrajika offence nor did she rape anybody, but rather accused another of
 +
having raped her. Therefore, her expulsion must be regarded as an
 +
exception, made possible through the personal intervention of the  
 +
[[Buddha]]. 1 * In addition, it is worth noting that according to’ the introduc¬
 +
tory story and the patimokklia {{Wiki|rule}} it was not Mettiya’s {{Wiki|behaviour}} which
 +
gave rise to the formulation of the {{Wiki|rule}} but rather the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the
 +
two [[monks]] who [[caused]] Mettiya to make the unfounded accusation. 17 In
 +
any ease, in this passage the term ndsaitd is not used as a technical term
 +
of Budtjhist. [[monastic]] law. The same holds true for. one passage of the
 +
[[Suttapitaka]], namely an account in the Kdraiulavasutta of the Mettd-
 +
vugga in the Ahguttaranikdya. Here a [[monk]] accused of having com-
 +
mitted an offence changes the [[subject]] and talks about other things (AN
 +
IV 168.24-27). This leads the [[Buddha]] himself to demand his expulsion
 +
(AN IV 169.1-2: dhumatlt' ... niddhamath' .... AN IV I69.I0-: tarn
 +
aiam ... bahiddhd nasenti). This procedure is not based on any fixed
 +
{{Wiki|rule}} of the [[Vinaya]] but, on the contrary, contradicts the regulations of
 +
[[Buddhist]] [[monastic]] law: According to Pdcittiya 12 of the [[Bhikkhu]]-
 +
vibhaiiga the evasion of an accusation is a pdcittiya offence, the consc-
  
−
A [[monk]] might also be described as a ‘lion’s roarer’. In a list
 
−
that gives the [[highest]] qualities of various [[monks]], the [[monk]]
 
−
Plndola [[Bharadvaja]] is called chief of the [[disciples]] who are lion’s
 
−
roarers' u . There is no [[sutta]] passage which tells us what he
 
−
roared" 5 .
 
  
−
Whereas the Buddha’slion’s roar is a public event governed
+
14. Cf. VON HlNCiBER, “[[Buddhist Law]]”, p.7; cf. Hcllmuth HECKER, “Allgcmcinc
−
by what we may [[imagine]] were the [[debate]] {{Wiki|rules}} of the time, the
+
Rcchtsgrundsatzc in dcr buddhistischcn Ordensverfassung (VinayaY.
−
[[monk's]] lion’s roars, insofar as we can tell from the small number
+
Verfassung und Recltt in Obersee 10/1, cd. Herbert KROGER (1977), pp. 89-115;
 +
p. 96.
  
 +
15. For [[manatta]] see NOLOT, SVTT 111, pp. 117-122.
  
−
112 Tr. K.R. Norman. [[Elders]] Verses (EV) \X
+
16. Thus this reference docs [[hot]] confirm C. S. UPASAK’s opinion that nasana
 +
generally is applied as a term for the expulsion of [[nuns]] ({{Wiki|Dictionary}} of Early
 +
[[Buddhist]] [[Monastic]] Terms [Based on [[Pali Literature]]], [[Varanasi]] 1975; s.v.
 +
Nasana).
  
−
113 Tr. Norman; F.V U.34.  
+
17. This issue is extensively discussed in lh$ commentary „nd is dealt with again here
 +
below (p. 103).  
  
−
114 A l 23.
 
  
−
115 C.P. Malalusekcra. {{Wiki|Dictionary}} of [[Pali]] Proper Names t x.v. [[Pindola-Bharadvaja]].  
+
qucncc of which is {{Wiki|confession}} but not expulsion. 18 Thus it is possible
 +
that the introductory story of Samghddiscsa 8 and the just mentioned
 +
account in the [[Suttapitaka]] belong to the eldest stratum of the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]]  
 +
texts, being formulated before the term nasana was used with a “juridi¬
 +
cal” meaning.  
  
−
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
In another passage of the [[Mahavagga]] the term nasana is applied for
 +
the expulsion of [[fully ordained]] members of the order (Vin I 85.27-
 +
90.9). There it is stated that certain {{Wiki|individuals}} are not entitled to [[full ordination]] (upasampudd) and, if [[ordination]] already has been bestowed
 +
on them, they have to be expelled ( nasrtabbo ). The eleven types of indi¬
 +
viduals concerned apparently did not receive upasampadd legitimately,
 +
having committed a grave offence in the time of household-life, or
 +
simply because they were considered {{Wiki|physically}} unfit for full member¬
 +
ship in the order. 19 The {{Wiki|individuals}} concerned include homosexuals
 +
([[pandaka]]\ Vin I 86;7-9) 20 , fake [[monks]], persons converted to another
  
−
that remain to us in this {{Wiki|literature}}, were private events, assertions
 
−
in front of the [[Teacher]] and the [[Sangha]] and not open to public
 
−
challenge.
 
  
−
3. [[Suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their titles.  
+
18. On the other hand, this account in the Ahguttaranikaya may well have served as a
 +
bas s for [[Pacittiya]] 12 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 36.37**). According to v
 +
the introductory story of this {{Wiki|rule}} a [[monk]] also evaded an accusation (Vin IV
 +
35.26-29). Since the [[Manorathapurani]] (Mp IV 74.11-13), the commentary on
 +
the Angutiaranikaya, links the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] passage commcntfcckupdn with an
 +
{{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act introduced and described in the [[Cullavagga]] (Vin II 101.4-
 +
102.10: tassapdpiyyasikdkamma) by rendering “he evades” (ahhen' annum
 +
paticarati) with “he conceals (his offence)'* ( paticchddeti ), this passage of the
 +
[[Cullavagga]] may also have been inspired by the above-mentioned passage of the
 +
Ahgutturwukdya . For some more examples of passages of the [[Suttapitaka]] which
 +
contain rather old [[Vinaya]] material, of. VON HlNOBER, Handbook §§ 67, 74, 80;
 +
cf. the references given in VON HlNOBER, “[[Buddhist Law]]", note 5.  
  
−
There are three [[suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their title, i.e.
+
19. One passage in the Parivdra (Vin V 140.14-15) refers to this passage in the
−
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]], in D; Kassapa-sihaniida [[Sutta]] (No.8), Udum-
+
[[Mahavagga]] without adding anything new. According to the Samantapdsddikd
−
barika-sihanada [[Sutta]] (No.25), and Cakkavatti-sihanada [[Sutta]]
+
(Sp 1391.26-27) in another passage of the Parivdra (Vin V 216.32) the term
−
(No.26); two in M: Cuja-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.ll) and Maha-sihanida
+
ndsita refers to the eleven types of {{Wiki|individuals}} mentioned above as well.  
−
[[Sutta]] (No.12), which gives this [[name]] to the [[vagga]]" 6 , and a [[Siha]]¬
 
−
[[nada]] [[Vagga]] in A IV 373-96.  
 
  
−
The M [[sihanada]] [[suttas]] arc both [[suttas]] with [[debate]] [[elements]].  
+
20. The \'ujirabuddhifikd (Vjb 114.24-115.31) provides several additional
−
The [[Cula-sihanada Sutta]] is a {{Wiki|sermon}} in which the [[Buddha]] teaches
+
explanations of the casuistry of Pdrdjika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga . In the
−
his [[monks]] [[debate]] [[techniques]]; in the Mahi-slhanada [[Sutta]] he re¬
+
[[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] text a [[monk]] or a [[nun]] changes {{Wiki|sex}}. The Vajirabuddhitikd has a
−
futes a challenge [[Sunakkhatta]] is reported to have made against
+
[[discussion]] about what age the {{Wiki|individuals}} received [[full ordination]], since [[married]]  
−
him. The D'sihunida [[suttas]] are more diverse. Two [[concern]]
+
women arc allowed to enter the order at the age of twelve, whereas men can only
−
challenges-^ - .n the Kassapa-sihaniida [[Sutta]], [[Kassapa]] challenges the  
+
receive [[full ordination]] at the age of twenty. It is explicitly stated in this passage of
−
[[Buddha]] on the theme of [[asceticism]], and the [[Buddha]] refutes this
+
the subcommcntarics that during the {{Wiki|sex}} change process the {{Wiki|individuals}} arc not
−
challenge, while the Udumbarikarslhanada [[Sutta]] concerns a
+
considered to be jxindakas (in this case [[pandaka]] probably means “without outer
−
challenge made against the [[Buddha]] by [[Nigrodha]] in [[Queen]]
+
[[signs]] of {{Wiki|sex}}") and thus do not have to be expelled because of Vin I 85.27 - 86.9
−
Udumbarika’s Park. It is, however, hard to see what the common
+
(Vjb 115, 10-12; cf.Sp-t III 256.19-22).  
−
[[element]] is in the shared [[name]] regarding the third, the [[Cakka]]¬
 
−
vatti-sihanada [[Sutta]], which is a tale about good rulership. The
 
−
[[Sihanada Vagga]] of the A gets its name'from its first [[sutta]], which
 
−
is the [[lion’s roar]] by [[Sariputta]] in which he proclaims his [[own]]
 
−
[[attainments]].  
 
  
−
In their diversity the relationship between the names of  
+
[[religion]] (theyyosamvdsaka, tittiiiyapukkantaka; Vin l 86.31-35)21,
−
slhan&da [[suttas]] and their content reflects that ol the contents of  
+
[[animals]] (tiracchanagata; Vin I 88.1-3), matricides {matughataka; Vin I
−
the various sihunadas. Both challenges and proclamations of
+
88.20-21), patricides ( pitughdtaka ; Vin 1 88.24-26), those who have
 +
killed an [[Arhat]] {arahantaghdtaka\ Vin 1 89.4-6), raped a [[nun]], or [[caused]]
 +
a split within the order, as well as persons who have [[caused]] bloodshed
 +
0 bhikkhunidusaka , samghabhedaka , lohiiuppadaka ; Vin I 89.11-16)22,
 +
and {{Wiki|hermaphrodites}} (, ubhalovjaiijanaka ; Vin 1 89.19-21). Although these
 +
persons committed no offence during [[monkhood]], the expulsion n&sand
 +
has to be performed by the [[Samgha]], since it was the [[Samgha]] which
 +
acted improperly (though unknowingly) by bestowing [[ordination]] in
 +
these eases. Therefore the [[Samgha]] is forced to restore a lawful [[state]] by
 +
explicitly cancelling the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of [[ordination]]. In the Parivdra
 +
one additional piece of [[information]] referring to the expulsion of these
 +
eleven pcirsons is provided: The {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of [[ordination]] in these
 +
eases is referred to as vatthuvipatti , i.e. “defect in material” (Vin V
 +
222.6-14: ... vatthuvipannam adhammakammam ...). This is confirmed
 +
by the commentary upon the Pdtimokkha , the Kahkhavitaranl , stating
 +
that these eleven eases arc avatthukd , meaning that they arc “not
 +
potential material” for an [[ordination]] procedure (Kkh 17.27-29 and 19.3-
 +
5). Therefore, if the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} ( upasampaddkamma ) has
 +
indeed been performed not withstanding the avatthuka {{Wiki|status}} of these
 +
persons, then the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act itself is considered invalid and has to
 +
be openly annulled by the [[Samgha]].  
  
 +
Unlike the [[monks]] novices arc not [[subject]] to [[Buddhist]] [[monastic discipline]], but have to observe ten specified {{Wiki|rules}}. The expulsion of
 +
novices is also called nasana in the [[Vinaya]] . According to [[Pacittiya]] 70 of*
 +
the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 139.18**-34**) a {{Wiki|novice}} (samanuddesa)
 +
wh6 upholds a view specified as false about the utterances of the [[Buddha]]
 +
has to be expelled (Vin IV 139.32**:... [[tatha]] nasitam samanuddesam).
 +
This is the only passage describing the actual procedure of ndsandxn the
 +
[[Vinaya]] .23 if a {{Wiki|novice}} ignores one admonition he is to be sent away with
  
−
116 See l.B. Horner. [[Middle Length Sayings]] (MLS) 1 xiv.  
+
21. According to the Samantapdsddikd (Sp 1017.10-12) a thcyyaswfivdsaka may not
 +
obtain even a lower [[ordination]] (pabbajjd).  
  
−
Mannc — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
22. With regard to the {{Wiki|individuals}} who have [[caused]] a split within the order and the
 +
ones who have converted to another [[religion]], the refusal to ordain clearly refers to
 +
their second [[ordination]], since they have both previously been members of the
 +
order.
  
−
[[own]] [[understanding]] of his [[Teaching]], telling what one had seen,
+
23. This procedure is described in the introductory story, in the {{Wiki|rule}}, and in the
 +
[[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] commentary (padabhajaniya) of [[Pacittiya]] 70 (Vin IV 13832 -139.4).
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
the following words: "From this day onwards, dear [[friend]] Samanuddesa,
 +
this Lord is not to be viewed as your [[teacher]] anymore; the privileges
 +
given to other Samanuddesas, namely [[sleeping]] two or three nights in one
 +
room with the [[monks]], these arc not (given) to you anymore; go, leave!”
 +
This suggests that the expulsion of novices is not an {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act but
 +
rather an informal - though to some extent formalized -.request made to
 +
the {{Wiki|novice}}. In addition we know from the anapaiti [[formula]] that this
 +
expulsion can later be amended (Vin IV 140.30-31). 24 According to the
 +
rule’s introductory story, the {{Wiki|novice}} [[Kantaka]] advocated the [[false view]]
 +
given in the {{Wiki|rule}} itself (Vin IV 138.20-24). There his {{Wiki|misconduct}} is
 +
referred to as “[[slandering]]” of the Lord ( ma bhagavantam abbhacikkhi,
 +
na hi sddliu bhagavaio abbhakkhananv, cf. Vin IV 134.14-15).
 +
According to the [[Cullavagga]] (Vin II 25.10-27.18) similar {{Wiki|behaviour}} by
 +
a [[monk]] leads to his [[suspension]] ( ukkhepana ) 25 , whereas in the ease of a
 +
{{Wiki|novice}} expulsion (ndsana) is called for. This mutual proximity of
 +
[[suspension]] ( ukkhepana) of a [[fully ordained]] member of the order and
 +
expulsion (ndsand) of a {{Wiki|novice}} is implied in one passage of the Parivdra
 +
as well (Vin V 115.23-24).
  
−
[[attainments]] arc found. Probably the Cakkavatti-slhanada [[Sutta]]
+
The misbehaviour of the {{Wiki|novice}} [[Kantaka]], however, is one of the ten
−
should be regarded as falling into the [[latter]] category. It is the
+
general [[reasons]] for ndsand for novices. These ten [[reasons]] arc listed in
−
proclamation of the [[attainments]] and qualities of the best [[ruler]].  
+
the [[Mahavagga]] (Vin 1 85.19-26): 26
  
−
4. The ‘[[lion's roar]]' and ihe [[debate]] [[tradition]]  
+
I prescribe, [[monks]], the expelling of a {{Wiki|novice}} possessing the following ten
 +
[[characteristics]]: If he destroys [[living beings]], takes things not given, adheres to an
 +
impure [[moral]] code! if he lies, drinks alcoholic drinks, speaks ill of the [[Buddha]],
  
−
In the [[Pali]] [[Nikayas]] the. term [[sihanada]] — ‘the [[lion’s roar]]’ —
+
' speaks ill of the [[Samgha]], speaks ill of the [[Dhamma]], holds [[false views]], or is a
−
is used for various types of {{Wiki|expressions}}. When the [[Tathagata’s]]
+
rapist of [[nuns]].  
−
[[lion’s roar]] is referred to we are close to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[religious]]
 
−
{{Wiki|speech}} contest or [[Debate]] which Witzel has described in his
 
−
article. When the '[[lion’s roar]]’ is attributed to a [[disciple]], we find
 
−
that it is his [[own]] claim to [[attainments]]. Both the [[Tathagata’s]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and that of a [[disciple]] are utterances which the speaker is
 
−
willing to defend in public, the former in front of a large public
 
−
of the [[world]], the [[latter]] in front of the smaller public of the
 
−
[[monks]]. It seems then that the [[Buddhists]] have adapted the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
−
[[tradition]] of challenges in [[debate]] to their [[own]] purposes, using
 
−
their [[own]] {{Wiki|terminology}} — sihandda — and generalising it to
 
−
include a [[monk’s]] public [[assertion]] of his achievements. [[Suttas]] wit^
 
−
[[sihanada]] in their title generally confirm this usage. As we*do not
 
−
usually know how and when a [[sutta]] got its title, only limited
 
−
{{Wiki|weight}} can be [[attached]] to this last point %
 
  
−
5. Conclusions.
+
Five of these ten [[characteristics]] arc in {{Wiki|violation}} of the first five of the
 +
[[ten training rules]] set forth for novices 27 and the remaining five arc other
  
−
I said in the introduction that a study of the notion of the  
+
24. The. focus of the {{Wiki|rule}} [[Pacittiya]] 70 is, of course, on the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the [[monks]],  
−
‘[[lion’s roar]]’ showed the inventive and [[creative way]] the reciters
+
who arc not allowed to keep regular [[contact]] with a Samanuddesa expelled in this
−
conveyed the [[Buddha’s]] message, relating its content to the cus¬
+
manner.  
−
toms and [[traditions]] of their [[society]]. In fact it provides a variety
 
−
of examples of their way of going about their task.  
 
  
−
First a [[word]] about the reciters.  
+
25. In [[Pacittiya]] 68 Of the Bhikkhttvibhanga the same {{Wiki|behaviour}} as Kantaka's is
 +
attributed to the [[monk]] [[Arittha]]. There it results in a [[pacittiya]] offence. However,
 +
the introductory story of [[Pacittiya]] 68 (Vin IV 133.32-135.5) is repeated [[word]]  
 +
for [[word]] in the [[Cullavagga]] (Vin ll 25.10-26.33). There the [[suspension]]
 +
(ukkhepana) of the [[monk]] [[Arittha]] who did not give up his [[false view]] is described.  
  
−
Recounting those aspects of daily [[life]] one had shared with
+
26. [[Parivara]] VI. 10 (Vin V 138.16-17) refers to this passage without making any
−
the [[Buddha]] to one’s fellow practitioners, passing on to them the
+
additions.
−
content of the [[discourses]] one had heard — that is to say, one’s
 
  
−
certainly began as early as [[Buddhism]] itself did. The first converts
+
27. Consequently it is slated in the Samantapasadikd that the {{Wiki|violation}} of the first
−
and earliest [[monks]] would obviously talk to each other about the
+
five [[training rules]] is punished by ndsana . To complement the content ol the  
−
[[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]], and keep each other informed about
 
−
what had happened during, for example, an absence due to an
 
−
[[almsround]] or a [[meditation retreat]]. What had happened would
 
−
include what had been [[taught]], who the [[Buddha]] had talked to in
 
−
particular, who came to see him, what advice he gave, and so
 
−
forth. As the {{Wiki|community}} grew and spread this was [[essentially]] its
 
−
way to keep in {{Wiki|touch}} and up to date. Some [[people]] [[love]] to re¬
 
−
count, to narrate stories, to share their [[experiences]], to tell.  
 
−
Probably those who tpld about the [[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]]
 
−
especially well were invited to do so again and again and became
 
−
known as good reciters. Telling skilfully requires invention and
 
−
the texts are indeed full of {{Wiki|literary}} inventions created by very
 
−
[[skilful]] raconteurs.
 
  
−
The early reciters told about true events, events in which
 
−
they had participated as observers and witnesses. Although we
 
−
cannot know whether the accounts of the [[debates]] in D contain
 
−
any actual words that the [[Buddha]] spoke, the style of [[debating]]
 
−
they attribute to him is consistent and differentiated from that
 
−
attributed to other [[debaters]], and they are true to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]]
 
−
[[tradition]] 157 . The early reciters also passed on the [[experiences]] of
 
−
others that had been told to them. In telling a tale there are
 
−
always modifications depending on the [[character]] and interests of
 
−
the teller.
 
  
−
The early reciters created similes. A simile that compares the  
+
examples of incorrect {{Wiki|behaviour}}. The expulsion of the {{Wiki|novice}} Kanjaka in
−
[[Buddha]] to a [[lion]] is hardly surprising. The comparison between a
+
[[Pacittiya]] 70 fits into either the sixth or the ninth of these ten situations.  
 +
[[Kantaka]] either “speaks ill of the [[Buddha]]” ( buddhassa avannam bhasati)
 +
or could be said to “hold a [[false view]]” (micchaditthiko), as can be seen
 +
from the introductory story of [[Pacittiya]] 70 (see above). Additionally,
 +
one can conjecture from the anapatti-formufa of [[Pacittiya]] 70 that the
 +
expulsion of novices in any of these eases can later be amended.  
  
−
117 See Manne (1990) and (1992).
+
in the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] references discussed above three concents of the use
 +
of the term ndsand can be {{Wiki|distinguished}}. Firstly, Mettiya and the [[monk]]
 +
in the Aitguttaranikdya arc expelled not because of any {{Wiki|violation}} of a
 +
pdtimokkha {{Wiki|rule}} but because of the personal intervention of the [[Buddha]].
 +
Secondly, as a technical term of [[Buddhist]] [[monastic]] law as laid down in
 +
the [[Vinayapitaka]], ndsand stands for the expulsion of a member of the
 +
order performed by the [[Samgha]]. This expulsion seems to be irreversible,
 +
siiicc with regard to mdnks and [[nuns]] it is frequently applied in the ease
 +
of a pdrajika offence. 28 In these cases ndsand is used either because the
 +
committed oTfcncc is considered to be a very grave one (rape), or
 +
because the respective [[person]] did not admit to his offence immediately
 +
after having committed it, but rather only after a certain period of
 +
[[concealment]], as illustrated by Pdrajika 2 of the Bhikklumivibhanga and  
 +
by the expulsion of a [[monk]] during the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of pavarand™
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (19 96)
 
  
 +
[[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] text the same commentary informs us that the {{Wiki|violation}} of {{Wiki|rules}} b-10 of
 +
the [[Samaneras]]’ is to be punished by a dandakamma (Sp 1012.32 -1013 1 and
 +
1015.2-4; cf. Sp-| III 255.8-9).
  
−
(15) 175. 'Come, [[Nandaka]], let us go into the presence of the  
+
28. On the other hand, one passage found in the [[Parivara]] fails to conform the
 +
supposition that ndsand in the [[Vinaya]] generally refers to the Samgha’s expulsion
 +
of a [[monk]] or [[nun]] who has committed a pdrajika offence. In Vin V 137.5-7
 +
ndsand is used only with regard to the eighth pdrajika {{Wiki|rule}} for [[nuns]], but not with
 +
regard to any of the other seven [[parajikas]]. It is unclear why the term ndsand is
 +
employed in only this instance.
  
−
[[preceptor]]. We shall roar the [[lion’s roar]] face to face
+
29. In addition to the [[information]] [[gathered]] from the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] text, the commentaries
−
with the best of the [[Buddhas]].  
+
Samantapasadikd and Sumangalavitdsint also mention ndsand in [[connection]]  
 +
with a previous [[concealment]] of a jrirdjika offence, while commenting upon the
 +
potential ways of settling the four kinds of “legal matters’* (adhikarana). In the  
 +
[[Cullavagga]] (Vin II 101.4-102.10) a [[monk]] is accused of having committed a
 +
weighty offence, that is to say, a pdrajika or another, “similar offence” (Vin H
 +
101.8-11; according to Samantapasadikd [Sp 1199.1-3] this means a [[dukkata]] or
 +
[[thullaccaya]] y according to the Papancasudant [Ps IV 48.3-10] pdrajika -
 +
sdmantam here is a “heavy offence”, that is a Sainghadisesa), The accused [[monk]]
 +
pretends for a while not to recall the particular incident referred to, after which he
 +
then admits to having committed another, less significant offence ( dppamattikam
  
−
176. We have now [[attained]] that goal for which, with
 
−
[[compassion]] for us, the [[Wikipedia:Sage (sophos|sage]] made us go forth — the
 
−
{{Wiki|annihilation}} of all [[fetters]]’ 11J . •
 
  
−
(16) 331. '... The [[Buddha’s teaching]] has been done.  
+
Additionally, in the Vinayupitaka ndsand is applied for the expulsion pi
 +
persons who should not have received [[full ordination]] at all. In this ease
 +
it was the Samgha’s mistake to bestow [[ordination]] on the unsuitable
 +
{{Wiki|individuals}}. For this [[reason]] the [[Samgha]] is forced to act by revoking the
 +
{{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act by the expulsion ndsand . Thirdly, ndsand is applied to
 +
the expulsion af novices, which may become necessary because ol the
 +
ten [[reasons]] listed in the Mahdvagga. One of these [[reasons]] is referred to
 +
in a pdtitnokkha {{Wiki|rule}} ( Pdcittiya 70). This specific expulsion of novices
 +
evidently corresponds to the temporary [[suspension]] ( ukkhepand ) of
 +
[[monks]] and may be cancelled.  
  
−
332. Allow me, [[noble lady]]; 1 wish to go to [[Savatthi]]: I shall
+
The only [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] trace of a more explicit {{Wiki|classification}} of the
−
roar a [[lion’s roar]] in the presence of the {{Wiki|excellent}}
+
application of the term ndsand is to be found in the [[Parivara]] , the most
−
[[Buddha]]’ 113 .  
+
recent section of the Vinayupitaka. There “three expelled (persons)”
 +
(ndsitakd tayo\ Vin V 211.13-17) arc mentioned. This specific tripar¬
 +
tition marks the transition to the much more elaborate [[definition]] as
 +
formulated in the commentaries. The commentary Samantapdsddikd ,
 +
which was compiled more than half a millcnium after the completion of  
 +
the Vinayupitaka , comments upon this passage of the [[Parivara]] (Sp
 +
1383.36-1384.4). There a short explanation is given, and a more
 +
detailed [[definition]] in an earlier- passage of the same comYncntary i^
 +
referred to. There (Sp 582.19-26), in the commentary on the intro¬
 +
ductory story of Samghddisesa 8 mentioned above, the tripartition of
 +
ndsand is explained in detail:
  
−
The [[reason]] for these ‘lion’s roars’, as the texts she./, is that
+
There arc three (kinds of) ndsand: lingandsana , samvdsandsand and [[danda]] -
−
the [[disciple]] has [[attained]] the final goal and wishes to announce
+
kammandsand. Of these *A rapist has to be expelled* is a lifigandsand . If
−
this to, and perhaps have it confirmed by, the [[Buddha]]. This may
 
−
be {{Wiki|evidence}} of a {{Wiki|custom}} or a tendency to proclaim this [[degree]] of
 
−
personal [[attainment]] publicly in the presence of the [[Buddha]]. As,
 
−
however, only two examples arc attested, one in [[Theragatha]], one
 
−
in Thcrigatha, it is impossible to be certain of this. These
 
−
instances could be also be cases of {{Wiki|poetic}} licence
 
  
−
A [[monk]] might also be described as a ‘lion’s roarer’. In a list
+
dpattim), before finally pleading guilty to the offence he is actually accused of. In
−
that gives the [[highest]] qualities of various [[monks]], the [[monk]]  
+
such a ease the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act known as tassapdpiyyasikd-kamma is applied,
−
Plndola Bharadvftja is called chief of the [[disciples]] who are lion’s
+
whereby the accused [[monk]] is deprived of some of his rights until his
−
roarers 114 . There is no [[sutta]] passage which tells us what he
+
rehabilitation (see NCLOT, SVTTII, p. 110). In the commentary on this passage
−
roared 113 .  
+
of the [[Cullavagga]] in the Samantapdsddikd the term ndsand is used: The accused
 +
[[monk]] evades the accusation because he {{Wiki|fears}} expulsion (»iasaiia) once having
 +
admitted to [[die]] offence (Sp 1199.6-7). Similar explanations arc to be found in the
 +
Sutnangalavildsini , in the commentary on the Sahgitisutta in the Dighanikdya
 +
( )N 111 254.10-18). The [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] text commented upon briefly mentions the
 +
same situation as described in the [[Cullavagga]] . According to the [[Sumangala]] -
 +
vitas ini s the accused [[monk]] will be expelled if he has committed z pdrdjika offence
 +
{ayam cv * assa ndsand bhavissatt ti ). If he has committed a less serious offence,
 +
the so-called tassapdpiyyasikdkamma is performed and he can, after a period of  
 +
good {{Wiki|behaviour}}, regain his {{Wiki|status}} as a regular [[monk]] (Sv 111 1042.20-24).
 +
Evidently the expulsion following the [[concealment]] of a pdrdjika offence in these
 +
cases is referred to by the term ndsand.  
  
−
Whereas the Buddha’slion’s roar is a public event governed
+
([[monks]]) perform an {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of [[suspension]] (ukkhcpaniyakamma)
−
by what we may [[imagine]] were the [[debate]] {{Wiki|rules}} of the time, the
+
because of the non-recognition of or the not making amends for an offence or
−
[[monk's]] lion’s roars, insofar as we can tell from the small number
+
because of the not giving up of a [[wrong view]], it is a samvasanasand. If ([[monks]])
 +
perform an {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of {{Wiki|punishment}} (dandakamma) (by saying): ‘Go,  
 +
leave!', that is a dundakammandsand. In this ease, however, with reference to
 +
lingandsana^ the wording is: ‘Expel the.nun Meuiya!*’
  
 +
Following this [[definition]] a [[controversy]] between the Abhayagirivasins*
 +
and the [[Mahaviharavasins]] is reported in the Samantapdsddikd . 30 This
 +
[[controversy]] evidently is the result of the Samantapdsddikd* $ inter¬
 +
pretation of an earlier passage in the [[Vinaya]] containing the term ndsand.
  
−
112 Tr. K.R. Norman. [[Elders]] Verses (EV) 1 2.
+
In the commentary on the casuistry of Pdrdjika 1, which demands
 +
expulsion (ndsand) for a rapist (dusaka) (see above, p.95), the [[Samanta]]¬
 +
pdsddikd seems to be in need of an explanation as to why in this case the
 +
culprit is expelled by ndsand . The commentary thus claims that no
 +
{{Wiki|evidence}} from the side of the culprit is necessary in case of rape. A
 +
rapist (dusaka) is thus expelled without having given his [[own]] view (Sp
 +
269.9-12): 31
  
−
113 Tr. Norman; EV 11,34.  
+
'Doth have to be expelled’ is: both have to be expelled by a linganasana. In this
 +
case no {{Wiki|evidence}} from the rapist is required. The victim has to be expelled if he -
 +
after having been asked - gave {{Wiki|evidence}} (that he consented to the rape). If he did
 +
not consent, (the victim) docs not have to be expelled. Tire same goes for a
 +
[[Samanera]]. 32
  
−
114 A 1 23.  
+
The [[controversy]] between Abhayagirivasins and [[Mahaviharavasins]] now
 +
focuses on the question of what the actual [[reason]] was for the expulsion
 +
of Mettiya. Oskar VON HINGBER (“[[Buddhist Law]]”, p. 37) states “in the
 +
commentary the problem is discussed at some length, whether the [[nun]]
  
−
115 C.P. Malalasckcra, {{Wiki|Dictionary}} of [[Pali]] Proper Names , x.v. Pindola-Dharadvaja.  
+
30. Oskar VON HinOber (“[[Buddhist Law]]”, pp. 37f.) emphazises the importance of
 +
this passage, since this is the only instance in the Vinayapifaka where two
 +
[[existing]] versions of the [[Vinaya]] arc given.  
  
−
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
31. This is in {{Wiki|contradiction}} with the statement of the Samantapdsddikd as to why the
 +
[[Buddha]] asked [[Dabba]], whether the [[nun]] Mettiya's accusation was true (Sp
 +
581.15-19): “[The [[Buddha]] said to [[Dabba]]:] ‘If it is done by you, (say) ‘It is done*
 +
means: what does he show by this ([[word]])? He shows that (the accused [[person]])
 +
has to speak out himself whether or not he has done it, since it is not possible
 +
using the ([[monks]]') assembly’s authority or favouritism to find a [[person]], who is
 +
in fact innocent, to be guilty or [[vice versa]].’” Cf. also Sp 582.16-19: “‘For this
 +
[[reason]], [[monks]], expel the [[nun]] Mettiya!* means: the words of [[Dabba]] and (the
 +
words of) the ([[nun]]) do not conform. Therefore it is said: ‘Expel the [[nun]]  
 +
Mettiya!’”
  
−
that remain to us in this {{Wiki|literature}}, were private events, assertions
+
32. This last statement probably refers to the tenth of the ten [[reasons]] for ndsand of a
−
in front of the [[Teacher]] and the [[Sangha]] and not open to public
+
{{Wiki|novice}}, which arc listed in the Mahdvagga (see above, p. 100).  
−
challenge.  
 
  
−
3. [[Suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their titles.
 
  
−
There are three [[suttas]] with [[sihanada]] in their title, i.e.
+
was expelled with the consent ( patinnaya ) of [[Dabba Mallaputta]] or not”.
−
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]], in D; Kassapa-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.8), Udum*
+
According to the SaratthadipanP* patinnaya apparently does not mean
−
barika-slhanada [[Sutta]] (No.25), and Cakkavatti-sihanada [[Sutta]]  
+
“having consented” but rather “having given her view”, which refers to
−
(No.26); two in M: Cuta-sihanada [[Sutta]] (Noll) and Maha-slhan5da
+
Mettiya. Thus the [[discussion]] of the two factions in the [[Samantapasadika]]
−
[[Sutta]] (No.12), which gives this [[name]] to the [[vagga]] 116 , and a [[Siha]]¬
+
is about whether the expulsion of Mettiya was because of her (false)
−
[[nada]] [[Vagga]] in A IV 373-96.  
+
statement ([[Abhayagiri]] view) or for another [[reason]] ([[Mahavihara]] view). 34
 +
The [[Samantapasadika]] enlightens us that an expert then intervened who
 +
decided that the [[Mahaviharavasins]] were right (Sp 583.14-15) 35 . How¬
 +
ever, even then it remained unclear which offence Mettiya was accused
 +
of. This question is extensively discussed in the subsequent passage of
 +
the [[Samantapasadika]]. There it is stated that Mettiya did not commit a
 +
[[samghadisesa offence]] since the {{Wiki|rule}} [[Samghadisesa]] 8 of the [[Bhikkhu]]-  
 +
[[vibhahga]] applies only to [[nuns]] with [[respect]] to other [[nuns]] or to [[monks]]  
 +
with [[respect]] to other [[monks]], but not to nur.s with [[respect]] to [[monks]] (Sp
 +
583.15-17 and 28; Sp 5S4.3-5). 36 This suggests that Mettiya had com-
  
−
The M [[sihanada]] [[suttas]] are both [[suttas]] with [[debate]] [[elements]].  
+
33. Sp-t II 346.8-11: ayyenamlii dasitati patinndtatta taya patinnaya [[yadi]] nasita
−
The Cuja-sihanada [[Sutta]] is a {{Wiki|sermon}} in which the [[Buddha]] teaches
+
[[thero]] karako lioti saddoso ti attho. akarako hotiti tdya katapatiiihant anapekklti -  
−
his [[monks]] [[debate]] [[techniques]]; in the Maha-slhanada [[Sutta]] he re¬
+
ivdyadi bliagavatd pakatidussilabhdvam yeva sandhaya sa nasita [[thero]] akarako
−
futes a challenge [[Sunakkhatta]] is reported to have made against
+
hotiti adlii/'iHiyo.  
−
him. The D'sihan&da [[suttas]] arc more diverse. Two [[concern]]
 
−
challenges:"in the Kassapa-slhanada [[Sutta]], [[Kassapa]] challenges the
 
−
[[Buddha]] on the theme of [[asceticism]], and the [[Buddha]] refutes this
 
−
challenge, while the Udumbariktl-sihanada [[Sutta]] concerns a
 
−
challenge made against the [[Buddha]] by [[Nigrodha]] in [[Queen]]
 
−
Udumbarikii’s Park. It is, however, hard to see what the common
 
−
[[element]] is in the shared [[name]] regarding the third, the [[Cakka]]¬
 
−
vatti-sihanada [[Sutta]], which is a tale about good rulership. The
 
−
Sihanida [[Vagga]] of the A gets its name'from its first [[sutta]], which
 
−
is the [[lion’s roar]] by [[Sariputta]] in which he proclaims his [[own]]
 
−
[[attainments]].  
 
  
−
In their diversity the relationship between the names of  
+
34. It is not doubted at all that she had made this statement: Vin IU 162.21-22 and
−
[[sihanada]] [[suttas]] and their content reflects that of the contents of  
+
27: ayycna 'mlii Dabbena Mallaputtcna dusita 'ti. In the above-mentioned
−
the various sihanadas. Both challenges and proclamations of  
+
commentary in the [[Samantapasadika]] and the subcommcntaiy on this passage it is
 +
not clear what [[person]] tliero stands for, and what [[action]] is referred to by karako.
 +
If [[thera]] refers to [[Dabba]], then kdraka means that he was [[thought]] to actually have
 +
raped Mettiya. This is not true, as we know from the introductory story of  
 +
[[Samghadisesa]] 8. Additionally, if [[Dabba]] was a rapist - why should Mettiya have
 +
been expelled because of her accusation? Therefore it is quite probable that  
 +
karako them stands for the [[monk]] who performed the expulsion of [[nun]] Mettiya.
 +
If he did so because Mettiya had made her (false) statement, then he evidently
 +
doubted the [[truthfulness]] of her {{Wiki|evidence}}. However, a rape is believed to have ac¬
 +
tually happened as soon as a [[person]] claims to have been raped (Vmv 1282.1-2).
 +
Therefore, if the [[monk]] in spite of Mcttiya’s {{Wiki|evidence}} performed her expulsion,
 +
then he is a karako them and is said to be “with fault" ( sadosa ). If, on the other
 +
hand, the [[monk]] entrusted with Mcttiya’s expulsion expelled her for another
 +
[[reason]], then he is [[thought]] to be not instrumental in the performance of the wrong
  
 +
{{Wiki|punishment}} (akarako [[thero]]) and is consequently “without fault” ( niddosa).
  
−
116 See l.B. Horner, [[Middle Length Sayings]] (MLS) l xiv.  
+
35. Cf. Sp 584.5-9; cf.-Vmv 1282.9-10; cf. Sp-t II 346.8-13.  
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
36. See also Sp-t II 346.21 and Sp-t II 347.2-3. Additionally, according to the
 +
[[Cullavagga]] (Vin II 276.9-18) a [[monk]] may not be accused by ,a [[nun]]. For the
 +
difficulty of applying to [[nuns]] the {{Wiki|rules}} given only in the Bltikkhuvibhahga , see
 +
Utc IIOSKEN, [[Die]] Rcgeln fur [[die]] buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im [[Vinaya]]-
  
 +
milted either a [[dukkata]] or a [[pacittiya]]. However, the outcome of both
 +
offences is not the expulsion of the culprit but a simple {{Wiki|confession}} (Sp
 +
584.S-7). 37 The commentator solves this discrepancy by stating that
 +
Mettiya herself was {{Wiki|aware}} of her bad conduct and was because of this
 +
expelled by the [[Buddha]] (Sp 584.7-9). However, we have to remember
 +
the fact that there is no hint of Mcttiya’s [[self-awareness]] in the kinaya.
 +
This explanation thus seems to be a'provisional {{Wiki|solution}} by the author of
 +
the [[Samantapasadika]], who otherwise Wbuld have had to admit that the
 +
[[Buddha]] ordered the [[monks]] to act against the kindya.
  
−
[[attainments]] arc found. Probably the Cakkavatti-sJhanada [[Sutta]]  
+
The dusaka in Parujika 1 (Bltikkhuvibhahga ) and Mettiya arc expelled
−
should be regarded as falling into the [[latter]] category. It is the  
+
by a lihganasana according to the passages of the [[Samantapasadika]]  
−
proclamation of the [[attainments]] and qualities of the best [[ruler]].  
+
discussed above. The same source provides the additional [[information]]  
 +
that the actual ixpulsion of the [[nun]] Mettiya involves her [[disrobing]] (Sp
 +
584 1 1-13) 38 . [[Disrobing]] is therefore called liiigandsand. Since the
 +
expulsion of [[fully ordained]] persons is called linganasana also in the  
 +
eases of the [[monk]] admitting during pavdrand to having committed a
 +
[[parajika]] offence (sec above, p.94; Sp 1078.9), and in the ease of the
 +
erroneously [[ordained]] eleven kinds of {{Wiki|individuals}} in the [[Mahavagga]] (see
 +
above, p.98; Sp 1016.15-16), it is probably, in each of these eases, also
 +
performed by [[disrobing]] the guilty parly. In all these instances the
 +
cxpulsioh seems to be irreversible.  
  
−
4. The ‘[[lion's roar]]' and the [[debate]] [[tradition]]  
+
Once again, as in the commentary on [[Samghadisesa]] 8, in the
 +
commentary on the passage of the [[patimokkha]] about the expulsion of the  
 +
{{Wiki|novice}} [[Kanaka]] ( [[Pacittiya]] 70, see above, p.99) the “three kinds of
 +
nasand" arc listed in the [[Samantapasadika]] (Sp 870.34 - 871,6): 39
  
−
In the [[Pali]] [[Nikayas]] the term [[sihanada]] — ‘the [[lion’s roar]]’ —
+
“Expel him” means: here we arc faced with a threefold nasand: saipvasandsand,
−
is used for various types of {{Wiki|expressions}}. When the [[Tathagata’s]]
+
liiigandsand and dandakammandsand. Thus the [[suspension]] because of the  
−
[[lion’s roar]] is referred to we are close to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[religious]]
+
refusal to see an offence etc. is called saiiivbsanasand. “A rapist has to be
−
{{Wiki|speech}} contest or [[Debate]] which Witzel has described in his
+
expelled” (and) “Expel [[nun]] Mettiya!” is called liiigandsand. “From this day on.
−
article. When the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is attributed to a [[disciple]], we find
+
[[Venerable]] Samanuddesa, this Lord is not to be [[perceived]] as your, [[teacher]]  
−
that it is his [[own]] claim to [[attainments]]. Both the [[Tathagata’s]] ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and that of a [[disciple]] are utterances which the speaker is  
+
anymore!”, this is dandakammandsand: this is valid here. Therefore he said:
−
willing to defend in public, the former in front of a large public
+
“And thus, [[monks]], he should be expelled: ’... leave!’”
−
of the [[world]], the [[latter]] in front of the smaller public of the
 
−
[[monks]]. It seems then that the [[Buddhists]] have adapted the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
−
[[tradition]] of challenges in [[debate]] to their [[own]] purposes, using
 
−
their [[own]] {{Wiki|terminology}} — [[sihanada]] — and generalising it to
 
−
include a [[monk’s]] public [[assertion]] of his achievements. [[Suttas]] witjt
 
−
[[sihanada]] in their title generally confirm this usage. As we*do not
 
−
usually know how and when a [[sutta]] got its title, only limited
 
−
{{Wiki|weight}} can be [[attached]] to this last point.  
 
  
−
5. Conclusions.
 
  
−
I said in the introduction that a study of the notion of the
+
[[Pitaka]] der Theravddin (Monographicn zur Indischen Archaologic, Kunst und
−
‘[[lion’s roar]]’ showed the inventive and [[creative way]] the reciters
+
Philologie, 11X in press, §1.1.1.  
−
conveyed the [[Buddha’s]] message, relating its content to the cus¬
 
−
toms and [[traditions]] of their [[society]]. In fact it provides a variety
 
−
of examples of their way of going about their task.  
 
  
−
First a [[word]] about the reciters.  
+
37. Cf. Sp-t II 347.11-13 and Vjb 196.15-17.  
  
−
Recounting those aspects of daily [[life]] one had shared with
+
38. See also Sp 591.26; 592.1; and Sp-t II 345.27: “’Expel her’ means: give her
−
the [[Buddha]] to one’s fellow practitioners, passing on to them the
+
white [[clothes]] and reduce her to lay {{Wiki|status}}.”
−
content of the [[discourses]] one had heard — that is to say, one’s
 
  
−
[[The Lion’s Roar]]
+
39. Cf.Kkh 127.39-128.6.
  
 +
it follows, according to this [[interpretation]], that the expulsion of [[Kantaka]]
 +
in [[Pacittiya]] 70 is a dandakammandsana . According to the [[information]]
 +
of the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] text (see above, p.99) the {{Wiki|novice}} is sent 4way and is
 +
thus excluded from membership in the order, since he may no longer
 +
view the [[Buddha]] as his [[teacher]]. However, he may later regain his {{Wiki|status}}
 +
as a {{Wiki|novice}}.
  
−
[[own]] [[understanding]] of his [[Teaching]], telling what one had seen,
+
Contrary to the Samantapdsddikd, in the [[Vinaya]] the term [[danda]] -
−
heard and [[experienced]] while one was with the [[Teacher]], all that
+
kammandsand is unknown, but dandakamma and ndsana arc treated in
−
certainly began as early as [[Buddhism]] itself did. The first converts
+
different [[sections]] of Mahdvagga and [[Cullavagga]]. An {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act
−
and earliest [[monks]] would obviously talk to each other about the
+
of {{Wiki|punishment}} ( dandakamma) can be performed by [[monks]] or [[nuns]]. The  
−
[[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]], and keep each other informed about
+
[[Vinaya]] gives accounts of dandakammas being performed by [[monks]]  
−
what had happened during, for example, an absence due to an
+
regarding novices or [[nuns]], and by [[nuns]] regarding [[monks]], but not by
−
[[almsround]] or a [[meditation retreat]]. What had happened would
+
[[monks]] regarding [[monks]] or by [[nuns]] regarding [[nuns]]. In [[die]] Mahdvagga
−
include what had been [[taught]], who the [[Buddha]] had talked to in
+
(Vin I 84.11-15) five particular situations are enumerated which result
−
particular, who came to see him, what advice he gave, and so
+
in the performance of a dandakamma by [[monks]] with [[respect]] co novices.
−
forth. As the {{Wiki|community}} grew and spread this was [[essentially]] its
+
The result of this dandakamma is not preordained. The severity of the
−
way to keep in {{Wiki|touch}} and up to date. Some [[people]] [[love]] to re¬
+
{{Wiki|punishment}} is, to a large extent, determined by the particular [[monks]]  
−
count, to narrate stories, to share their [[experiences]], to tell.
+
performing the dandakamma . However, according to the Mahdvagga
−
Probably those who tpld about the [[Buddha]] and the [[Teaching]]
+
(Vin I 84.22-25) the {{Wiki|punishment}} may not include prohibiting^entry into
−
especially well were invited to do so again and again and became
+
the whole area of an Arama (Vin I 84.15-25). 40
−
: known as good reciters. Telling skilfully requires invention and
 
−
the texts are indeed full of {{Wiki|literary}} inventions created by very
 
−
[[skilful]] raconteurs.  
 
  
−
The early reciters told about true events, events in which
+
The outcome of ndsana for novices is not defined in the [[Vinaya]] , but is
−
they had participated as observers and witnesses. Although we
+
discussed in the Samantapdsddikd (Sp 1014.8-12; cf. Sp-J^ll 25S.6-7).  
−
cannot know whether the accounts of the [[debates]] in D contain
+
There the expulsion of a {{Wiki|novice}} due to any of the tern [[characteristics]]  
−
any actual words that the [[Buddha]] spoke, the style of [[debating]]  
+
listed in Vin I 85.19-26 is called lihganasand . That means that his
−
they attribute to him is consistent and differentiated from that
+
“taking of [[refuge]]”, his choice of a [[preceptor]] ( upajjhdya ), and his right
−
attributed to other [[debaters]], and they are true to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]]
+
to occupy a lodging no longer has any relevance for him. For the time
−
[[tradition]] 117 . The early reciters also passed on the [[experiences]] of  
+
being only “the outer sign” (lihga) is retained by him. If in {{Wiki|future}} he
−
others that had been told to them. In telling a tale there are
+
docs not conform to correct conduct he should then definitely be
−
always modifications depending on the [[character]] and interests of  
+
excluded (Sp 1014.16-19; cf. Sp-t III 256.3-5). If, however, he recog¬
−
the teller.  
+
nizes his mistake, the offence is not within the scope of lihganasand and  
 +
the guilty {{Wiki|novice}} can reestablish {{Wiki|integration}} within the order (Sp
 +
1014.19-30). At the same time, it is certain that the [[conscious]] trans¬
 +
gression of any one of the first five of the {{Wiki|rules}} of Samancras is
 +
tantamount to a pdrdjika for the [[monks]] (Sp 1014.30-1015.2). In the
 +
Samantapdsddikd a passage of the Kurundi is cited. This source informs
  
−
The early reciters created similes. A simile that compares the
+
40. The introductory sentences [[state]] that Samancras, who were prohibited Irom
−
[[Buddha]] to a [[lion]] is hardly surprising. The comparison between a
+
entering an Arama, departed, left the order, and converted to other [[religious]]  
 +
groups (Vin I 84.19-21).  
  
 +
us that if a {{Wiki|novice}} transgresses the {{Wiki|rules}} 6-9 mentioned in the ndsana
 +
[[chapter]] of the Mahdvagga , he will be expelled “in the same way as
 +
[[Kantaka]]” in [[Pacittiya]] 70, that is, by means of a dandakammandsana (Sp
 +
1015.7-15), 41 only after he is admonished up to three times. On the
 +
other hand, according to the Mahd-atthakatha and the Samantapdsddikd ,
 +
even a successful admonition and the subsequent admission of the
 +
offence fail to [[release]] the {{Wiki|novice}} from a dandakamma. At the same time,
 +
an unsuccessful admonition definitely results in a lihganasand (Sp
 +
1015.15-20), 42 whereas a {{Wiki|novice}} who has raped a [[nun]] can never receive
 +
lower [[ordination]] ( [[pabbajja]] ) again, even if he should promise to refrain
 +
from such {{Wiki|behaviour}} in {{Wiki|future}} (Sp 1015.23-29).
  
−
117 See Manne (1990) and (1992),  
+
Thus, although dandakamma and ndsana in the [[Vinaya]] itself differ
 +
considerably, the author of the Samantapdsddikd links both terms by
 +
distinguishing between different kinds of ndsana to be applied to
 +
novices. Moreover, in the Samantapdsddikd it is staled that on occasion
 +
[[monks]] performed dandakammas with regard to novices with a view to
 +
preventing them from being expelled or from leaving the order (Sp
 +
1013.23-27). These explanations arc evidently an attempt to differen¬
 +
tiate the general term ndsana. The variation between dandakamma-
 +
ndsand and lihganasand in the ease of novices may have become
 +
necessary once the ten [[reasons]] for ndsana listed in Vin 185.19-26 were
 +
seen to have various degrees of seriousness. Despite the fact that each
 +
ease concerns ndsana, only an infringement of the first five [[training rules]] of the [[Samaneras]], which is not later regretted, leads to the expul¬
 +
sion known as lihganasand, the result of which appears irreversible.
 +
However, only after three unsuccessful admonitions docs the {{Wiki|violation}} of
 +
{{Wiki|rules}} 6-9 lead to the expulsion of a {{Wiki|novice}} known as dandakamma-
 +
ndsand, which can be cancelled, as noted above. 43
  
 +
41. It is [[interesting]] that in the [[Vinaya]] only one admonition of [[Kantaka]] is mentioned,
 +
although the procedure of a threefold admonition is well kno.vn in the
 +
palimokkha, as we can see from the yavatatiyaka sanighadiscsa {{Wiki|rules}}. •
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
42. A similar description is given in the Kankhdvitaraniporanafikd (Kkh-pt 100.16-
 +
101.2; see also Sp-t II345.30 - 346.1).
  
 +
43. Both execution and reversal of dandakammanusuna are described at length in Uie
 +
Samantapdsddikd. However, there the expulsion is known as nissdratfd (Sp
 +
1402.22-28; cf. Kkh 131.31-33), although the wording of the [[formula]] suggests
 +
that [[Pacittiya]] 70 and Vin I 85.19-26 ([[reasons]] 6-9) arc being referred to (Sp
 +
1402.28-35). The reversal of the measure is known as osdrand (Sp i403)3-13;
 +
cf. Kkh 131.33-34). According to the same text expulsion as well as revocation
 +
are {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} acts (apalokanakamma\ Sp 1402.22-28 and 1403.3-13).
  
−
great man and a [[lion]] [[exists]] in other [[Indian]] texts" 8 . It [[exists]] too in
 
−
our [[language]]" 9 , and doubtless in many other [[languages]] which
 
−
have inherited the [[idea]] that the [[lion]] is the [[king]] of the {{Wiki|beasts}}.
 
−
[[Lions]] roar, so the [[Buddha]] roars too. The early reciters attributed
 
−
the [[epithet]] ‘[[lion]]’ to the [[Buddha]], expanded the comparison to
 
−
describe the likenesses and included the detail of \he (lion’s) ‘roar’.
 
−
The {{Wiki|evidence}} (to be considered in detail below) suggests that it
 
−
was the [[existence]] of this simile which inspired the reciters to
 
−
attribute a content to, or to invent a content for the [[Buddha’s]]
 
−
[[lion’s roar]].
 
  
−
Having set the scene, so to speak, with regard to the early
+
The last of the three types of nasand frequently mentioned in the
−
reciters, we can now show how our [[investigation]] of the texts
+
Samantapdsddikd is the samvdsandsana^ which is not described in the
−
about the [[lion’s roar]] supports these [[ideas]].  
+
Vi nay a, Samvdsa in the [[Vinaya]] is a general term encompassing all the
 +
rights and duties of a [[monk]] or [[nun]] within their respective {{Wiki|community}}. 44
 +
The term is consistently defined in the [[Vinaya]] as ekakammam ekuddeso
 +
samasikkhutd , "one common {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act, a common {{Wiki|recitation}}, and ;
 +
one and the same {{Wiki|training}}" (c.g. Vin IV 214.31-33). 45 Even in the  
 +
[[Vinaya]] the term samvdsa is qualified more specifically: asantvdsa means
 +
"without (any) communion”, samdnasamvdsaka means "belonging to the
 +
same communion”, and ndndsamvdsaka means "belonging to a different
 +
communion”. As mentioned in the beginning of this paper, the term
 +
"without (any) communion” (asamvdsa) refers to a [[monk]] or [[nun]] who
 +
has transgressed one of the pdrdjika {{Wiki|rules}}. The offender has lost his
 +
' {{Wiki|status}} as member of the [[Buddhist order]] and may never be [[ordained]]
 +
again. According to the Mahdvagga (Vin I 339.6-340.38) a suspended
 +
[[monk]] (ukkhitta [[bhikkhu]]) is not excluded from membership in the
 +
[[Buddhist order]] as a whole, but no longer belongs to the same commu¬
 +
nion (samdnasamvdsaka) as the suspending [[monks]] (ukkhepakd [[bhikkhu]] ).
 +
He is not prevented from founding or attaching himself to another
 +
communion. Therefore he is called "belonging to another communion”
  
−
First of all there is the invention of situating the [[Buddha’s]]
+
( ndndsamvdsaka ).  
−
[[lion’s roar]] within a [[tradition]] of [[debate]]. The term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is
 
−
not connected with the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]. It occurs neither in
 
−
the [[Upanisads]] nor in the [[Brahmanas]]. As the [[Buddhist texts]] can be
 
−
so [[faithful]] and so accurate in their [[representation]] of the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
−
[[tradition]] 120 , we can conclude from this that the term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’
 
−
for a challenge is an invention of the [[Buddhist]] reciters. We can
 
−
further conclude that it was part, of this invention fictitiously to
 
−
situate the [[lion’s roar]] challenge within the [[debate]] [[tradition]]. Some
 
−
details placed within the [[Buddha’s]] [[lion’s roar]] probably authen¬
 
−
tically belong to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]: the [[Buddha’s]] re¬
 
−
futation of a potential challenge to his capacities as a debater
 
−
may be among these 121 , though 1 specify that I mean that these
 
  
 +
In the Samantapdsddikd, samvdsandsana is defined concisely as the
 +
[[suspension]] of a [[monk]] due to the refusal to see or for not making amends
 +
for an offence, or because of the refusal to give up a [[false view]] (Sp
  
−
118 Sec Monier-WiUiams, s.v. si/nfui for many examples.
 
  
−
119 We have ihc {{Wiki|expressions}} ‘a [[lion]] among men, ‘the strength of a [[lion]]', etc.  
+
VAJIRA1SIANAVARORASA [[views]] the expulsion of novices in a different way.
 +
According to him it is stated in the Anhakathas that a novice’s rights and
 +
privileges arc lost completely, leaving only the {{Wiki|status}} (Entrance III, p.243).
 +
However, he docs not tell us to what extent and in what [[respect]] the {{Wiki|status}} is
 +
retained. In his opinion the nasand mentioned with regard to the Samancra
 +
[[Kantaka]] implies that the {{Wiki|status}} is not in fact relinquished but instead that the
 +
culprit is simply excluded from the dvdsa . Because of this, he renames this
 +
particular expulsion samhhoga-ndsand , “depriving of sharing”, a term not to be
 +
found in the [[Vinaya]] or even in the commentaries.  
  
−
120 See Witxel. op. citz Manne (1990). (1992).  
+
44. This [[definition]] only touches on the relationship between [[monks]] and [[monks]] or
 +
between [[nuns]] and [[nuns]]. Consequently, novices in this legal [[sense]] arc not in
 +
communion” with anyone.  
  
−
121 [[Formula]] (4). Sec also Manne (1992).  
+
45. Samvdsandsana in the Sdratthadipani is explicitly defined with reference to this
 +
[[definition]] in the [[Vinaya]] (Sp-t 11 345.29-30).  
  
−
Manne — [[The Lion’s Roar]]
 
  
 +
582.21-23; Sp-870.36-87l.l). 4 6 This [[definition]] implies that samvdsa-
 +
nasand generally means “expulsion from the (same) communion”
 +
(*samdnasamvdsandsana). However, as noted above, nasand may refer
 +
to [[monks]] who have broken a pdrdjika {{Wiki|rule}}, who have concealed the
 +
offence, but who in the end have admitted to the {{Wiki|transgression}}. In eases
 +
of samvdsandsana one could therefore think of a [[monk]] who has broken
 +
a pdrdjika {{Wiki|rule}} but who docs not wish to [[recognize]] his offence and,
 +
consequently, who docs not wish to leave the order. The only means of
 +
getting rid of such a [[monk]] mentioned in the [[Vinaya]] to my [[knowledge]] is
 +
the performance of the {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of [[suspension]] ( ukkhepaniya -
 +
[[kamma]]). It is quite possible that this particular ease is called sanivdsa-
 +
ndsaiia, too. Samvdsandsana may thus implicitly include the [[suspension]]
 +
of a member of the order who has committed a pdrdjika but docs not
 +
wish to admit to his wrongdoing. Thus two types of [[suspension]], which
 +
arc similar in procedure but different in effect are called samvasa-
 +
nasana\ A [[monk]], who has committed either a sajnghddiscsa or a lesser
 +
offence, qan be restored once he submits to the [[decision]] of the [[Samgha]]
 +
regarding his offence. However, a [[suspension]] due to the non-acknowl¬
 +
edgement of a pdrdjika offence docs not include the possibility of
 +
restoration. 47
  
−
represent the demands of the [[tradition]] on a debater and not that
 
−
the [[Buddha]] himself uttered these very phrases. There is no way
 
−
we can establish as a fact which phrases the [[Buddha]] ever uttered.
 
−
Other details have to be accounted for differently.
 
  
−
I have argued that the early reciters spontaneously created
+
46. However, despite the fact that the commentary on two passages in the Parham
−
similes, and with them, in this example of the [[lion’s roar]],  
+
(Vin V 115.23-24 and 211.14-17) mentions only Mettiya, the dusaka, and the
−
frameworks within which they could {{Wiki|present}} their accounts. With
+
{{Wiki|novice}} Kan (aka, all three kinds of nasand arc listed (Sp 1320.31-34 and Sp
−
regard to the aspects of the [[Teaching]] that come within the ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ and the [[powers]] and confidences of the Tathiigata, l think
+
1383.36-1384.4). The common [[connection]] of samvdsa-ndsand and [[suspension]]  
−
that here we see redactors usihg such a framework inventively.  
+
is thus missing ir. these instances. These two passages may be considered [[as evidence]] of multiple authorship of the Samantapdsddikd , as suggested by VON
−
The framework is that of the simile that compares the [[Buddha]] to
+
IIINOUOR, Handbook, § 220.  
−
a [[lion]] and [[attributes]] content to his roar. The [[existence]] of this
 
−
framework, and the illogicality (why these particular aspects?) of
 
−
the examples that remain to us of the Teachings placed within it,
 
−
suggest the likelihood that many other aspects of the [[Teaching]]  
 
−
were also placed within it but those cited here aje the only ones
 
−
that have' come down to us in these texts. With regard to the
 
−
qualities of the [[Tathagata]] that are placed within this framework,
 
−
these are not particularly coherent, those in quote (8) comprising
 
−
adaptations of other [[formulas]], especially that of paras. 40-94 of  
 
−
the [[Samannaphala Sutta]], those in quote (11) perhaps based upon a
 
−
challenge that was once made against the [[Buddha]] and of which
 
−
no record remains in these texts.  
 
  
−
Having invented the attribution of a [[lions]] roar to the  
+
47. Prompted by the fact that the restitution of a suspended ( ukkhitta) [[monk]] is
−
[[Buddha]], the redactors generalised this invention to include trunks
+
generally possible, VajiranANAVARORASA states that samvasa-naxand is an
−
as well. With regard to the [[monk’s]] lion’s roars, the permission to  
+
inaccurate term used in the Atthakathas (Entrance III, pp. 243.245). On the other
−
the [[monks]] to make a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ about the four types of samairu
+
hand, he claims that a [[monk]] who commits a pdrdjika (antimavatthu) and who
−
is an example of textual muddle 122 . Probably [[Sariputta’s]] great irn-
+
docs not leave the order, is then excluded by samvdsa-ndsand-. “the [[Samgha]]  
 +
prohibits samvdsa absolutely and docs not receive him again.” According to him,  
 +
there is no example to be found in the texts even though this is the way such
 +
eases arc dealt with on a {{Wiki|practical}} level up to the {{Wiki|present}} day. Me apparently
 +
overlooked the link of the above-mentioned particular {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} act of
 +
[[suspension]] ( ukkhcpaniyakamma) because of the non-admission of a pdrdjika
 +
offence with the “[[absolute]] prohibition ot samvdsa”.
  
  
−
122 See Manne (1990): 4.1
+
In conclusion, it is possible to summarize the application of the term
 +
nasana and to trace the [[development]] of the use of this term and its
 +
derivations in the [[Vinaya]] and in the {{Wiki|commentarial}} {{Wiki|literature}}. The
 +
combined texts referred to above suggest the following historical devel¬
 +
opment. In the Kdrandavasutta in the Angullaranikaya and in the intro¬
 +
ductory story of Samghddisesa 8 the teem nasana is a very general term
 +
for “expulsion” As the juridical {{Wiki|terminology}} in the [[Vinaya]] developed, a
 +
{{Wiki|distinction}} between pdrdjika and nasana was made, nasana then desig¬
 +
nated the expulsion to be performed by the [[Samgha]]. The circumstances
 +
under which such an expulsion was [[thought]] to be necessary vary
 +
considerably: For example due to an invalid [[ordination]], initial conceal¬
 +
ment of a pdrdjika , or committing a serious offence such as rape.  
 +
Additionally, the expulsion of novices is also called nasana,
  
 +
The Parivdra contains the first indication of a {{Wiki|classification}} into three
 +
different types of nasana. This categorization, however, is elaborate
 +
only in the commentaries, which were compiled more than a half
 +
millcnium later. 48 There we find the terminological {{Wiki|distinction}} of three
 +
kinds of nasana. Lingandsand here is the [[name]] for the irreversible
 +
expulsion of [[monk]], [[nun]], or {{Wiki|novice}}. Dandakammandsand entaiis a less
 +
harsh type of expulsion of novices since it can later be revoked. This
 +
expulsion equates to sa/nvdsandsand for [[monks]], since samvdsandsand
 +
determines the [[suspension]] of {{Wiki|individuals}} who until their restoration arc
 +
not allowed to live in the same communion ( samdnasamvasa ) with the
 +
suspending [[monks]]. Additionally, samvdsandsand probably designates the
 +
special ease of the [[suspension]] of a [[monk]] due to non-recognition of his
 +
pdrdjika offence. In this ease no restoration is possible.
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, .1 (1996)
 
  
 +
48. Similar observations could be made by Oskar VON HinOber regarding the
 +
treatment of the samutthdnas of the different offences of the Pdtimokkha ("The
 +
[[arising]] of an offence: dpattisamutthdna. A note on the {{Wiki|structure}} and history of
 +
the Thcravada-Vinaya", [[Journal of the Pali Text Society]] 16 [1992], pp: 55-69;
 +
pp. 5Sf., 61,68).
  
−
poriance attracted to him a ho the attribution of various lion’s
 
−
roars. One of [[Sari]] putta’s lion’s roars is a piece of [[pure]] {{Wiki|propaganda}},
 
−
while the other two [[form]] part of dramatic stories' The anomaly
 
−
between these lion’s roars, two being designated as such by the
 
−
[[Buddha]] while the third docs nut possess such purported authori¬
 
−
sation may reflect the different {{Wiki|tendencies}} on the part of the
 
−
reciters regarding what they would or would not put into a [[lion’s roar]]. The examples in the [[Thera]]- and Therl-gatha are clearly
 
−
[[poetry]], as is the attribution of the [[epithet]] ‘lion’s roarer’ to a [[monk]].
 
  
−
A simile is invented, a [[lion’s roar]] is created for the [[Buddha]],
+
Abbreviations:
−
and then for the [[monks]]. The next step is to impose this invention
 
−
on suuus (the inclusion of the term slhan&da in their titles may
 
−
reflect late [[ideas]] in which [[suttas]] were particularly important).
 
−
Thus is [[tradition]] created!
 
  
 +
AN =* Ariguttaranikaya, cd. R. MORRIS, E. HARDY, 5 Vols., [[London]], 1885-1900 ([[Pali Text Society]]); Vol. 6 (Indexes, by M. Hunt and C. A. F. RHYS Davids),
 +
[[London]], 1910 ([[Pali Text Society]]).
  
−
[[ABHIDHAMMA]] STUDIES
+
BD = Isalinc Blew HORNER, The [[Book of the Discipline]] ([[Vinaya]] Pi taka), 6 Vols.,
 +
[[London]], 1938-1966 ([[Sacred Books]] of the [[Buddhists]] Series, 10,11,13,14,20.
 +
25).
  
−
At the [[British]] [[Buddhist]] Association, [[London]], we shall, be
+
DN * [[Dighanikaya]] , ed. T. W. RHYS Davids, J. E. CARPENTER, 3 Vols., [[London]],  
−
reading again from September Dhammasahgani, [[Vibhanga]],  
+
1890-1911 ([[Pali]] Tcitl [[Society]]).
−
[[Patthana]] and Commentaries in English translation. We
 
−
welcome those wishing to study along with us. They should
 
−
[[contact]]:
 
  
−
A Haviland-Nye
+
von MinOber, "[[Buddhist Law]]" = Oskar VON HinOber, "[[Buddhist Law]] according to
−
11 Biddulph Road
+
the Thcravada-Vinaya. A Survey of {{Wiki|Theory}} and Practice", Journal of the
−
[[London]] W9 1JA
+
[[International Association of Buddhist Studies]] 18.1 (1995), pp. 7-45.  
−
Tel/Fax: 0171 286 5575.  
 
  
−
[[DEATH]] AS [[MEDITATION]] SUBJECT IN THE [[THERAVADA]] TRADITION
+
VON HINOBER, Handbook = Oskar VON HINOBER % A Handbook of [[Pali Literature]] ,
 +
[[Berlin]] 1996 ([[Indian]] {{Wiki|Philology}} and [[Wikipedia:South Asia|South Asian]] Studies, 2).
  
 +
Kkh « [[Buddhaghosa]], Kahkhavitarani ndma Matikatfhakathu, cd. DOROTHY
 +
MASKELL, [[London]], 1956 ([[Pali Text Society]]).
  
−
In 1986, headlines such as ‘[[U.S.]] [[Buddhist monk]] [[meditates]] on
+
Kkh-pl *= Buddhanaga, Kahkhavitaraniporanatika, Challhasangayana edition, publ.  
−
[[decaying corpses]]’ 1 and ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’ 1
+
[[Buddha Sasana]] Council, Rankun, 1965.  
−
were on the front page of [[Sinhalese]] newspapers. The articles were
 
−
describing the peculiar [[meditation practice]] of an [[American]] [[monk]]
 
−
named Alokadhamma. I’hree years after his [[ordination]], [[Bhikkhu]]
 
−
Alokadhamma had become famous throughout the [[island]] of [[Sri Lanka]] because he resided in a [[cave]] in the company of two
 
−
decomposing [[bodies]] placed in a glass cage, with four other [[bodies]]
 
−
laid outside. These reports became the impetus for the attempt to
 
−
answer the question that this paper is revolving around: what is
 
−
the place and the role of the [[meditation]] on [[death]] within the
 
−
contemporary [[Theravada Buddhist tradition]]?
 
  
−
Alokadhamma’s practice was most probably derived from the
+
Mp » [[Buddhaghosa]], Man a ruth apurun /. Ahguttarahikdya-affhakathu , cd. M.  
−
[[Satipatthana Sutta]], where the [[Buddha]] describes the nine types of
+
Walleser, U. Kopp, 5 Vols., [[London]], 1924-1956 ([[Pali Text Society]]).  
−
[[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]]. In order to clarify this unusual prac¬
 
−
tice, however, the position as put forth in [[Theravada]] {{Wiki|literature}}
 
−
first needs to be investigated. This will clarify the [[boundaries]] of
 
−
the two major [[meditation practices]] centred on [[death]], it. [[asubha]]-  
 
−
bhavaiia and [[maranasati]]. Secondly, in an attempt to conceptualise
 
−
the contemporary practice, 1 will allude to eleven qualitative
 
−
interviews that I conducted with [[Buddhist monks]] and with a [[dasa]]
 
−
sil matavo in [[Sri Lanka]] during May 1993; it is important to em-
 
  
 +
NOLOT, SVTT11 * fedith NOLOT, "Studies in [[Vinaya]] Technical Terms, I-Hl”, [[Journal of the Pali Text Society]] XKW (1996), 73-150.
  
−
' 1 [[Dharmasiri]] Gamage, VS. [[Buddhist monks]] [[meditates]] on [[decaying corpses]]*. The
+
Ps « [[Buddhaghosa]], Papaheasudani , Vol. 1 (1922) and 11 (1928) cd. by J. WOODS and
 +
D. KOSAMBI; Vol. Ill (1933), Vol. IV (1937) and Vol. V (1938) cd. by L B.
 +
HORNER; I^ondon ([[Pali Text Society]]).  
  
−
[[Sunday]] Observer , {{Wiki|Colombo}}, 2 November 1986.  
+
Sp = [[Buddhaghosa]] (?), Samantapdsddikd , Vinaya-aUhakatha, cd. J. TAKAKUSU, M.'
 +
NAGAI (and K. MlZUNO Vols. 5 and 7), 7 Vols., [[London]], 1924-1947 ([[Pali Text Society]]), [index Vol. by H. KOPP, [[London]], 1977 ([[Pali Text Society]])].  
  
−
2 [[Id]]., ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’, op. cit „ 9 November 1986.  
+
Sp-l = Saripulta, Sdratthadipani , Challhasangayana edition, publ. [[Buddha Sasana]]  
 +
Council, Rankun, 3 Vols.; Vol. i: 1961, Vol. II: I960, Vol. Ill: 1960.  
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
Sv ~ [[Buddhaghosa]], Sumahgalavilasini , Digit a n ikaya-atthaka tha f ed. [[T. W. Rhys Davids]], J. E. Carpenter, W. Stede, 3 Vols., [[London]], 1886-1932 ([[Pali Text Society]]).
  
 +
VaJIRANANAVARORASA, Entrance - SOMDETCH PHRA MAHA SAMANA ClIAO
 +
KROM PHRAYA VAJIRANANAVARORASA, The Entrance to the [[Vinaya]], [[Vinaya]] -
 +
muldia, 3 Vols., [[Bangkok]]; 1969, 1973,1983.
  
−
Manue — [[The Lion’s Roar]]  
+
Vin = [[Vinayapitaka]] , cd. Hermann OLDENBERG, 5 Vols., [[London]], 1879-1883.
  
 +
Vjb = Vajirabuddhitika, Challhasangayana edition, publ. [[Buddha Sasana]] Council,
 +
Rankun, 1962.
  
−
grcai man and a [[lion]] [[exists]] in other [[Indian]] texts 118 . It [[exists]] too in
+
Vmv = Vimativinodanitika , 2 Vols., Challhasangayana edition, publ. [[Buddha Sasana]]  
−
our [[language]] 119 , and doubtless in many other [[languages]] which
+
Council, Rankun, 1960.  
−
have inherited the [[idea]] that the [[lion]] is the [[king]] of the {{Wiki|beasts}}.  
 
−
[[Lions]] roar, so the [[Buddha]] roars too. The early reciters attributed
 
−
the [[epithet]] ‘[[lion]]’ to the [[Buddha]], expanded the comparison to
 
−
describe the likenesses and included the detail of \he (lion’s) ‘roar’. '
 
−
The {{Wiki|evidence}} (to be considered in detail below) suggests that it
 
−
was the [[existence]] of this simile which inspired the reciters to
 
−
attribute a content to, or to invent a content for the [[Buddha’s]]
 
−
[[lion’s roar]].  
 
  
−
Having set the scene, so to speak, with regard to the early
 
−
. reciters, we can now show how our [[investigation]] of the texts
 
−
about the [[lion’s roar]] supports these [[ideas]].
 
  
−
First of all there is the invention of situating the [[Buddha’s]]
+
number of cxtrinsically motivated applicants for membership which led
−
[[lion’s roar]] within a [[tradition]] of [[debate]]. The term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ is
+
to a need to withdraw and cultivate the [[purity]] of the [[Samgha]].  
−
not connected with the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]. It occurs neither in
 
−
the [[Upanisads]] nor in the [[Brahmanas]]. As the [[Buddhist texts]] can be
 
−
so [[faithful]] and so accurate in their [[representation]] of the {{Wiki|Vedic}}
 
−
[[tradition]] 120 , we can conclude from this that the term ‘[[lion’s roar]]’
 
−
for a challenge is an invention of the [[Buddhist]] reciters. We can
 
−
further conclude that it was part, of this invention fictitiously to
 
−
situate the [[lion’s roar]] challenge within the [[debate]] [[tradition]]. Some
 
−
details placed within the [[Buddha’s]] [[lion’s roar]] probably authen¬
 
−
tically belong to the {{Wiki|Vedic}} [[debate]] [[tradition]]: the [[Buddha’s]] re¬
 
−
futation of a potential challenge to his capacities as a debater
 
−
may be among these 121 , though 1 specify that I mean that these
 
  
 +
This {{Wiki|mechanism}} presupposes an [[Indian]] setting where the {{Wiki|status}} of the
 +
rcnounccr is high and where there is a general [[belief]] in [[rebirth]] and
 +
[[karma]] and a need for merit-making among [[common people]]. I have
 +
shown that this process is expressed in the early [[Buddhist literature]].
 +
However, the dynamic is not restricted to [[ancient]] times. In the intro¬
 +
duction 1 referred to similar features in {{Wiki|medieval}} and modem Sn [[Lanka]]
 +
and modem [[Burma]] reflected in the research of M. CARRITHERS, M.
  
−
118 See Monicr-Williams. s.v, sirnhu for many examples.  
+
SPIRO and R.A.L.H. GUNAWARDENA. ' . .  
  
−
119 We have ihc {{Wiki|expressions}} ‘a [[lion]] among men, ‘the strength of a [[lion]]’, etc.  
+
t have suggested an explanation of the relationship between the
 +
. [[Buddhist]] [[Samgha]] and the laity which emphasizes the unintended conse¬
 +
quences of the {{Wiki|behaviour}} of the members of the [[Samgha]] Extrinsic moti¬
 +
vation among the members and potential members of the [[Samgha]] tends
 +
to introversionism. lntroversionism leads to more support from the ai y.
 +
Support from the laity leads to extrinsic [[motivation]]. Thus, we have a
 +
self-enforcing {{Wiki|mechanism}}. It is a good circle, and in the historical
 +
periods when the [[Samgha]] has been able to maintain the [[balance]], it has
 +
led to a certain [[degree]] of stability in [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|societies}}. The {{Wiki|structure}} of
 +
Thcravada [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|societies}} arc the best example of this built-in co -
 +
servatism. The crucial point in the circle is the teMte
 +
[[constant]] need to bar out the wrong [[people]] and to {{Wiki|purify}} the Sarpgha y
 +
getting rid of lax and [[greedy]] [[monks]]. When the [[Samgha]] fails on this
 +
point, the {{Wiki|mechanism}} turns around, and we end up with a “ ' cv ‘., CI ”L C ‘
 +
The [[Samgha]] is seen as impure and lax, support from the laity fails,  
 +
the [[Samgha]] becomes less able to restore its [[purity]]. 54
  
−
120 See Witzcl, op. ci/; Manne (1990). (1992).
 
  
−
121 [[Formula]] (4). See also Manne (1992).  
+
54. This {{Wiki|mechanism}} has been mentioned in R. GOMBRICH, op. at.  
  
 +
Some Remarks on the Rise of the bhiksunisamgha and
 +
on the [[Ordination]] {{Wiki|Ceremony}} for bkiksunis according to
 +
the [[Dharmaguptaka Vinaya]]
  
−
represent the demands of the [[tradition]] on a debater and not that  
+
^P[« cnt artialc is bascd on the [[Dharmaguptaka]] [[vinaya]] or Caturvargavinaya
−
the [[Buddha]] himself uttered these very phrases. There is no way
+
(ESttw), one of the five [[Vinayas]] that survived in its {{Wiki|Chinese}} translation ([[Taisho]]
−
we can establish as a fact which phrases the [[Buddha]] ever uttered.
+
Shinslw Dcizdkyo, Vol.22, No.1428, translated by BuddhayaSas in [[die]] beginning of
−
Other details have to be accounted for differently.  
+
the fifth century AD) 1 , and the most widely spread and most influential [[Vinaya]] in
 +
[[China]]. T.1428 consists of three parts: (1) a twofold detailed explanation of the roles of
 +
the Pratlmokfa* (Bhiksuvibhahga and Bhiksunivibhaiiga), (2) twenty [[skandhakas]]
 +
([[chapter]], section) that regulate the [[monastic life]] in detail, and (3) some appendices
 +
[[including]] historic [[information]]. Throughout the article, the findings of T.1428 have been
 +
compared With the other Chinee [[Vinayas]], with the [[Pali Vinaya]], and with the [[Bhiksu]] ni-
 +
[[vibhanga]] of the MahasSrpghika-Lokottaravada School. ’ '
  
−
I have argued that the early reciters spontaneously created
+
Although it is evident from the {{Wiki|present}} studies ofthc [[Vinaya]] {{Wiki|literature}}, that the orders
−
similes, and with them, in this example of the [[lion’s roar]],
+
of [[monks and nuns]] ( [[bhiksu]] - and bhiksunisamgha) arc highly structuralizcd commu¬
−
frameworks within which they could {{Wiki|present}} their accounts. With
+
nities, possessing many {{Wiki|rules}} to be kept and formal acts to be performed; and that these
−
regard to the aspects of the [[Teaching]] that come within the [[lions]]
+
organizations gradually came into being (first the bhiksusatpglm, and later the bhikfuni-
−
roar’ and the [[powers]] and confidences of the [[Tathagata]], 1 think
 
−
that here we see redactors usihg such a framework inventively.
 
−
The framework is that of the simile that compares the [[Buddha]] to
 
−
a [[lion]] and [[attributes]] content to his roar. The [[existence]] of this
 
−
framework, and the illogicality (why these particular aspects?) of
 
−
the examples that remain to us of the Teachings placed within it,  
 
−
suggest the likelihood that many other aspects of the [[Teaching]]
 
−
were also placed within it but those cited here are the only ones
 
−
that have' come down to us in these texts. With regard to the
 
−
qualities of the [[Tathagata]] that are placed within this framework,
 
−
these are not particularly coherent, those in quote (8) comprising
 
−
adaptations of other [[formulas]], especially that of paras. 40-94 of
 
−
the Samaiinaphala [[Sutta]], those in quote (11) perhaps based upon a
 
−
challenge that was once made against the [[Buddha]] and of which
 
−
no record remains in these texts.
 
  
−
Having invented the attribution of a [[lion’s roar]] to the
+
1. The other [[Vinayas]] arc: Mahisasakavinaya T.1421, Mahasamghikavinaya
−
[[Buddha]], the redactors generalised this invention to include ironks
 
−
as well. With regard to the [[monk’s]] lion’s roars, the permission to
 
−
the [[monks]] to make a ‘[[lion’s roar]]’ about the four types of sarnana
 
−
is an example of textual muddle 122 . Probably [[Sariputta’s]] great inv
 
  
 +
T. 1425, Sarvastivddavmaya T. 1435, Mulasarvastivadavinaya T.1442 up to and
 +
including-T. 1459 (because of its size, the Mulasarvaslivadavinaya was not edited
 +
into one work, but consists of a number of diflcrcnl works). Ofthc [[latter]] Vinava
 +
also a [[Tibetan translation]] [[exists]]. *
  
−
122 See Manne (1990>. 4.1
+
Closely related to the Mahasatpghikavinaya, is the Bhikfunlvibhahga of the
 +
Mahasaipghika-Lokottaravada School*, a text written in a transitional [[language]]
 +
between {{Wiki|Prakrit}} and [[Sanskrit]] (ROTll, G.. 1970, pp. Iv-lvi). Apart from these texut
 +
the [[Vinaya]] transmitted by the [[Theravada School]] survived in thO original [[Pali language]]. Finally, many [[Sanskrit]] fragments have been found. An {{Wiki|excellent}}
 +
survey of the [[Vinaya]] {{Wiki|literature}} is given by YUYAMA, A., 1979.
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, .1 (1996)
+
* Hereafter M.-L.  
  
 +
2. The [[pratimoksa]] is a list of offenses against the prescriptions ofthc order with an
 +
indication of ihc {{Wiki|punishment}} to be meted out to those who commit them. There is
 +
a list of prescriptions for [[monks]] and one for [[nuns]]. For the [[Dharmaguptaka School]], the [[pratimoksa]] for [[monks]] is to be found in T. 1429 (a compilation from
 +
T.1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD))** and in T.1430 (a translation of a [[Sanskrit]]
 +
original by BuddhayaSas, to be dated in the beginning ofthc fifth century AD)**;
 +
the [[pratimoksa]] for [[nuns]] is to be found in T.I43I (compiled from T 1428 by
 +
Huai-su (634-707 AD))**.
  
−
portancc attracted to him al'o the attribution of various lion’s
+
** Cf. YUYAMA, A., 1979, pp. 33-34.  
−
roars. One of oariputta’s lion's roars is a piece of [[pure]] {{Wiki|propaganda}},  
 
−
while the other two [[form]] part of dramatic stories. The anomaly
 
−
between these lion’s roars, two being designated as such by the
 
−
[[Buddha]] while the third docs not possess such purported authori¬
 
−
sation may reflect the different {{Wiki|tendencies}} on the part of the
 
−
reciters regarding what they would or would not put into a [[lion’s roar]]. The examples in the [[Thera]]- and Therl-gatha are clearly
 
−
[[poetry]], as is the attribution of the [[epithet]] ‘lion’s roarer’ to a [[monk]].  
 
  
−
A simile is invented, a [[lion’s roar]] is created for the [[Buddha]],
 
−
and then for the [[monks]]. The next step is to impose this invention
 
−
on [[suttas]] (the inclusion of the term slliandda in their titles may
 
−
reflect late [[ideas]] in which [[suttas]] were particularly important).
 
−
Thus is [[tradition]] created!
 
  
 +
samghal ; careful reading of L.1428, compared with the other extant Vi nay as -
 +
{{Wiki|Chinese}}, [[Pali]] and [[Sanskrit]] 3 4 - has revealed the exact ‘{{Wiki|theoretical}}* career of a [[nun]], and
 +
lias given us {{Wiki|evidence}} concerning the exact position of a {{Wiki|novice}} ( srdmanerl ), a
 +
probationer (sihiamdnd) and a [[nun]] ([[bhiksuni]]) in the bhiksumsbtpglia , concerning the
 +
origin of the [[siksamana]] period, and concerning the age of a [[married]] woman to become
 +
a probationer and a [[nun]], and has also enabled us to add some new [[elements]] in solving
 +
the problems of the five [[robes]] of a [[nun]], the mdnatva period for [[bhiksunis]] , and the
 +
[[interpretation]] of the {{Wiki|Chinese}} term in the [[sense]] of‘to admit*.
  
−
[[ABHIDHAMMA]] STUDIES
+
/. The rise of the order of [[bhiksunis]] and the [[organization]] of the ordi¬
 +
{{Wiki|nation}} {{Wiki|ceremony}}
  
−
At the [[British]] [[Buddhist]] Association, [[London]], we shall..be
+
The [[chapter]] concerning the [[bhiksunis]] (Bhiksuniskandhaka) in T. 1428** informs us how
−
reading again from September DhammasaAgani, [[Vibhanga]],  
+
the order of [[bhiksunis]] came into being, and how an [[ordination]] into the new order has to  
−
[[Patthana]] and Commentaries in English translation. We
+
be organized (the “[[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}").
−
welcome those wishing to study along with us. They should
 
−
[[contact]]:
 
  
−
A Haviland-Nye
+
1) The eight rides that may not be transgressed
−
11 Biddulph Road
 
−
[[London]] W9 1JA
 
−
Tel/Fax: 0171 286 5575.
 
  
−
[[DEATH]] AS [[MEDITATION]] SUBJECT IN THE [[THERAVADA]] TRADITION
+
The Bhiksuniskandhaka** starts with the well-known story of [[Maha]]-
 +
[[prajapati]] [[Gautami]], [[Buddha’s]] stepmother, who, together with five
 +
hundred §akya women asks the [[Buddha]] for permission to go forth into
 +
the [[homeless]] [[state]] and to follow the law proclaimed by the [[Buddha]]. At
 +
first, [[Buddha]] refuses, because the presence of women threatens to
 +
destroy the law. Later, [[Mahaprajapati]], her [[hair]] cut off and wearing the
 +
kasdya [[clothes]] 5 , goes, to see the [[Buddha]] again, and, together with five
 +
hundred [[Sakya]] women, she weeps outside the [[monastery]] where [[Buddha]]
 +
remains. When the [[disciple]] [[Ananda]] sees them, he decides to help them
 +
to convince [[Buddha]]. At [[first Buddha]] refuses again. However, when
 +
[[Ananda]] asks whether women have the capacities to become an [[arhat]], He
 +
answers in the affirmative and, after [[Ananda]] again asked Him to let the
 +
women go forth, He finally accepts them to become [[nuns]], provided that
  
  
−
In 1986, headlines such as ‘[[U.S.]] [[Buddhist monk]] [[meditates]] on
+
3. We use ‘[[Sanskrit]]* to refer to the transitional [[language]] used in the &hik$uni-
−
[[decaying corpses]]’ 1 and ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’ 1
+
vibhengu of the M.-L. School: cf. ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-lvi.  
−
were on the front page of [[Sinhalese]] newspapers. The articles were
 
−
describing the peculiar [[meditation practice]] of an [[American]] [[monk]]
 
−
named Alokadhamma. three years after his [[ordination]], [[Bhikkhu]]
 
−
Alokadhamma had become famous throughout the [[island]] of [[Sri Lanka]] because he resided in a [[cave]] in the company of two
 
−
decomposing [[bodies]] placed in a glass cage, with four other [[bodies]]
 
−
laid outside. These reports became the impetus for the attempt to
 
−
answer the question that this paper is revolving around: what is
 
−
the place and the role of the [[meditation]] on [[death]] within the
 
−
contemporary [[Theravada Buddhist tradition]]?
 
  
−
Alokadhamma’s practice was most probably derived from the
+
4. T.1428, pp.922c6-930c5: bhikfiiniskandha(ka) (cf. NAKAMURA,  
−
Satipatfhana [[Sutta]], where the [[Buddha]] describes the nine types of
 
−
[[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]]. In order to clarify this unusual prac¬
 
−
tice, however, the position as put forth in [[Theravada]] {{Wiki|literature}}
 
−
first needs to be investigated. This will clarify the boundaries-of
 
−
the two major [[meditation practices]] centred on [[death]], i a. [[asubha]]-  
 
−
[[bhavana]] and rnaranasati. Secondly, in an attempt to conceptualise
 
−
the contemporary practice, 1 will allude to eleven qualitative
 
−
interviews that I conducted with [[Buddhist monks]] and with a [[dasa]]
 
−
sil matavo in [[Sri Lanka]] during May 1993; it is important to em-
 
  
 +
H„ BGD, p. 327: ftlJJE, chicn-tu, and chien-tu, as a phonetic rendering of
 +
the Skt. [[skandha]]{ka ), [[chapter]]).
  
−
* 1 [[Dharmasiri]] Gamage, VS. [[Buddhist monks]] [[meditates]] on [[decaying corpses]]'. The
+
5. Kasdya (MONlER-WILLIAMS, M., SED , p.265: “[[red]], dull [[red]], yellowish [[red]]*’)
−
[[Sunday]] Observer , {{Wiki|Colombo}}. 2 November 1986.
 
  
−
2 [[Id]]^ ‘[[Corpses]] remind me of [[nature of Samsara]]’, op, cil^ 9 November 1986.  
+
refers to the {{Wiki|color}} of the garments of a [[monk]] or a [[nun]]. Hence it also was used to
  
−
phasise that all the interviewees belonged to hermitages (arah-
+
indicate the garments themselves. Concerning the {{Wiki|color}} of the garments, see
−
[[haka]]) where [[meditation]] is given priority. The two-fold procedure
+
IIUIRMAN, A., 1995: 11-13.  
−
of textual and contemporary analyses will allow us further to
 
−
understand the {{Wiki|theoretical}} and {{Wiki|modern}} {{Wiki|expressions}} of these
 
−
practices.  
 
  
−
[[Bhikkhu]] Alokadhamma’s [[meditation]] on [[death]] seems to stem
+
they accept [[eight rules]] 6 that will make the bhiksunisamglta [[dependent upon]] the [[monks]]. These [[eight rules]] that may never be transgressed 7 are:  
−
from the description of the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[meditations]] men¬
 
−
tioned in the [[Satipatthana Sutta]]. This [[discourse]], [[traditionally]]
 
−
considered the {{Wiki|theoretical}} base for [[meditation practice]], is divided
 
−
into four main [[sections]]: [[meditation]] on the [[body]] ( [[kayanupassana]] ,),
 
−
on the [[sensations]] ( [[vedananupassana]] ), on the [[mind]] {cittanu pas Sa¬
 
−
na) and on the [[mental]] contents ( [[dhammanupassana]] ). The section
 
−
concerned with the [[body]] is often regarded as the most eclectic of
 
−
the four since it adumbrates different types of [[meditation]]. It
 
−
discusses [[successively]] l) [[anapanasati]], [[mindfulness]] of the [[breath]],
 
−
2) [[mindfulness]] of the [[four postures]] (walking, [[standing]], sitting and
 
−
{{Wiki|lying}} down), 3) [[mindfulness]] of whatever [[activities]] one is involved
 
−
in, 4) [[mindfulness]] of the repulsivcness by reviewing the thirty-one 3
 
  
 +
(1) Even though a [[bhiksuni]] has been [[ordained]] for one hundred years,
 +
she has to rise when she meets a bhik.su who has been newly [[ordained]],
 +
site has to pay obeisance to him and has to offer him a place to sit.®
  
−
3 These 31 pans of the [[body]], along with the {{Wiki|brain}}, are the 32 [[subjects of meditation]] (katnmauhdna) that Buddhughosa includes in kayagatasati. ( ,..dvat •
 
−
limsakamkammauhanam: — idam [[idha]] kayagaia sail ti adhippetam. Vism 240).
 
−
We must point to the fact, however, that kayagaiasati is not restricted to those
 
−
32 parts of the [[body]] in the Suita {{Wiki|literature}}, for it includes all the practices des¬
 
−
cribed in the [[kayanupassana]] of the [[Satipatthana Sutta]] (see Kayagaiasati [[Sutta]], M
 
−
111 89). We must also remark that although this portion of the [[Satipatthana]] is
 
−
commonly known as the [[meditation]] on [[asubha]] (the ‘not-beautiful’), the term
 
−
[[asubha]] is neither employed within the [[Satipatthana Sutta]] itself nor in commen-
 
−
tarial {{Wiki|literature}} referring to this passage; in the [[Sumangalavilasini]], [[Buddhaghosa]]
 
−
uses the term patikula (or [[patikkula]] ), meaning '{{Wiki|disgust}}*. Yet. the two practices
 
−
seem to be analogous, for the [[Girimananda Sutta]] (A V [[108]]) defines [[asubha]] -
 
−
sahha as the [[awareness]] of these 31 parts of the [[body]]. Although a slight {{Wiki|nuance}}
 
−
may be introduced between [[asubha]] and asubhasahha we will, for the [[sake]] of
 
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]  
+
6. [[Pali]] [[garudhamma]] (OLDENBERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pitakant, Vol.ll, p. 256ff.); Bh iksu-
 +
nivibhanga of the M.-L. School: [[gurudharma]] (ROTH, G., 1970. p. 16, §12).
  
−
parts’of the [[body]], 5) [[mindfulness]] of the four .[[elements]] and finally,
+
7. See T.1428, p. 923a27: “AsMJEJSfT'Pn®j£”, [[eight rules]] that may not be trans¬
−
the practice that interests us, 6) the nine [[charnel-ground]] medi¬
+
gressed during the whole [[lifetime]]. They arc explained from p. 923a28 un to and
−
tations (nava slvathikapabbanlY. For each of these nine types of
+
[[including]] p.923bl 8.  
−
contemplation, a standard [[formula]] is used throughout. The only
 
−
{{Wiki|nuance}} lies in the [[degree]] of decomposition of the [[body]] (or what
 
−
is left of it) from the [[body]] that [[died]] the same day, to the rotten
 
−
[[bones]] that have started [[transforming]] into dust. The [[formula]] runs
 
−
like this: ‘as if'a [[monk]] were to see a corpse thrown aside in the
 
−
[[charnel-ground]] [either [[dead]] since only one day, or since many
 
−
months depending on the type of [[charnel-ground]] [[meditation]] one
 
−
is involved in], he focuses on this [meaning his) [[body]] thus: "this
 
−
[[body]] has the same [[nature]], it will become the same as that [[body]];
 
  
 +
These [[eight rules]] differ slightly from [[Vinaya]] to [[Vinaya]]. The most
 +
differences with T.l$28 (D) arc: OLDENUERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pifakam, Vol.II,
 +
p. 255: the [[eight rules]] coincide with the {{Wiki|rules}} in D\ the only different is that*
 +
accordiug to the [[Pali Vinaya]], the [[nuns]] should not only ask the mAntr, f or
 +
instruction every half mondi, but should also ask for the date of the [[uposatha]]
 +
{{Wiki|ceremony}} (see D, {{Wiki|rule}} 6): T.1421, p. 185c20*29: the [[eight rules]] coincide with the
 +
{{Wiki|rules}} in D; the only difference is that, according to T.142I, a [[nun]] who has
 +
committed a saipghavasesa offense, not only has to undergo the m S n atva
 +
[[discipline]] in the tv> > orders (bhiksusaijigha and bluksunisciinghu), but also has to
 +
be rehabilitated in the two orders (see A {{Wiki|rule}} 5); T.1425, pp.47lbl-476bll: the
 +
third {{Wiki|rule}} of D is not to be found; the [[Vinaya]] has another {{Wiki|rule}}, that is only to be
 +
found in the BhtkfWfivibhaiiga of the M.-L. School, and not in any other [[Vinaya]]',
 +
a [[nun]] should not receive {{Wiki|donations}} before these {{Wiki|donations}} have been presented to
 +
a [[monk]]; the other {{Wiki|rules}} [[essentially]] coincide with the {{Wiki|rules}} in £>, the only
 +
differences are that, according to T.1425, a [[nun]] not only has to undergo the
 +
mdnatva penance after having committed a saipglMsosa offense, but also after
 +
having transgressed a [[gurudharma]] (see D, {{Wiki|rule}} 5), and Dial the [[nuns]] should not
 +
only ask the [[monks]] for instruction eveiy half month, but should also ask for the
 +
date of the pofodha {{Wiki|ceremony}} (see D, {{Wiki|rule}} 6); [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L.
 +
School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 16-72, §§12-110: the third {{Wiki|rule}} of D is not to be
 +
found; the [[Vinaya]] has another {{Wiki|rule}} that is only to be found in T.1425, and not in
 +
any other [[Vinaya]]: a [[nun]] should not receive {{Wiki|donations}}, before these
 +
have been presented to a [[monk]]; the other {{Wiki|rules}} [[essentially]] coincide with the {{Wiki|rules}}
 +
in D\ T.1435, p.345c8-18: the third {{Wiki|rule}} of D is not to be found; the [[Vinaya]] has
 +
' another tule: the [[nuns]] must ask the [[monks]] for instruction in the [[Sutra]], [[Vinaya]]
 +
and [[Abhidharma]]; the other {{Wiki|rules}} coincide with the {{Wiki|rules}} in D. It is to be noted,
 +
however, that the sixth {{Wiki|rule}} in T.1435 explicitly says that the [[nuns]] have to ask for
 +
instruction in the [[eight gurudharmas]]. The [[latter]] coincides with the sixth {{Wiki|rule}} in
 +
D\ T.1451, p.3Slal-25: the [[eight rules]] coincide with the {{Wiki|rules}} in D\ the only
 +
difference is that, according to T.1451, the [[nuns]] not only have to perform the
 +
[[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} in both the orders, but also the {{Wiki|ceremony}} of the going forth
 +
has to be performed in both [[die]] orders (see D, {{Wiki|rule}} 4).
  
−
[[simplicity]], adopt the common [[interpretation]] and refer to this practice as one
+
8. Sec T.1428, p.923a28-b2;
−
belonging to [[asubha]] [[meditation]].  
 
  
−
4 However, these six different typos of [[meditation]] within the section on the
+
(2) A [[bhiksuni]] may not scold or [[slander]] a [[bhiksu]] by saying that he has
−
[[body]] ([[kayanupassana]]) may not be as eclectic as it seems- if considered from a
+
broken the [[precepts]] (if/a), the [[right views]] {[[drsti]]), or the right {{Wiki|behavior}}  
−
particular {{Wiki|perspective}}. Since this portion of the [[Satipatthana]] deals with the [[body]],
 
−
it might be possible that the [[Buddha]] classified the [[six meditations]] related to the
 
−
[[body]] temporarily, i.e in the same order as the [[evolution]] of the [[body]]. The first
 
−
[[bodily]] [[activity]] to take place after [[birth]] is [[breathing]] (anapiina) and the baby re¬
 
−
mains in the position he was laid (more or less); later the child learns to sit,  
 
−
stand and walk (the [[four postures]]); subsequently, the child becomes {{Wiki|aware}} of his
 
−
[[own]] [[person]], his separate [[existence]] and [[activities]] on which he can reflect ([[mind]]¬
 
−
fulness of whatever [[activities]] one is involved in); when the child reaches his
 
−
teens, [[passion]] emerges and therefore [[mindfulness]] of the repulsiveness by review¬
 
−
ing the 31 parts of the [[body]] becomes appropriate; when the individual’s intellec¬
 
−
tual capacity is at its peak, the more introspective practice of the [[four elements]]
 
−
might be more appropriate; at the very end of [[life]], when the [[body]] returns to
 
−
ashes, we find the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[meditations]] (nava sivathikapabbani). This
 
−
{{Wiki|hypothetical}} scheme demands further [[investigation]] and does not imply that a
 
−
specific practice ought to be undertaken exclusively during a particular period
 
−
of [[life]].
 
  
 +
(dedra). 9 . . ,
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
(3) A [[bhiksuni]] may not punish a [[bhiksu]] , nor prevent him to join m the
 +
{{Wiki|ceremonies}} of the order (such as the [[posadha]] *° or th<; pravarana '). A
 +
bhiksuni may not admonish a bhiksu, whereas a bhiksu may admonish
  
 +
bhiksuni. n
  
−
it cannot escape it'" 5 6 . The recurring aspect of this [[formula]] stresses
+
(4) After having been trained in the six rules'* for ^o years as a
−
that the [[monk]] must establish a parallel with his own‘body by
+
probationer {siksamdnd"), the ordination ceremony of a bhiksuni has to
−
{{Wiki|reflecting}} on the fact that it possesses the same [[nature]] ( evarfi -
+
be carried out in both samghas (i.e. first in the bhiksumsamgha and then
−
[[dhammo]]) and that it will eventually reach the same [[state]] as that
+
in the bhiksusamgha ). 15
−
decaying [[body]] (evam- bliavi). V;
 
  
−
We may raise the question of whether this particular passage
 
−
prescribes the actual contemplation of [[corpses]], for the only expli¬
 
−
cit prescription is to reflect on the fact that one’s [[own]] [[body]] will
 
−
eventually be similar to those {{Wiki|lying}} in charnel-grounds. The text
 
−
does not necessarily require that the [[practitioner]] observe a corpse*.
 
−
According to this passage, therefore, it does not seem {{Wiki|imperative}}
 
−
for someone practising the nine [[charnel-ground]] [[contemplations]]
 
−
actually to observe [[corpses]] at that [[moment]]; it is only said that this
 
−
[[person]] must reflect on the fact that his [[own]] [[body]] is possessed of
 
−
the same [[nature]] as that of the [[bodies]] at different stages of [[decay]].
 
  
−
HowSver, in the sixth [[chapter]] of the [[Visuddhimagga]] ( [[Asubha]] -
+
O See T 1428.0.92362-4.  
−
kamrncitthananiddesa), [[Buddhaghosa]] elaborates on the method of
 
−
pursuing such a practice and describes the observation of [[corpses]]
 
−
at one of the ten different stages of decomposition. In this
 
−
[[chapter]] [[ten stages]] are enumerated as asubhakammaffliaha ([[object of meditation]] for the practice of the non-beautiful); the bloated,
 
−
the livid, the festering, the cut up, the gnawed, the scattered, the
 
−
hacked and scattered, the bleeding, the worm-infested and the
 
−
skeleton. These are basically the same as those nine described in
 
  
 +
any. whether seen, or heard or suspected. See also HORNER i.b. ;
 +
committed any offences.
  
−
5 puna ca [[param]] bhikkhavc [[bhikkhu]] seyyatha pi passeyya [[sari]] [[ram]] sivathikaya
+
13 mle a?e 8 ;he 9 six rnles that have to be panicularly taken into account by a
−
chadditam ckiimatam va dvihamalam va lihamatam vit uddhumatakam vinilakam
+
probationer (siksamdnd). Sec further pp. 45-47 iiksam dna-  
−
vipubbakdjdiam. so imam eva kayam upasamharanli: ‘Ayam pi kho kayo evam-  
 
−
[[dhammo]] evam-bhitvi clam li'. D 11 295.
 
  
−
6 The verb of ihc subordinate clause (passeyya) is in the optative tense
+
14. Ishih-ch’a-mo-nal, a ^^S <aimanepa da, training one-
  
−
(sailami) and is preceded by an adverb (seyyatha) meaning ‘just as'.
+
nUlxy oC »i»M in » »— *
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
+
15. See T. 1428, p. 923b8-10.
  
  
−
the SatipaUhana [[Sutta]], the primary difference being that in the
+
(5) When a bhiksuni commits a samghavasesa offense 16 , she has to
−
[[latter]], the {{Wiki|classification}} is arranged according to the period of
+
undergo the manatva' 2 in both orders (i.e. bhiksusamgha and bhiksuni-
−
[[decay]], while in the former it is according to the qualitative [[state]]
+
samgha) during half a month.'*  
−
of the [[corpses]]. Elaborate {{Wiki|training}} and preparation are prescribed
 
−
prior to the culmination of practice — the actual contemplation
 
−
of decaying [[bodies]] 7 . The commentator also explains the different
 
−
approaches one ought to take during the actual contemplation*
 
−
and also warns the reader that one should not use the [[body]] pf tbe
 
−
opposite {{Wiki|sex}} for this practice. As Kevin Truinor has remarked*,
 
−
[[Buddhaghosa]] does not seem to take into [[consideration]] the section
 
  
 +
Concerning this rule, the chapter concerning the ordination'’ informs us
 +
that when a monk commits a santghdvascsa offense, there arc four
 +
formal acts ( karman ) which can, each time by means of a jnapticatur-
 +
thakarman 20 , be performed by the samgha 2 ': (a) a parivdsa penance**,
  
−
7 A [[monk]] must intensively prepare himself before selling forth lo the char¬
+
16. Skt. samghavasesa, Pali saqighadisesa, M.-L. School: samghatisefa, ‘remainder
−
nel-ground (or a similar place). According to [[Buddhaghosa]] (Vism 180X the prac¬
+
in the order’. These offenses lead to a temporary exclusion from the order. They
−
titioner must first find a [[teacher]] to supervise him; one cannot undertake this
+
include such offenses as acting as a go-between, slandering, conferring the  
−
[[discipline]] without guidance. Only after having learned everything from him,  
+
ordination to a thief, remaining without the company of other bhikfunis, staying
−
should the [[disciple]] find a proper dwelling (this ‘proper dwelling* is described ii*
+
together with a man^sreating disputes, and so on.  
−
C1UV of Vism, §§1-20) and abide [[meditating]] (investigating; pariyesantena) on the  
 
−
[[subject]] that was given to him. Later, if he hears that a corpse is {{Wiki|lying}} at the  
 
−
[[root]] of a [[tree]], a village gate, a [[charnel-ground]], etc., he must first inform his
 
−
{{Wiki|superior}} before setting forth and {{Wiki|undertaking}} his contemplation, the [[reason]] being
 
−
that if he does not return due lo [[lions]], [[tigers]], {{Wiki|robbers}}, or others t . X the su¬
 
−
perior could send some younger [[monk]] to rescue him. Then only, the text says,  
 
−
can he proceed ‘as [[happy]] as a [[warrior]] longing to {{Wiki|witness}} an inauguration', Bud¬
 
−
dhaghosa also says that the [[yogi]] ought to go alone (eko adutiyo gacchali ) and  
 
−
should not approach the charncl-ground against the [[wind]] {pativata ), for his [[own]]
 
−
[[body]] might react to the {{Wiki|smell}} and he might [[repent]] havmg undertaken this
 
−
project.  
 
  
−
8 The [[yogi]] ought to apprehend the sign ( nimitla ) (of the bloated. . . .) by 1)
+
17. This is a kind of penance: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p.429: "...; it thus appears
−
its {{Wiki|colour}}, 2) its mark (the three phases of [[life]]), 3) its shape, 4) its [[direction]], 5)
 
−
its location, 6) its limitations, (Vism 184), 7) its joints, 8) its openings, 9) its
 
−
concavities, 10) its convexities, and 11) all round (Vism 185). The last five
 
−
4 approaches are only recommended if the [[practitioner]] has not grasped the sign.
 
−
i 9 Trainor, Kevin. ‘In the [[Eye]] of the Beholder; NonaUachment and the [[Body]] in
 
−
Subha‘s Verse ([[Therigatha]] 71)*, JAAR LXJ/l, note 35. pp.68-9. The verses referred
 
−
to are Theragalha 393-8.  
 
  
 +
that, according to both northern and southern tradition, this penance consisted in,
 +
or at least involved, some kind of ceremonial homage paid by the eulprit to the
 +
general-community of monks. This can be interpreted as supporting the apparent
 +
ctym., mdna-tva, condition of (paying) respect.” In T.I428 the manatva penance
 +
is ext laincd on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other kinayas
 +
SCC.FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.I09-.il 1. ’
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
18. SeeT.1428, p.923bl0-12.
  
 +
19. T.1428,pp.779a6-816c4(;gJfc«K).
  
 +
20. This is a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (cf. Lamottb, fc, 1988,
  
 +
p. 56). It is one of the formal acts that can be performed by the samgha in miri ng
 +
decisions. These acts can be a jdaptikarman, a jnaptidvitiyakamum. or ajiumti-
 +
caturtliakarman : EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 244, s.v. >;«/«»': there are three
  
−
of the rheragithi where an [[arahant]] is portrayed as [[contemplating]]  
+
[[forms]] in which the {{Wiki|motion}} may be made, (I) isolated, simple {{Wiki|motion}}, not
−
a woman’s corpse in a [[charnel-ground]].  
+
followed by a separate question as to whether the [[monks]] (or [[nuns]]) {{Wiki|present}}
 +
approve, (2) accompanied (followed) by a single such formal question, called
 +
jhapti-dvitiyam, (3) accompanied by three such questions, called jhapti-caturtha."
  
−
In this [[chapter]], although the [[objects of meditation]] are
+
21. see t. 1428, P .8oia4-7: B feSfUl* B
−
cadavers, the {{Wiki|concept}} of [[death itself]] is totally absent. The chief
 
−
aim of this practice is to develop [[asubha]] towards our [[own]] [[body]] ,
 
−
and that of others, in order to eradicate any kind of [[lust]] or
 
−
[[passion]] that may arise 10 . The {{Wiki|purpose}} of this [[meditation]] was not
 
−
to develop an [[awareness]] of [[death itself]], but rather to stimulate
 
−
some [[sense]] of [[repulsion]]. [[Buddhaghosa]] further characterises these
 
−
[[ten meditations]] as belonging to asubhabhdvand, and he [[perceives]]
 
−
them as {{Wiki|distinct}} from the [[meditation]] on [[death]] ( marandnussaii ),
 
  
−
* for he devotes a full [[chapter]] to this type of [[meditation]], to which
+
ttSNJIlilMttMIlWUiNiUlltNtiill: if one has to give Uk parivdsa
−
wc will soon return. [[Buddhaghosa]] explains that the [[meditation]] on
 
−
[[asubha]] particularly fits the [[greedy]] {{Wiki|temperament}} ( ragacarita ), and
 
−
he further elaborates by correlating each of the ten degrees of
 
−
[[decay]] to a specific [[greed]]".
 
  
−
Although this correlation with the ten {{Wiki|expressions}} of [[greed]] is
+
[po-li-p’o-sha], see note 22), then one ought to give the parivdsa. If
−
probably the construct of the commentator, the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} —
+
one has to give ‘the correcting from the beginning’ (# □ Hi. [[Pali]] muldya
 +
patikassana, see note 23), then one ought to give ‘the correcting from the  
 +
beginning’. If one has to give the mSnatva [mo-na-to], sec note 17),
  
 +
then one ought to give [[die]] manatva. If one has to give the rehabilitation (tllUg,'
 +
dbarhana, see note 24), then one ought to give the rehabilitation.
  
−
10 ’This filthy [[body]] stinks outright / Like ordure, like a privy’s site / This
+
22. EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 329: “(Skt., period of residence; [[Pali]] [[id]]. in technical
−
[[body]] men that have [[insight]] / Condemn, is [[object]] of a fools [[delight]] / A {{Wiki|tumour}}
+
[[sense]]) period of probation to which certain [[monks]] are subjected, as a disciplinary
−
where nine holes abide / Wrapped in a coat of clammy hide / And trickling
+
measure, for [[concealment]] of a [[samghavasesa]] oifcnsc.” In T. 1428 the parivdsa i s
−
filth on every side / Polluting the [[air]] with stenches far and wide / If it per¬
+
explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other [[Vinayas]] see
−
chance should come about / That what is inside came out / Surely a man
+
FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 109-111.  
−
wo’ild need u knout / With which to put the [[crows]] 'tend [[dogs]] to rout*. (Vism VI
 
−
93, translation taken from The [[Path of Purification]] , p.203). It is [[interesting]] to
 
−
note that in the Vism, the meaning of the term [[asubha]] is very similar to that
 
−
of [[patikkula]] , i.e. rcpulsivcncss.  
 
  
−
11 Vism, p.193 ff; Abhidiiamma and commeniarial {{Wiki|literature}} classifies
+
(b) *a correcting from the beginning’ 23 , (c) a manatva penance 17 *, (d) a
−
personalities into six types of {{Wiki|temperament}} ([[carita]]): [[greedy]] ( rega ), hating ( [[dosa]]),  
+
taking away the offense* (= rehabilitation) 24 . Further [[information]] on
−
deluded ([[moha]]), [[faithful]] {s add hi i), {{Wiki|intelligent}} ( bud d hi ) and speculative ([[vitakka]]).  
+
these barmans is found in two chapters of T. 1428: the [[chapter]] con-
−
On these, see Vism, p.101 ff.  
+
• ceming persons 23 and the [[chapter]] concerning probation 26 . In case of a
 +
[[parivasa]] penance (a), a [[bhiksu]] has to ask the bhiksusamgha three times
 +
to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the
 +
bhiksusamgha, by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman , 27 The period of the
 +
[[parivasa]] penance corresponds to the period during which the [[bhiksu]]  
 +
concealed the samghdvasesa offense. During this period, many restric¬
 +
tions arc imposed upon the [[monk]]. The most important of these arc*, he
 +
cannot participate in the formal acts leading to [[parivasa]] , manatva or
 +
rehabilitation; he cannot confer the [[ordination]] or give guidance to a
 +
[[newly ordained monk]]; he cannot take [[care]] of a {{Wiki|novice}}; he cannot give
 +
instruction to the [[bhiksunis]]\ he cannot punish [[bhiksus]]\ and he may not be
 +
honored by the other [[bhiksus]]. Every half-month, a [[bhiksu]] who under¬
 +
goes a [[parivasa]] penance, has to remind the bhiksusamgha that he is in
 +
such a [[condition]]. 28 If, during the [[parivasa]] period, the [[bhiksu]] commits
 +
another * amghavasesa offense, he has to be told to start again from the
 +
beginning of the [[parivasa]] period. In ease of such ‘a correcting [[Trom]] the
 +
beginning’ (b), the [[bhiksu]] has, again, to ask the bhiksusamgha three
 +
times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by
 +
the bhiksusamgha , by means of a jhapticaturthakarmqn? 19 When a
 +
[[bhiksu]] has completed the [[parivasa]] period, the [[samgha]] imposes upon him
 +
the manatva period (c), which lasts for six nights. Again, this penance is
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] os [[meditation]] [[subject]]  
+
23. [[Pali]]: tnulaya patikassatur, RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W. t PED t p.392,
 +
s.v, patikassana : “drawing back, in [[phrase]] mulaya p. “throwing back to the
 +
beginning, causing to begin over & over again”.*’
  
 +
24. Cf. [[Nakamura]], H. # BGD , p.672: dill, the rehabilitation of a bhikfu , [[Pali]]
 +
abbhana; WOGUIARA, U., BW % p. 199: abarhana [[[Pali]] abbhana J, with as
 +
{{Wiki|Chinese}} rendering: di ft.
  
 +
25. T.1428, pp. 896b25-903cl9 (ASlffi): this [[chapter]] entirely concerns the
 +
regulations concerning the four formal acts that can be performed when a bhik$u
 +
commits a samghdvasesa offense.
  
−
and especially the older [[sections]] — establishes an explicit link
+
26. T.1428. pp. 904a6-906a8 (SStSiffi): this [[chapter]] concerns the restrictions
−
between the practice of [[asubha]] [[meditation]] and the [[greedy]]
+
imposed upon a [[bhiksu]] who is undergoing the [[parivasa]] or the manatva
−
{{Wiki|temperament}}. The Theragathii, for example, depicts the story of
+
penances.  
−
Singalapita who got rid of [[greed]] towards [[sensual desire]] through
 
−
the contemplation of a skeleton (or at least the [[idea]], sahhd, of a
 
−
skeleton) 12 . However, the two most explicit passages correlating
 
−
the [[awareness]] of [[asubha]] with the diminution of [[lust]] arc found in
 
−
the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] and [[Anguttara Nikaya]] where it is clearly
 
−
stated that [[asubha]] should be developed in order to rid oneself of
 
−
[[lust]] 13 . Moreover, the various classifications of the qualities neces¬
 
−
sary for the eradication of [[lust]] always include [[asubha]] .or [[asubha]]-
 
−
sahhd 1 *. Other passages in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} indicate that these
 
−
qualities do not eradicate [[lust]], but lead to the {{Wiki|deathless}}, a term
 
−
often equated with [[Nibbana]] 15 . More precisely, the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] indicates that properly [[cultivating]] the {{Wiki|recognition}} (sahhd)
 
−
of any of five types of cadavers (the skeleton, the worm-eaten,
 
−
the discoloured, the fissured and the inflated corpse) 14 can induce
 
−
.[[arahanthood]] or the [[state]] of non-return 11 . From what wc have
 
  
 +
27. See T.1428, p.896b26-c!7.
  
 +
28. See T.1428, pp. 904a7-906al.
  
−
12 [[Thag]]. p.4 (18).  
+
29. See T.1428, pp. 896cl7-897al4.  
  
−
13 Asubhaya [[cittam]] bhavehi. A 1 11K; [[asubha]] bhaveiabbii ragassa puhimaya. A
 
−
IV 358.
 
  
−
14 In a list of 10. see A V 309-10; in a list of 9, A IV 465; in a list of 7. A
+
given to him by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman, after the [[bhiksu]] a <fr<»d
 +
it three times to the samgha * 0 The restrictions imposed upon the bhiiqu
 +
during this manatva period arc the same as those during the parivasa
 +
period. The only difference is that the bhiksu now daily lias to inform
 +
the bhiksusamgha that he-is undergoing the manatva penance.* 1 Finally,
 +
the order can readmit the bhiksu by a rehabilitation. This rehabilitation
 +
(d) is conferred to him by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman, itftcrlhc
 +
bhiksu asked for this three times. 32
  
−
IV 148; in a list of 5. A IV 276.  
+
In case a bhiksu did not conceal the samghdvasesa offense, he docs not
 +
have to undergo a parivasa period, but the manatva penance is imme¬
 +
diately imposed upon him. When he commits another santghavasefa
 +
offense during this manatva period, he has to start again from the
 +
beginning. After this period, the samgha can rehabilitate the bhiksu**
  
−
15 In a list of 9, at A IV 3B7; in a list of 7, A IV 46.  
+
In these chapters ^concerning persons and concerning probation, no
 +
indications are given whether or not this also applies to bliilqunis. It is
 +
only from the fifth rule (gurudharma) for bhiksunis, mentioned in the
 +
Bhiksuniskandhaka** of T.1428, that we can deduce that a bhiksuni has
 +
to undergo the manatva penance in both the santghas during half a  
 +
month, and not during six nights as this is the ease for the bhiksus. The
 +
karmavacand 34 for diiksunis of the Dharmaguptaka School, T. 1434,
 +
pp. 1068b 14-1069aI, however, clearly mentions this period of half a
 +
month, and gives further details concerning this point: the latter text
 +
adds that a bhiksuni has to undergo this penance even after having con¬
 +
cealed the saittghavasesa offense, and that she has to present herself
 +
daily before both the samghas.  
  
−
16 Aff/iiJtd, pulavaka, [[vinilaka]] . vicehiddaka. uddumutuka. These 5 are members
+
Also, since the parivasa penance is closely related to the manatva
 +
penance, it is striking that in the eight rules for bhiksunis in T.1428,
 +
there is no mentioning of this parivasa penance, while there is a special
 +
rule for the manatva penance. This is also the ease in the other
 +
Vinayas.**
  
−
of Budtlhaghosa’s ten-fold list of axubhakkatnmauhana referred to previously.  
+
30. See T.1428, p. 897a 14-b 16.  
  
−
17 S V 129-31. The Vism exemplifies this statement by presenting the story of
+
31. See T.1428, p.?06a2-8.  
−
[[Mahatissa]] [[Thera]]: upon [[seeing]] the {{Wiki|teeth}} (danUttlfuktc the lames of the {{Wiki|teeth}}. The
 
−
author stresses that is it the [[bones]] \atthika\ that [[Mahatissa]] [[perceives]], for they are
 
−
part of the skeleton and fall into the asubhakammaithana) of a woman running
 
−
uway from her husband, [[Mahatissa]] acquired asubhasahha and [[attained]] [[Nibbana]].  
 
−
When her husband, seeking his wife, asked him whether lie had seen a woman
 
−
C*yBD*>UOraLi^- :V17*54 VsIMKjn: V> i"W* f. • . "9WWiM*^f ~ * V-*~.- V
 
  
 +
32. See T. 1428, p. 897b 16-c24.
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
33. See T.1428, pp. 897c25-898c7.
  
−
seen so far, the place ascribed to [[asubha]] within [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] [[Pali literature]] is unequivocal: its [[cultivation]] car. lead to [[Nibbana]], or at
+
34. Karmavacand is the name of a text containing a list of acts and ceremonies to be
−
least to great benefits such as the eradication of [[passion]] 18 .  
+
pcrfoimed in the order.  
  
−
This type of [[meditation]] is dependent, to a certain extent, up¬
+
35. OLDENBERG, H„ Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lI, p.255, rule 5; Sanskrit* Bhiksuni-
−
on [[death]], for in many instances it uses [[death]] as an [[object]]. We use
+
vibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p.63, §93. rule 5 (apart (torn
−
the term [[object]] in the [[sense]] that there is something [[visible]] or
+
mentioning manatva, it is further said that a bhiksuni has to ask for rehabilitation
−
{{Wiki|tangible}} that can be observed. In these cases, the [[practitioner]] con¬
 
−
templates cadavers. Although [[death]] as an [[object]] is not necessary
 
−
to practise [[asubha]] [[meditation]], as with the contemplation of the
 
−
thirty-one parts of the [[body]], it is often considered a crucial re¬
 
−
quirement. It has already been noted that [[Buddhaghosa’s]] [[ten objects]] of [[meditation]] for the [[cultivation]] of [[asubha]] arc [[corpses]] at
 
−
different stages of [[decay]]. Although [[Buddhaghosa’s]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} on
 
−
contemplation of [[corpses]] is not accentuated in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}},  
 
−
1 have found passages referring to it. There is, however, another
 
−
type of [[meditation]] on [[death]], known as maratyasati , which is  
 
  
  
−
pass by, Mahiiiissa replied wilh \hc verses which later became famotis*in the  
+
la the Pali Vinaya, information concerning the manatva penance is to
−
Thcravada [[tradition]]: Whether it was a man or a woman / That went by \
+
be found in two different chapters. 1) In the chapter concerning the
−
noticed not / But only that on this high road / There goes a group of [[bones]].  
+
nuns 16 , the eight rules (P. garudhamma) to be followed by the nuns are
−
(Vism, p.2L Translation quoted from The [[Path of Purification]], p22\
+
enumerated. The fifth of these garudhammas says that a nun who has
 +
committed a samghddisesa» offense, has to undergo a manatta™
 +
penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders. 2) In the chapter
 +
concerning the samghddisesa offenses for nuns 1 ’, the technical term
 +
samghddisesa is explained as follows: “the Order inflicts the manatta
 +
discipline on account of her offence, it sends back to the beginning, it
 +
rehabilitates; ...” 40 . In the chapter concerning the samghddisesa offenses
 +
for monks, however, the same technical term is explained as follows:
  
−
18 However, this practice has to be undertaken with extreme [[care]]. A passage
+
' “the Order places him on probation [= pari'vdsa] on account of the
−
of the [[Vinaya]] (Vin. Ill iSultavibhahga), p.68 fO reports that [[monks]] who have
+
offence, it sends him back to the beginning, it inflicts the manatta disci¬
−
been instructed by the [[Buddha]] to cultivate [[asubha]] asked a [[samana]] named Miga-
+
pline, it rehabilitates; ... .” 41 Moreover, the Pali Vinaya concludes the
−
landaka to deprive them of [[life]], for their [[bodies]] had become an inconvenience
+
chapter on the samghddisesa offenses for nuns 41 by saying that a nun
−
to them. U is said that Migalandaka killed 60 [[monks]] in one day. The [[Buddha]],  
+
who has committed a samghddisesa offense, has to undergo a manatta
−
noticing that the number of [[monks]] had decreased, requested [[Ananda]] to assemble
+
penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders, after which she can be
−
all the [[monks]]. To counteract ihe effect of this practice of [[asubha]], the [[Buddha]]
+
rehabilitated. Thus, in both the above mentioned chapters of the Pali
−
[[taught]] [[anapanasati]] [[meditation]], the [[meditation]] on respiration. Although it is not
+
Vinaya, there is no mentioning of a parivdsa period imposed upon a
−
explicit in the text, it seems that [[anapanasati]] is used to counterbalance the  
+
nun. From this, UPASAK, C.S., DEBMT , p. 183, concludes that there is
−
negative effects that may arise from the practice of [[asubha]], Thh incident is  
+
no parivdsa penance for nuns.  
−
used in the [[Vinaya]] to explain the {{Wiki|rule}} ( [[parajika]] III) that a [[monk]] should not
 
−
[[intention]] illy kill anyone or be the instrument in the {{Wiki|killing}} of anyone.  
 
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
 
  
 +
i„ Mfe «*nkCite Vinayav. T.H2I. P- > <»?;J~ » *^
  
−
radically different from [[asubha]] [[meditation]], for it docs not use
+
that a bfuksimi has to ask for rehabilitation m both the orders), T. 12 , p.  
−
[[death]] as an [[object]], but rather as a [[subject]]. [[Death]] becomes the
 
−
theme of the [[meditation]], and the [[practitioner]] is not required to
 
−
[[contemplate]] [[corpses]]. *
 
  
−
Very few {{Wiki|allusions}} to [[maranasati]] are made in the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]]
+
13, rule 5 (here it is said that a bhiksuni who transgresses a S^ a rma has to  
−
{{Wiki|literature}} 19 , yet this practice seems central to the [[tradition]]. Most
+
undergo the manatva in both the ^amghas)-, T.1435, p.345cl0-12, ru e ,
−
[[Buddhist traditions]] share the [[myth]] that before [[Gotama]] decided to  
+
T.t 451, p. 351 a20-22, rule 7.
−
leave the householder’s [[life]] to become a reduse, he came in con¬
 
−
tact with [[four sights]]: [[sickness]], [[old age]], [[death]] and [[asceticism]]. It is
 
−
these [[four sights]] that triggered [[Gotama’s]] [[desire]] to go forth. It is
 
−
[[interesting]] to note that the middle two sights are [[elements]]
 
−
| belonging to the paficcasamuppada, a [[doctrine]] central to the
 
  
−
j [[tradition]]. [[Old age]] and [[death]] cannot be avoided and, on account of
+
• See note 3.  
  
−
j them, a whole {{Wiki|mass}} of [[suffering]] arises in the {{Wiki|future}} 20 . Facing the
+
36. OLDENBERG, H.. Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.H, Cullavagga X, pp. 25J-28J.  
  
−
continuous presence of [[suffering]], as well as the inevitability of
+
37. This is the Pali for the Ski. sumghuvasesa. See also NOLOT. E., 1991. pp.401-
−
I [[death]] which may be [[sensed]] through [[ageing]] and [[old age]], [[Gotama]]
 
  
−
sought [[release]] from this ongoing [[cycle of life and death]]. Quests
+
405. •
−
j triggered by a similar realisation were also undertaken by other
 
  
−
I . characters in the [[Canon]], especially in the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} 21 . All
+
38. This is the Pah for the Skt. wanorvo.  
  
 +
39 OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.1V, BhikkhunMbhaAga, pp. •
  
−
19 Actually, the term [[maranasati]] appears rarely in [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] {{Wiki|literature}}. Jp my
+
40. OLDENBERG. 11.. Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.IV. p. 225. translated by HORNER, I.B.,
−
[[knowledge]], only 4 [[discourses]] of the Angultara [[Nikaya]] (A III 303-8; A IV  
 
−
316-22) arc centred around the them. 1 have not found occurrences elsewhere in .  
 
−
the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}}.  
 
  
−
20 E\>am ctassa dukJJtakkhandhassa satnudaya hoti. S II 5.  
+
so, vault, p. iso.  
  
−
21 For example, the [[Bodhisatta]], in one of his [[previous lives]], is reported to
+
41 . OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lll. p. U2. translated by HORNER, I.B..
−
have said: 'Our [[life]] as [[living beings]] is similar U) dew drops on the grass; having
+
BD, Vol.l, p. 196.  
−
asked my mother and father, l ought to go forth in order to subjugate [[sickness]],
 
−
[[old age]] and [[death]]’ (J IV 121). One of the [[elders]] of the Theragitha uttered a
 
−
comparable verse: 'Having seen an aged [[person]], someone afflicted by [[sickness]]
 
−
and someone whose [[life]] [[faculties]] have vanished, I became a wandering renun-
 
−
date, [[abandoning]] all enticing [[pleasures]]' ([[Thag]], pjl). Many other passages from
 
−
the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} show that [[desire]] to {{Wiki|renounce}} [[worldly life]] arose from the
 
  
 +
42. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.1V, p.242.
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
Taking into consideration the indications given in other Vinaya texts
 +
and in T.1434, it seems safe to state that UPASAK’s conclusion concern¬
 +
ing the Pali Vinaya, is equally valid for the other Vinaya texts.
  
 +
(6) Every fortnight, the bhiksunis have to ask the hhiksus for instmc-
 +
tion ( avavdda 43 ). 44
  
−
of the ITheragatha where an [[arahant]] is portrayed as [[contemplating]]
+
Concerning this rule, pacittika” 141 <6 ofthc BhiksunMbhanga
−
a woman’s corpse in a [[charnel-ground]].  
+
informs us how a bhiksuni, by means of ttjnaptidvitiyakarntan 20 * has to
 +
be appointed to go to the bhiksusanxgha to as.k for instruction, -or her
 +
safety, she must take two or three bhiksunis with her. After her arrival in  
 +
the bhiksusamgha, she should ask the bhiksus three times for instruction
 +
Since she has to ask for instruction the same day the posadha
 +
ceremony 16 * is held by the bhiksusamgha, it might be too long to wait
 +
till the end of the recitation, and that is why Buddha permits her to ask
 +
only one important bhiksu for instruction, after which demand, she may
 +
leave. Afterwards, the bhiksusamgha has to appoint a bhiksu to go to the
 +
bluksunisamgha to give instruction. •
  
−
In this [[chapter]], although the [[objects of meditation]] are
+
It is ih pacittika 21 4 ’ of the Bhiksuvibhahga, that we read how the  
−
cadavers, the {{Wiki|concept}} of [[death itself]] is totally absent. The chief
+
bhiksu who is to give the instruction to the bhiksunis has to be appointed
−
aim of this practice is to develop [[asubha]] towards our [[own]] [[body]]
+
by means of a jiiapiidviiiyakarman”, after which lie lias to go to the  
−
and that of others, in order to eradicate any kind of [[lust]] or
+
bluksunisamgha. The instruction he has to give concerns the eight rules
−
[[passion]] that may arise 10 . The {{Wiki|purpose}} of this [[meditation]] was not
+
imposed upon bhiksunis , 4 ’
−
to develop an [[awareness]] of [[death itself]], but rather to stimulate
 
−
some [[sense]] of [[repulsion]]. [[Buddhaghosa]] further characterises these
 
−
[[ten meditations]] as belonging to [[asubhabhavana]], and he [[perceives]]
 
−
them as {{Wiki|distinct}} from the [[meditation]] on [[death]] ( marananussati ),
 
−
« for he devotes a full [[chapter]] to this type of [[meditation]], to which
 
−
we will soon return. [[Buddhaghosa]] explains that the [[meditation]] on
 
−
[[asubha]] particularly fits the [[greedy]] {{Wiki|temperament}} ( ragacarita ), and
 
−
he further elaborates by correlating each of the ten degrees of
 
−
[[decay]] to a specific [[greed]]".
 
  
−
Although this correlation with the ten {{Wiki|expressions}} of [[greed]] is
+
(7) The bhiksunis cannot spend the rainy season in a residence where
−
probably the construct of the commentator, the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} —
+
there are no bhiksus. S0
  
  
−
10 'This filthy [[body]] slinks outright / Like ordure, like a privy's site / This
+
43. WOOIHARA, U„ BW, p. 145.  
−
[[body]] men that have [[insight]] / Condemn, is [[object]] of a fool's [[delight]] / A {{Wiki|tumour}}
 
−
where nine holes abide / Wrapped in a coal of clammy hide / And trickling
 
−
filth on every side / Polluting the [[air]] with stenches far and wide / If it per¬
 
−
chance should come about / That what is inside came out / Surely a man
 
−
would need a knout / With which to put the [[crows]] 'and [[dogs]] to rout'. (Vism VI
 
−
93, translation taken from The [[Path of Purification]] , p.203). It is [[interesting]] to
 
−
note that in the Vism, the meaning of the term [[asubha]] is very similar to that
 
−
of [[patikkula]], i.e. rcpul&ivcncss.  
 
  
−
U Vism. p.193 ff: Abhidiiamma and {{Wiki|commentarial}} {{Wiki|literature}} classifies
+
44. See T.1428, p.923bl2-14.  
−
0 personalities into six types of {{Wiki|temperament}} ( [[carita]]): [[greedy]] (rega), hating {[[dosa]]\
 
−
deluded (tnoha). [[faithful]] {[[saddha]]), {{Wiki|intelligent}} {[[buddhi]]) and speculative ([[vitakka]]).  
 
−
On these, see Vism. p.101 ff.  
 
  
 +
45 ‘ ™ Skt. palayantika, payantika, Dharmaguptaka School' pa ci ttika
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
+
Waldschmidt, E. <cd.), 1965, pp. 297-298, No.656). M.-L. School: pacattika
 +
(for alternative fonns see Edgerton, F„ BHSD, p. 340)*. The original form and
 +
meaning of the word cannot be confidently reconstructed. According to IIlRA-
 +
KAWA, A.. 1982, p. 191, note 1. it probably means ‘expiation’. The pddttika rules
 +
arc a class of precepts concerning minor offenses. Committing such an offense
 +
requires a confession.
  
 +
* Hereafter all Pac.
  
−
and especially the older [[sections]] — establishes an explicit link
+
46. See T.1428, p.765all-c!3.  
−
between the practice of [[asubha]] [[meditation]] and the [[greedy]]
 
−
{{Wiki|temperament}}. The [[Theragatha]], for example, depicts the story of
 
−
Singalapita who got rid of [[greed]] towards [[sensual desire]] through
 
−
the contemplation of a skeleton (or at least the [[idea]], sahha, of a
 
−
skeleton) 15 . However, the two most explicit passages correlating
 
−
the [[awareness]] of [[asubha]] with the diminution of [[lust]] are found in
 
−
the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] and [[Anguttara Nikaya]] where it is clearly
 
−
stated that asul)ha should be developed in order to rid oneself of
 
−
[[lust]] 13 . Moreover, the various classifications of the qualities neces¬
 
−
sary for the eradication of [[lust]] always include [[asubha]] pr [[asubha]]-
 
−
sahha'*. Other passages in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}} indicate that these
 
−
qualities do- not eradicate [[lust]], but load to the {{Wiki|deathless}}, a term
 
−
often equated with [[Nibbana]] 15 . More precisely, the [[Samyutta Nikaya]] indicates that properly [[cultivating]] the {{Wiki|recognition}} (sanhS)
 
−
of any of five types of cadavers (the skeleton, the worm-eaten,
 
−
the discoloured, the fissured and the inflated corpse) 16 can induce
 
−
.[[arahanthood]] or the [[state]] of non-return 17 . From what wc have
 
  
 +
47. See T. 1428, pp. 647b9-649c3.
  
−
12 [[Thag]]. p.4 (181
+
48. See T. 1428, p. 648b20-27.
  
−
13 As ub hay a citlarn bhavchi. A \ UK. [[asubha]] bhavelabha rdgassa pahdndya. A
+
49. See T.1428, p, 649al-2.  
−
IV 358.  
 
  
−
\4 a list of 10. see A V 309-10; in a list of 9, A IV 4(>5; in a list of 7. A
+
50. See T.1428, p.923bl4-15.  
  
−
IV 148; in a list of 5. A IV 276.
 
  
−
15 In a list of 9, at A IV 387; in a list of 7. A IV 4b.  
+
(8) At the end of the rainy season, the bhiksunis have to perform the
 +
pravarana ceremony' 1 * in the bhiksusamgha . 5I
  
−
16 Atthika, pulavaka , vinilaJuu vice hi dd aka. uddumiiluka. These 5 are members
+
In respect to this rule, the chapter concerning the pravarana 52 , informs
−
of [[Buddhaghosa]] s len-foid list of asubhakkatntnatihdna referred to previously.  
+
is how, at the pravarana ceremony, a monk asks the order three times to
 +
ell him whether he has been seen or heard or is suspected to have
 +
ommitted any offenses so that he can make amends for it. 53 It has to be
 +
lotcd, however, that any offense committed by any monk has to be
 +
vanished before the start of the pravarana ceremony, and that no such
 +
crcmony can start before discussions on any offense have been settled.  
 +
This means that, in practice, no new offense could be brought out during
 +
he pravarana ceremony. 54
  
−
17 S V 129-3L The Vism exemplifies this statement by presenting the story of
+
In pdcittika 142 55 of the Bhiksunivibhanga , it is said that the
−
[[Mahatissa]] [[Thera]]: upon [[seeing]] the {{Wiki|teeth}} (dant atthika: the hones of the {{Wiki|teeth}}. The
+
ihiksunis , by means of a jhaptidvitiyakarman™* , have to delegate a
−
author stresses that is it the [[bones]] \atlhika\ that [[Mahatissa]] [[perceives]], for they are
+
diiksuni to go to the bhiksusamgha in order to perform the pravarana . 56
−
part of the skeleton and fall into the asubhakammatthdna) of a woman running
+
>he has to ask whether the bhiksusamgha has any remarks concerning an
−
away from her husband. [[Mahatissa]] acquired asubhasanfta and [[attained]] [[Nibbana]].
+
>ffcnsc that a [[bhiksuni]] is seen or heard or is suspected to have
−
When her husband, seeking his wife, asked him whether he had seen a woman
+
ommitted. For her safety, this bhiksum must take two or three other
 +
diiksunis with her. It is further said that the [[bhiksus]] have to perform the
 +
n [[avarana]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} the fourteenth day of the month, whereas the  
 +
> hiksunis have to go to the bhiksusamgha on the fifteenth day. 57
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
The [[exposition]] of these [[eight rules]] for [[bhiksunis]] in the BhiktunJ-
 +
kandhaka is followed by the statement that for [[Mahaprajapati]] GautamI
 +
uid the fi ve hundred [[Sakya]] women, accepting these {{Wiki|rules}} is of the same
 +
aluc as an [[ordination]]. 58 [[Mahaprajapati Gautami]] and the five hundred
 +
i a Icy a women thus became [[fully ordained nuns]] by accepting these {{Wiki|rules}}.
 +
\lso from T.1428, it is thus clear that, although [[Mahaprajapati Gautami]]
 +
uid the five hundred [[Sakya]] women accepted the [[eight rules]], these {{Wiki|rules}}
 +
:annot have been applied to the first [[Buddhist nuns]], since they are not
 +
>rdaincd before both orders, ,nor did they have to go through a proba-
  
−
seen so far, the place ascribed to [[asubha]] within [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] [[Pali literature]] is unequivocal: its [[cultivation]] can lead to N-ibbana, or at
+
51. See T.1428, p. 923b 15-17.  
−
least to great benefits such as the eradication of [[passion]] 18 .  
 
  
−
This type of [[meditation]] is dependent, to a certain extent, up¬
+
52. T.1428, pp.837cJ9-S43bl0 (ft &&«£).  
−
on [[death]], for in many instances it uses [[death]] as an [[object]]. We use
 
−
the term [[object]] in the [[sense]] that there is something [[visible]] or
 
−
{{Wiki|tangible}} that can be observed. In these cases, the [[practitioner]] con¬
 
−
templates cadavers. Although [[death]] as an [[object]] is not necessary
 
−
to practise [[asubha]] [[meditation]], as with the contemplation of the
 
−
thirty-one parts of the [[body]], it is often considered a crucial re¬
 
−
quirement. It has already been noted that [[Buddhaghosa’s]] [[ten objects]] of [[meditation]] for the [[cultivation]] of [[asubha]] are [[corpses]] at
 
−
different stages of [[decay]]. Although [[Buddhaghosa’s]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} on
 
−
contemplation of [[corpses]] is not accentuated in the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}},
 
−
1 have found passages referring to it. There is, however, another
 
−
type of [[meditation]] on [[death]], known as maravasati, which is
 
  
 +
53. S # 'c T. 1428, p. 837a4-7.
  
−
pass by. Mahutissa replied with "the verses which later became'famous*in the
+
54. See T. 1428, pp. 839a 15-840a 19.  
−
[[Theravada tradition]]: Whether it was a man or a woman / That went by 1
 
−
noticed not / But only that on this high road / There goes a group of [[bones]].  
 
−
(Vism, p.21. Translation quoted from The [[Path of Purification]], p22).  
 
  
−
18 However, (his practice has to be undertaken with extreme [[care]]. A passage
+
55. See T.1428, pp. 765c 14-766b9.  
−
of the [[Vinaya]] (Vin. Ill iSuttavibhahga), p.68 fO reports that [[monks]] who have
 
−
been instructed by the [[Buddha]] to cultivate [[asubha]] asked a [[samana]] named Miga-  
 
−
landaka to deprive them of [[life]], for their [[bodies]] had become an inconvenience
 
−
to them. U is said that Migalandaka killed 60 [[monks]] in one day. The [[Buddha]],
 
−
noticing that the number of [[monks]] had decreased, requested [[Ananda]] to assemble
 
−
all the [[monks]]. To counteract the effect of this practice of [[asubha]], the [[Buddha]]
 
−
[[taught]] [[anapanasati]] [[meditation]], the [[meditation]] on respiration. Although it is not
 
−
explicit in (he text, it seems that [[anapanasati]] is used to counterbalance the
 
−
negative effects that may arise from the practice of [[asubha]]. Thh incident is
 
−
used in the [[Vinaya]] to explain the {{Wiki|rule}} ( [[parajika]] 111) that a [[monk]] should not
 
−
[[intention]] illy kill anyone or to the instrument in the {{Wiki|killing}} of anyone.  
 
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
+
56. See T.1428, p.766a6-18.
  
 +
57. See T.1428, p.766a24-25.
  
 +
58. See T.1428, p.923b21.
  
−
radically different from [[asubha]] [[meditation]], for it does not use
 
−
[[death]] as an [[object]], but rather as a [[subject]]. [[Death]] becomes the
 
−
theme of the [[meditation]], and the [[practitioner]] is not required to
 
−
[[contemplate]] [[corpses]]. *
 
  
−
Very few {{Wiki|allusions}} to mara^asati are made in the [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]]
+
S tionary period of two years as a sikjamdnd"* ({{Wiki|rule}} 4). This is due to the  
−
{{Wiki|literature}} 19 , yet this practice seems central to the [[tradition]]. Most
+
simple fact that there was no bhiksunisamgha at that [[moment]] yet. 59 The
−
[[Buddhist traditions]] share the [[myth]] that before [[Gotama]] decided to
+
[[eight rules]] were to become operative only after the rise of this new order
−
leave the householder’s [[life]] to become a [[recluse]], he came in con¬
+
of [[bhiksunis]]. Although [[Buddha]] agreed to the creation of this [[bhiksuni]] -
−
tact with [[four sights]]: [[sickness]], [[old age]], [[death]] and [[asceticism]]. It is
+
sanigha , he was not [[happy]] with it and predicts that, because of this, the  
−
these [[four sights]] that triggered [[Gotama’s]] [[desire]] to go forth. It is
+
law will only last for five hundred years. 60
−
[[interesting]] to note that the middle two sights are [[elements]]
 
−
belonging to the paficcasamuppada, a [[doctrine]] central to the
 
−
[[tradition]]. [[Old age]] and [[death]] cannot be avoided and, on account of  
 
−
them, a whole {{Wiki|mass}} of [[suffering]] arises in the {{Wiki|future}} 80 . Facing the
 
−
continuous presence of [[suffering]], as well as the inevitability of  
 
−
[[death]] which may be [[sensed]] through [[ageing]] and [[old age]], [[Gotama]]'
 
−
sought [[release]] from this ongoing [[cycle of life and death]]. Quests
 
−
triggered by a similar realisation were also undertaken by other
 
−
characters in the [[Canon]], especially in the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} 81 . All
 
  
  
−
19 Actually, the term maranasali appears rarely in [[Wikipedia:canonical|canonical]] {{Wiki|literature}}. X<> tty
+
I 2) The [[ordination]] of a new [[bhiksuni]]  
−
[[knowledge]], only 4 [[discourses]] of the [[Anguttara Nikaya]] (A Ill 303-8; A IV
 
−
316*22) arc centred around the them. I have not found occurrences elsewhere in,
 
−
the [[Sutta]] {{Wiki|literature}}.
 
  
−
20 E\>am ctassa dukUiakkhandhassa [[samudaya]] hoti, S II 5.
+
i- In order to become a [[fully ordained nun]], one has to pass through three
  
−
21 For example, the [[Bodhisatta]], in one of his [[previous lives]], is reported to
+
t stages: (a) the going forth [[pravrajya]]), (b) a probationary period
−
have said: ‘Our [[life]] as [[living beings]] is similar U> dew drops on the grass; having
 
−
asked my mother and father, I ought to go forth in order to subjugate [[sickness]],
 
−
[[old age]] and [[death]]* 0 IV 121). One of the [[elders]] of the [[Thera]] gal ha uttered a
 
−
comparable verse: ‘Having seen an aged [[person]], someone afflicted by [[sickness]]
 
−
and someone whose [[life]] [[faculties]] have vanished, I became a wandering renun-
 
−
ciate, [[abandoning]] all enticing [[pleasures]]* ([[Thag]], p.11). Many other passages from
 
−
the [[Jataka]] {{Wiki|literature}} show that [[desire]] to {{Wiki|renounce}} [[worldly life]] arose from the
 
  
 +
I of two years as a [[siksamana]] 14 *, and (c) the [[full ordination]] 61,
  
−
[[Buddhist Studies]] Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
| [[upasampada]]).
  
 +
,, a. the going forth
  
−
Boisvert — [[Death]] as [[meditation]] [[subject]]
+
| In the Bhiksuniskandhakafi, T.1428 explains how this {{Wiki|ceremony}} is to be
  
−
these passages underscore the urgency ( [[samvega]] ) that is felt when •
+
! carried out 62 :
−
[[death]] approaches.
 
  
−
[[Buddhaghosa]], however, places considerable {{Wiki|emphasis}} on the
+
First, 'he bhiksunlsanxgha has to be asked, by means of a jnapti-
−
practice of [[maranasati]] 22 . He first introduces the [[subject]] by [[cir]]¬
+
[[karman]] 20 *, for permission to cut the [[hair]] ( mundayati «) of the [[candi]]-
−
cumscribing what is meant by [[marana]] in this particular context. ^
+
date 64 , after which the [[hair]] is cut. Next, the bhiksunisanigha has to be
 +
asked, by mean, of a jhaptikarman, for permission to hold the {{Wiki|ceremony}}
  
−
[[Death]] is simply the termination of one’s life.faculty, '.e. the en<j 1
 
  
−
of one’s life span. He then proceeds to define marananussati itself {
+
59. See also Horner, I.L)., BD, Vol.V, p.354, note 3: “... She would not therefore
−
and what is entailed in this practice:
+
have to pass two years as a probationer, and this praetiee will no [[doubt]] have been
 +
introduced later, after an [[order of nuns]] had been in being for some time.”
  
−
So mindfulness of death is the remembering of death, in
+
60. See T.1428, p.923cl0-ll.  
−
other words, of the interruption of the life faculty. One
 
−
who wants to develop this should go into solitary retreat
 
−
and exercise attention wisely in this way: ‘Death will take
 
−
place; the life faculty will be interrupted’ or ‘Death, death' 23 .  
 
  
−
According to the commentator, this exercise ought to generate
+
In his Les montales bouddhistes, pp. 28-32, M. WijayaRATNA tries to explain
−
mindfulness {sati\ the sense of urgency {samvega) and knowledge
+
this statement of the [[Buddha]]. According to M. Wijayaratna, the 0 f
−
(nana¥\ If it is not successful, the practitioner should recollect
 
−
death in eight different ways: 1) as a murderer (who appears sud-
 
  
 +
[[Buddha]] has to be seen in the historical context of the creation of the [[order of nuns]]. This creation was socially very difficult, since women were expected to
 +
serve men and not to organize themselves in an {{Wiki|independent}} order. Since [[Buddha]]
 +
agrees that women can become [[arhats]]. He accepts the creation of an order for
 +
[[bhiksunis]], not, however, without waiting for the bhiksusamgha to be sufficiently
 +
established and not without warning the [[Buddhist community]] of the [[risks]] in¬
 +
volved. In order not to let the law socially degrade by the presence of women. He
 +
proclaims the [[eight rules]] for bhikfuitis.
  
−
mere fact of realising that we are not immune to old age. King Makhadeva, for
+
61. Many other {{Wiki|Chinese}} terms arc used in the [[Vinayas]]: cf WoGlHARA, U BW
−
example, uttered the following verse upon noticing one single grey hair on his
 
−
head: ‘These grey hairs that appear on my head are deaths own messengers that
 
−
come to rob my life. Now ix the time that I renounce the worldly life* (J I 138.
 
−
The Susima Jataka (J III 237J, Cullasutasoma Jataka [J V 91) and Nimi Jataka [J
 
−
VI 53] are of the same character).
 
  
−
22 U is interesting to note that Buddhaghosa does not use the term marana¬
+
p. 274. ' ’
−
sati but rather marananussati. Though one wouUJ lend to think that the com¬
 
−
mentator used a different terminology than the one used in the Sutta in order
 
−
to underline a nuance between two practices, Buddhaghosa himself wrote that
 
−
sati itself \\ an anussaii and the main distinction is that the latter ‘occurs only
 
−
in those instances where it should occur* {The Path of Purification , p.204).  
 
  
−
23 The Path of Purification . p.248.
+
62. See T.1428, pp.923cl6-924al6. A similar [[exposition]] is found in the [[Bhiksuni]] -
 +
[[vibhanga]], Pac. 121, p. 755b4-c5,
  
−
24 Ibid .  
+
63. WOGtHARA, U.,BIV, p. 1049.  
  
−
denly and takes away life), 2) as the ruin of success (for death is
+
64. See T.1428, p.923c!8-20.  
−
the ruining of life’s success), 3) by comparison ((i.e. by comparing
+
−
onself to others who have died), 4) as to the sharing of the body
 
−
with many (kinds of worms and creatures), 5) as to the fragility
 
−
of life, 6) as signless (in the sense of unpredictable), 7) as to the
 
−
limit of the extent, and 8) as to the brevity of the moment (in the
 
−
sense that one is alive only for the duration of one’s conscious*
 
−
ness). This last perspective on death contradicts the definition that
 
−
the commentator himself had set at the beginning of the chapter.  
 
−
Death, in this context, ought to be seen as the termination of the
 
−
life faculty and does not include the constant dissolution of the
 
−
aggregates — what is technically termed momentary death
 
−
( Ichanikamaranain ). Yet, having excluded momentary death at the
 
−
outset, Buddhaghosa reintegrates it with the eighth perspective.
 
  
−
In modern Sri Lanka, whore Buddhaghosa lived some 1,500
+
to confer the going forth ( pravrajyd ) to the candidate 65 , after which the  
−
years ago, -charnel-grounds arc basically non-existent. Bodies are
+
[[pravrajya]] is conferred.  
−
either- burned, when the finanical situation of a family allows it,
 
−
or our ted. Monks wishing to practise asubhabhavana, as described
 
−
... by Buddhaghosa, have to find alternatives. Since one of the ten
 
−
stages of decomposition of corpses is known as ‘cut up’ ( [vicchid -
 
−
dakam) a possible option for monks wishing to follow Buddha-
 
−
ghosa’s prescription is to attend sessions where bodies are actually
 
−
cut up: postmortem examinations are the ideal modern alternative.  
 
−
Although Buddhaghosa originally suggested locations such as
 
−
• battlefields, forests infested with robbers or charnel-grounds where
 
  
−
« kings have theives cut up”, the autopsy room seems a viable
+
The actual [[pravrajya]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} has to be organized in the following
 +
way:
  
−
compromise.  
+
The candidate, her [[hair]] cut off and wearing the [[kasaya]] [[clothes]] 5 *, has
 +
to inform the bhiksunisamgha that she is [[taking refuge]] in the [[Buddha]],;
 +
that she is [[taking refuge]] in the law, and that she is [[taking refuge]] in the
 +
order. At this occasion, she has to ask the [[samgha]] for permission to go
 +
forth, guided by her [[teacher]] (t upddhydyini J 66 . Thus she has to speak three
 +
times. By subsequently informing the bhiksunisamgha that she has taken
 +
[[refuge]] in the [[Buddha]], in the law, and in the order, and that she has gone
 +
forth guided by her upddhydyini , she becomes a {{Wiki|novice}} ([[sramaneri]]).
 +
The bhiksunisamgha then confers the [[ten precepts]] (+*& [[dasa]] siksa -
 +
p'adani) that particularly have to be taken into account by novices to the
 +
new [[sramaneri]]:
  
−
25 Vicchiddakam yaddhamandalc vd cardtaviyam vd susdne vd , yaitha rdjano
+
(1) she may not kill, (2) she may not steal, (3) she may not have an
−
core chindapenti, arannd vd pana sthavyagghchi chinnapurisat thane labbhati.  
+
unchaste ( [[maithuna]]) {{Wiki|behavior}}, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not
−
Vism 190.  
+
drink [[alcohol]], (6) she may not wear [[flowers]], [[perfume]] or jewelry, (7) she
 +
may not sing, [[dance]], or make [[music]], or go to see singing, [[dancing]] and
 +
[[music]], (8) she may not use a high, large, and big bed, (9) she may not
 +
{{Wiki|cat}} at the wrong time, i.c. after noon, (10) she may not possess {{Wiki|gold}},
 +
{{Wiki|silver}}, or [[money]].  
  
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
65. See T.1428, p.923c22-24.
  
−
iTMn’mii'iMMlarrri' - m -  
+
66. This is a bliiksuni who, as a [[teacher]], guides and instructs new candidates. She
 +
ought to help these new candidates from the [[moment]] they ask for the [[pravrajya]]
 +
till two years after the [[ordination]] (see Bhikfunivbhaiiga, Pac. 128, p. 760a8-bl4).
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
67. This is the version of the Bliiksuniskandhaka, pp. 923c25-924a2. In the Bluksuni-
 +
vibliahga , Pac. 121, p. 755bl2-19, the candidate first informs the bliiksunisaingha
 +
that she is [[taking refuge]] in the [[Buddha]], in the Law, and in the Order, and, at the
 +
same occasion, she asks for permission to go forth, guided by her ttpadhyayini.
 +
Next, she informs the [[samgha]] that she has taken rcftigc in the [[Buddha]], in the
 +
law, and in the order; and, at the same occasion, she again asks for the
 +
per'mission-to go forth, guided by her upadhyayini.
  
 +
68. See T.1428. p.924a2-16. . „
  
−
During my research, I had the opportunity to observe one
+
These [[ten precepts]] (for [[Buddhist]] novices, {{Wiki|male}} and fcma c) arc [[essentially]] the
−
monk who attended an autopsy at the Colombo General Hospital 26 *
+
same in the other [[Vinayas]]: OLDENBERG, H„ [[Vinaya]] Pitakanj, Vol l.pp. 83-84
 +
T.1421, pp. I Kc26-l17a4; T.1435, P .150al9-b8; T.1453, p.456b25-28. In
 +
T.1425 and in the Dhiksunivibltanga of the M.-L. School, an [[exposition]] of the [[ten precepts]] lacks.
  
−
I interviewed a monk of British origin who mentioned that he
 
−
was planning to attend an autopsy a few days later. He invited
 
−
me to accompany him. On that day, 1 met him at the hospital
 
−
temple around 9.30 am and proceeded directly to the room where
 
−
postmortems were performed. When we entered, two cadavers
 
−
were already being autopsied, with a third one laid on the ground
 
−
waiting its turn. All were males. Since the monk had not enquired
 
−
\ as to the sex of the bodies, it did not seem that Buddhaghosa’s
 
  
−
restriction carried much weight.  
+
b. the probationary period as a $ik$amana
 +
In the Bliiksuniskandhaka**, T. 1428 exDlainc hm„ „
 +
which one becomes a probationer WtamtyU*) is to berried o^
 +
When she is eighteen years old, the [[sramaneri]] three times hnmhi k
 +
to ask the bhiksunisamgha to let her study the [[precepts]] for two ^ ^
 +
probationer. For [[married]] women, nn e«cS1!* £“*
 +
age of eighteen yearn: a mamed CnTSn ZLTt ‘
  
−
The smell was paradoxically vivid. The monk approached one
+
S1 A d ft lh ' prCCCpls for ‘ wo *“*. wht " sbe is only ten years old » ” l °
−
j of the bodies. Two men were working on the abdomen, emptying
+
After the request to become a probationer, the [[sramaneri]] has to be led
 +
o a place front where she can see the Uihu^ ms l,a. but cannot,
 +
<t. A bhtksum who is capable of performing a formal act (karman) h «1
 +
be appointed by the This appointed M,lZ7Z te o
  
−
i it of its contents. The monk remained beside the body for ap-
+
perform a fortmtl act in which the motion is fourfold ti e ?'n^ 0
 +
bntoWO.) 0 ,dc, to ask the bhO, m is whether tiy JccZZTr
  
−
) proximately five minutes, then walked around, keeping his eyes
+
to the sm»o, m a tratntng for two years in the precepts, under “T.”
  
−
on the object of his meditation. He asked me how 1 was coping
+
,n Case ,hl!y a8rce ’ lhc «*»* is iK'cby settled
−
with the situation three times. The two technicians were now
+
Subsequently, one has to explain the six rules (7^)71 particular’v m
−
working on the head, cutting it open with a saw. The monk
 
−
£ approached to have a closer view of the process. Two minutes
 
  
−
later, he moved to the other body, whose autopsy was already
+
be taken into account by a siksamand to this newly accepted siksamdna.
  
−
completed. He looked at all the internal organs (lungs, heart, liver,
+
69. Sep T.1428, p.924al6-c4. A similar exposition (with the execution of ih<»
−
ly* n S on the table, took the hand of the dead man in his, and
 
−
asked me: ‘you can feci death, do you want to touch?* 7 . I politely
 
  
 +
explanation on the six rules to be particularly taken into acrnum k P ... 1 of . lh . c
 +
is found in the Bhiksunivibliaiiga, Pac. 121, p. 755c5-24. y 3 sl ^ amS, - ,a )
  
−
26 We were supposed to attend a second one at the Kandy General Hospital,
+
70. See T.1428, p. 924a 17-19.1 will discuss this further on pp. 62IT
−
with 2 other monks. The morning of the autopsy, we all went to the hospital as
 
−
planned with the medical authorities, and wailed in vain for 2 hours for the
 
−
judicial medical officer. At 11.00 am. we had to return to the monastery since
 
−
monks have to eat before noon.  
 
  
−
27 Buddhaghosa. when describing the practice of asubha in reference to the
+
71. These six rules di (Ter from Vinaya to Vinaya:
−
cut up. continue, by stressing that the yogi should never tctuch the body; the
 
−
dismembc.ed P arls should be reassembled by a monastery attendant, someone
 
  
−
reminded him that my task was simply to observe him and his
+
The Pali Vinaya has the same rules as T.1428 (OLDt-Nitnu- it i/ „ ,  
−
practice, nothing else. He then proceeded to the body of the
 
−
elderly man lying on the floor, after which we left. We had spent
 
−
approximately twenty minutes in the autopsy room before
 
−
heading back to the hospital temple where 1 interviewed him.
 
  
−
Immediately following the autopsies, when asked how he felt,
+
al. the bhiksunis and above all the sramanerikas (female novices) (2) Snnn'ih° W
−
the monk answered that he still had a feeling of unease and that
+
that is an offence for a siksamaaa (need) not to be an offence for a ( bhiksu^ai
−
disgust was still pre-eminent in his mind. By witnessing an au¬
 
−
topsy, he continued, one is able to investigate at a deeper level
 
−
the nature of the body, that'is, the foulness inherent in the body
 
−
we often perceive as attractive. It is also crucial, he stressed, to
 
−
couple this particular practice with vipassana meditation. The
 
−
emotions, sensations and images that arise when one witnesses an  
 
−
autopsy need to be dealt with. In order to transform this ex¬
 
−
perience into a meditative process, one has to develop constant
 
−
and objective awareness of these sensations and emotions. This
 
−
enables the practitioner to cultivate an understanding of the
 
−
reality as it is, without generating hatred or disgust towards
 
−
individuals themselves.
 
  
−
After reflecting on the extreme nature of this particular
+
UVAhlri th3t ‘ S a " 0nbnCC f ° r 3 bhik5uoi is also an offence for a siksamdnd
−
practice, I questioned the monk as to its relation to one of the
+
A ^ U '- " Uy Sl3y W “ h 3 iik * ama, >“ ( in a cell) for three consecutive days
−
central teachings of the Buddha — what is known as the middle-
+
(5) A stksamana may stay with a sramanerikd (in a cell) for three ennuv r
−
path 0 majjhimapatipada). He explained that what is meant by
+
days. (6) A sikpamana may give some [[food]] to a bhiksimi (7) a Hi* ? CC . Ut,vc
−
‘middle-path’ is not moderation, but rather the capacity to develop
+
be si.ee .„y few, b, , but me «.y S'S fcteSTS
−
a stable state of mind, a sort of indifference — or rather equa¬
 
−
nimity — regardless of the situation. The middle-path is avoiding
 
  
 +
rccc,vc f o , [[id]] \ s : i ? r and c ° ins - <*> ^ «*»**) sh 0u [[id]] L poim
  
−
studying to become an ascetic, or by the yogi himself with the help of a stick.  
+
out to a bhtksun, any of the bliiksuni 's offences from ihe pdrdjika down to the  
−
The reason given is that**he would come to handle it without disgust as a  
+
vinayatikrama. (9) (A stksamana) may not speak (to a bhiksunii cnnnw
−
corpse-burner would’ (Paramatthamanjusa 176; translation taken from The Path
+
(matters oQ not committing {{Wiki|sexual}} intercourse, not [[stealing]], not kiiling. not {{Wiki|lying}} 6
−
of Purification , p.197, n.ll).
+
(10, 11) 0) (A stksamana may not attend the [[Posadha]] meeting of the bhiksimi
  
 +
n °‘ i UICn th ° ,,rm ' 0r( "-‘ 0 mcc,in 8 lhc bhiksttnf Order). On the
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
[[Posadha]] day and on the pravaratta day, before the Order'smeeting, putting her
  
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
palms together Site (sic) should say ‘I am so-and-so, [[pure]] and unsullied. May the
 +
Order remember that 1 have followed (the eighteen {{Wiki|rules}} for a siksamuna).' She
 +
should repeat it three times, then go out. (12) If a siksamdnd has committed one
 +
of the last four of the eight pdrajikas , she must begin the sikfamana* s two year
 +
course over again, and ought to start {{Wiki|learning}} the disciplinary {{Wiki|rules}} again on that
 +
very day. (13) If the offence (that a siksamuna has committed) is one of the
 +
nineteen which constitute a samghdtisesa offence, or any other offence (down to
 +
the Vinayatikrama (sic)), she ought to make a [[duskrta]] {{Wiki|confession}} for each of the
 +
offences which she has committed. (14-18) If she violates (any of) the next [[five precepts]], then her time as a siksamuna will be extended for as many days as she
 +
has broken the [[precepts]]. What arc these five? They arc: (14) taking a meal at an
 +
improper time, (15) taking [[food]] which was lefi over from the previous days, (16)
 +
accepting {{Wiki|gold}}, {{Wiki|silver}} and [[money]], (17) drinking [[liquor]], and (18) decorating
 +
herself with wreaths of [[flowers]] or [[incense]].*’ The [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L.
 +
School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 26-28, §§26-27, gives eighteen {{Wiki|rules}} that agree to a
 +
large extent with the eighteen {{Wiki|rules}} given in T.1425: NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 15-17:
 +
“Qucllcs sont scs obligations? [1] Vis-a-vis dc toutes les nonnes, clle cst
 +
nouvcllc; vis-a-vis dc toutes les novices, [[die]] cst ancicnnc; [[die]] doit sc contcntcr
 +
du siege infcricur. [2] Ellc doit sc contcntcr dc la nourriture infcricurc. [3] Elle
 +
doit sc contcntcr du gruau infcricur. [4] Les biens matcriels illicites pour ellc sont
 +
dcs biens matcriels licitcs pour les nonnes. [5] Les biens matcriels licitcs pour les
 +
nonnes sont dcs biens matcriels illicites pour [[die]]. [6] Les nonnes nc doivent pas
 +
dormir tournees dc son cote; [7] cllc-mcmc i*c doit pas donmir tournee du cote des
 +
novices. [8] Les nonnes peuvent la charger de rcccvoir [dcs dons], excepte
 +
V agnikalpa* , [9] 1’or ct 1’argcnt; [10] cllc-mcmc peut charger lcsTiovices de
 +
rcccvoir [dcs dons). [1*1) line convicntpas qu’clle assistc au [[Posadha]], [12] nia
 +
la Pravdranu. Mais, quand a lieu lc [[Posadha]] ou la Pravdrana , montant jusqu’au
 +
rang dcs ancicnnes puis accomplissant Yahjali debout devant [[dies]], elle doit dire:
 +
“Jc saluc. C [[Arya]], considcrez-moi commc [[pure]]” - ct une deuxiemc, une troisieme
 +
fois. Quand elle a dit trois fois “Jc saluc. 6 [[Arya]], considcrcz[-moi] comme [[pure]]”,
 +
[[die]] doit partir. [13] II nc convicnt pas dc lui fairc entendre lc Prdtimok$asutra.
 +
Au contrairc, il faut lui fairc apprendre tout cc qu’clle peut apprendre avec une
 +
padaphalakd **; il faut [lui] dire: [14] “II nc convicnt pas d’enfreindre la chastcte;
 +
[15] il nc convicni pas dc prendre cc qui n’est pas denne; [16] il .nc convicnt pas
 +
d’otcr la vie, dc sa propre main, a un ctre humain; [17] il ne convient pas de
 +
pretendre mcnsongcrcmcnt a un pouvoir sumaturcl” - ainsi doit-on lui faire
 +
apprendre tout cc qu’dlc peut apprendre avec une padaphalakd . [18] Les
 +
infractions aux cinq prcceptcs [sont]: manger hors du temps prcscrit; manger des
 +
aliments mis cn reserve; accepter Tor ct 1’argent; porter dcs parfums, des
 +
guirlandcs, dcs fards, boirc dcs liqueurs, dc 1’alcoo), des boissons fortes.”
  
 +
• NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 16, note 34: “[...] Le compose signifie litt. “prepare au feu”
 +
ou “rendu licitc par lc feu”; [...]. Il n’est pas impossible {{Wiki|a priori}} qu 'agnikalpa
 +
ddsigne les cinq ccrcalcs bouitlics ou grillccs du regime monastique [...]. La
 +
proximitc dc jdtaruparajata [{{Wiki|gold}} and {{Wiki|silver}}) indique peut-etre qu’il s’agit d’une
 +
[[substance]] prccicusc.”
  
−
these passages underscore the urgency ( samvega ) that is felt when
+
The first four of these [[six rules]] coincide with the first four pdrdjika
−
death approaches.  
+
offenses 72 : (1) {{Wiki|sexual}} intercourse, (2) [[stealing]] (anything with a value of'
 +
five coins 73 , or more), (3) taking [[Wikipedia:Human life|human life]] and (4) {{Wiki|lying}} about one's
 +
[[spiritual]] achievements. The other two {{Wiki|rules}} arc: (5) a siksamaqa may not
 +
{{Wiki|cat}} at the wrong time, i.c. after noon, and (6) she may noLdrink [[alcohol]].
 +
The disciplinary measures that are to be taken against a siksamdnd who
 +
transgresses one of these [[six rules]] arc explained in the Bhiksumvibhanga ,
 +
pdcittika 123 74 of T. 1428: the four pdrdjika offenses lead to a definitive
  
−
" Buddhaghosa, however, places considerable emphasis on the
 
−
practice of maranasati 22 . He first introduces the subject by cir¬
 
−
cumscribing what is meant by marana in this particular context.
 
−
Death is simply the termination of one’s life faculty, '.e. the en<j
 
−
of one’s life span. He then proceeds to define marananussati itself
 
−
and what is entailed in this practice:
 
  
−
So mindfulness of death is the remembering of death, in
+
NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 17, note 36: “[...] lc sens apparent cst iplanchette, feuille
−
other words, of the interruption of the life faculty. One
+
ou ecorcc [...] [pour ccrirc dcs] mots ou phrasesM. Mais [...] le terme pourrait
−
who wants to develop this should go into solitary retreat
+
designer une nonne specialiscc dans 1’instruction dcs probationnaires ”
−
and exercise attention wisely in this way: ‘Death will take
 
−
place; the life faculty will be interrupted’ or ‘Death, death’ 23 .  
 
  
−
According to the commentator, this exercise ought to generate
+
T, 1435, p.327a7-c2, gives [[six rules]]: (1) she may not have an unchaste {{Wiki|behavior}},  
−
mindfulness (sati), the sense of urgency (samvega) and knowledge
+
(2) she may not steal, (3^shc may not kill, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not let
−
(nana) 2 \ If it is not successful, the practitioner should recollect
+
herself be touched by a man with impure [[thoughts]] from below her [[hair]] till her
−
death in eight different ways: 1) as a murderer (who appears sud-
+
wrist and her knee, (6) she may not do eight wrong things together with a man
 +
with impure [[thoughts]] (to allow that the man touches her hand, that he touches her
 +
[[clothes]], that they stand together, speak together, make appointments, or go to a
 +
secret place, to wail for a man, and to offer her [[body]]).
  
 +
T. 1443, p. !G05a3-19, gives [[six rules]] and six additional {{Wiki|rules}}. The [[six rules]] arc:
 +
she may not (1) walk alone, (2) cross a [[river]] alone, (3) {{Wiki|touch}} a man on {{Wiki|purpose}},
 +
(4) spend a night together with a man, (5) act as a go-between, and (6) conceal a
 +
[[parajika]] offense of a bhiksum. The six additional {{Wiki|rules}} are: she may not (1) {{Wiki|touch}}
 +
{{Wiki|silver}} or {{Wiki|gold}}, (2) shave her pubic [[hair]], (3) dig in the ground, (4) cut grass or fell
 +
a [[tree]], (5) {{Wiki|cat}} [[food]] that has not been given, and (6) {{Wiki|cat}} [[food]] that has been left
 +
over.
  
−
mere fact of realising that we are not immune to old age. King Makhadeva, for
+
As said by HlRAKAWA, A., 1982, p.54, note 17, the [[six rules]] of the [[Pali Vinaya]]
−
example, uttered the following verse upon noticing one single grey hair on his
+
and T. 1428 arc probably the oldest.  
−
head: 'These grey hairs that appear on my head are death’s own messengers that
 
−
come to rob my life. Now is the time that I renounce the worldly life* (J I 138.
 
−
The Susirnu Jataka (J III 237), Cullasutasoma Jataka (J V 91) and Nimi Jataka [J
 
−
VI 53) are of the same character).  
 
  
−
22 It is interesting to note that Buddhaghosa does not use the term marana -
+
72. A pdrdjika is an offense that leads to a [[permanent]], [[lifetime]] exclusion from the  
−
sati but rather marananussati Though one wouhj lend to think that the com¬
+
order. There are four offenses for [[monks]] and eight offenses for [[nuns]]: {{Wiki|sexual}}
−
mentator used a different lenninology than the one used in the Sutta in order
+
intercourse, [[stealing]], taking [[Wikipedia:Human life|human life]] and {{Wiki|lying}} about one’s [[spiritual]] achieve¬
−
to underline a nuance between two practices, Buddhaghosa himself wrote that
+
ments; and, only for [[nuns]]: having [[physical]] [[contact]] below the armpit and above
−
sati itself is an anussaii and the main distinction is that the latter 'occurs only
+
the knee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (According to
−
in those instances where it should occur (The Path of Purification , p204).  
+
T. 1428, p. 716a24-27; [[touching]] the hand, [[touching]] the [[clothes]], going to a secret
 +
place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning
 +
against one another, and making appointments. The eight wrong things differ
 +
slightly from [[Vinaya]] to [[Vinaya]] ), concealing a grave offense of another bhikfuni
 +
(in all [[Vinayas]] stated to be * pdrdjika, and in T.1435, p. 304a28-29, also stated to
 +
be a [[samghavasesa]]), and persisting in accompanying a suspended bhikfu.  
  
−
23 The Path of Purification . p.248.  
+
73. mdsaka : see RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED % p.531, s.v. mdsaka:
 +
“lit. a small bean, used as a standard of {{Wiki|weight}} & value; hence a small coin of
 +
very low value. Of {{Wiki|copper}}, [[wood]] & lac.”
  
−
24 Ibid .  
+
74. See T.1428, p. 756bl8-c25.  
  
−
denly and takes away life), 2) as the ruin of success (for death is
 
−
the ruining of life’s success), 3) by comparison ((i.e. by comparing
 
−
onself to others who have died), 4) as to the sharing of the body
 
−
with many (kinds of worms and creatures), 5) as to the fragility
 
−
of life, 6) as signless (in the sense of unpredictable), 7) as to the
 
−
I limit of the extent, and 8) as to the brevity of the moment (in the
 
  
−
j sense that one is alive only for the duration of one’s conscious¬
+
expulsion from the order; the two other offenses and offenses closely
 +
linked to the four [[parajika]] offenses lead to an extension of the two-year
 +
{{Wiki|training}}.
  
−
ness). This last perspective on death contradicts the definition that  
+
T.1428 also mentions that, apart from these [[six rules]] particularly to be  
−
the commentator himself had set at the beginning of the chapter.
+
taken into account by a [[siksamana]], a [[siksamana]] also should study all the  
−
Death, in this context, ought to be seen as the termination of the
+
[[precepts]] for [[bhiksunis]], except for the [[precept]] on [[offering]] and accepting -
−
life faculty and does not include the constant dissolution of the
+
[[food]] with one’s [[own]] hands 75 .  
−
aggregates — what is technically termed momentary death
 
−
(khariikamaranam). Yet, having excluded momentary death at the  
 
−
outset, Buddhaghosa reintegrates it with the eighth perspective.  
 
  
−
In modern Sri Lanka, where Buddhaghosa lived some 1,500
+
The [[latter]] regulation for the [[siksamana]] is difficult to understand, since
−
years ago, -charnel-grounds arc basically non-existent. Bodies are
+
no [[precept]] in the Prdtimoksa 2 * for [[bhiksunis]] concerning [[offering]] and
−
either- burned, when the finanical situation of a family allows it,
+
accepting [[food]] with one’s [[own]] hands is to be found. The first [[prati]]¬
−
or ouried. Monks wishing to practise asubhabhavana, as described
+
desaniya 76 offense in the Bhiksuvibhahga 77 might give a clue to a solu¬
−
by Buddhaghosa, have to find alternatives. Since one of the ten
+
tion. Here, z [[bhiksuni]] offers her [[own]] [[food]] to a [[bhiksu]]. However, when
−
stages of decomposition of corpses is known as ‘cut up’ (vicchid-
+
.she, because of this, becomes very weak and ill, [[Buddha]] says that a
−
dakam) a possible option for monks wishing to follow Buddha-
+
[[bhiksu]] may not, with his [[own]] hands, accept [[food]] of a [[bhiksuni]], except
−
ghosa’s prescription is to attend sessions where bodies arc actually
+
when he is ill or when the [[bhiksuni]] is related to him. If he does accept
−
cut up: postmortem examinations are the ideal modern alternative.  
+
[[food]], he commits a pratidesaniya offense. T.W28 78 also says - by
−
Although Buddhaghosa originally suggested locations such as
+
means of a standardized [[formula]] - that in ease a [[bhiksuni]] accepts [[food]],
−
battlefields, forests infested with robbers or charnel-grounds where
+
she commits a [[duskrta]] 7 ’, and that, in the same ease, also a [[siksamana]], a
−
kings have theives cut up 25 , the autopsy room seems a viable
+
[[sramanera]], and a srdmaneri (i.c. a probationer, a {{Wiki|male}}, and a [[female novice]]) commit a [[duskrta]]. This implies that they too cannot accept [[food]]
−
compromise.  
+
from a [[bhiksuni]].  
  
 +
In the [[Pali Vinaya]], Bhikkhuvibhahga, [[Patidesaniya]] l 80 , we find the
 +
[[interesting]] remark that, although a [[monk]] cannot accept [[food]] from a [[nun]]
 +
with his [[own]] hands, he may accept [[food]] from a sikkhamdnd or from a
 +
sdmaneri.
  
−
25 Vicchiddakam yaddhamandalc vd carat aviyam vd suscinc vd, yattha rajano
+
75. See T.1428, Bhiksuniskandhaka, p. 924c2-4 (particularly, p.924c3-4:
−
core chinddpenti, arafxhd vd pana sthavyaxghchi chinnapuri sal thane labbhati.  
 
−
Visin 190.  
 
  
 +
ItixJiijSfi 6 exception made for giving [[food]] to a [[bhiksuni]] and
  
−
Uuddlilst Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
personally taking [[food]] to cal); Bhiksunivibhaitga, Pac.121, p.755c23-24
 +
(particularly: BfcS-flDtftlS&lBflL exception made for taking [[food]] with one’s
 +
[[own]] hands and [[offering]] [[food]] to someone else).
  
 +
76. These [[minor offenses]] [[concern]] the [[acceptance]] and the consumption of inappro¬
 +
priate [[food]]. These offenses have to be confessed.
  
−
During my research, 1 had the opportunity to observe one
+
77. T.1428, pp.695cl7-696bl3. This offense is also found in the [[Pali]] and the other
−
monk who attended an autopsy at the Colombo General Hospital 26 .  
+
{{Wiki|Chinese}} [[Vinayas]]: OLDENBEKG, H„ [[Vinaya]] Pitakam, Vol.IV, pp. 175-177,
 +
[[patidesaniya]] 1; T.1421, pp.71c7-72b6, pratidesaniya l; T.1425, pp.397al4-
 +
398al . pratidesanika 2; T.1435, p,131a6-bl8, pratidesaniya 1; T.1442,
 +
pp. 897a22-899b 18, pratidesaniya l.  
  
−
I interviewed a monk of British origin who mentioned that he
+
78. See T.1428, p.696b7-8.  
−
was planning to attend an autopsy a few days later. He invited
 
−
me to accompany him. On that day, I met him at the hospital
 
−
temple around 9.30 am and proceeded directly to the room where
 
−
postmortems were performed. When we entered, two cadavers
 
−
were already being autopsied, with a third one laid on the ground
 
−
waiting its turn. All were males. Since the monk had not enquired
 
−
as to the sex of tne bodies, it did not seem that Buddhaghosa’s
 
−
restriction carried much weight.  
 
  
−
The smell was paradoxically vivid. The monk approached one
+
79. This literally means ‘a bad [[action]]’ and indicates a very {{Wiki|light}} offense.  
−
of the bodies. Two men were working on the abdomen, emptying
 
−
it of its contents. The monk remained beside the body for ap¬
 
−
proximately five minutes, then walked around, keeping his eyes
 
−
on the object of his meditation. He asked me how I was coping
 
−
with the situation three times. The two technicians were now
 
−
working on the head, cutting it open with a saw. The monk
 
−
approached to have a closer view of the process. Two minutes
 
−
later, he moved to the other body, whose autopsy was already
 
−
completed. He looked at all the internal organs (lungs, heart, liver,
 
−
•..) lying on the table, took the hand of the dead man in his, and
 
−
asked me: ‘you can feel death, do you want to touch?’ 27 .1 politely
 
  
 +
80. See note 77.
  
−
26 We were supposed lo allend a second one al the Kandy General Hospiul,  
+
Furthermore, the ninth {{Wiki|rule}} for the siksamdnds in T. 1425 8 ' says that a
−
with 2 other monks. The morning of the autopsy, we all went to the hospital as
+
[[siksamana]] can give some [[food]] to a [[bhiksuni]].  
−
planned with the medical authorities, and wailed in vain for 2 hours for the
 
−
judicial medical officer. At 11.00 am. we had to return to the monastery since
 
−
monks have to eat before noon.  
 
  
−
27 Buddhaghosa, when describing the practice of asubha in reference to the
+
Considering the above mentioned facts, we can [[state]] that a [[bhiksu]] and,  
−
cut up, continue* by stressing that the yogi should never much the body; the  
+
as mentioned in T.1428, a [[bhiksuni]], may not accept [[food]] from a
−
dismembe.ed parts should be reassembled by a monastery attendant, someone
+
[[bhiksuni]] with their [[own]] hands. This also implies that a [[bhiksuni]] cannot
 +
give [[food]] into the hands of a [[bhiksu]] or a [[bhiksuni]]. This might be the  
 +
[[precept]] for [[bhiksunis]] referred to in the above mentioned passage concer¬
 +
ning the [[precepts]] to be followed by a [[siksamana]].
  
 +
In ease the [[latter]] [[precept]] is the [[precept]] for [[bhiksunis]] referred to in the
 +
passage concerning the [[precepts]] to be followed by a [[siksamana]], then we
 +
are confronted with a {{Wiki|contradiction}} in T. 1428:
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
I. On the one hand, in the Bhiksuniskandhaka of T.1428', it is said that
 +
a [[siksamana]] should follow all the [[precepts]] for [[bhiksunis]]. except for the
 +
one [[precept]] on [[offering]] and accepting [[food]] with one’s [[own]] hands, a
 +
[[precept]] that we have identified as being {{Wiki|equivalent}} to the first pratidesa¬
 +
niya in the Bhiksuvibhahga. Unlike a [[bhiksuni]], z-siksamdnu can offer
 +
[[food]] to. a [[bhiksu]] or to a [[bhiksuni]] with her [[own]] hands, and can receive
 +
[[food]] from a [[bhiksuni]]. The above is congruous with the [[Pali Vinaya]],
 +
B.'tikkhuvibhahga, [[Patidesaniya]] l 8 ®*, where it is said that a [[monk]] can
 +
always accept [[food]] from a sikkhomdnd or from a sdmaneri, which
 +
implies that a sikkhamdnd or a sdmaneri also can give [[food]] to a [[monk]],
 +
and also coincides with the ninth {{Wiki|rule}} to be taken into account by a
 +
sik?amania of T. 142581*, according to which a [[siksamana]] may give [[food]]
 +
to a [[bhiksuni]].
  
 +
II. On the other hand, in the Bhiksuvibhahga, Pratidesaniya 1 of
 +
T.1428, it is said that a [[bhiksu]] cannot receive [[food]] from a [[bhiksuni]] and
 +
that this also applies to a [[bhiksuni]], a [[siksamana]], a [[sramanera]] and a
 +
srdmaneri. These, equally, cannot receive [[food]] from a [[bhiksuni]]. This is
 +
in direct conflict with the above mentioned (1.). A possible explanation
 +
for this {{Wiki|contradiction}} in T.1428 may be that, in the Bhiksuvibhahga,
 +
Pratidesaniya 1 , T.1428 uses a standardized [[formula]] 87 , to be found in
 +
many other [[precepts]], as a result of which, probably, no [[attention]] was
 +
paid to the particular position of the siksamdnd (and, possibly, as
 +
mentioned in the [[Pali Vinaya]], of the srdmaneri).
  
−
reminded him that my task was simply to observe him and his
+
81. See note 71.  
−
practice, nothing else. He then proceeded to the body of the
 
−
elderly man lying on the floor, after which we left. We had spent
 
−
approximately twenty minutes in the autopsy room before
 
−
heading back to the hospital temple where I interviewed him.  
 
  
−
Immediately following the autopsies, when asked how he felt,
+
82. T.1423 ,pratidesaniya l,p.696b7-8: jt;
−
the monk answered that he still had a feeling of unease and that
 
−
disgust was still pre-eminent in his mind. By witnessing an au¬
 
−
topsy, he continued, one is able to investigate at a deeper level
 
−
the nature of the body, lhat'is, the foulness inherent in the body
 
−
we often perceive as attractive. It is also crucial, he stressed, to
 
−
couple this particular practice with vipassana meditation. The
 
−
emotions, sensations and images that arise when one witnesses an
 
−
autopsy need to be dealt with. In order to transform this ex-  
 
−
perience into a meditative process, one has to develop constant
 
−
and objective awareness of these sensations and emotions. This
 
−
enables the practitioner to cultivate an understanding of the
 
−
reality as it is, without generating hatred or disgust towards
 
−
individuals themselves.
 
  
−
After reflecting on the extreme nature of this particular
+
M, a [[bhiksuni]] is with a [[duskrta]]. A [[siksamana]] , a [[sramanera]] and a srdmaneri arc
−
practice, I questioned the monk as to its relation to one of the
+
with a [[duskrta]]
−
central teachings of the Buddha - what is known as the middle-
 
−
path ( majjhimapatipada ). He explained that what is meant by
 
−
‘middle-path’ is not moderation, but rather the capacity to develop
 
−
a stable state of mind, a sort of indifference - or rather equa¬
 
−
nimity — regardless of the situation. The middle-path is avoiding
 
  
  
−
studying to become an ascetic, or by the yogi himself with the help of a stick.  
+
The difference between a [[sramaneri]] and a [[siksamana]] appears to be only
−
The reason given is ihal,*he would come lo handle it without disgust as a  
+
forma!. As we can see from the above, the admission {{Wiki|ceremony}}, by  
−
corpse-burner would’ (Paramatthamanjusa 176; translation taken from The Path
+
means of a jhapticaturthakarman , of a [[siksamana]], is a lot more elabo¬
−
of Purification , p.197, n.ll).  
+
rated than the one of a [[sramaneri]], for whom no formal act has to be per¬
 +
formed. Except for this formal [[element]], of which it might be expected
 +
that it leads to a different {{Wiki|status}} of the two members, there appears to be
 +
no [[essential]] difference as to their role, or duties in the bhiksumsamgha .  
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
In this way, having a closer look at the [[ten precepts]] (+Jj£) imposed
 +
upon a [[sramaneri]] and on the [[six rules]] (a\?£) to be particularly taken
 +
into account by a [[siksamana]] , we see that thc*six {{Wiki|rules}} of the [[siksamana]]
 +
coincide with six of the [[ten precepts]] imposed on a [[sramaneri]] . This does
 +
not mean that a [[siksamana]] docs not have to follow, the other four
 +
[[precepts]], [[precepts]] saying that a [[sramaneri]] may not wear [[flowers]],
 +
[[perfume]] or jewelry, that she may not sing, [[dance]], or make [[music]], or go
 +
to see singing, [[dancing]] and [[music]], that she may not use a high, large,
 +
and big bed, and that she may not possess {{Wiki|gold}}, {{Wiki|silver}}, or [[money]]. Since
 +
it is also said that a [[siksamana]] has to keep all the [[precepts]] that apply to
 +
[[bhiksunis]], except for one (i.c. the [[precept]] on [[offering]] and accepting
 +
[[food]]), this implies that a [[siksamana]] necessarily also has to foljow the
 +
four remaining [[precepts]] for a [[sramaneri]] , these [[latter]] [[precepts]] belonging v
 +
to the set of [[precepts]] for [[bhiksunis]]**.
  
−
extremes in the sense that the mind remains aloof from pleasure
+
This could still lead to the wrong conclusion that a [[sramaneri]] has to
−
and pain; the mind simply becomes a detached observer of the  
+
follow [[ten precepts]] only, while a [[siksamana]] has to keep up all the  
−
situations being experienced. However, he admitted that this was
+
[[precepts]] for [[bhiksunis]] , except for one, hereby particularly taking into
−
an extreme and occasional situation that he decided to place
+
account [[six rules]]. Since in these eases where the commentary on these
−
himself into in order to observe the reactions that would arise.
+
[[precepts]] for [[bhiksunis]] (of the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] ) is also applicable to  
−
During the seven years that he has been a monk, this was only
+
[[siksamanas]] and to [[sramaneris]] , there always is an indication of the  
−
the second time he witnessed an autopsy. His own specific
+
offense committed by the [[latter]] two members of the {{Wiki|community}}, it is
−
practice is grounded in an interest in understanding how the mind
+
evident that also the [[latter]] two members of the {{Wiki|community}} have to keep
−
manufactures emotions and how these are related to thoughts. To
+
up the [[precepts]] concerned, be it that - exception made for the case they
−
achieve this comprehension, he practises the more traditionally
+
commit one of the first four [[parajika]] offenses 84 - siksalnanas and
−
accepted form of meditation, i.e. vipassana.  
+
[[sramaneris]] arc not punished in the same way as bhiksunr arc.  
  
−
I also interviewed ten other members of the Sangha 28 , most
+
83. A [[bhiksuni]] may not embellish herself (, [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] , Pacittika 157). A
−
of whom had practised this postmortem-meditation at least once.  
+
[[bhiksuni]] may not go to see singing, [[dancing]] and [[music]] ( Pacittika 79). A [[bhiksuni]]
−
When asked to explain how they understood maranasati, all
+
must follow strict {{Wiki|rules}} concerning the bedding she uses ( Pacittikas 68 and 69).  
−
agreed with Buddhaghosa’s interpretation that maranasati re¬
 
−
quires the practitioners to remind themselves constantly of the
 
−
proximity of death. From the subsequent analyses of the inter¬
 
−
views, I noticed that two other practices had also been classified
 
−
as maranasati. Without ever challenging Buddhaghosa’s definition,
 
−
eight of the eleven interviewees suggested that maranasati was
 
−
broader than this mere awareness of the potentiality of death.
 
−
First, they considered meditation on asubha, as described by
 
−
Buddhaghosa (i.e. the ten types of charnel-ground contemplations
 
−
or their modern expression in the autopsy room) as belonging to
 
−
maranasati as long as the yogis perceived and constantly con¬
 
−
templated the fragility of life. This falls in-line with the Sati-
 
  
 +
A [[bhiksuni]] may not possess {{Wiki|gold}}, {{Wiki|silver}} or [[money]] (Nihsargikapacittika 9).
  
−
, 28 The of ihe dasa sil matavo is ihe object of a controversy among the  
+
84. Of these four [[parajika]] offenses, the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] only mentions the essen¬
 +
tials. Exception made for some additional commentary on the first [[parajika]]
 +
offense, the commentary is to be found in the Bhikfuvibhanga. In the com-
  
−
Sinhalese monastic community. IFor more information on the subject, see Tessa
+
Hence, we have to conclude that for a [[siksamana]] or a [[sramaneri]], the  
−
Barlholomcus/. Womdn under the Do Tree. Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka.  
+
offenses that are mentioned and the measures that arc taken are the same.  
−
Cambridge 1994]
 
  
 +
Finally, it is [[interesting]] to note that all the formal acts and ail the cere¬
 +
monies performed by the bhiksumsamgha can only be done by the
 +
[[bhiksunis]] themselves, whereas both the [[sramaneris]] arid the [[siksamanas]]
 +
cannot participate in them.
  
 +
We thus have to conclude that, since the [[precepts]] to be followed by
 +
and the measures that can be taken against a [[sramaneri]] and a [[siksamana]]
 +
arc the same, and since both do not participate in the {{Wiki|ceremonies}} and the
 +
formal acts in the [[bhiksunis]] am glia, there is no [[essential]] difference
 +
between the position of a [[sramaneri]] and the one of a [[siksamana]], except
 +
probably for the {{Wiki|social}} rank in the {{Wiki|community}}, given the importance
 +
[[attached]] to the admittance {{Wiki|ceremony}} of a [[siksamana]].
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
c. the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}
  
 +
When a [[siksamana]] has concluded the two-year {{Wiki|training}}, she is ready to
 +
become a [[bhiksuni]], provided that she did not act against one of the [[six rules]] (/\$i) that she particularly has to take into account.
  
−
i patthana’s suggestion that practitioners must reflect on the fact
+
in the Bliiksuuiskandhaka**, T.1428 explains how this {{Wiki|ceremony}} is to  
−
| that their body possesses the same nature. In fact, many monks in
+
be carried out 85 :
−
Sri Lanka have witnessed autopsies in order to cultivate
 
−
! asubha and/or maranasati. Moreover, photographs of autopsies
 
−
j are broadly available for the Thai monastic community and these
 
  
−
. are widely circulated in Sri Lanka. Most of the hermitages where
+
Although the candidate to the [[ordination]], as a [[sramaneri]] and as a
 +
[[siksamana]], has been guided by an upadliyayini w*. she now must offi¬
 +
cially ask a [[bhiksuni]] to become her upadliyayini. After this request, re¬
 +
peated three times, that [[bhiksuni]] consents to become her upadliyayini .w
  
−
the interviews were conducted had at least a few of these photo-
+
Next, the candidate has to be led to a place from where she can see the  
−
| graphs and/or partial or complete skeletons used for meditation
+
bhiksunisamgha , hut cannot hear it. The [[karman]] [[master]] 87 then performs
−
purposes. All the monks using these tools, however, strongly
 
−
emphasised that without reflecting on their own body, the
 
−
charnel-ground contemplations (or the contemplation of the
 
−
photographs or the skeletons) remain solely at the asubha level.  
 
  
−
These same eight monastics perceived maranasati as the
 
−
natural result of their daily riieditatidn. As the abbot in charge of
 
−
a major meditatibn centre in Colombo remarked, -death itself is
 
−
merely a concept which is totally devoid of substance For this
 
−
reason, it is impossible to focus on it’. He further explained that
 
−
what we conventionally call death does not exist, for the simple
 
−
reason that in order for something/someone to die, it needs to
 
−
possess an independent existence which Buddhist doctrine denies
 
−
with the theories of anicca, anatta and paticcasamuppada. A
 
−
person docs not merely die at the end of one’s existence for, at
 
−
the deepest level, this person never existed. What we normally
 
−
term 'person’ is an amalgam of five aggregates which arc con¬
 
−
stantly changing. Every moment, each of these aggregates arises
 
−
and passes away ( upajjhitva , nirujjhanti). Therefore, maranasati,
 
−
viewed from this angle, cannot be separated from the normal
 
−
practice of vipassana meditation which aims, as the tradition
 
−
claims, at seeing things as they really are. Practitioners of vi¬
 
−
passana who simply observe their own mind and body soon
 
−
notice the transitory character of existence. Eventually, they
 
−
become aware that birth and death happen at every single mo-
 
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
mentary on the first four [[parajika]] offenses, the Bhiksuvibhahga mentions that in
 +
* case a srdmanera, a [[sramaneri]] or a [[siksamana]] commit such an offense, they
 +
commit a [[duskrta]] and they have to be sent away definitively. Although a
 +
srdmanera, a [[sramaneri]] and a [[siksamana]] are not said to have committed the
 +
same offense as a [[bhiksu]] (or a [[bhiksuni]]), they arc punished in the same way.
  
 +
Ji5. See T.1428, pp. 924c4-926a26. A similar [[exposition]] is found in the [[Bhiksuni]] -
 +
[[vibhahga]], Pac.424, pp.756c26-758c28.
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
86. Sec T.1428, p.924c4-7.
  
 +
87. [[karmakaraka]] (?) (f. karmakarikd): cf. WOGIHARA/U., BW % p.323, s.v.
  
−
ment. Material particles arise and vanish: death is present through¬
+
[[karmakaraka]] : ftsf tM, EDGERTON, F., BHSD,  
−
out the life-process. Such an awareness helps, on the one hand, to
 
−
cope with what we conventionally call death. By becoming
 
−
increasingly aware of the presence of death, at the experiential
 
−
level, practitioners are no more intimidated when the final mo¬
 
−
ment comes. Death is nothing but the culmination of successive
 
−
deaths which one had gradually learned to deal with. On the other
 
−
hand, this same process helps them live a less egocentric,.more
 
−
detached, cquanimous and compassionate life, for they have come
 
−
to understand that nothing is worth clinging to, and that human
 
−
suffering is directly related to the cultivation of the awareness of
 
−
impermanence, the core of Theravada Buddhist meditation. In
 
−
fact, when one practises one of these two thoroughly, the other is
 
−
also automatically practised, whether consciously or not.
 
  
−
The view that maranasati is intimately linked with vipas-
+
p. 170, s.v. [[karmakaraka]]." the presiding officer at an assembly of [[monks and nuns]] before which a jdapti, q.v., is presented; he or she presents the jhapti, and
−
sand is also corroborated by the fact that the former is one of  
+
the following karmavdeand , q.v. (if any).*’ possibly also may render the  
−
the four protections ( caturarakklia ). Members of the Sangha as
 
−
well as lay-meditators in intensive training are encouraged to
 
−
recite daily the verses of protections. By recollecting the qualities
 
−
of the Buddha, promoting loving-kindness, restraining sexual
 
−
desires through asubha and promoting the awareness of death, the
 
−
practitioners’ ability to deepen their meditation is supposed to in¬
 
−
crease. It is also noteworthy that lay people going to the temple
 
−
in order to pay respect to the Buddha often recite a standard
 
−
verse similar to those found in the four protections: I pay respect
 
−
to the Buddha; may I obtain some merit This body [of mine] will
 
−
be destroyed just as these flowers will fade”. This indicates that
 
  
  
−
29 Pujcmi buddham kusumena nena I Punncna me te fabhami mukham /
+
a jnaptikarman 20 *, in order to appoint an instructress 88 in the [[bhiksuni]]-
−
Puppham milayati yatha idam me / Kayo tatha yali vinasa bhavam II A simitar
+
[[samgha]] , 89 Hereafter, that instructress goes to the candidate and asks her
−
verse stressing that all are subject to Uealh is also frequently used by lay follow¬
+
whether she possesses the five required [[robes]] (i.c. the [[antarvasa]] , the
 +
[[uttarasanga]] , the samghdti , the samkaksika, and the robe that covers the
 +
shoulder 90 ) as well as the [[alms bowl]] ( [[patra]] ), after which the instructress >
  
 +
Skt. term karmdedrya * (f. karmdedrya *): cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 164, s.v.
 +
fifcliili: [[Pali]] kamma-dcariya.
  
−
the practice of maranasati as such is not only followed by medi¬
+
88. if, anusdsikd: cf. WOGiHARA, U., BW, p. 68, s.v. anusdsaka : Apart
−
tators but, to a certain extent, by most devout Buddhists as well.  
 
  
−
When asked how a monk should practise marariasati, the  
+
from the upddhydyini and the karmakdrika , the anusdsikd is the third [[person]] to
−
abbot suggested two methods, the second being much more effec¬
+
be {{Wiki|present}} during an [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}. In addition to these three,’ seven
−
tive than the first. One may start by the simple recital of the four
+
witnesses arc required (cf. T.I428, p. 886a22-28, in the [[chapter]] concerning an
−
protections discussed above. When meditators are more advanced
+
intervention of [[Buddha]] in [[Campa]], where he explains, among other things, which
−
in their practice of vipassana, they can embark on a radically
+
kind of assemblies have to carry out {{Wiki|community}} proceedings).  
−
different practice. They should lie like a corpse, preferably at
 
−
night and, as suggested by Buddhaghosa, recall that Buddhas,
 
−
kings, neighbours and parents have died. They then remind them¬
 
−
selves that death is inevitable. It is at this stage that they must
 
−
‘feel life go out from every part of the body, from the toes
 
−
upwards. If this practice is accomplished properly, one actually
 
−
dies’. The- abbot himself refused to answer when 1 asked if he
 
−
practises this sort of meditation, for members of the Sangha are
 
−
not supposed to brag about their accomplishments. Neither did he  
 
−
clarify whether he meant that the body technically dies and is
 
−
r.eanimatcd, or that one symbolically dies by becoming aware of
 
−
the ever presence of death throughout the body, a presence
 
−
manifesting itself through the constant process of impermanence.
 
−
This second interpretation would be in line with the traditional
 
−
practice of vipassana.  
 
  
−
It is clear from these eight interviews that the practice of
+
89. SecT.1428,p.924cl0-l2.
−
maranasati not only includes a. constant remembrance of the
 
−
finitude of life, but also incorporates asubhabhavana and the
 
−
awarness of anicca. This perception of maranasati differs radi¬
 
−
cally from Buddhaghosa’s, for the latter only considered the aware-  
 
  
 +
90. Sec T.1428, p. 924cl3-14.
  
−
ers: Namami buddham gunasdgaram lam l Sail ha saddha honiu sukhi avira /
+
These arc the five [[robes]] that are to be possessed by a [[bhiksuni]]. The first three
−
Kayo jigujjo sakalo dugandho / Gacchanti sabbe maranam aham ca ll  
+
correspond to the [[three robes]] of a [[monk]]: an [[antarvasa]] , i.c. an [[inner robe]], an
 +
[[uttarasanga]] , i.c. a upper robe, and a samghdti , i.c. an outer cloak: sec HORNER,
 +
I.B., BD, Vol.ll, p. 1, note 2: “The [[antaravasaka]] is put on at the waist, and hangs
 +
down to just above the ankles, being tied with the kdyabandhana , a strip of cloth .
 +
made into a belt or girdle [... ]. The [[uttarasanga]] is the upper robe worn when a
 +
[[monk]] is in residence. It covers him from neck to ankle, leaving one shoulder bare
 +
[... J. The [[sanghati]] is put on over this when *he [[monk]] goes out. It may be exactly
 +
the same size as the [[uttarasanga]] , but it consists of double cloth, since to make it
 +
two [[robes]] arc woven together. [... ] All these [[three robes]] arc made in the patch- _
 +
work fashion.”
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
The two additional [[robes]] arc ((scng-chich-chih), a phonetic rendering of
  
 +
the Skt. samkaksika) and 1213#, a robe that covers the shoulder.
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
By comparing several texts and dictionaries, VON HINOBER, 0., 1975, pp. 133-
 +
139, concluded that a samkaksika is a small band worn to support the breasts, so
 +
that they do not catch the [[eye]]. This is also the [[reason]] why according to T.1428,
 +
Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 160, a samkaksika should be worn by a [[bhiksuni]]. Still
 +
according to O. VON HINOBER, another garment should be worn over the
 +
samkaksika: a gandapraticchadana ([[pata]]), lit. a robe to hide the rounding (of the
 +
breasts). This [[latter]] statement is based upon [[information]] given in the [[Bhiksuni]] -
 +
[[vibhanga]] of the M.-L. School (ROTH, G., 1970, bhiksuniprakirnaka (miscella¬
 +
neous matters), p. 313, §277). The Skt. term gandapraticchadana ( [[pata]] )
 +
corresponds to the {{Wiki|Chinese}} term SB# in the Bhiksunivibhahga of the {{Wiki|Chinese}}
 +
[[Vinaya]] of the [[Mahasamghika School]] (T.1425, p.546b28). This makes it clear
 +
that the {{Wiki|purpose}} of wearing 52)3 £ is to cover the rounding of the breasts.
 +
Probably this robe also covered the shoulder left bare by the [[uttarasanga]] .
  
−
extremes in the sense that the mind remains aloof from pleasure
+
These two additional [[robes]] of the [[bhiksunis]] arc not the same in all the [[Vinayas]].  
−
and pain; the mind simply becomes a detached observer of the
+
In passages where the five [[robes]] arc enumerated in the [[Vinayas]], wc find the  
−
situations being experienced. However, he admitted that this was
+
following two additional [[robes]]:
−
an extreme and occasional situation that he decided to place
 
−
himself into in order to observe the reactions that would arise.  
 
−
During the seven years that he has been a monk, this was only
 
−
the second time he witnessed an autopsy. His own specific
 
−
practice is grounded in an interest in understanding how the mind
 
−
manufactures emotions and how these are related to thoughts. To
 
−
achieve this comprehension, he practises the more traditionally
 
−
accepted form of meditation, i.e. vipassana.
 
  
−
I also interviewed ten other members of the Sangha 28 , most
 
−
of whom had practised this postmortem-meditation at least once.
 
−
When asked to explain how they understood maranasati, all
 
−
agreed with Buddhaghosa’s interpretation that maranasati re¬
 
−
quires the practitioners to remind themselves constantly of the
 
−
proximity of death. From the subsequent analyses of the inter¬
 
−
views, I noticed that two other practices had also been classified
 
−
as maranasati. Without ever challenging Buddhaghosa’s definition,
 
−
eight of the eleven interviewees suggested that maranasati was
 
−
broader than this mere awareness of the potentiality of death.
 
−
First, they considered meditation on asubha, as described by
 
−
Buddhaghosa (i.e. the ten types of charnel-ground contemplations
 
−
or their modern expression in the autopsy room) as belonging to
 
−
maranasati as long as the yogis perceived and constantly con¬
 
−
templated the fragility of life. This falls in-line with the Sati-
 
  
 +
OLDENBERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pifakani. Vol.II, p.272: (1) [[samkacchika]], (2)
 +
udakaffitika, i.e. a [[bathing-cloth]]. This [[Vinaya]] docs not mention a cloth worn over
 +
the [[samkacchika]].
  
−
28 The stilus of ihe dasa sit malavo is the object of a controversy among the  
+
T. 1421, p. 187cl9-20: (I) 52J3# : a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) itfciSJC:
−
Sinhalese monastic community. [For more information on the subject, sec Tessa
+
a [[bathing-cloth]]. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga , Pac. 181, p. 98a 11 -17,  
−
Barihoiomcusz. Women under the Do Tree. Buddhist Nuns in Sri Lanka.  
+
it is said that a [[bhiksuni]] should wear a samkaksika (fiS ftYi' (seng-ch’i-chihl)
−
Cambridge 1994]  
+
T.1425, p.472b2I-22 and p.521a25-26: (I) ?2B#: a robe that covers* the  
 +
shoulder, (2) Hi# (p.472b22) MY6H (p. 521a26): a [[bathing-cloth]]. Apart from
 +
this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga, prakirnaka 23, p.546b25-c2, it is said that a
 +
[[bhiksuni]] should wear a 5213# over the samkaksika & [scng-chT-chih]).
  
 +
In the Skt.* Bhiksunivibhahga of the M.-L. School, wc find the same infor¬
 +
mation: ROTH, G., 1970, p. 146, §165: (I) kanthapraticchadana * *: a robe that
 +
covers the rounding (of the breasts), (2) udakasutika: a [[bathing-cloth]]. Apart from
 +
this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga,prakirnaka 24, p.313, §277, it is said that a
 +
bfvksuni should wear ^gandapraticchadana ([[pata]]) over the samkaksika .
  
−
i patthana’s suggestion that practitioners must reflect on the fact
+
* Sec note 3.  
−
that their body possesses the same nature. In fact, many monks in
 
−
Sri Lanka have witnessed autopsies in order to cultivate
 
−
asubha and/or maranasati. Moreover, photographs of autopsies
 
−
j are broadly available for the Thai monastic community and these
 
  
−
i are widely circulated in Sri Lanka. Most of the hermitages where
+
** According to NOLOT, E.,1991, p. 136, note 174, this should be gandiaprati -
 +
c chad ana.  
  
−
! the interviews were conducted had at least a few of these photo-
+
T.1428, p.924cl3-!4: (I) samkaksika , (2) 5213#: a robe that covers
  
−
| graphs and/or partial or complete skeletons used for meditation
+
the shoulder. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga , Pac. 102, p. 749al9-bI6,
 +
a [[bathing-cloth]] (iff #) to be worn by a [[bhiksuni]] is mentioned.
 +
T.I435,p.335b28:(l) 5213#: a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) (U|£Sg [chu-
 +
hsiu-Io]: this is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. kusulaka . There arc different
 +
opinions about what exactly a kusulaka is: according to NAKAMURA,
 +
p.269, it is an [[undergarment]], also called ({{Wiki|bamboo}} basket), because of its
 +
resemblance with such a basket. According to EDGERTON, I\, IS USD, p. 189, s.v.
 +
kusulaka , there arc two different garments called kusulaka : a) “a woman’s {{Wiki|breast}}¬
 +
covering” (= kusulaka ); b) “a man’s garment”. The first [[interpretation]] is based on
 +
the Mahdvyutpatti , No,9000 (!?2?t?)”). To our opinion, since in T.1435
  
−
purposes. All the monks using these tools, however, strongly
+
a kusulaka is mentioned together with a ‘robe that covers the shoulder*, it could
−
emphasised that without reflecting on their own body, the
+
well have the same use as a samkaksika in T.1428, i.c. a garment to support the
−
charnel-ground contemplations (or the contemplation of the  
+
breasts, worn under another garment that hides the rounding of the breasts and
−
photographs or the skeletons) remain solely at the asubha level.  
+
covers the shoulder. Edgerton’s second [[interpretation]], a man’s garment, is also
 +
to be found in T.1435, p.347b!4-17: what man’s garment, in this passage, a
 +
kusulaka exactly is, is difficult to know. It is likely to be an [[undergarment]]. The
 +
term samkaksika ({$#;& [scng-ch’i-chih]) is mentioned only once in the  
 +
[[Vinaya]] , namely as part of a series of [[robes]] that can be used by a [[monk]]
 +
(p. 466a23). It is clear that the original [[sense]] of samkaksika has been lost here.
 +
Besides this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 128, p. 335a 1-25, a [[bathing-cloth]]
 +
(tS#) to be worn by a [[bhiksuni]] is mentioned.  
  
−
These same eight monastics perceived maranasati as the
+
T.1443, p.944b8-9: (I) [chu-su-lo-chia]: kusulaka, (2) (SfUllQ
−
natural result of their daily riieditatidn. As the abbot in charge of
 
−
a major meditatibn centre in Colombo remarked, -death itself is
 
−
merely a concept which is totally devoid of substance. For this
 
−
reason, it is impossible to focus on it’. He further explained that
 
−
what we conventionally call death does not exist, for the simple
 
−
reason that in order for something/someone to die, it needs to
 
−
possess an independent existence which Buddhist doctrine denies
 
−
with the theories of anicca , anatta and paticcasamuppada. A
 
−
person docs not merely die at the end of one’s existence for, at
 
−
the deepest level, this person never existed. What we normally
 
−
term ‘person’ is an amalgam of five aggregates which arc con¬
 
−
stantly changing. Every moment, each of these aggregates arises
 
−
and passes away ( upajjhitva, nirujjhanti). Therefore, maranasati,
 
−
viewed from this angle, cannot be separated from the normal
 
−
practice of vipassana meditation which aims, as the tradition
 
−
claims, at seeing things as they really are. Practitioners of vi¬
 
−
passana who simply observe their own mind and body soon
 
−
notice the transitory character of existence. Eventually, they
 
−
become aware that birth and death happen at every single mo-
 
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)  
+
(scng-chiao-ch’i], which according to our opinion, is a phonetic rendering of the
 +
Skt. term samkaksika. What, in this [[Vinaya]] , exactly is meant by a kusulaka or by
 +
a samkaksika, and what the difference between these two is, is impossible to say.
 +
Apart from ther-abovc two [[clothes]], T.I443, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 139,
 +
p. 101 Ia3-9, mentions a [[bathing-cloth]] (iftfif ) to be worn by a [[bhiksuni]].
  
  
−
ment. Mater-al particles arise and vanish: death is present through¬
+
questions her in order to find out if there are any stumbling blocks
−
out the life-process. Such an awareness helps, on the one hand, to
+
(antardya) to her [[ordination]]. 91 She asks after her [[name]] and her upd-  
−
cope with what we conventionally call death. By becoming
+
dhyayini. She then asks whether she is twenty years old, whether she has
−
increasingly aware of the presence of death, at the experiential
+
all the [[robes]] and the [[alms bowl]], whether she has the permission of her
−
level, practitioners are no more intimidated when the final mo¬
+
[[parents]] and the permission of her husband, whether she has any debts,  
−
ment comes. Death is nothing but the culmination of successive
+
whether she is not a slave, and whether she is a woman. Finally, the in¬
−
deaths which one had gradually learned to deal with. On the other
+
structress questions the candidate concerning such {{Wiki|diseases}} as {{Wiki|leprosy}},
−
hand, this same process helps them live a less egocentric,.more
+
boils, [[eczema]], tuberculosis, {{Wiki|epilepsy}}, bisexuality, or the {{Wiki|disease}} that the  
−
detached, cquanimous and compassionate life, for they have come
+
two tracts come together 91 , and asks her whether she is able to hold up
−
to understand that nothing is worth clinging to, and that human
+
{{Wiki|urine}}, {{Wiki|excrements}}, mucus and saliva.
−
suffering is directly related to the cultivation of the awareness of
 
−
impermanence, the core of Theravada Buddhist meditation. In
 
−
fact, when one practises one of these two thoroughly, the other is  
 
−
also automatically practised, whether consciously or not
 
  
−
The view that maranasati is intimately linked with vipas¬
+
In ease the answer is satisfactory, the instructress brings the candidate
−
sana is also corroborated by the fact that the former is one of
+
back to the other [[bhiksunis]] and positions her within her reach. Hereafter,
−
the four protections ( caiurarakkha ). Members of the Sangha as
+
the instructress performs a jnaptikarman in order to ask the [[bhiksuni]]-
−
well as lay-meditators in intensive training are encouraged to  
+
[[samgha]] for permission to let the candidate return among the [[bhiksunis]].  
−
recite daily the verses of protections. By recollecting the qualities
+
In ease the bhiksunisamgha consents, the instructress tells the candidate
−
of the Buddha, promoting loving-kindness, restraining sexual
+
to come nearer. 93 The instructress then has to hold the [[robes]] and the  
−
desires through asubha and promoting the awareness of death, the  
+
[[alms bowl]] of the candidate and has to instruct her to humbly ask the  
−
practitioners’ ability to deepen their meditation is supposed to in¬
+
bhiksunisamgha three times to confer her the [[ordination]]. 94
−
crease. It is also noteworthy that lay people going to the temple
 
−
in order to pay respect to the Buddha often recite a standard
 
−
verse similar to those found in the four protections: I pay respect
 
−
to the Buddha; may I obtain some merit This body [of mine] will
 
−
be destroyed just as these flowers will fade”. This indicates that
 
  
−
Boisvert — Death as meditation subject
+
After this request, the kannan [[master]] performs a jnaptikarman to ask
 +
permission to interrogate the candidate in order to find out whether there
 +
arc any stumbling blocks to the [[ordination]]." The [[karman]] [[master]] then
 +
asks the same questions as the instmetress. This time, hosyever, the
 +
interrogation is public. 90 In case the answer is satisfactory, the ordina¬
 +
tion is finally carried out by means of a jiiapiicaturthakarman . 91
  
  
−
! the practice of maranasati as such is not only followed by medi-
+
We can conclude that the [[three robes]] common for [[monks and nuns]] ([[antarvasa]],
 +
[[uttarasanga]], and samghuti) are always the same. Furthermore, exception made
 +
for tltc [[Pali]] I'inayti. every [[Vinaya]] mentions a [[bathing-cloth]] and two garments to
 +
cover the breasts to be worn by a [[bhiksuni]]. Of these [[three robes]], two arc added to
 +
the three common [[robes]], in this way making a scries of five [[robes]] that should
 +
always be possessed by a [[bhiksuni]], and that a iikfamana should possess at her
 +
[[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}.
  
−
! tators but, to a certain extent, by most devout Buddhists as well.  
+
91. See T. 1428, p. 924c 15-21.  
  
−
When asked how a monk should practise maranasati, the  
+
92. This is further explained in the Bhiksunivibhaiiga, p.774b7: it means that the  
−
I abbot suggested two methods, the second being much more effec- •
+
tracts of {{Wiki|urine}} and {{Wiki|excrements}} arc not separated.  
−
j tive than the first. One may start by the simple recital of the four
 
−
I protections discussed above. When meditators are more advanced
 
−
in their practice of vipassana , they can embark on a radically
 
−
different practice. They should lie like a corpse, preferably at
 
−
' night and, as suggested by Buddhaghosa, recall that Buddhas,
 
  
−
1 kings, neighbours and parents have died. They then remind them¬
+
93. See T.1428,p.924c22-27.  
−
selves that death is inevitable. It is at this stage that they must
 
−
‘feel life go out from every part of the body, from the toes
 
−
upwards. If this practice is accomplished properly, one actually
 
−
1 dies’. The- abbot himself refused to answer when 1 asked if he
 
−
practises this sort of meditation, for members of the Sangha are
 
−
not supposed to brag about their accomplishments. Neither did he
 
−
v clarify whether he meant that the body technically dies and is
 
−
reanimated, or that one symbolically dies by becoming aware of
 
−
the ever presence of death throughout the body, a presence
 
−
manifesting itself through the constant process of impermanence.
 
−
This second interpretation would be in line with the traditional
 
−
practice of vipassana.  
 
  
−
It is clear from these eight interviews that the practice of
+
94. See T.1428, pp. 924c27-925a3.
−
: maranasati not only includes a_ constant remembrance of the
 
  
−
1 finitude of life, but also incorporates asubhabhavana and the
+
95. See T.l 428, p. 925a3-6.
  
−
awarness of anicca. This perception of maranasati differs radi¬
+
96. See T.1428, p.925a6-13.
−
cally from Buddhaghosa’s, for the latter only considered the aware-  
 
  
 +
97. See T.1428, p.925al3-25
  
−
29 Pujcmi buddham Lusumena nena / Puhncna me te tabhami mukham /
+
After the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} in the bhiksunisamgha, the candidate
−
Puppham mitayali yalha idam me / Kayo latha yali vinasa bhavam II A simitar
+
has to be led to the bhiksusamgha. She humbly asks the bhiksusatpgha
−
verse stressing thal all are subject to death is also frequently used by lay follow-
+
three times to confer her the [[ordination]]. 98 After this triple request, the
 +
kannan [[master]] of the [[bhiksus]] interrogates her on possible stumbling
 +
blocks, as this had been done before in the bhiksunisanigha. The [[karman]]
 +
[[master]] further asks the candidate whether she has studied the [[precepts]]
 +
and whether she is [[pure]] 99 . In ease her answer is satisfactory, he asks the
 +
other [[bhiksunis]] whether the candidate has studied the [[precepts]] and
 +
whether she is [[pure]]. In ease the answer, again, is satisfactory, the
 +
[[ordination]] is conferred to'her by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman .too
  
−
ers: Namami buddham gunasagaram lam f Salt ha saddhd hortiu sukhi avira /
+
Before the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} is finally concluded, two important
−
Kayo jigujjo sakalo dugandho / Gacchanti sabbe maranam aham ca //
+
instructions arc given to the newly [[ordained]] [[bhiksuni]]. One first explains
 +
the eight [[parajika]] offenses which would exclude her definitively .from
 +
the order of [[bhiksunis]]: i.e. {{Wiki|sexual}} intercourse, [[stealing]], taking [[Wikipedia:Human life|human life]]
 +
and {{Wiki|lying}} about one’s [[spiritual]] achievements, having [[physical]] [[contact]]
 +
below the armpit and above the knee, being together with a man and
 +
doing eight wrong things (according to T.1428, Bhikfunivibhadga,
 +
p.716a24-27: [[touching]] the hand, [[touching]] the [[clothes]], going to a secret
 +
place together, being in .a secret place, talking together, walking
 +
together, leaning against one another, and making appointments),
 +
concealing a grave offense (i.e. a [[parajika]]) of another [[bhiksuni]], and
 +
persisting in accompanying a suspended bhikfu. The newly [[ordained]]
 +
[[bhiksuni]] has to profess that she is able to take on these interdictions. 101
 +
Secondly, four supports {[[nisraya]]) are [[taught]] to her. These four supports
 +
arc: (1) she should dress in refuse rags 102 , (2) she should only rely on
 +
[[alms food]] 103 , (3) she should dwell at the [[root]] of a [[tree]] 104 , and (4) she
 +
has to use [[medicine]] made of putrid [[elements]] 103 . These supports are the
  
  
−
Buddhist Studies Review 13, 1 (1996)
+
98. See T.1428, p.925a25-bl.
  
−
ness of dcaih as the essence of this practice. I must stress, how- j
+
99. [[parisuddha]], without stumbling blocks.  
−
ever, that three other monastics categorically stated that
 
−
maranasati was solely the awareness of death, and that the nine
 
−
charnel-ground meditations belonged exclusively to the realm of
 
−
asubhabhavana.  
 
  
−
I would like to conclude by summarising the divergences of {
+
' 100. See T.1428, p.925bl-17.
  
−
interpretation that have been alluded to in this paper — that is, |
+
101. See T.1428, pp.925bl7-926a5.
  
−
divergences between canonical literature, the Visuddhimagga and
+
102. paipsukula (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p. 770; EOGERTON, F., BHSD, p.307).  
−
contemporary practice. The description of maranasati in canoni¬
 
−
cal literature is sparse and limited to the awareness of ageing and
 
−
the proximity of death. Two simple methods for developing this
 
−
awareness are described in the Ahguttara 30 , while many passages
 
−
of, the Jiitakas and Thera- Thcrigatha praise this awareness by
 
−
offering numerous examples of persons who, having realised the
 
−
inexorability of their fate, cither decided to renounce worldly life
 
−
or attained enlightenment. Buddhaghosa, however, built an eight¬
 
−
fold method for developing this awareness, a systematised method
 
−
that is absent in earlier Pali literature. Yet contemporary practice
 
−
shows a much wider interpretation which, according to the ma¬
 
−
jority of the monastics interviewed, includes asubhabhavana and
 
−
the awareness of anicca.  
 
  
−
copyrighted © Mathieu Boisvert
+
103. [[pindapata]] (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p.784; EOGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).
−
(Director of graduate studies
 
−
dep. des sciences religieuses
 
−
Universite du Quebec a Montreal)  
 
  
 +
104. vrksamula (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p. 1265; EOGERTON, F„ BHSD, p.307).
  
−
30 The fir^i thing is constantly to remind oneself that death could happen at
+
105. [[medicine]] made of putrid [[elements]]: putimuktabhaisajya (WOGIHARA,
−
any moment: after one day, one night, a meal, a single bite [A 111 303 and also
+
U„ BW, p.802; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p.307). See [[Wikipedia:Thomas William Rhys Davids|Rhys Davids]], T.W. and  
−
at A IV 3161. The other being the different reasons for dying such as being
+
STEDE, W., PED, p. 470, s.v. putimutta, ‘‘strong-smelling {{Wiki|urine}}, usually wine of
−
bitten by a centipede, a snake or a scorpion, or falling, choking ... [A HI 307,  
 
−
5nd also at A IV 3201
 
  
 +
minimum requirements for a [[life]] as a [[bhiksu]] or as a bliiksuni', it is, how¬
 +
ever, allowed to receive more and better than what is stipulated in these
 +
four supports, provided one docs not ask for it. Because the candidate
 +
may not be able to endure such an [[austere]] [[life]], these supports are
 +
explained to her before the conclusion of the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}, and
 +
the candidate is asked whether she will obey them. 106
 +
Ultimately, the. [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} is officially concluded. 107
 +
As we have said before, [[Mahaprajapati Gautami]] and the five hundred
 +
[[Sakya]] women did not receive this official [[ordination]]: they became
 +
bliiksunis by accepting the [[eight rules]] (gttrudliarinas) for bliiksunis.
 +
When some bliiksunis suggested that the [[ordination]] of [[Mahaprajapati Gautami]] and the five hundred [[Sakya]] women was not valid, [[Buddha]]
 +
again said that both [[ordinations]] have the same value, and that [[Maha]]¬
 +
[[prajapati]] [[Gautami]] and the five hundred [[Sakya]] women received the
 +
[[precepts]] too. [[108]]
  
−
EKOTTARAGAMA (XX)
+
The Bhiksuniskandhaka of T. 1428 then adds some special [[conditions]]-
 +
that can occ jr during the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}. The most important
 +
addition is that, after having been [[ordained]] in the bhiksunisaingha ,a .
 +
candidate can receive the [[ordination]] in the bliiksusamgha by a proxy, in
 +
ease it is too [[dangerous]] for her to go to the [[monastery]] of the [[bhiksus]].
 +
This proxy has to be appointed by means of a jhaptidvitiyakarman. For
 +
her safety* the proxy must take two or three bhiksunls with her.
  
−
Translated from the Chinese Version by  
+
It is thus to be seen that the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} is a well organized,
−
Thich Huycn-Vi and Bhikkhu Piisadika
+
highly formalized {{Wiki|ceremony}}, focusing on the control exercised by the
−
in collaboration with Sara Boin-Webb
+
full members of the {{Wiki|community}} in order to prevent a newcomer to
 +
damage this {{Wiki|community}}. After [[ordination]], the newly [[ordained]] bhiksum
 +
becomes a full member of the bhiksunisaingha. This allows her to take
  
−
Ninth Fascicle
+
cattle used as [[medicine]] by the Wi/M/iu”; [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] or the M.-L. School,
−
Part 18
+
' ROTII G., 1970, p.40, §51: “putimuiram". According to NaKAMURA, H.,
 +
BGD, p.969, the Skt. term refers to {{Wiki|urine}} and {{Wiki|excrements}} of cows used as
 +
[[medicine]]. On this. EDGERTON, F.. BHSD, p. 350, s.v. putimukta, says: ( [...] -
 +
putmuna. interpreted even by [[Pali]] comms. as containing mutta - Skt. mutra,
 +
{{Wiki|urine}}; this is prob. a late and secondary [[interpretation]], suggested by pun [...]), a
 +
{{Wiki|medicinal}} decoction”
  
−
(Shame and Remorse)
+
106. SccT.1428, p.926a5-19.
  
−
6. ‘‘Thus have I heard. At one time the Buddha was staying in
+
107. SccT.1428. p.926al9-26.  
−
SravastI, at the Jeta Grove, in Anathapipdada’s Park. Then
 
−
Venerable Nanda donned exquisite robes, and with eye-shadow he
 
−
brightened up his eye[lids],« wearing slippers ornamented with
 
−
gold. Again, he rubbed 2 the cosmetic off his eye[lids] and, holding
 
−
in his hands jiisutlms-bowl, he was about to enter the city of
 
−
SravastI.  
 
  
−
From afar many bhik$us saw Venerable Nanda [on the point
+
[[108]]. See T. 142S, p. 926a27-b3.  
−
of] entering the city to beg for alms-food, while he was wearing
 
−
exquisite robes. New those bhiksus went to the whereabouts of
 
−
the Exalted One, bowing down their heads at his feet, and sat
 
−
down at one side. Hardly had [they taken their seats) when they
 
−
stood up [again], saying to the Exalted One: As far as Bhiksu
 
−
Nanda is concerned, he has donned exquisite robes and brightened
 
−
up his eyetlids] with eye-shadow and is [thus] entering the city of
 
−
 
 
−
 
 
−
1 See T 2, 591a8 ff; Hayashi. p.153 ff.
 
−
 
 
−
2 For & Hayashi reads & (to compare; to criticise; to oppose), which does not
 
−
seem appropriate.  
 
−
 
 
−
 
 
−
 
 
−
NOTES
 
  
−
1 • ^ or details of these developments, see D. D. Kosambi, The Culture and
 
−
Civilization of Ancient India (London, 1905), pp. 103 ff.; a more recent devel-
 
−
opment of this theme is offered by Jaimal Rai in his The Rural-Urban Economy
 
−
and Social Changes in Ancient India (Delhi, 1974), pp. 165 ff.
 
  
−
2. On the chronology of these texts, sec M. Wintemitz, A History of tfj
+
part in all the formal acts and the {{Wiki|ceremonies}} that arc performed by the
 +
bhiksunisaingha. On the other hand, all the^precepts for bliiksunis and
 +
the measures they include, now all apply to her. Many offenses against
 +
the rulc$ of this [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}} can be committed.
  
−
Indian Literature (New York 1971), 11, pp. 17 IT.; for the dates of the Buddha I
+
II. Offenses against the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|rules}} according to the Dharnta-  
−
and Asoka, sec B. G. Gokhalc, Asoka A laurya (New York, 1971), pp. 35, 63; y
+
guptaka [[Vinaya]]
−
also sec B. G. Gokhalc, Buddhism in Maharashtra , (Bombay, 1976), pp. 23 ff.; :|
 
−
on these “elite * groups, see B. G. Gokhalc, “The Early Buddhist Elite "Jour-  
 
−
nal of Indian History, XL1 ll/ll (August 1965), pp. 391-402. '
 
  
−
3. J. Kashyap (cd.). The Cullavagga (Nalanda, 1956), pp. 406—409-
+
Bdow all offenses against the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|rules}} appearing in the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of
 +
T.1428 arc enumerated, and each of them is compared with the [[corresponding]] offenses
 +
in the other [[Vinayas]]. In this comparison, we restrict ourselves to the [[essentials]].  
  
−
4. See G. P. Malalasckera, Dictionary of Tali Proper Names (London,
+
In all the yinayas 109 , all the offenses committed against the rulcs.of the
 +
[[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}, are found among the pdcittika offenses 4 **, except
 +
for one offense that, in all the* [[Vinayas]], is classified as a [[samghavasesa]]
 +
offense! 6 *, and two offenses that only in T.1425 and in the [[Bhiksuni]]-
 +
vibhaiiga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School arc classified in a
 +
different category!^ 0 '
  
−
- I960), 11, pp. 1126—1127; hereafter referred to as DPPN .  
+
All offenses focus either on the candidate, or on the upadhydyinB **,  
 +
or on the [[ordination]] procedure. Moreover, T.1428 adds two offenses
 +
that [[concern]] the period immediately following the [[ordination]] {{Wiki|ceremony}}.  
  
−
5. DPPN , 11, pp. 1126-1127; B. N. Chaudhury, Buddhist Centres in >
+
1) The candidate
−
{{Wiki|Ancient India}} ([[Calcutta]], 1969), pp. 71-74 (hereafter abbreviated as BCAl)',
 
−
Halram Srivastavii, Trade and Commerce in {{Wiki|Ancient India}} ([[Varanasi]], 1968), pp.
 
−
75-76.
 
  
−
6. BCAL pp. 99-105; DPPN, 11. pp. 721-724.
+
a. T.1428, [[Bhiksunivibhanga]], [[Samghavasesa]] 5 (pp.719b7-720a5 oarti-
 +
cularly, p.719cl5-18) llt : ’ F
  
−
7. BCAl , pp. 43-45; DPPN , l, pp. 516-520; B. G. Gokhalc, [[Asoka]]  
+
“If a bhiksum [[knows]] in advance that a woman thief" 2 has to be put to
−
[[Maurya]] ([[New York]], I960), pp. 75, 164.
 
  
−
8. BCAL pp. 56-60; DPPN, II, p. 940-943; J. [[Kashyap]] (cd.). The [[Digha]]
+
109. See note 1.  
−
Nikdya ([[Nalanda]], 1958), II, pp. 92-93.  
 
  
−
9. BCAL pi). 85-87; DPPN, l, pp. 692-695; Gokhale, op. cit., p. 163.  
+
i 10. T.1428, Pac. 134 5 T.1425, [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, Samzhati-
 +
[[sesa]] 7. *
  
−
10. BCAl, pp. 182-184; DPPN, I, pp. 344-345; also see B. C. Law,
+
T.1428, Pac. 137 5 T.1425, [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, nihsarzika -  
−
Ujjay ini in {{Wiki|Ancient India}} (Gwalior, 1944), pp. 2-4, 13-15, 32-33; J. [[Kashyap]] *
+
pacaltika 18. *
−
(cd.). The Malta [[vagga]] ([[Nalanda]], 1956), pp. 214-217; [[T. W. Rhys Davids]] and
 
−
H. [[Oldenberg]] (traus.), Vi nay a Texts ([[Delhi]], 1965), pp. 32-40.  
 
  
−
11. BCAL pp. 122-123: DPPN, I, pp. 855-856; J. [[Kashyap]] (cd.). The
+
111. [[Oldenberg]], IT., [[Vinaya]] Pitakani, Vol.IV, pp.225-227, Saipghadisesa 2-
−
Mahdiwgga, pp. 327 ff.  
+
T.1421, p. 79b6-c24, [[Samghavasesa]] 4; T.1425, pp.519c6-520bl4, [[Samghati]]-
 +
[[sesa]] 8; [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 138-141
 +
§§160-162, Samghatisesa 8; T.1435, pp.309c 14-310b 18, [[Samghavasesa]] 8-
 +
T.1443, pp.935cl l-936b2, [[Samghavasesa]] 10.  
  
−
12. For the term [[nigama]], see Jaimal Rai, op. cit. , pp. 160-161.  
+
112. This coincides with the [[precepts]] in the [[Pali Vinaya]] and in T. 1435. In the [[precepts]]
 +
of T.1421, of T.1425, and of the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, it is a
 +
woman who committed a [[crime]] (in T. 1421, this is explained as [[adultery]] or theft);
 +
in the [[precept]] of T.1443, it is a woman who betrayed her husband (this is also
  
−
13. For the Brdhmanagamas, sec B. G. Gokhale, “[[Brahmanas]] in Early
 
−
[[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|Literature}}, M in Journal of [[Indian History]] , XLV11I/1, pp. 51-61.
 
  
−
14. See C.S.J\ Misra, The Age of [[Vinaya]] ({{Wiki|New Delhi}}, 1972), pp.
+
[[death]] 113 and that [[people]] know this 114 , and yet, without asking the [[king]]  
−
249-260; also see Balratn Srivastava, op. cit. f pp. 268-283.
+
or the ministers, and without asking the {{Wiki|clan}} 115 , admits 116 her into the
  
−
15. For the rccmergcncc of “villagism” sec D. D. [[Kosambi]], op. cit., pp.
 
  
−
103 ff. v
+
mentioned in the introductory stories in the [[Pali Vinaya]] , in T. 1421, in T.1425, in
 +
the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, and in T.1435).  
  
−
16. For the [[Buddha]] and the “[[caste]]** system of his times see B. G. Gok-
+
113. In T. 1421, in T.I425, and in T.1443, this is said in the introductory story to the
−
b . [[Buddhism]] in {{Wiki|Maharashtra}}, pp. 26 ff.  
+
[[precept]] and not in the [[precept]] itself.  
  
−
17. DPPN. II, p. 27.  
+
114. This is not found in the [[Pali Vinaya]] , in T. 1421, in T.1425, and in the Bhiksuqi*
 +
[[vibhanga]] of the M.-L. School.  
  
−
18. See I* »*.. Gokhale, op., cit.. ' 162; for inscripuoual {{Wiki|evidence}} of the  
+
115. [[Pali Vinaya]] : without asking the [[king]], the [[order of nuns]], a group* or a guild* * or
 +
a company** •; T.1421: without asking her husband (who, as it is said in the
 +
introductory story to the [[precept]], is supported by the laws laid down by the
 +
[[king]]); this is not found in T.1425 and in the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L.  
 +
School; T.1435: without asking the [[king]] or the k$atriyas\ T.1443: without the
 +
permission of her husband and the [[king]].
  
−
Sunga-Kan *‘»d. see H. Ludc; \frpendix to Epigraphia [[Indica]] ([[Calcutta]],  
+
* See HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. 183, note 7: “ Va . 910 [[[Takakusu]], J.,
−
1912). X,N 248,299.867
+
Nagai, M., Samantapdsadikd, Vol.IV, p. 910J| makes out that this means a
 +
group of wrestlers and so on. But, preceded by [[samgha]], it might have the usual
 +
Vin. meaning of ? group (of two to four [[monks]] or [[nuns]]). On the other hand, it is
 +
followed by two words that have no [[religious]] significance, and which denote
 +
associations of [[people]] ‘in the [[world]]'.”
  
 +
** See Horner, LB.. BD, Voi.HI, p. 183, note 8: “puga - dhammapuga, “a
 +
guild under [[dhamma]]” (?). VA. 910 [TAKAKUSU. J. and NAGAI, M., [[Samanta]]-
 +
pasddikd , Vol.IV, p.910]. Probably a guild governed by some {{Wiki|rule}} or law.”
 +
*** See Horner, I.B., BD % Vol.III, p. 183, note 9: “se/ri, a % corporation,
 +
company or guild of artisans or traders following the same business or dealing in
 +
the same articles.”
  
−
[[Pilgrimage]] and the Structure
+
116. All the {{Wiki|Chinese}} [[Vinayas]] use the term Iff, which originally meant “to bring (her)
−
of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhism ]]*
+
into the order (= the first steps into the order)” (NAKAMURA, H., BGD t p. 997,
 +
s.v. Iff O). As we can see in some {{Wiki|Chinese}} [[Vinayas]] , later the meaning “to confer
 +
the [[ordination]]” was added to this original meaning. In this [[precept]] of T. 1428,
 +
however,Iff is used in the original meaning, i.e. the first of three [[actions]] (1) to
 +
admit her (UE), (2) to let her go forth, and (3) to confer her the [[ordination]]. In the  
 +
[[precept]] of T.1421, only the term Iff appears; from the commentary on the
 +
[[precept]], however, it is clear that also the third of the above three [[actions]] (i.e. to
 +
confer her the [[ordination]]) is understood. Also in the [[precept]] of T.1425, only the
 +
term iff appears; from the commentary on the [[precept]], it is, again, clear that the
 +
[[ordination]] is to be understood, while to let her go forth and to let her become a
 +
siksamdna constitute [[minor offenses]]. In the [[precept]] of T.1435, the term
 +
/ff to admit her as a [[disciple]], appears. From the introductory story to this
  
−
by John C. Holt oa JbS]l
+
[[precept]], we know that the [[bhiksuni]] lets a woman go forth; the [[ordination]],
 +
however, is not mentioned. In the [[precept]] of T.1443, the term Iff appears,
 +
followed by the term the [[ordination]] is not mentioned. Here iff has its
  
−
Throughout the [[history of Buddhism]] in [[South]] and {{Wiki|Southeast Asia}}, [[Buddhists]] have undertaken [[religious]] [[pilgrimages]] to sa¬
+
original meaning.  
−
cred place's where, according to [[tradition]], [[bodily relics]] of the
 
−
[[Buddha]] are enshrined. This ‘‘{{Wiki|cult}} of traces”’ has been so wide¬
 
−
spread and powerful that at least one [[scholar]] has suggested that
 
−
in the formative period of Thcravada [[Buddhism in Sri Lanka]],
 
−
it provided the primary focal point of [[spiritual]] orientation for
 
−
jnuch of the lay [[tradition]].* As the [[monastic community]] focused
 
−
its cultic '[[activities]] upon the study, {{Wiki|recitation}} and [[interpretation]]
 
−
of the [[Buddha’s teachings]] ( dhammukdyu ), the laity propitiated
 
−
the [[Buddha]] through venerating the remains of his [[physical body]] ([[rupakaya]]). These two orientations represent the means by
 
−
which the [[monastic]] and lay segments of the early [[Buddhist community]] sustained the legacy of the [[Buddha’s]] [[life]] and teach*
 
  
−
; ings. The origins of this [[division]] of [[spiritual]] labor may be found
+
The [[Pali Vinaya]] uses the verb vutthahati, in the [[causative]] vutthdpeti. On this
−
in texts that are as [[ancient]] as the Mahaparinibbdna Sulla of the
+
term Horner, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. xlvii says: “To “receive” or to “accept” into
−
Dlgha Nikdya, articulated perhaps within one hundred years of
 
−
the [[death of the Buddha]].  
 
  
−
However, [[pilgrimage]] to [[sacred places]] where relies of the  
+
order, lets her go forth and confers her the [[ordination]], then this [[bhiksuni]]  
−
k [[Buddha]] are enshrined is more than a {{Wiki|matter}} of commemorat-
+
commits an immediate 117 [[samghavasesa]] that has to be given up 118 .*  
−
l : ing the [[great master]]. The [[Buddha’s]] [[relics]] were popularly be-
 
−
lieved to be latent [[manifestations]] of [[miraculous power]]. Pious
 
−
[• {{Wiki|political}} rulers assumed that possession of the [[Buddha’s]] [[relics]]
 
−
it legitimated and strengthened their {{Wiki|abilities}} to {{Wiki|rule}}.* From the
 
−
| time of the [[Indian]] [[emperor]] [[Asoka]] in the third century B.C.,
 
−
| [[relics]] were closely associated with {{Wiki|temporal}} power.
 
  
−
. in {{Wiki|modern}} [[Sri Lanka]], [[kingship]] is now a {{Wiki|matter}} of {{Wiki|past}} his-
+
Since this offense is found among the [[samghavasesa]] offenses, it is
 +
clear that it is a major {{Wiki|transgression}} of the {{Wiki|rules}}. Not only is the [[crime]],
 +
committed by the admitted woman, considered as a serious crimp, the
 +
avoidance of the {{Wiki|punishment}}, moreover, leads to friction between the
 +
order and the [[king]] and his ministers, whose support is [[essential]] to the
 +
[[Buddhist order]]. The [[precepts]] in the other [[Vinayas]] mention equally
 +
serious problems 119 , and except for T.1425 and for the Bhikfuni-
 +
[[vibhahga]] of the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School, the other [[Vinayas]]
 +
all say that, without the pennission of the [[king]] to admit the woman into
 +
the order, a major {{Wiki|transgression}}, i.e. a [[samghavasesa]] is committed, 120
 +
We thus can say that it arc the seriousness of the [[crime]] committed by
 +
the admitted woman anefthe problems that arise from this admission that
 +
justify the {{Wiki|classification}} of this offense ampng the [[samghavasesa]]
 +
offenses.
  
−
f, tory. Yet [[pilgrimage]] to [[sacred places]] associated with the Bud-  
+
Comparing this [[samghavasesa]] [[precept]] with the [[corresponding]] [[precepts]]
 +
in the other [[Vinayas]] , it is to be noticed that no [[Vinaya]] , except for
 +
T.1425 and for the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the Mahasarp?,hika-Lokottara-  
  
  
−
(Ilia’s [[relics]] continues to be a widespread [[religious practice]]. One-|
+
ar order is perhaps [[die]] nearest rendering for which there is any {{Wiki|justification}}  
−
of tiie holiest [[shrines]] in [[Sri Lanka]] is the Da|ada Maligawa-f
+
I n the introductory story to this [[precept]] in the [[Pali Vinaya]], the [[nun]] [[Thullananda]]  
−
(I emple of the Tooth) in [[Kandy]]. At all times during the yeaiy||
+
lets the woman thief go forth. The [[ordination]] is mentioned in the commentary on
−
especially during the annual Asa|a Perahara {{Wiki|festival}} in July-*!
+
the [[precept]].  
−
August, thousands of traditional-minded [[Buddhists]] make a
 
−
grimage in order to [[honor]] the [[Buddha’s]] [[relic]]. This is a brief j
 
−
study of [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] and its wider significance within *
 
−
the {{Wiki|structure}} of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhism]]. i
 
  
 +
In the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School, the verb upa-dstha (in the
 +
[[causative]]) appears. It is explained in the commentary on the [[precept]] as ‘to let go
 +
forth’ and ‘to confer the [[ordination]]’. To let her go forth and to let her become a
 +
siksamdna constitute [[minor offenses]].
  
−
I he [[Symbolism]] uj the [[Relic]] and its [[Ritual]] Importance $jjH
+
117. The [[samghavasesa]] offenses are divided in two categories: 1) the immediate
 +
([[prathama]]) offenses; 2) the offenses on the third (admonition) ( ydvattrtiyakd ).
 +
Whereas, in the first category, the [[bhiksuni]] immediately commits a
 +
[[samghavasesa]] offense, in the second category, she first is admonished three
 +
times. Only if she docs not give up her bad {{Wiki|behavior}}, she commits a
 +
[[samghavasesa]] offense.
  
−
Of the several [[reasons]] [[lor]] the da(add's (tooth-relic’s) contin- <1$
+
* 118. T.1421, T.1425? and the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the M.-L. School mention the  
−
ous charismatic appeal for traditional Buddhists, one of the  
 
−
most important is its past association with the power of Sinha* 1 ^
 
−
lese Buddhist kings.
 
  
−
The Dalhavattisa —written by Dhammakitti in the twelfth^
+
following exception: the [[bhiksuni]] commits no offense when the woman she
−
century A.D. and purportedly based upon an ancient Sinhalese:^
+
admits has already gone forth in a [[non-Buddhist]] {{Wiki|community}}. The [[Pali Vinaya]]  
−
poem, the Daladdvatiisa —contains a mythic account 1 of how the)|B
+
says that there is no offense if the woman has already gone forth in a non-  
−
relic remained in Dantapura r> under the {{Wiki|patronage}} of a longiffij
+
[[Buddhist community]] or if other [[nuns]] have already conferred her the [[ordination]].  
−
line of righteous [[kings]]. According to this account, in the fouith|ra
 
−
century A.D. an [[Indian]] [[king]], Guhaslva, converted to Bud^S
 
−
dhism, thereby angering the brahmapical {{Wiki|priests}} of his cour^lB
 
−
[[War]] followed when the {{Wiki|priests}} complained to the Papcju klngaJB
 
−
[[Pataliputra]]. lo insure the continued safety of the'relic, Cu rfgj
 
−
haslva gave it to his daughter and son-in-law and told them to|fi|
 
−
take it to [[Ceylon]]. When they arrived with the [[relic]], the Sinha^fl
 
−
lese [[king]] paid it great homage and placed it in a [[shrine]] known^S
 
−
as the Dhammacakha . From that time, [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] protectedJK
 
−
the tooth-relic as if its well-being constituted one of their pri^H
 
−
mary responsibilities.  
 
  
−
The Da(havavisa's account contains a number of significant^B
 
−
motifs familiar to the [[traditional]] chronicles of [[Sri Lanka]]. In dbugM
 
−
first instance, off-spring of a converted [[Indian Buddhist]] mon ^M
 
−
arch are sent on a {{Wiki|royal}} [[mission]] to take [[relics]] to [[Sri Lanka]]. Th isa B
 
−
parallels the Mahdvayisa's account of how the [[alms-bowl]] ReMcM
 
−
and scion of the [[Bodhi Tree]] were brought to Sri Lankaj,b y|||
 
−
[[Mahinda]] and Sahghamitta during Asoka’s [[kingship]]. 6 Second^B
 
−
its placement by the [[Sinhalese]] [[king]] in the [[Dhamma-cakka]] [[shrine]] M
 
−
explicitly identifies the [[relic]] with the king’s [[duty]] to “{{Wiki|rule}} by iS
 
  
  
−
[[righteousness]].” 7 Third, the legend helps to sustain a national
+
[[vada]] School 121 , mentions the siksamdnd period in [[respect]] to this offense.  
−
[[belief]] that the {{Wiki|future}} well-being of the [[Buddha’s]] [[religion]] is in
+
Moreover, the introductory story to this [[precept]] in T.1428, T.1421,
−
the hands of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]].”
+
T.1425 and in the Bhiksunivibhahga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottara-
 +
[[vada]] School, all relate the story of either a woman thief or a woman
 +
who has committed a [[crime]] and who has to be put to [[death]]. This
 +
{{Wiki|punishment}} will be executed by the [[king]] or by the woman’s [[family]]. The
 +
woman, however, escapes and is admitted in the order of the [[Buddhist]]
 +
bhiksums who confer her the [[ordination]]. When, later, the [[king]] or the
 +
woman’s [[family]] find out where the woman took [[refuge]], they can no
 +
longer punish her, because she now is a member of the bhiksunlsamgha .
 +
Since it is unlikely that the [[king]] or the [[family]] needed two years (i.c. the
 +
length of a siksamdnd period) to discover where the woman fled to,
 +
jhese stories seem to indicate a rapid [[ordination]] of the woman thief or of  
 +
the woman who committed a [[crime]]. The other Vi nay as, i.c. the [[Pali Vinaya]] , T.1435 and T.1443, only tell how the woman took [[refuge]]
 +
among the [[nuns]], who let her go forth. The [[precepts]] mention no further
 +
steps, i.c. a siksamdnd period or an [[ordination]].  
  
−
An earlier account of the relic’s importance is given by the
+
We thus have to conclude that this samghdvascsa [[precept]] indicates
−
{{Wiki|Chinese}} [[pilgrim]] [[Fa-Hien]], who traveled in [[Ceylon]] during the
+
that, at the time the [[precept]] was issued, the siksamdnd period did not
−
5lh century. By the time of Fa-Hien’s account, venerating the  
+
[[exist]] or was not taken into account. As we will sec further, also other
−
tooth-relic had become an [[auspicious]] means [[lor]] the [[king]] and
+
[[precepts]] lead to a similar conclusion.  
−
the laity to “amass [[merit]] for themselves.” 11 Ten days bclore the
 
−
[[king]] sponsored a grand procession of the [[relic]] from his palace
 
−
to the Abhyagiri [[monastery]] in [[Anuradhapura]], a {{Wiki|royal}} an¬
 
−
nouncement containing a description ot the [[Buddha’s]] career as
 
−
a [[bodhisattva]] was issued. The description, reminiscent of the
 
−
[[Vessantara]] Jdtaka , cmphasiy.es hOw the [[Buddha]] sacrificed his
 
−
entire {{Wiki|kingdom}} out of [[compassion]] [[lor]] the well-being ol the
 
−
[[world]] and implies that the [[bodhisattva]] career ot the [[Buddha]]
 
−
had already become an {{Wiki|ideal}} model for [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] to emu-
 
−
| late. Thus, by the fifth century, the [[tooth relic]] seems already to
 
−
* have become the king's [[own]] personal talisman and “palladium
 
−
| of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]].” 10
 
  
−
S ' Bardwell Smith writes that the [[tooth relic]] continued lo Ik*
+
b. T.1428 , Bhiksimivibhanga , Pac. 43 *l 19 (p.754b!2-cl5, particularly,  
−
of immense [[symbolic]] importance to [[Buddhist]] [[kings]] during the
+
p. 754c2-3) 122 :
−
| early {{Wiki|medieval}} Polonnaruva period: “The regalia needed by
 
−
j monarchs to authenticate their {{Wiki|sovereignty}} included the [[Tooth Relic]] and the Alms-Bowl [[Relic]]. 'Flic [[suspicion]] or dubious lin-
 
−
1 cage that their absence implied s|K*lled the promise of dire.  
 
−
| {{Wiki|consequences}}. When taken, they were to be retrieved at any
 
−
r cost.” 11 The [[symbolic]] importance of the [[tooth relic]] for the le¬
 
−
ft gitimacy of [[Buddhist]] [[kingship]] was not lost upon the [[people]] of
 
−
ft the {{Wiki|kingdom}}. The king's close association with the [[relic]] under-  
 
−
| scored the popular [[belief]] that the [[king]] was actually a “[[Buddha]]-
 
−
| ;in-the-making,” the most pious [[religious]] [[layman]] of the [[realm]]. 12
 
−
| His possession of the [[relic]] gave him access to [[sacral]] power
 
−
| which, ideally, he would use for the general well-being and
 
−
{{Wiki|security}} of his [[people]]. In this way, “{{Wiki|royal}} power was regarded
 
−
|-ias ap instrument of [[cosmic]] power.'* 15
 
  
−
'The king's relationship to this [[cosmic]] power was graphical-
+
“If a [[bhiksuni]] [[knows]] that a woman is {{Wiki|pregnant}}, and she admits her and
−
ily illustrated in the [[ritual]] [[life]] of the city, a [[ritual]] [[life]] in which the
+
confers her the [[ordination]] 123 , then it is a pdcittika."
−
H [[tooth relic]] played an important role. The capital seems to have
 
−
H functioned as a [[sacred]] center, an {{Wiki|axis mundi}} , from which righ-
 
−
&| teous power through [[ritual]] performance was [[thought]] to be
 
  
  
−
{{Wiki|magically}} radiated to the outlying provinces to insure stability
+
121. These [[Vinayas]] mention ihc siksamdnd period in the commentary on the [[precept]]:
−
and order. The [[king]], thus, occupied a mediating position be¬
+
if a [[bhiksuni]] confers the two-year instruction of a siksamdnd to a woman who
−
tween [[cosmic]] power and his [[people]]. [[Rituals]] and [[relics]] were
+
has committed a [[crime]], she docs not commit a samghdtiscsa offense, but a
−
[[magical]] conduits of power enabling the [[king]] to meet his pre¬
+
sthuldtyaya , a serious offense (tnis term is used to indicate an offense that is very
−
scribed {{Wiki|royal}} duties.  
+
close to a pdrdjika or a samghdxasesa offense).  
  
−
During the [[Kandyan]] period, the king’s relationships to cos¬
+
122. OLDEN BERG, 11., Vi nay a Pitakam , Vol.lV, pp. 317-318, Pac.61; T.1421,  
−
mic power and to his [[people]] were brought into unparalleled
+
p. 92a24-b6, Pac. 116*; T.1443, pp. 1005c25-1006a5. Pac. tit.  
−
high relief with the inauguration of the annual AVaja Pcrahara
 
−
procession. In the middle of the eighteenth century, [[King]] Klrti
 
−
Sri Rajasiipha [[initiated]] sweeping [[religious]] and {{Wiki|political}} reforms
 
−
that he hoped would legitimate his [[South Indian]] Nayakkar
 
−
{{Wiki|dynasty}} in the [[eyes]] of the [[Sinhalese]] [[people]]." Early in his reign,  
 
−
he reestablished [[orthodox]] lines of [[monastic ordination]] for the
 
−
[[Asgiriya]] and Malwalta nikdyas ([[monastic]] chapters) in [[Kandy]].  
 
  
−
, Since the [[sahgha]] was also a [[traditional]] source of legitimation
+
• As the {{Wiki|enumeration}} of the pdcittika offenses is unclear in the Bhiksimivibhanga
−
for [[Buddhist]] [[kings]], the importation of [[Siamese]] [[monks]] to con¬
+
of T.1421, we follow the {{Wiki|enumeration}} of the bhiksuniprdtimoksa of the same
−
fer ufmumjHidd ([[ordination]]) upon aspiring [[Sinhalese]] aristo¬
+
school (T.1423).  
−
cratic [[monks]] constituted a calculated move to strengthen his
 
−
{{Wiki|rule}}. But the move almost backfired. The [[Siamese]] became
 
−
grievously offended when they witnessed the [[king]] promoting a
 
−
pcrahara (procession) in which [[Hindu gods]] wre publically ven¬
 
−
erated and dignified to the exclusion of the [[Buddha]]. 15 Klrti Sri
 
−
reacted to the [[monks]]' condemnation with discretion: “A new
 
−
daladd ([[tooth relic]]) pcrahara was introduced into the general
 
  
−
• ritual'complex and was given primacy over all other perahdras.  
+
123. This coincides with the [[Pali]] Vi nay a and T.1421. T.1443 says that the [[bhiksuni]]  
−
The pcrahara in this [[form]] reestablished the primacy of Bud¬
+
gives her the going, forth-.  
−
dhism within the [[Sinhalese]] [[religious]] system." 1 ®
 
  
−
In so doing, the [[king]] wittingly or unwittingly fused to-
+
In the introductory story to this [[precept]], it is said that a [[bhiksuni]]
 +
admits a {{Wiki|pregnant}} woman who gives [[birth]] after she has been [[ordained]].
 +
In this [[precept]], there is no mention of the siksamdnd period.
  
−
• gether two powerful and [[ancient]] [[ritual]] [[traditions]]. Before the
+
Since T.1428 says that a [[bhiksuni]] admits )5 124 a {{Wiki|pregnant}} woman and
−
inclusion of the [[tooth relic]] into the [[ritual]] proceedings of the
+
confers her the [[ordination]], after which she gives [[birth]], this [[ordination]]  
−
Asa|a Pcrahara, the {{Wiki|ceremony}} consisted chiefly in the propitia¬
+
was apparently given to her without a two-year instruction. The woman
−
tion of [[deities]] who were petitioned by [[Hindu]] {{Wiki|priests}} to insure
+
was {{Wiki|pregnant}} before she went forth, she received the [[ordination]] during
−
the {{Wiki|fertility}} and [[prosperity]] of the tealin. Although the inclusion
+
her pregnancy, after which she gave [[birth]] to a child. A [[siksamana]] period
−
of the daladd in the [[ritual]] proceedings may have reestablished
+
would have avoided such a situation. The [[precepts]] of the [[Pali Vinaya]]  
−
the primacy of [[Buddhism]], the [[gods]] were by no means banished
+
and of T.1421 only say - without mentioning any earlier stage - that a
 +
[[nun]] may not ordain a {{Wiki|pregnant}} woman, while T.1443 only says that a
 +
[[bhiksuni]] may not let a {{Wiki|pregnant}} woman go forth.
  
−
* from the annual [[rites]]. Today, one of the major events of the
+
Since no [[Vinaya]] mentions the important probation period, and since in
−
Asa|a {{Wiki|festival}} is a [[ritual]] circumambulation of four wooden kapa
+
T.1428, a [[bhiksuni]] admits a {{Wiki|pregnant}} woman who gives [[birth]] after her
−
(poles), which [[symbolizes]] the king’s former petitions to the [[gods]]  
+
[[ordination]], it is clear that, at lime this [[precept]] was issued, the [[siksamana]]  
−
for the kingdom’s {{Wiki|fertility}} and [[prosperity]]. 17 This [[ritual]] tradi¬
+
period did not [[exist]] or wtfs not taken into account. .
−
tion complements the second [[rite]] of circumambulation, which
 
  
 +
c. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 120 (pp.754cl6-755al9, particularly
 +
p.755a5-6) 12 *:
  
−
was introduced to accommodate the importance of the daladd.  
+
“If a [[bhiksuni]] [[knows]] that a woman is breast-feeding a child, and she
 +
confers her the [[ordination]], then it is a pdcittika."
  
−
In that second circumambulation, the [[king]], with the daladd ca¬
+
Only three [[Vinayas]] mention this [[precept]] 12 **. In none of these three,  
−
parisoned on a {{Wiki|royal}} [[elephant]],* led a procession around the—
+
there is any reference to the two-year probation period during which the
−
[[boundaries]] of [[Kandy]] in a [[symbolic]] “capture” or “righteous con¬
+
woman, [[logically]], would have given [[birth]] to the child she is now {{Wiki|breast}}¬
−
quest.” Together, the two circumambulation [[rites]] represent a
+
feeding. The introductory story to this [[precept]] in T.1428 says that a
−
dramatic theatrical enactment of what numerous [[scholars]] refer
+
[[bhiksuni]] admitted (Ji!!) 124 * a woman who was breast-feeding a child.  
−
to as “the [[doctrine]] of the exemplary center.’’"* More specilkal-  
 
−
ly, these [[rites]] represent an ontogeny of the king’s power, which
 
−
was rooted in [[ritually]] currying favor with the [[gods]] aiul invok¬
 
−
ing the power of the [[Buddha]]. The former insured [[prosperity]],
 
−
the [[latter]] righteous {{Wiki|political}} order.  
 
  
−
When the [[British]] seized the [[relic]] during their takeover of
+
Again, it seems safe to say that, at the time this [[precept]] was issued, the  
−
[[Kandy]] in 1815, some [[Buddhists]] openly worried about the [[fu]]¬
+
[[siksamana]] period did not [[exist]] or was not taken into account.  
−
ture of [[Buddhism]], while others ([[including]] tiie British)"'.be¬
 
−
lieved that possession of the daladd would guarantee colonial
 
−
hegemony. But since 1847 (when the [[British]], under severe
 
−
pressure from [[Christian]] groups in [[Britain]] as well as in [[Ceylon]],  
 
−
turned over custody of the [[relic]] to the [[Asgiriya]] and Malwalta
 
−
[[monasteries]]), th q^dalada has officially been regarded as a reli¬
 
−
gious [[object]] only. Thus, [[Wilhelm Geiger]] has written:
 
  
−
*At the {{Wiki|present}} the Dajada is no longer a [[symbol]] of {{Wiki|political}}
+
d. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 121 (pp.755a20-756al5. particularly,
 +
p. 756a4-5) 126 :
  
−
E owcr, but is the revered centre of {{Wiki|worship}} for all pious
+
124. Compare note 116;
−
>uddhists living in [[Ceylon]] and for many thousands of
 
−
[[pilgrims]] who come from abroad'cach year to profess their
 
−
veneration and [[devotion]] for that {{Wiki|holy}} [[relic]] of the [[Great Master]] of the [[World]]. 2 "
 
  
−
Although [[Geiger’s]] statement is formally correct, it cannot be
+
125. OLDENBERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pitakam, Vol.lV, p.318, Pac.62; T.1421, p.92b7-12
−
denied that the relic’s continued [[popularity]] is due in part to a
 
−
resurgence in “civil [[religion]]” among [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] in the
 
−
19th and 20th centuries. 21 That is, the [[relic]] continues *o sym¬
 
−
bolize the [[traditional]] {{Wiki|cultural}} and {{Wiki|social}} values of [[Sinhalese]]
 
−
{{Wiki|culture}}. Government tourism officials actively promote the
 
−
Asaja Pcrahara at home and abroad as a national holiday cele¬
 
−
brating indigenous customs and {{Wiki|cultural}} ideality. The relic’s
 
−
continued {{Wiki|political}} [[symbolism]] is [[recognized]] by modern-day
 
−
[[Sinhalese]] politicians, who find it expedient to participate in the
 
−
da(add 's [[ritual]] procession or conspicuously to visit the Dajada
 
−
Maligava. 22 It is also evident that the Asaja Pcrahara procession
 
−
continues to depict [[symbolically]] the {{Wiki|social}} {{Wiki|structure}} ol [[Kandyan]]
 
  
 +
Pac. 117. *
  
−
[[society]].*' What these {{Wiki|social}} and {{Wiki|political}} facts reF.ect is that|
+
T.1435 contains a somehow different [[precept]] that says that a [[nun]] may not admit
−
du[ada is a public [[symbol]] which expresses the continuing d
+
into the order a woman whose children necessarily have to follow her into the  
−
association between [[religion]] and {{Wiki|politics}} in this ccntempoi
+
order (because no-one else can take [[care]] of them) (p. 329a 15-b2, Pac. 119).
−
{{Wiki|Asian}} [[society]].-' -4
 
  
−
Therefore, [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] constitutes both a religi
+
126. OLDENBERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pitakam, Vol.lV, p.327, Pac.7l; T.I425, p.534b2-
−
and {{Wiki|political}} act, especially in these times when [[Tamil]] sepajjii
+
cl l, Pac. 96; Bhiksimivibhanga of the M.-L. School. Rom, G., 1970. pp. ?3K-
−
ism appears to be regaining some momentum in Sri Lanl
 
−
While it is clear that many [[traditional]] [[Buddhists]] undertake.^
 
−
[[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] for purely [[religious]] [[reasons]], and thattb
 
−
[[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} exhibits a personal [[devotion]] to the Bud<
 
−
resembling that of Hindu bhakti, the entire pilgrimage coq9
 
−
plex retains something of its medieval ethos. From its partici^g
 
−
pants, it commands a reverential “civitas.” Even the three dad;  
 
−
prayers offered by officiating bhikkhus at the Dalada M&lig§\;
 
−
repcsent petitions to the Buddha for the continued moral qi^
 
−
der and prosperity of the realm.* 5 H. L. Seneviratne, wfo ’
 
−
studies of ritual life in Kandy are especially definitive, has i^
 
−
ferred to the public Asala l’erahiira performances and ritua^
 
−
life in the temple as part of a “creative and selective process”^
 
−
which a traditional culture is asserting its indigenous systems pf
 
−
value and power in response to changes brought abotU
 
−
modernity.* 1 That is, while significant numbers of traditiot
 
−
Sinhalese have remained separated from new forms of cultut^j
 
−
and social, economic and political power, pilgrimage td^Kahd
 
−
remains a means to assert and maintain beliefs in iridigenou|
 
−
concepts of power aiid cultural legitimation. Or, pilgrimage
 
−
Kandy is a religious act affirming traditional modes of powajj
 
−
used to maintain order and prosperity.  
 
  
  
−
II. Pilgrimage to Kandy and the Structure of Sinhalese Buddhism
+
“If a [[bhiksuni]] [[knows]] that she [i.c. the woman candidate] is not fully
 +
twenty years old, and she confers her the [[ordination]], then it is a
 +
pacittika."
  
−
The comparative study of pilgrimage has much in con
+
The introductory story to this [[precept]] in T.1428 gives a survey of the
−
with the comparative study of religion in general. Pilgrimage!
+
stages that precede the [[ordination]], i.c. the going forth ( [[pravrajya]] ) and  
−
patterns arc cross-cultural, historically archaic, and persistently
+
the probation (siksamdna) period.  
−
popular. Within these patterns both cognitive and affective fop
 
−
mutations of spiritual piety may be significant for both the per?
 
−
sonal and social orientations of existence. Also, while pilgrii
 
−
age, like religion, can be defined in relatively simplistic termsS
 
−
there is no single body of critical theory that can serve as aj
 
  
−
wholly adequate framework for its definitive interpretation.-  
+
c. T.1428, [[Bhiksunivibhanga]], Pac.125 (pp.758c29-759b2, particularly,
 +
p.759a22-24)i27 : ’
  
−
ike religion in general, pilgrimage seems to resist facile reduc¬
+
“If a [[bhiksuni]] admits a [[married]] woman of ten, and she gives her the
−
tions. It is no doubt true that the pilgrimage process ill general,
+
two-year instruction in the [[precepts]], then she may confer her the ordi¬
−
pecially from an existential perspective, manifests a uniform
+
{{Wiki|nation}} when she is fully twelve years old. If she confers her the ordi¬
−
ructure. Turner is largely correct in identifying that process
+
{{Wiki|nation}} 128 when she is younger than twelve, then it is a pacittika”
−
in terms of separation, liminality and re-aggregation.* 7 More¬
 
−
over, it is equally clear that, pilgrimage, as a devotional act, can
 
−
Result in a transformation or regenertion of social and religious
 
−
identities. However, differing types of religious behavior ob¬
 
−
servable at various sacred places of pilgrimage also indicate that
 
−
pilgrimage may not necessarily climax in “exterior mysticism,”
 
−
pr in an anti-structural, convivial,' egalitarian “communitas.” 28
 
−
Rather, a comparative study of religious behavior at various
 
−
pilgrimage sites indicates that certain sacred places are settings
 
−
for specific types of religious behaviors, not all of which con¬
 
−
form to Turner’s notion. In the case of Kandy, 1 have charac¬
 
−
terized this behavior as reverential “civitas.” 1 will now deter¬
 
−
mine the significance of pilgrimage to Kandy first within the  
 
−
context of Sinhalese Buddhist religion and then within a cross*
 
−
^cultural comparative context.
 
  
−
While pilgrimage to Kandy sustains the ethos of the public
+
The above [[precept]] (a) and the [[corresponding]] [[precepts]] in the other  
−
d.’il religion formerly administered and symbolized by the  
+
[[Vinayas]] l27 * led to the [[discussion]] whether the [[ordination]] (T.1435: the  
−
presence of the king, other sacred places in Sri Lanka and India
+
admission into the {{Wiki|community}}; T.1443: the going forth) can [[be con]]¬
−
express other dominant spiritual orientations of great impor¬
+
ferred to a [[married]] woman aged twelve, or to a woman [[married]] for  
−
tance to the Sinhalese. Bodh Gaya in India, the seal of Golama’s
+
twelve years. This [[discussion]] is [[caused]] by the use, in the {{Wiki|Chinese}}
−
|enlightenment, and Sarnath, the place of the Buddha's first
+
[[Vinayas]], as well as in the [[Pali]] and the [[Sanskrit]] texts, of an {{Wiki|ambiguous}}
−
sermon, have been for centuries the destinations of pious Bud¬
+
{{Wiki|structure}} to indicate both the age and the duration (of the [[marriage]]).
−
dhist pilgrims, especially Thcravada bhikkhus. Gunawardana
+
Moreover, the same {{Wiki|structure}} is used in another [[precept]] (b) that says that
−
has pointed out that pilgrimage to sacred places in India associ¬
+
a bhiksum who [has been [[ordained]] for] less than twelve years, may not
−
ated with the most important events in the life of Gotama con¬
+
confer the [[ordination]]: [[Pali Vinaya]] , OLDENBERG, H., [[Vinaya]] Pitdkam ,  
−
tinuously resulted in the cross-fertilization of Thcravada Bud¬
+
Vol. IV, (a) p.322; Pac.65: unadvddasavassani; (b) p:329, Pac.74:
−
dhist traditions during the medieval periods of Sinhalese
+
unadvddasavassa\ T.1421, (a) p.91a!8-19, Pac. 104: —IS; (b)
−
history . 2U Then, as now, Sarnath and, especially, Bodh Gaya,
 
−
are centers of Buddhist cultural integration,
 
−
t More importantly, howpver, observable religious behavior
 
−
at Bodh'Gaya and Sarnath has very little in common with the
 
−
ritual life carried out in Kandy. At Bodh Gaya, except for the
 
−
T. remnants of an Asokan gateway, signs of kingship and civil
 
−
^religion arc totally absent. There are no public pageants or
 
−
^processions celebrating ethnicity or nationalism. Here, the fo-  
 
  
  
−
cus is upon the mythic events surrounding the enlightenment
+
240, §210, Piic.96: T.1435, p.328b27-cl I, Pac. 116 (T.1435 docs not explicitly
−
of the Buddha. Buddhist pilgrims, escorted either by Tibetan,
+
say that the bhiksum ordains the woman, but only states that the [[bhiksuni]] admits
−
Japanese, Burmese, Thai or Sinhalese monks, visit seven holy
+
her into the order T.1443, p. 1006b25-cI0, Pac. 115.  
−
sites within the boundaries of the Mahiibodhi shrine that com¬
 
−
memorate the Buddha’s activities before, during and after his
 
−
enlightenment. The emphasis, in all forms of ritual behavior at
 
−
Bodh Gaya, is upon the paradigmatic spirituality of the Bud¬
 
−
dha, a spirituality which can be and has been emulated for
 
−
centuries by Buddhist religious virtuosos. In each of the na¬
 
−
tional temples representing the various strands of Buddhist
 
−
tradition, the lile of the Buddha is depicted cither in mural
 
−
paintings or in a series of framed pictures. Thus, at Bodh Gaya,
 
−
what is venerated is not the “this-worldly” power of the Buddha
 
−
and the means by which that power can be utilized to sustain
 
−
the moral order and prosperity of a nation, realm of kingdom.
 
−
Rather, what is quietly celebrated, in meditation and com¬
 
−
memoration, is the path to nibbana through enlightenment, of
 
−
which the lile'of the Buddha is a model. Therefore, in refer¬
 
−
ence to a frequently employed metaphor for describing the
 
−
structure ol Thcravada Buddhism (the “two wheels of
 
−
Dhamma" M> ), [[pilgrimage]] to [[Bodh Gaya]] constitutes a cultic affir¬
 
−
mation of the [[religious]] quest for an “other-worldly” [[nibbana]].  
 
−
That is, in contrast to [[Kandy]], where “this-worldly” Buddhaic
 
−
power is [[symbolized]] by the tooth-relic and its association with
 
−
. [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist]] ethnicity or nationhood, [[Bodh Gaya]] is a
 
−
place of [[pilgrimage]] celebrating [[spiritual]] {{Wiki|transcendence}} of the  
 
−
{{Wiki|social}} and {{Wiki|temporal}} [[world]], the [[path]] which leads beyond condi¬
 
−
tioned, saipsaric [[existence]]. To pul it another way, [[Kandy]] is an
 
−
axis muiuti for the establishment of orderly power in this [[world]]
 
−
while [[Bodh Gaya]] [[symbolizes]] the [[Buddhist]] quest for [[liberation]]
 
−
beyond all [[forms]] of order. Unlike [[pilgrims]] to [[Kandy]], most
 
−
[[pilgrims]] to [[Bodh Gaya]], at least until {{Wiki|modern}} times, have been
 
−
[[bhikkhus]]. In the [[life of the Buddha]] and in the [[Bodhi Tree]] that
 
−
[[symbolizes]] the [[Buddha's enlightenment]], [[bhikkhus]] envisaged
 
−
the possibility of their [[own]] [[spiritual]] emancipations. In the Bud¬
 
−
dha’s lile they find a personal model which inspires emulation.  
 
−
Here, the [[pilgrimage]] [[experience]] is one of commemorating the
 
−
[[spiritual]] [[paradigm]] of the [[master]].  
 
  
−
But the {{Wiki|social}} “this-worldly" and personal “other-worldly”
+
T. 1421 docs not contain this [[precept]], but a [[precept]] that is linked to it: Pac. 106:
−
orientations represented by [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] on the one
+
“If a [[bhiksuni]] confers (he study of the [[precepts]] [i.c. the siksamdna period] to a
 +
girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika''
  
−
hand and [[pilgrimage]] to [[Bodh Gaya]] on the other do not exhaust
+
127. OLDUNI3i : .kG, II.. [[Vinaya]] Pitakam , Yol.IV, pp.321-322, Pac.65; T.142I,  
−
all {{Wiki|dimensions}} of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist]] [[spirituality]]. Neither the
+
p.91al5-2l, Pac. 104; T.1425, pp. 535c 19-536al, Pac. 100; [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of
−
[[Buddha]] nor the power [[symbolized]] by his [[relics]] can come to the .  
+
the M.-L. School. ROTH, G., 1970, p.245, §214, Pac. 100; T.1435, p.325cll-
−
direct aid of those [[faithful]] experiencing an immediate personal
+
24, Pac. [[108]]; T.1443, pp. 1004b28-1005a29, Pac. [[108]].  
−
crisis. In times of [[physical]] [[affliction]] or [[mental]] [[anxiety]], many
 
−
[[Buddhist]] laity undertake [[pilgrimages]] to the [[shrines]] of [[deities]]
 
−
who, although occupying subordinate positions in [[relation]] to
 
−
the [[Buddha]], within the [[Sinhalese]] hierarchical [[pantheon]], arc
 
−
believed to have the power and disposition to respond to the
 
−
fervent pleas of their [[faithful]]. In modern-day [[Sri Lanka]], in¬
 
−
creasing numbers of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] make [[pilgrimages]] to
 
−
the [[shrine]] of [[Skanda]], the son of [[Siva]], also known as [[Murugan]],  
 
−
or more popularly, as [[Kataragama]]. Although [[Kataragama]] is
 
−
the [[god]] par [[excellence]] of the [[Ceylon]] [[Tamils]] ol the Jallnn pen¬
 
−
[[insula]], many [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]] participate in Kataragama’s
 
−
annual, peralidra {{Wiki|festival}}, which recalls the [[god’s]] [[mythic]] [[love]]
 
−
affair with a Vedda maiden and his establishment of a [[shrine]]
 
−
where he responds'to the needs of his {{Wiki|devotees}}. Here, [[religious experience]] and [[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} cannot be characterized in.  
 
−
terms of reverential “civitas” or commemoration of the Bud¬
 
−
dha’S 1 paradigmatic [[spirituality]]. Ralhef, the {{Wiki|cult}} ol [[Kataragama]]
 
−
involves an astonishing array of [[ascetic]] and exotic [[forms]] of
 
−
[[ritual]] {{Wiki|behavior}}, all engaged in out of either intense [[emotional]]
 
−
[[gratitude]] to [[Kataragama]] for [[healing]] various [[afflictions]], or as a
 
−
means of persuading him to intervene on the devotee’s behalf.  
 
−
The cultic ambience at [[Kataragama]] is utterly [[bhakti]]. That is, it
 
−
is decidedly [[emotional]] and devotional in tone and Ircquently
 
−
culminates in states of intense [[ecstasy]]. :u Furthermore, {{Wiki|worship}}
 
−
here is highly personal, {{Wiki|emphasizing}} the intimacy between the
 
−
[[devotee]] and his [[god]].  
 
  
−
While [[Bodh Gaya]] represents the [[nibbanic]] orientation or
+
128. This coincides with the [[Pali Vinaya]], T.1421, T.1425, and the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]]  
−
model of [[spiritual]] quest ideally emulated by the Thcravada
+
of the M.-L. School. T.1435 docs not explicitly say that the [[bhiksuni]] ordains the
−
[[bhikkhu]], and while [[Kandy]] represents the public civil [[religion]]  
+
woman, but only stales that the [[bhiksuni]] admits her into the order (^rflFSO,
−
legitimated by the presence of the tooth-relic and its {{Wiki|past}} associ¬
+
while T.1443 slates that she gives her the going forth.
−
ation with [[traditional]] power, [[Kataragama]] is a [[sacred place]]
 
−
where {{Wiki|individuals}} can appeal to [[perceived]] active [[divine power]]
 
−
to intercede on their behalf. [[Kataragama]] is not a [[Buddha]] who
 
−
has transcended saipsara, nor is he a [[protector]] ol the {{Wiki|nation}}¬
 
−
[[state]]. He represents a [[form]] of [[sacral]] power that is immediately
 
−
accessible to the common [[person]] in times of great personal
 
  
 +
p.90cl5, Pac.l02:^S5+Z^; T.1425, (a) p.535c26, Pac. 100:
  
−
need. Ecstatic and petitionary devotionalism at [[Kataragama]] is
+
Wi\ (b) p.533a29-bl, Pac.92:M+~R5); [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the [[Maha]]-
−
thus quite different from the [[spirituality]] of the [[bhikkhus]], ■
+
samghika-Lokottaravada School, ROTH, G., 1970, (a) p.245, §214,
−
whose [[religious]] quests are based upon rigorous self-ellort or <
+
Pac. 100: una-dvddasa-varsdnt\ (b) p.232, §206, Pac.92: unadvddasa -  
−
[[spiritual]] [[discipline]]. [[Kataragama]] represents “[[other-power]]”
+
[[varsa]]\ T.1428, (a) p.759a24, Pac.125: M+H; (b) p.761c5,Pac.l31:
−
[[manifest]] in “this-world.” Although the power of the tooth-relic
+
^jffi+Hg£;T.1435, (a) p.325c21, Pac.108: (b) p.325b
−
in [[Kandy]] might also be described in this way, its power was (and
 
−
is) [[traditionally]] appropriated for the general well-being of the
 
−
[[king]] and thus the {{Wiki|nation}}, while the power of the [[god]] Katara¬
 
−
[[gama]] is enlisted for the [[benefit]] of any {{Wiki|individual}} [[devotee]] who is
 
−
willing to undertake austerities of [[self-mortification]] to express
 
−
deep [[faith]].  
 
  
−
By comparing [[pilgrimage]] to Bodh {{Wiki|Gay}}& and [[Kataragama]]
+
12-13,Pac. 106: ft; T.1443, (a) p.l0C5a25, Pac.l08:*P?fc$+ #
−
with [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]], we see beginning to emerge a struc¬
 
−
ture reflective of [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhist religion]] in general, a reli¬
 
−
gion replete with varying modalities of [[religious experience]]
 
−
and [[religious]] expression. That is, none of the [[pilgrimages]] can
 
−
be singled out as [[embodying]] a [[root]] {{Wiki|metaphor}} [[characteristic]] of
 
−
the general [[spiritual]] quest of all [[Sinhalese]] [[Buddhists]]. Rather,
 
−
what this comparison suggests is that there are at least three
 
−
major orientations within [[Sinhalese]] [[religion]]: 1) [[Bodh Gaya]], a
 
−
[[pilgrimage]] site commemorating the [[enlightenment experience]]
 
−
of the paradigmatic [[Gotama]], represents the [[spiritual]] orienta¬
 
−
tion of the [[Theravada]] [[bhikkhu]] quest for nibb&na through- en-
 
−
lightenmem; 2) [[Kataragama]], a [[pilgrimage]] site where-access to
 
−
transformative “this-worldly" [[sacral]] power is sought, represents
 
−
the orientation of the [[faithful]] [[lay devotee]] for whom the enlight¬
 
−
enment quest of the [[bhikkhu]] is but a distant {{Wiki|future}} possibility;
 
−
and 3) [[Kandy]], a [[pilgrimage]] site where [[religion]] legitimates a
 
−
people’s [[religious]], {{Wiki|cultural}} and {{Wiki|political}} {{Wiki|past}} and {{Wiki|present}}
 
−
through civil {{Wiki|ceremony}}, represents an orientation shared by
 
−
[[bhikkhu]] and [[layman]] alike: a national quest to preserve and
 
−
promote the [[religion]] of the [[Buddha]] and consequently to main¬
 
−
tain [[prosperity]] and [[moral]] order in [[society]] as a whole.
 
  
−
These three [[religious]] orientations, which are evident from
+
(b) p. 1004a 18, Pac. 106: *«H-:ij8).  
−
this [[consideration]] of types of [[pilgrimage]] within [[Sinhalese]] reli¬
 
−
gion, arc not, however, entirely unrelated. What all three pil¬
 
−
grimages have in common is functional in [[nature]]: the need to
 
−
cope with various [[manifestations]] of [[dukkha]] ([[suffering]], unsatis-  
 
−
factoriness), the basic problem of [[human existence]] as [[perceived]]
 
−
from within the [[Buddhist]] {{Wiki|world view}}. 3 * Thus, [[Sinhalese]] rcli-
 
  
−
gious [[beliefs]] and practices, as they can be ascertained through a
+
As we can see, the above mentioned structures do not permit to decide
−
study of [[pilgrimages]], represent complementary modes of re¬
+
whether the age of the candidate or the years she has been [[married]] are
−
sponse to specific aspects of the [[human]] [[condition]]. While [[dukkha]]
+
indicated.  
−
is specified in particular fashion by {{Wiki|individuals}} on the basis of
 
−
their [[own]] personal [[experiences]], types of response are in part
 
−
determined by [[religious]] role (lay or [[monastic]]). From this per¬
 
−
spective, [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] is [[ritual]] participation in public
 
−
{{Wiki|ceremonies}} [[traditionally]] designed to avert civil, {{Wiki|ethnic}}, or na¬
 
−
tional {{Wiki|disintegration}}. That is, within the total field ol [[Sinhalese]]
 
−
[[religion]], {{Wiki|mass}} [[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]] represents continued affir¬
 
−
mation of the sacralizing power of the [[Buddha]] to meet the
 
−
collective material and social'needs of the [[people]]. The “emo¬
 
−
tional response” 33 of thousands of peasants to the tooth-relic’s
 
−
annual procession attests to its continuing [[perceived]] efficacy as
 
−
[[sacral]] power. Or finally, to [[phrase]] this another way, [[pilgrimage]]
 
−
to [[Kandy]] is [[ari]] act of collective allegiance to the [[traditional]]  
 
−
[[religious]] way of [[life]] upon which the indigenous order of {{Wiki|social}}
 
−
and economic [[existence]] has been based.  
 
  
 +
The usual age to receive the [[ordination]] is twenty. If a [[bhiksuni]] ordains
 +
a younger woman, she commits a pacittika Offense (i.e. Pac.121, see
 +
before). In the [[latter]] [[precept]], no difference between a single girl* or a
 +
[[married]] woman is mentioned. It is, however, [[interesting]] to note that in
 +
all the [[Vinayas]] 12 * two different terms to indicate the woman candidate
 +
appear: in the [[precept]] that says that a woman should be twenty years old
 +
to receive the [[ordination]], the terms used to indicate the woman are the
 +
{{Wiki|Chinese}} 25]£c (girl), the [[Pali]] kumdribhutd (girl), and the [[Sanskrit]] 3 *
 +
kumdribhutd (girl), while in the [[precept]] concerning the [[married]] woman
 +
candidate *hc terms to indicate the woman are the {{Wiki|Chinese}}
 +
(T.1428), m: (T.1421, T.1435, T.1443), M (T.1425), the [[Pali]] g/Ai-
 +
gatd, and the [[Sanskrit]] 3 * grhicaritu . Although the use of these different
 +
terms in the two [[precepts]] clearly indicate that a single girl and a [[married]]
 +
woman are to be {{Wiki|distinguished}} at the [[moment]] they want to become a
 +
member of the order, the question whether for the [[married]] woman the
 +
age of the candidate or the years she has been [[married]] arc indicated still'
 +
remains.
  
−
III. Cross-cultural Comparisons to the [[Kandyan]] [[Pilgrimage]]  
+
Some introductory stories to this [[precept]], however, clearly indicate
 +
that the age of the candidate is to be understood: the introductory stories
 +
preceding the [[precept]] in T.1425 and in the [[Bhiksunivibhanga]] of the
 +
Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School relate how the [[nuns]] notice that
  
−
In his recent [[book]] on [[pilgrimage]] and [[Christian]] {{Wiki|culture}}, Victor
+
129. Except for T.442I, ail [[die]] [[Vinayas]] contain the [[precept]] concerning the minimum
−
Turner has identified [[Kandy]] as a “prototypical" [[pilgrimage]]. By
+
age of twenty of the woman candidate (see note 126), and all the [[Vinayas]] also
−
“prototypical," he means “those [[pilgrimages]] which, on the au¬
+
contain the [[precept]] concerning the [[married]] woman candidate (see note 127).  
−
thority of documentary or widespread [[traditional]] {{Wiki|evidence}},
+
Although T. 1421 docs not contain the former [[precept]], it contains a [[precept]] that is
−
were established by the founder of a historical [[religion]], by his
+
linked to it: Pac. 106: “If a [[bhiksuni]] confers the study of (he [[precepts]] [i.e. the
−
first [[disciples]], or by important national evangelists....’’ He
+
siksamdna period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a
−
continues: “Such [[pilgrimages]], though sometimes founded on
+
pacittika ”
−
[[ancient]] sites, dramatically manifest—in their [[symbolism]],
 
−
charter [[Wikipedia:narrative|narratives]], {{Wiki|ecclesiastical}} {{Wiki|structure}}, and general interna¬
 
−
tional repute—the {{Wiki|orthodoxy}} of the [[faith]] from which they have
 
−
sprung, and remain consistent with [[root]] [[paradigms]].” He goes,
 
−
on to cite as examples [[Jerusalem]] and {{Wiki|Rome}} for [[Christianity]],  
 
−
Me£ca for {{Wiki|Islam}}, [[Benares]] and Ml. [[Kailas]] for [[Hinduism]] and
 
−
[[Kandy]] for [[Buddhism]]. {{Wiki|Syncretic}} or arcliaic [[pilgrimages]], which
 
−
constitute his second type, are {{Wiki|distinguished}} from “prototypi¬
 
−
cal” [[pilgrimages]] in that they [[manifest]] “quite evident traces of  
 
−
[[syncretism]] with older [[religious]] [[beliefs]] and [[symbols]].” Finally,
 
−
limiting the third and fourth types of [[pilgrimages]] to examples
 
  
−
taken only from the [[Christian]] [[tradition]], he distinguishes be--|8|
 
−
tween “{{Wiki|medieval}}” [[pilgrimages]] “which take their tone from the.
 
−
{{Wiki|theological}} and [[philosophical]] {{Wiki|emphasis}} of that epoch,” and 's|jj
 
−
“{{Wiki|modern}}” [[pilgrimages]] which “are characterized by a highlyfjgK
 
−
devotional tone and the fervent personal piety of their adher- ? ^J
 
−
ents.” With further regard to {{Wiki|modern}} [[pilgrimages]], he stales 9
 
−
that they “[[form]] an important part of the system df apologetics Jp|
 
−
deployed against the advancing secularization of the post-Dar-SaS
 
−
winian [[world]].”-' 1 -
 
  
−
'the great strength of Turner’s interpretive model and htsiH
 
−
typological {{Wiki|schema}} is that it attempts to ascertain the intimate'|B
 
−
[[nature]] of relations which might [[exist]] between {{Wiki|metaphor}} andJra
 
−
[[ritual]], [[belief]] and practice, or [[spiritual]] and {{Wiki|social}} [[experiences]].^^
 
−
By appealing to [[Wikipedia:cognition|cognitive]] structures ([[myth]], [[beliefs]] and their)3g
 
−
{{Wiki|metaphorical}} {{Wiki|expressions}}) on the one hand, and their idiomatici^
 
−
[[ritual]] expression within historical and {{Wiki|social}} contexts on thecal
 
−
other, Turner has advanced a {{Wiki|theoretical}} tour de force that is||j
 
−
especially relevant to diachronic frames of-reference. r|j|
 
  
−
Yet, it does not necessarily follow that his classification3p
+
[[married]] women, accepted into the order, arc able to endure hard work
−
{{Wiki|schema}}, developed to interpret the significance of [[pilgrimage]]^
+
and seem to be very smart. Therefore, the [[nuns]] ask if it is permissible to
−
in [[Christian]] {{Wiki|culture}}, is easily portable. .  
+
confer the [[ordination]] to [[married]] women who are less than twenty years
 +
old (i.c. the usual age for an [[ordination]]). 130 After [[Buddha]] has given the
 +
permission, the [[nuns]] confer the [[ordination]] to young [[married]] women
 +
who are only eight [[or nine]] years old. These women* however, arc too
 +
small and feeble to endure hard work. [[Buddha]] then says that the ordina¬
 +
tion cannot be conferred to a [[married]] woman who is less than twelve
 +
years old.  
  
−
In attempting to confirm Turncr*s*classification of Kandy,j8
+
The introductory story to this [[precept]] in T.1443 131 clearly says that
−
as a “prototypical" [[pilgrimage]], I have encountered a variety ofaB
+
[[married]] women of the age of twelve have the same capacities as single
−
problems. For instance, [[Kandy]] [[scents]] to meet all of the criteria'll
+
women of the age of eighteen, and that the two-year instruction of the  
−
Turner cites as indicative of his last three types of [[pilgrimage]]: it9
+
[[siksamana]] can be conferred to them.
−
is highly {{Wiki|syncretic}} (veneration of [[Hindu gods]] [[forms]] an impor-ii
 
−
tant part of the [[ritual]] proceedings), it is late {{Wiki|medieval}} (havingJ|
 
−
been established by Klrti Sri in the middle of the eighteenth]?
 
−
century), and, as Scncviratne argues, it is an indigenous cul^l
 
−
tural response to modernity. With reference to its being “{{Wiki|protons}}
 
−
typical,” while it is true that [[Kandy]] is regarded, especially with-1
 
−
in [[Sri Lanka]], as a center of {{Wiki|orthodoxy}} (given the presence ofl
 
−
two prestigious [[monastic]] chapters), one wonders about lhe|
 
−
{{Wiki|orthodoxy}} of the “[[root]] [[paradigm]]" to which it is “[[faithful]].” Whai|
 
−
[[ritual]] [[life]] at [[Kandy]] does depict is the intimate relationship estab-y
 
−
lished in [[Sri Lanka]] between [[spiritual]] and {{Wiki|temporal}} power, or#
 
−
between [[religion]] and {{Wiki|politics}} and the {{Wiki|structure}} of [[society]]. Pci-*§
 
−
haps this may be regarded as a “[[root]] [[paradigm]]” for a tradi||
 
−
lional public {{Wiki|structure}}, but it does not really reflect a [[spiritual]]^
 
−
[[paradigm]] to be emulated personally by {{Wiki|individual}} [[Buddhist]]^
 
  
 +
The introductory stories to this [[precept]] in the three above mentioned
 +
Yinayas indicate, without any [[doubt]], that the real age of the [[married]]
 +
woman is to be understood in the [[precept]] they introduce, and’ not the
 +
duration of the [[marriage]]. The introductory stories to this [[precept]] in the
 +
other Yinaya s, however, give no [[information]] that enables us to decide
 +
between these two possibilities: the [[Pali]] Yinaya, T.1421, and T.1428
 +
only say that [[married]] women younger than twelve - or [[married]] for less
 +
than twelve years - do not possess the necessary capacities to become a
 +
[[nun]], whereas T.1435 gives no [[information]] at all.
  
−
[[Bodh Gaya]] bn the other hand, does, and [[Kataragama]] and oth¬
+
130. T.1425, p. 535e21-22: hi j; Wuksunivihhany % a of the M.-L. School, Ro m
−
er [[shrines]] provide a complementary personal orientation for
 
−
the laity. I do not mean to ignore the private orientation of
 
−
[[pilgrimage]] to [[Kandy]]; but even when one takes into account
 
−
that {{Wiki|individual}} [[pilgrims]] petition the power of the [[relic]] for their
 
−
[[own]] personal [[reasons]], one is still left with the problem of recon¬
 
−
ciling this kind of [[religious]] {{Wiki|behavior}} to the "[[root]] [[paradigm]]” of
 
−
the [[Buddha's]] quest of [[enlightenment]] through self-effort.
 
−
These considerations lead me to call into question the compari¬
 
−
son of [[Kandy]] to other such “prototypiad” [[pilgrimages]].  
 
  
−
[[Kandy]] is not a “[[Mecca]]” of the [[Buddhist]] [[world]]. While An-
+
Ci., 1970, p.245, §214: u/iu-vimsuti-vursam. The only way to interpret these _
−
garika Dharmnpala once referred to [[Bodh Gaya]] as “the Bud¬
+
structures is Mess than twenty years old’, the age of twenty years being the  
−
dhist Jersusalem”* 5 during his fight to return [[Buddhist]] [[sacred places]] in [[India]] to [[Buddhist]] hands, nowhere docs one find re¬
+
normal age to receive the [[ordination]]. Since [[married]] women appear to be very
−
ferences within the [[tradition]] that make such grandiose claims
+
capable, the [[nuns]] ask to allow an exception for these women so that they can be
−
about [[Kandy]]. More accurately, [[Kandy]] represents simulta¬
+
[[ordained]] before they arc twenty years old.  
−
neously a [[sacred]] palce of [[pilgrimage]] anil the traditional-center
 
−
of [[Sinhalese]] highland ethnicity. [[Kandy]] is not a “center out
 
−
'r there,” in the peripheral [[sense]] in which Turner coined the
 
−
[[phrase]]. Rather, it has more in common with regional {{Wiki|cultural}}
 
−
r ccntefS in [[India]] that are also accorded sacralily due the promi-  
 
−
[ nent presence of a [[ritual]] [[symbol]] that evokes recurrent send-  
 
−
I ments of religio-cthnic heritage and autonomy legitimated by
 
−
I- [[sacral]] power. In considering comparable sacrcu places, [[Kandy]]
 
−
| has more in common with the [[Sikh]] center of Amritsar in the  
 
−
'/ [[Punjab]] with its [[Golden Temple]], within which is housed the  
 
−
[[Guru]] Granlh Sahib, a [[symbol]] of [[God’s]] continuing providence.  
 
−
| Or again, [[Kandy]] is somewhat similar to Santa Fe, [[New Mexico]],  
 
−
s; and the associated [[symbol]] of Our Lacly of Conquest.™ In both
 
−
f of these examples, [[ritual]] proceedings, cither in the [[form]] of
 
−
jf annual processions or in {{Wiki|individual}} acts of [[devotion]] which take
 
−
l place at specific [[shrines]] within the precincts of a [[sacred]] center,
 
−
f celebrate the special {{Wiki|past}} relationship enjoyed between a [[people]]
 
−
i and the [[divine]], however the [[divine]] is [[perceived]]. That is, [[sacred]]
 
  
−
( places like [[Kandy]] arc sustained in [[popularity]] because they af¬
+
Another, theoretic::!, [[interpretation]] of the request of the [[nuns]] would be: is it
−
firm the unique religio-cultural [[Wikipedia:Identity (social science)|identity]] of a given [[people]].
+
permissible to confer the [[ordination]] to a woman who has been [[married]] for less
−
Thus, the attnictive power of [[Kandy]] as a [[sacred place]] of pil-
+
than twenty years? If this request is not granted, it would imply that [[married]]
−
• grimage is due less to pan-Buddhist associations than to a par-  
+
women necessarily have to be older than twenty years at the time of their ordi¬
−
. ticular people’s [[understanding]] of its special, historical [[relation]]-
+
{{Wiki|nation}}, and that for some [[reason]] their [[ordination]] has to be postponed and cannot
−
: ship to [[sacral]] power, which in the {{Wiki|past}} insured their continued
+
be conferred at the usual age of twenty years. Since the introductory story to the
 +
[[precept]] tells us how these [[married]] woman arc smart and capable to endure hard
 +
work - which rrtcans that they possess the capacities to become a [[nun]] - it is clear
 +
that this brings the [[nuns]] to the [[idea]] to ask for an exception for these [[married]]  
 +
women so that they can confer them the [[ordination]] at an earlier (and not at a
 +
later) age titan the usual one.
  
 +
Sec also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 392-393.
  
−
collective legitimated [[existence]] in the face of the ambiguities of
+
131. T.1443, p. I004cl-10.
−
[[life]], understood [[traditionally]] by them as [[dukkha]].
 

Revision as of 17:42, 30 November 2020

I have attempted to construct a new typology for pilgrim¬ ages, which 1 believe is more relevant to the inherent structures of .Sinhalese religion. Rather than basing this typology upon historical origins, as Turner has done in his own work, I have concluded that a typology based upon types of religious exper¬ iences and religious behavior is more fitting. Pilgrimages in Sri Lanka reflect the three-fold orientation of Sinhalese religion: the paradigmatic spirituality of the Buddha, the civil religion of the Sinhalese people, and, as Obeyesekere has recently charac¬ terized it, “the rising tide of bhakti religiosity in Buddhist Sri Lanka." 37 By understanding the significance of pilgrimage within these three orientations, we can gain a more accurate awareness of how a people of central importance to the history and maintenance of the Buddhist tradition have articulated the various dimensions of their own spirituality through a recog¬ nizable modality of religious expression that is culturally ubi- quitious.


NOTES

1. Nancy Falk uses this phrase lo designate the tradition "in which the Buddha is said lo have authorized Unit the familiar pilgrims* visits to the great sites associated with Ins life and the practices associated with his relics and stupus." See Nancy Falk, “To (laze on the Sacred Traces,” Hisioty of Religions 10 (May, 1977), p. 285, n. 15; for the canonical version of the origins ol relic veneration, sec A/ ahdpannibhdna Suttduta in Dfgha Nikdya (Dialogues of the Uuddha), n ans, and ed. by T. W. Rhys Davids in Sacred Books of the Bud¬ dhists, Vol, 3 (London: Pali Text Society, 1977; first published in ill 10): pp. 154-57 and pp. 185-91.

2. See further discussion and relevant bibliography in Frank Reynolds, “The Several Bodies of Buddha: Reflections on a Neglected Aspect of Thera* vada Tradition.” History of Religions 10 (May, 1977): pp. 374-89.

3. Even before the arrival of the tooth relic in the 4thxentury C. E., relics assumed major imjK>i lance in the ritual life and symbolism of Sinhalese roy¬ alty. For a summary, see Tilak Hctliarachy, History of Kingship in Ceylon up to thehturth Century A. 1 ). (Colombo: Lakchousc Investments, 1972), pp. 25-29 /Kissim; for another excellent study of the prominence of relics in relation to royal imagery, see Alice Greenwald, “The Relic on the Spear: Historiography and the Saga ol Duuhagamanl,” in Bardwel! Smith, ed., Religion and the Legiti-

motion of Rower in Sri Lanka (Chaiubcrsburg, PA: Auiina Books, 1978), pp. 1-3-35.—

4. A detailed summary of the legend may be found in G. P. Mulalase- kera, The Pali Literature of Ceylon (Colombo: M. D, Gunasena and Co., 1928), pp. 65-68; and A. M. Hocart, The Temple of the Tooth in Kandy , Memoirs of the Archeological Survey of Ceylon, Vol, IV (London: Luzac and Co., 1931), pp. 1-5.

5. Walpola Rahula notes that according to the Da(hawn{isa, Dauiapura was located in Kalinga. Cf. A Histoty of Buddhism in Ceylon (Colombo: M. D. Gunasena, 1956), p. 97. He further cites Percey Brown’s Indian Architecture , wherein Brown identifies Dantapura with Puri or Bhubaneswar. Brown be¬ lieves that the Jagganath Temple “occupies the site of sonic still more ancient monument, not improbably the shrine of the Buddha's tooth at Dantapura.”

6. Mahdvajjisa , Wilhelm Geiger, ed. and trails. (London: Luzac and Co, 1964; originally publisned in I9l2),'pp. 89-96. flic Uaihawmsa account was no doubt intended to establish the same degree of authenticity for the da(ndd as the AT aluivatiisa account had done for the Alms-Bowl Relic.

7. The language of “righteousness” consistently applied to ritual and ethical acts of the king is rooted ifi conceptions of Buddhist kingship mod¬ elled after the ideal cakravartin (“turner or the wheel” of righteousness). For scriptural accounts of the cakravArtin ideal in the Therav&da canon, see the Cakkavatti’Sihandda and Aggailha suttas in the Dlglu i Nikdya 4,59-76 and 77- 94, For detailed interpretations see S. J. Tanibiah, World Coiujuewr, World Retwuncer (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 32-72; B. Smith, “The Ideal Social Order as Puli rayed in the Chronicles of Ceylon,” in Smith, ed., The Two Wheels of Dlwmma (ChamlxM'sburg, PA: American Academy of Religion, 1972), pp. 31-57; B. G. Gokhale, “Early Buddhist Kingship,” Journal of Asian Studies 26 (1966), pp. 15-22; and especially E. Sarkisyanz, Buddhist Back-gtoutuls of the Bume.se Hexmlution fllie Hague: Mar- linus Nijholf, 1965), pp. 10-97; Joseph Kitagawa’s brief article “Buddhism and Asian Politics,” Asian Suwey 2 (1962), contains a brief overview of the theme.

8. This belief, set forth in the oj>cnmg pages of the Maluiwunsa, is exam¬ ined in detail by Regina Clifford, “The Dhammadlpa Tradition or Sri Lanka: Three Models within the Sinhalese Chronicles,” in Smith, ed., Religion and Legiliuutlion , pp. 36-47.

9. F4-Hien, A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, trails, by James Legge (Lon¬ don: Oxford University Press, 1886; reprint ed., New York: Dover Publica¬ tions, 1965), pp. 104-07.

10. Malalasekera, p. 66; cf. G. C. Mcndis, The Early Histoty of Ceylon (Calcutta: YMCA Publishing House, 1954), pp. 58-59; Howard Wriggins, Ceylon: Dilemmas of a New Notion (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, i960), p. 180 n. 18, compares it to the crown of Si. Stephen in Hungary. Other scholars have compared it to Constantine's Labarum and Thailand’s Holy Emerald Buddha.

11. Bard well Smith, “Polonnaruva as a Ceremonial Complex: Sinhalese Cultural Identity and the Dilemmas of Pluralism,” in A. K. Narain, ed.. Studies


in Hi\hn of buddhism (New Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 19HU), p. 310.

12. Tuinbiah. World Conqueror, p. 90, cites a lentil century inscription which reads: "The king is a Bodhisatlva on whom the Sang ha bestows king-' ship..."

13. Uardwell Smith, "The Ideal Social Order,” p. 50.

14. On the manner in which Kirti Sri strengthened his reign in the eyes of the Kandyan aristocracy by means of the numerous reforms he intro¬ duced, see L. S. Dewaraja, The Kandyan Kingdom of Ceylon % 1707-1760 (Co¬ lombo; Like House Investments, 1972, esp. pp. 94-118.

15. Sir Richard Alumhare, The Kandy Esala Perahara (Colombo: Ceylon Daily News, 1952), p. 2.

I (i. Kitsiri NI alalgoda, li uddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750 - I 900 , (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970), p. 04.

17. H. L. Seucviratnc, Rituals of the Kandyan State (Cambridge, UK: Cam¬ bridge University Press, 1978), pp. 71-72 writes that the kapa symbolize the sacred center or axis muitdi of the kingdom.

18. The phrase belongs to Clifford Geertz, who defines it as "the theory that the court-and-capital is at once a microcosm of the supernatural order— an image of the universe on a smaller scale—and the material cmlxKliment of the political order. It is not just the nucleus or the engine, or the pivot of the state, it is the state. The equation of the seat of rule with the dominion of rule is more than an accidental metaphor; it is a settlement of a controlling politi¬ cal idea—namely, that by the mere act of providing a model, a paragon, a faultless image of civilized existence, the court shapes the world around it into at least a rough approximation of its own excellence. The ritual life of the court, and in fact, the life of the court generally, is thus paradigmatic, not merely reflective, of social order. What it is reflective of, the priests declare, is a supernatural order, ‘the timeless Indian world* of the gods upon which men should, in strict proportion for their status, seek to pattern their lives.” In Negara: The Theatre-State in Nineteenth Century Pali (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981), p. 13. Tambiah applies the "doctrine ol die exempla¬ ry center” to medieval Thai polity in World Conqueror , p. 123; Smith—citing ' Paul Wheatley's Pivot of the Four Quarters (Chicago: Aldine Press, 1971), Rob¬ ert Red field’s and M ilton Singer's "The Cultural Role of Cities,” Economic Developm* nt and Cultural Change 3 (1954): 53—72) and Robert Heine-GeldemV classic "Conceptions of Stale and Kingship in Southeast Asia," Data Papen Number 18, Southeast Asia Program (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1956), pp. 1-3—applies the model to ritual life in Polounaruva, in "Sinhalese Cul¬ tural Identity,” pp. 295 and 308-10. Its application to Kandy is self evident.

19. Malalgoda, pp. 118. quotes a British official upon the relic’s seizure: "We have this day obtained the surest proof of the confidence of the Kandyan nation and their acquiescence in the Dominion of British Government.”

20. Culture of Ceylon in Medieval Times, Heinz Bcchcrt, cd„ (Wiesbaden: Otto Marrassowiu. I960), p. 215.

21. Scncviratnc, pp. 137-46.

22. Ibid., p. 1?7.

23. Ibid., pp. 112-14; cf., Nur Yalman, Under the Bo Tree: Studies in Caste , Kinship and Marriage in the interior of Ceylon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), p. 58.

24. For an excellent assessment of Buddhism’s political participation in recent Sinhalese politics, see Wriggins, Dilemmas, pp. 169-210; for a study of modern Buddhist political thought in Sri Lanka, see Bruce Matthews, "The Sinhalese Buddhist Altitude Toward Parliamentary Democracy,” Ceylon Jour¬ nal of Historical and Social Studies 6 (July-Dee., 1976), pp. 34-47; and Urmila Phadnis, Religion and Politics in Sri Lunka (New Delhi: Munohar Book Service, 1976).

25. Kdyena vded ciltena Pamddena tnayd katam Accnyaqi kluima me hhante Bhuripaiiha Tathdgata.

Uevo vax\atu kale no Sassusam patthiheiu ca;

PUo bhavalu loko ca; *

Raja bluwatu diuunmiko .

Akasa({hd c<ubhumma((lui Dcvd juigd MahidJhikd Punmn law anumodilvd Ciraqi rakkluintu lokasa.sunow.

Cited in^Hocart, p. 27.

20. Seneviratnc', p. 120.

27. Victor Turner, "The Center out there: Pilgrim's Coal,” History of Religions 12 (February, 1973), 213-15.

28. Ibid., p. 193. Passim. -

29. R. A. L. I I. Gunawardana, Robe and Plough: Monastirism and Economic Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka (Tucson: University of Arizona Press. 1979; Association for Asian Studies Monograph Scries. No. XXXV), pp. 260-62.

30. Reynolds, "The Two Wheels of Dliamtna: A Study of Lilly Bud¬ dhism," in Smith, Two Wheels , pp. 6-30.

31. For descriptions of cubic life at Kataragama, see Paul Wirz. Katara- gama: The Holiest Place in Ceylon , translated from the German by Dons B. Pralle (Colombo: Lake House, 1966); Gauanath Obeyesekere, "The Fire Walkers of Kataragama: The Rise of Bhakti Religiosity in Buddhist’Sri Lanka, "Journal of Asian Studies 37 (May, 1978), pp. 457-78; and Bryan Pfaf- fenberger, "The Kataragama Pilgrimage: Hindu-Buddhist Interaction and its Significance in Sri Lanka’s Polyethnic Social System,” Journal of Asian Studies 38 (February, 1979), pp. 253-70.

32. Cf. John Halverson, “Religion and Psycho-social Development in Sinhalese Buddhism "Journal of Asian Studies 37 (February, 1978). pp. 221- 32.


33. Scncvir.itnc, p. 1*17.

3*1. Turner. Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New ^ ork: Colum¬ bia University Pi css, 11178), pp. 17-19.

35. Malatgoda. p. 255.

’ 36. Sec (lie ireatmctil of public symbols and civil religion in Ronald ('.rimes. Symbol and Conquest: Public and Ritual Drama in Santa Fe. New Mexico (lihaca, NY; Cornell University Press, 1976).

37. Olieyesekerc, “Fire-Walkers,*’ p. <157.

A New Approach to the InLra- Madhyamika Confrontation over the Svatantrika and Prasangika Methods of Refutation


by Shohei Ichimura

There is good reason to believe that the Vigrahavyavartaui (Vi- graha. hereafter), one of the definitive works of NSgStjuna, was not only the starting point of controversy between Naiy&yika logicians and Madhyamika dialecticians, but also the fountain¬ head of the intra-Buddhist controversy which divided the Madhyamika into two camps: the Svatantrika and the PrSsah- gika schools. While the intensity of Hindu-Buddhist confronta¬ tion exhibited in classical and medieval India is understandable in view of their doctrinal differences, the intensity of the intra- Madhyamika confrontation is somewhat surprising, as the two camps held the same doctrine, i.e., universal emptiness (Sunya- td), differing only in their methods of demonstrating it. The Svatantrika and the Prasangika, respectively, relied on the syl¬ logistic and dialectic 1 forms of argument, both of which, in fact, were given by Nagarjuna in the Vigraha. The intra-Madhya- mika dispute, though no doubt contributing to the cause of methodological refinement, seems at times to have lost sight of the middle course. In this respect, 1 am inclined to think that the two methods should i>e given equal analysis, for the sake of a clearer understanding of their common doctrinal insight and method of demonstration. The pur pose of this paper is to open the way to a more balanced analysis of the contesting methods in terms of the logical principle of anvaya-vyalireka .*


eventually decides the ease, asks (and not states, as translated previously): “Indeed, has the Buddha prescribed somewhere a parajika with regard to a penny ( masaka) or even less than a penny?” The answer to this question is of course “no”: apatti thullaccayassa ... atirekamasako va unapancamasako vJ, Vin III 54, 22, cf. Ill 47, 3 “it is a grave offence (but no parajika ), [if the stolen goods arc worth} more than a masaka or less than five masaka .” Thus Godha reverts the earlier verdict that there had bc^n a theft, and rightly so.

The Application of the Vinaya Term nasana 1

The first section in the book of Buddhist monastic discipline (Vinaya- j

pitaka) is known as parajika. The significance of these rules is ernpha- j

sized by the fact that out of the list of 220 prescriptions which arc .1

recited fortnightly ( patimokkha) only these four rules are announced to '1

a newly ordained monk immediately alter full ordination (upasampaiia\

Vin I 96.20-97.18) 2 . The transgression of one of the parajika rules leads to the monk's or nun’s permanent and irreversible loss of status as a fully ordained member of the order. , ; j

Buddhist law as specified in the Vinayapitaka is generally based on the >

concept that an offence is established only after the offender pleads guilty. 3 Consequently, if an offender is aware of his parajika offence and leaves the order on his own initiative, the Vinaya describes no concrete act of Expulsion by the Samgha. Rather the' actual status of a person guilty of such a transgression is rendered by the words ayam pi parajiko hoti asatfivaco, “This one has committed a parajika and (there¬ fore) is without (any) communion” (c.g. Vin 111 46.20**; cf. Vin IV 213.37**-38**) 4 .

There are, however, a few instances in the Vinayapitaka where another term is applied to express that a person has to leave the order, namely nasana, naseti etc. This state of affairs led Isalinc Blew HORNUK in her English translation of the Vinayapitaka to the conclusion that the verb

1. I wish herewith to express my gratitude to Prof. Osxar von HinOber. who kindly sent me material on the term nasana which he had collected, and provided very helpful suggestions. Additionally, I wish to draw the reader’s attention to an article written by 6dith NOLOT, which is published in the Journal of the Pali Text Society XXIII (“Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms VI"). There NOLOT provides an extremely useful systematic collection of the material on nasana in the Pali and Sanskrit sources.

2. Nuns have to observe eight parajika rules which arc announced to them a lie full ordination (Vin II274.23-24).

3. Cf. VON HinOber, “Buddhist Law”, p. 11.

4. In the casuistries the expression is upattim tvam bhikkhu apanno parujikam ,

“You, monk, have committed a parajika offence” (c.g. Vin HI 57.14-15).


ndscti in the Suttavibhahga generally refers to the expulsion of members of ti e order who have committed a parajika offence (BD I, p. xxvii). This statement will be qualified in this paper.

In the eldest stratum of the Vinaya , the Patimokkha , ndsand with respect to monks or nuns is used in only one instance, that is Parajika 2 of the Bhikkhunivibhaiiga (Vin IV 216.31**-217.3**). 5 This rule forbids nuns to keep quiet about the parajika offence of a fellow nun. 6 “Has been expelled'* (ndsita) in this rule is listed in a series of verbs expressing that the nun guilty of a parajika offence has not left the order in the usual wry, but rather that she kept quiet about her misdeed for a certain period before finally leaving the order for another reason. Indeed, both the forced and the voluntary leaving of the order are clearly contrasted here by the use of the terms ndsita and avasaia (Vin IV 216.33**-34** and 217.13-15). Thus Parajika 2 of the BhikkhunU vibhanga indicates that the expulsion ndsand of nuns (and monks) comes about when they, after committing a parajika , keep their deed quiet and as a result fail to leave the order on their own initiative. In this case the Samgha is apparently forced to take an active role in the expulsion of the offender. The procedure of expulsion, however, is nof dcscribccUn the Vinaya.

Another reference in the Vinaya also uses ndsand inxonnpction with a parajika offence (Vin 1 173.20-22): A monk, whp is accused of a parajika offence during the pavdrana ceremony at the end of the rainy

5. In another passage of the pdfimokkha , ndsand docs not refer to fully ordained individuals but to novices (ja/mwenz) (see below, p.99).

6. The text of this rule in OLDENBERG’s edition (Vin IV 216.31 -217.3) is not

correct. The text of the Burmese, Sinhalese, and Thai editions is: yd pana bhikkhuni jdnam pdrdjikam dhanimarji ajjhapannant bhikkhunirjt n' ev' attand

paiicodcyya na ganassa droceyya yadd ca sd fhita vd ossa cuta vd ndsita vd avasatd vd sd pacchd evaq i vadeyya : pubbevaharp ayye anndsirp etam bhikkhu- nim evarupa ca evarupa ca sd bhaginiti, no ca kJ>o attand palicodessup na

ganassa drocessan [Vin: pajicodcyyam na ganassa drocceyyan) ti, ayam pi parajika Itoti asamvdsa vajjapcticchadikd 'ti. HORNER’s translation of this rule (B D 111, p. 166) has to be corrected accordingly: “Whatever nun, knowing that a nun has fallen into a matter involving defeat, should neither herself reprove her, nor speak to a group, but when she may be remaining or deceased or expelled or withdrawn, should afterwards speak thus: ‘Ladies, before I knew this nun, she was a sister like this and like that, (but 1 thought:) ‘I will neither myself reprove her nor speak to a group [BD III, p, 166: and should neither herself reprove her nor should speak to a group]’, she also becomes one who is defeated, she is not in communion, she is one who conceals a fault”

season 7 * , admits to having committed it. The Saipgha then performs • pavdrana only after having expelled him ( nasetva ). In this particular case the expulsion of the offender may be necessitated by the Samgha’s desire to perform an ecclesiastical act, the validity, of which requires the order to be both “complete" (samagga) and “pure” (jpousuddha), that is, without offence at that very moment. When one of the participants is* found to be not “pure" the ecclesiastical act loses validity, thus a monk guilty of a parajika offence has to be removed perhaps even physically* by the Samgha. He must remain outside the spatial boundary (simS) stipulated for this ecclesiastical act within which only “pure” monks can be present. Thus in this particular case the reason for the use of the term ndsand might once again be the necessity for an active role of the Saipgha in the expulsion. This supposition seems more likely if onie remembers that'the offender evidently failed to confess his offence immediately after having committed it but rather only after having been placed under investigation during the ecclesiastical act of pavaranid:

In other passages of the Suttavibhafiga the term ndsand instead of parajika is used. Some of these references are to be found in the casuistry of Parajika l of the Dhikkhuvibhaiiga, that is, the rule prescribing celibacy. There the following eases arc mentioned (Vin III 33.24-28): A monk, who is guilty of having raped a sleeping co-monk or novice, should be expelled ( ndsetabbo ). In the event that the victim wakes up and consents to the behaviour of the monk, both participants have to be expelled ( ndsetabbd ). The same rule applies in the ease of a novice raping a sleeping monk or fellow-novice (Vin 111 33.28-31), and in the ease of a monk who is forced to rape a nun, a female probationer' (sikkliainana), or a female novice (Vin 111 39.37-40.6): Both partic¬ ipants arc found not guilty if they do not consent, but otherwise have to be expelled ( ndsetabbd ). The same goes for a monk who is forced to rape a lay-woman, a homosexual 9 , or another monk (Vin 111 40.5-13).

7. On this ecclesiastical act see Jin-11 CHUNG, Pravdrandvastu im Vinayavastu dcr Mulasdrtdstivadin , Gottingen, 1997 (SWTF, Beiheft 7) (in press).

8. There is at least one instance of a physical expulsion of a monk found to be not “pure” (Vin 11 237.8-10: atha kho Mahamoggalldno tarft puggalam bdhayam gahetvd bahi dvdrakotthakd nikkhdmctva sucighatikaqi datvd .„).

9. For an interpretation of the term pandaka see Leonard ZWILLING, “Homo¬ sexuality as Seen in Indian Buddhist Texts”, Buddhism , Sexuality, and Gender , ed. Jos6 Ignacio CabezGn, Albany, 1992 (Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica Series, 113), pp. 203-214.

In all these eases the term pdrajika is not applied even though the respective offenders arc apparently guilty of a pdrajika offence. It may be that in the Vinaya for these instances the term ndsetabba is used instead of pdrajika , once again because an expulsion performed by the Samgha is thought necessary. 10

Another instance of rape is mentioned in the introductory story of the rule Samghadisesa 8 in the Bhikkhuvibhahga: Two monks feel that they , have been treated unfairly by Xhc monk Dabba. Therefore, they persuade the nun Mctliya to accuse Dabba of having raped her in order to have Dabba expelled (ndsdpcyya; Vin III 162.14-27). 11 Thus this passage also pertains to the instances of the casuistry of Pdrajika 1 mentioned above.

It is quite possible that the two malicious monks aimed to have Dabba expelled by the Samgha, as implied by the application of the verb ndsdpcyya . However, according to the story, the Buddha asked Dabba

  1. whether the nun’s accusations were true (Vin III 162.30-31), and the

putimokkha rule views the ease as an example of a consciously false accusation of a pdrajika offence (Vin III 163.22**). i2 Since Dabba pleaded innocent to having raped Mettiya, the Buddha ordered Mettiya to be expelled (Vin III 16238-163.1: tena hi bhikkhavc Mettiyam bhikkhunim ndsethu).^ This procedure, however, is not based on any fixed rule of the Vinaya, since until then there existed no regulation prohibiting monks or nuns from accusing another of having committed a pdrajika offence. In the Vinaya a person having caused the formulation

10. This Could be the casc.bccausc a rape is viewed as a very grave transgression ol both Buddhist monastic and Brahmanical taw. Rape in the Vinaya , particularly the rape of a nun, is frequently mentioned as one of the most serious infringements of Buddhist monastic law (cf.Vin 1 85.24; 89.2-3 and 11-12; 121.7; 135.3;

/ 168.10; 320.13 etc.); for some examples in the Brahmanical law see Ganganatha

JUA, Hindu Law in its Sources , Vol. 1, Allahabad, 1930, pp. 481-484.

11. In the Cullavagga (Vin 11 74.24 - 79.37) the introductory story of Samghadisesa 8 is repeated almost word for word. Here Mettiya is also expelled, and the story introduces the ecclesiastical act of the giving of a sativinaya , “a verdict of innocence” (Vin II 79.37-80*31). By means of this ecclesiastical act it is officially agreed that the Samgha trusts the accused person (cf. NOLOT, SVTT 11,

► pp.99, 109).

12. However, the focus of this rule is not on the behaviour of the nun Mettiya but on the behaviour of the monks who caused Mettiya to utter the wrong accusation.

13. Vin 111 162.38-163.3. After that the malicious monks were remorseful and begged the other monks not to expel Mettiya for she had not committed any offence (Vin III 163.3-6).


of a pdtimokkha rule is exempted from any punishment, since Buddhist monastic law is a case-law following the principle nulla poena sine lege. 1 * In any case, even if Mettiya had been found guilty of an offence, she would have had to undergo the punishment for a samghadisesa offence, that is a 14 days probation ( mdnatta )'*, rather than an expulsion from the order, as was the case according to the introductory story of Samghadisesa 8. Until this point in the text the only cause for the appli¬ cation of nasana mentioned in the Vinaya is rape or the concealment of a pdrajika offence. However in this ease, Mettiya neither concealed a pdrajika offence nor did she rape anybody, but rather accused another of having raped her. Therefore, her expulsion must be regarded as an exception, made possible through the personal intervention of the Buddha. 1 * In addition, it is worth noting that according to’ the introduc¬ tory story and the patimokklia rule it was not Mettiya’s behaviour which gave rise to the formulation of the rule but rather the behaviour of the two monks who caused Mettiya to make the unfounded accusation. 17 In any ease, in this passage the term ndsaitd is not used as a technical term of Budtjhist. monastic law. The same holds true for. one passage of the Suttapitaka, namely an account in the Kdraiulavasutta of the Mettd- vugga in the Ahguttaranikdya. Here a monk accused of having com- mitted an offence changes the subject and talks about other things (AN IV 168.24-27). This leads the Buddha himself to demand his expulsion (AN IV 169.1-2: dhumatlt' ... niddhamath' .... AN IV I69.I0-: tarn aiam ... bahiddhd nasenti). This procedure is not based on any fixed rule of the Vinaya but, on the contrary, contradicts the regulations of Buddhist monastic law: According to Pdcittiya 12 of the Bhikkhu- vibhaiiga the evasion of an accusation is a pdcittiya offence, the consc-


14. Cf. VON HlNCiBER, “Buddhist Law”, p.7; cf. Hcllmuth HECKER, “Allgcmcinc Rcchtsgrundsatzc in dcr buddhistischcn Ordensverfassung (VinayaY. Verfassung und Recltt in Obersee 10/1, cd. Herbert KROGER (1977), pp. 89-115; p. 96.

15. For manatta see NOLOT, SVTT 111, pp. 117-122.

16. Thus this reference docs hot confirm C. S. UPASAK’s opinion that nasana generally is applied as a term for the expulsion of nuns (Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms [Based on Pali Literature], Varanasi 1975; s.v. Nasana).

17. This issue is extensively discussed in lh$ commentary „nd is dealt with again here below (p. 103).


qucncc of which is confession but not expulsion. 18 Thus it is possible that the introductory story of Samghddiscsa 8 and the just mentioned account in the Suttapitaka belong to the eldest stratum of the canonical texts, being formulated before the term nasana was used with a “juridi¬ cal” meaning.

In another passage of the Mahavagga the term nasana is applied for the expulsion of fully ordained members of the order (Vin I 85.27- 90.9). There it is stated that certain individuals are not entitled to full ordination (upasampudd) and, if ordination already has been bestowed on them, they have to be expelled ( nasrtabbo ). The eleven types of indi¬ viduals concerned apparently did not receive upasampadd legitimately, having committed a grave offence in the time of household-life, or simply because they were considered physically unfit for full member¬ ship in the order. 19 The individuals concerned include homosexuals (pandaka\ Vin I 86;7-9) 20 , fake monks, persons converted to another


18. On the other hand, this account in the Ahguttaranikaya may well have served as a bas s for Pacittiya 12 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 36.37**). According to v the introductory story of this rule a monk also evaded an accusation (Vin IV 35.26-29). Since the Manorathapurani (Mp IV 74.11-13), the commentary on the Angutiaranikaya, links the canonical passage commcntfcckupdn with an ecclesiastical act introduced and described in the Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4- 102.10: tassapdpiyyasikdkamma) by rendering “he evades” (ahhen' annum paticarati) with “he conceals (his offence)'* ( paticchddeti ), this passage of the Cullavagga may also have been inspired by the above-mentioned passage of the Ahgutturwukdya . For some more examples of passages of the Suttapitaka which contain rather old Vinaya material, of. VON HlNOBER, Handbook §§ 67, 74, 80; cf. the references given in VON HlNOBER, “Buddhist Law", note 5.

19. One passage in the Parivdra (Vin V 140.14-15) refers to this passage in the Mahavagga without adding anything new. According to the Samantapdsddikd (Sp 1391.26-27) in another passage of the Parivdra (Vin V 216.32) the term ndsita refers to the eleven types of individuals mentioned above as well.

20. The \'ujirabuddhifikd (Vjb 114.24-115.31) provides several additional explanations of the casuistry of Pdrdjika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga . In the canonical text a monk or a nun changes sex. The Vajirabuddhitikd has a discussion about what age the individuals received full ordination, since married women arc allowed to enter the order at the age of twelve, whereas men can only receive full ordination at the age of twenty. It is explicitly stated in this passage of the subcommcntarics that during the sex change process the individuals arc not considered to be jxindakas (in this case pandaka probably means “without outer signs of sex") and thus do not have to be expelled because of Vin I 85.27 - 86.9 (Vjb 115, 10-12; cf.Sp-t III 256.19-22).

religion (theyyosamvdsaka, tittiiiyapukkantaka; Vin l 86.31-35)21, animals (tiracchanagata; Vin I 88.1-3), matricides {matughataka; Vin I 88.20-21), patricides ( pitughdtaka ; Vin 1 88.24-26), those who have killed an Arhat {arahantaghdtaka\ Vin 1 89.4-6), raped a nun, or caused a split within the order, as well as persons who have caused bloodshed 0 bhikkhunidusaka , samghabhedaka , lohiiuppadaka ; Vin I 89.11-16)22, and hermaphrodites (, ubhalovjaiijanaka ; Vin 1 89.19-21). Although these persons committed no offence during monkhood, the expulsion n&sand has to be performed by the Samgha, since it was the Samgha which acted improperly (though unknowingly) by bestowing ordination in these eases. Therefore the Samgha is forced to restore a lawful state by explicitly cancelling the ecclesiastical act of ordination. In the Parivdra one additional piece of information referring to the expulsion of these eleven pcirsons is provided: The ecclesiastical act of ordination in these eases is referred to as vatthuvipatti , i.e. “defect in material” (Vin V 222.6-14: ... vatthuvipannam adhammakammam ...). This is confirmed by the commentary upon the Pdtimokkha , the Kahkhavitaranl , stating that these eleven eases arc avatthukd , meaning that they arc “not potential material” for an ordination procedure (Kkh 17.27-29 and 19.3- 5). Therefore, if the ordination ceremony ( upasampaddkamma ) has indeed been performed not withstanding the avatthuka status of these persons, then the ecclesiastical act itself is considered invalid and has to be openly annulled by the Samgha.

Unlike the monks novices arc not subject to Buddhist monastic discipline, but have to observe ten specified rules. The expulsion of novices is also called nasana in the Vinaya . According to Pacittiya 70 of* the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 139.18**-34**) a novice (samanuddesa) wh6 upholds a view specified as false about the utterances of the Buddha has to be expelled (Vin IV 139.32**:... tatha nasitam samanuddesam). This is the only passage describing the actual procedure of ndsandxn the Vinaya .23 if a novice ignores one admonition he is to be sent away with

21. According to the Samantapdsddikd (Sp 1017.10-12) a thcyyaswfivdsaka may not obtain even a lower ordination (pabbajjd).

22. With regard to the individuals who have caused a split within the order and the ones who have converted to another religion, the refusal to ordain clearly refers to their second ordination, since they have both previously been members of the order.

23. This procedure is described in the introductory story, in the rule, and in the canonical commentary (padabhajaniya) of Pacittiya 70 (Vin IV 13832 -139.4).

the following words: "From this day onwards, dear friend Samanuddesa, this Lord is not to be viewed as your teacher anymore; the privileges given to other Samanuddesas, namely sleeping two or three nights in one room with the monks, these arc not (given) to you anymore; go, leave!” This suggests that the expulsion of novices is not an ecclesiastical act but rather an informal - though to some extent formalized -.request made to the novice. In addition we know from the anapaiti formula that this expulsion can later be amended (Vin IV 140.30-31). 24 According to the rule’s introductory story, the novice Kantaka advocated the false view given in the rule itself (Vin IV 138.20-24). There his misconduct is referred to as “slandering” of the Lord ( ma bhagavantam abbhacikkhi, na hi sddliu bhagavaio abbhakkhananv, cf. Vin IV 134.14-15). According to the Cullavagga (Vin II 25.10-27.18) similar behaviour by a monk leads to his suspension ( ukkhepana ) 25 , whereas in the ease of a novice expulsion (ndsana) is called for. This mutual proximity of suspension ( ukkhepana) of a fully ordained member of the order and expulsion (ndsand) of a novice is implied in one passage of the Parivdra as well (Vin V 115.23-24).

The misbehaviour of the novice Kantaka, however, is one of the ten general reasons for ndsand for novices. These ten reasons arc listed in the Mahavagga (Vin 1 85.19-26): 26

I prescribe, monks, the expelling of a novice possessing the following ten characteristics: If he destroys living beings, takes things not given, adheres to an impure moral code! if he lies, drinks alcoholic drinks, speaks ill of the Buddha,

' speaks ill of the Samgha, speaks ill of the Dhamma, holds false views, or is a rapist of nuns.

Five of these ten characteristics arc in violation of the first five of the ten training rules set forth for novices 27 and the remaining five arc other

24. The. focus of the rule Pacittiya 70 is, of course, on the behaviour of the monks, who arc not allowed to keep regular contact with a Samanuddesa expelled in this manner.

25. In Pacittiya 68 Of the Bhikkhttvibhanga the same behaviour as Kantaka's is attributed to the monk Arittha. There it results in a pacittiya offence. However, the introductory story of Pacittiya 68 (Vin IV 133.32-135.5) is repeated word for word in the Cullavagga (Vin ll 25.10-26.33). There the suspension (ukkhepana) of the monk Arittha who did not give up his false view is described.

26. Parivara VI. 10 (Vin V 138.16-17) refers to this passage without making any additions.

27. Consequently it is slated in the Samantapasadikd that the violation of the first five training rules is punished by ndsana . To complement the content ol the


examples of incorrect behaviour. The expulsion of the novice Kanjaka in Pacittiya 70 fits into either the sixth or the ninth of these ten situations. Kantaka either “speaks ill of the Buddha” ( buddhassa avannam bhasati) or could be said to “hold a false view” (micchaditthiko), as can be seen from the introductory story of Pacittiya 70 (see above). Additionally, one can conjecture from the anapatti-formufa of Pacittiya 70 that the expulsion of novices in any of these eases can later be amended.

in the canonical references discussed above three concents of the use of the term ndsand can be distinguished. Firstly, Mettiya and the monk in the Aitguttaranikdya arc expelled not because of any violation of a pdtimokkha rule but because of the personal intervention of the Buddha. Secondly, as a technical term of Buddhist monastic law as laid down in the Vinayapitaka, ndsand stands for the expulsion of a member of the order performed by the Samgha. This expulsion seems to be irreversible, siiicc with regard to mdnks and nuns it is frequently applied in the ease of a pdrajika offence. 28 In these cases ndsand is used either because the committed oTfcncc is considered to be a very grave one (rape), or because the respective person did not admit to his offence immediately after having committed it, but rather only after a certain period of concealment, as illustrated by Pdrajika 2 of the Bhikklumivibhanga and by the expulsion of a monk during the ecclesiastical act of pavarand™


canonical text the same commentary informs us that the violation of rules b-10 of the Samaneras’ is to be punished by a dandakamma (Sp 1012.32 -1013 1 and 1015.2-4; cf. Sp-| III 255.8-9).

28. On the other hand, one passage found in the Parivara fails to conform the supposition that ndsand in the Vinaya generally refers to the Samgha’s expulsion of a monk or nun who has committed a pdrajika offence. In Vin V 137.5-7 ndsand is used only with regard to the eighth pdrajika rule for nuns, but not with regard to any of the other seven parajikas. It is unclear why the term ndsand is employed in only this instance.

29. In addition to the information gathered from the canonical text, the commentaries Samantapasadikd and Sumangalavitdsint also mention ndsand in connection with a previous concealment of a jrirdjika offence, while commenting upon the potential ways of settling the four kinds of “legal matters’* (adhikarana). In the Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4-102.10) a monk is accused of having committed a weighty offence, that is to say, a pdrajika or another, “similar offence” (Vin H 101.8-11; according to Samantapasadikd [Sp 1199.1-3] this means a dukkata or thullaccaya y according to the Papancasudant [Ps IV 48.3-10] pdrajika - sdmantam here is a “heavy offence”, that is a Sainghadisesa), The accused monk pretends for a while not to recall the particular incident referred to, after which he then admits to having committed another, less significant offence ( dppamattikam


Additionally, in the Vinayupitaka ndsand is applied for the expulsion pi persons who should not have received full ordination at all. In this ease it was the Samgha’s mistake to bestow ordination on the unsuitable individuals. For this reason the Samgha is forced to act by revoking the ecclesiastical act by the expulsion ndsand . Thirdly, ndsand is applied to the expulsion af novices, which may become necessary because ol the ten reasons listed in the Mahdvagga. One of these reasons is referred to in a pdtitnokkha rule ( Pdcittiya 70). This specific expulsion of novices evidently corresponds to the temporary suspension ( ukkhepand ) of monks and may be cancelled.

The only canonical trace of a more explicit classification of the application of the term ndsand is to be found in the Parivara , the most recent section of the Vinayupitaka. There “three expelled (persons)” (ndsitakd tayo\ Vin V 211.13-17) arc mentioned. This specific tripar¬ tition marks the transition to the much more elaborate definition as formulated in the commentaries. The commentary Samantapdsddikd , which was compiled more than half a millcnium after the completion of the Vinayupitaka , comments upon this passage of the Parivara (Sp 1383.36-1384.4). There a short explanation is given, and a more detailed definition in an earlier- passage of the same comYncntary i^ referred to. There (Sp 582.19-26), in the commentary on the intro¬ ductory story of Samghddisesa 8 mentioned above, the tripartition of ndsand is explained in detail:

There arc three (kinds of) ndsand: lingandsana , samvdsandsand and danda - kammandsand. Of these *A rapist has to be expelled* is a lifigandsand . If

dpattim), before finally pleading guilty to the offence he is actually accused of. In such a ease the ecclesiastical act known as tassapdpiyyasikd-kamma is applied, whereby the accused monk is deprived of some of his rights until his rehabilitation (see NCLOT, SVTTII, p. 110). In the commentary on this passage of the Cullavagga in the Samantapdsddikd the term ndsand is used: The accused monk evades the accusation because he fears expulsion (»iasaiia) once having admitted to die offence (Sp 1199.6-7). Similar explanations arc to be found in the Sutnangalavildsini , in the commentary on the Sahgitisutta in the Dighanikdya ( )N 111 254.10-18). The canonical text commented upon briefly mentions the same situation as described in the Cullavagga . According to the Sumangala - vitas ini s the accused monk will be expelled if he has committed z pdrdjika offence {ayam cv * assa ndsand bhavissatt ti ). If he has committed a less serious offence, the so-called tassapdpiyyasikdkamma is performed and he can, after a period of good behaviour, regain his status as a regular monk (Sv 111 1042.20-24). Evidently the expulsion following the concealment of a pdrdjika offence in these cases is referred to by the term ndsand.

(monks) perform an ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhcpaniyakamma) because of the non-recognition of or the not making amends for an offence or because of the not giving up of a wrong view, it is a samvasanasand. If (monks) perform an ecclesiastical act of punishment (dandakamma) (by saying): ‘Go, leave!', that is a dundakammandsand. In this ease, however, with reference to lingandsana^ the wording is: ‘Expel the.nun Meuiya!*’

Following this definition a controversy between the Abhayagirivasins* and the Mahaviharavasins is reported in the Samantapdsddikd . 30 This controversy evidently is the result of the Samantapdsddikd* $ inter¬ pretation of an earlier passage in the Vinaya containing the term ndsand.

In the commentary on the casuistry of Pdrdjika 1, which demands expulsion (ndsand) for a rapist (dusaka) (see above, p.95), the Samanta¬ pdsddikd seems to be in need of an explanation as to why in this case the culprit is expelled by ndsand . The commentary thus claims that no evidence from the side of the culprit is necessary in case of rape. A rapist (dusaka) is thus expelled without having given his own view (Sp 269.9-12): 31

'Doth have to be expelled’ is: both have to be expelled by a linganasana. In this case no evidence from the rapist is required. The victim has to be expelled if he - after having been asked - gave evidence (that he consented to the rape). If he did not consent, (the victim) docs not have to be expelled. Tire same goes for a Samanera. 32

The controversy between Abhayagirivasins and Mahaviharavasins now focuses on the question of what the actual reason was for the expulsion of Mettiya. Oskar VON HINGBER (“Buddhist Law”, p. 37) states “in the commentary the problem is discussed at some length, whether the nun

30. Oskar VON HinOber (“Buddhist Law”, pp. 37f.) emphazises the importance of this passage, since this is the only instance in the Vinayapifaka where two existing versions of the Vinaya arc given.

31. This is in contradiction with the statement of the Samantapdsddikd as to why the Buddha asked Dabba, whether the nun Mettiya's accusation was true (Sp 581.15-19): “[The Buddha said to Dabba:] ‘If it is done by you, (say) ‘It is done* means: what does he show by this (word)? He shows that (the accused person) has to speak out himself whether or not he has done it, since it is not possible using the (monks') assembly’s authority or favouritism to find a person, who is in fact innocent, to be guilty or vice versa.’” Cf. also Sp 582.16-19: “‘For this reason, monks, expel the nun Mettiya!* means: the words of Dabba and (the words of) the (nun) do not conform. Therefore it is said: ‘Expel the nun Mettiya!’”

32. This last statement probably refers to the tenth of the ten reasons for ndsand of a novice, which arc listed in the Mahdvagga (see above, p. 100).


was expelled with the consent ( patinnaya ) of Dabba Mallaputta or not”. According to the SaratthadipanP* patinnaya apparently does not mean “having consented” but rather “having given her view”, which refers to Mettiya. Thus the discussion of the two factions in the Samantapasadika is about whether the expulsion of Mettiya was because of her (false) statement (Abhayagiri view) or for another reason (Mahavihara view). 34 The Samantapasadika enlightens us that an expert then intervened who decided that the Mahaviharavasins were right (Sp 583.14-15) 35 . How¬ ever, even then it remained unclear which offence Mettiya was accused of. This question is extensively discussed in the subsequent passage of the Samantapasadika. There it is stated that Mettiya did not commit a samghadisesa offence since the rule Samghadisesa 8 of the Bhikkhu- vibhahga applies only to nuns with respect to other nuns or to monks with respect to other monks, but not to nur.s with respect to monks (Sp 583.15-17 and 28; Sp 5S4.3-5). 36 This suggests that Mettiya had com-

33. Sp-t II 346.8-11: ayyenamlii dasitati patinndtatta taya patinnaya yadi nasita thero karako lioti saddoso ti attho. akarako hotiti tdya katapatiiihant anapekklti - ivdyadi bliagavatd pakatidussilabhdvam yeva sandhaya sa nasita thero akarako hotiti adlii/'iHiyo.

34. It is not doubted at all that she had made this statement: Vin IU 162.21-22 and 27: ayycna 'mlii Dabbena Mallaputtcna dusita 'ti. In the above-mentioned commentary in the Samantapasadika and the subcommcntaiy on this passage it is not clear what person tliero stands for, and what action is referred to by karako. If thera refers to Dabba, then kdraka means that he was thought to actually have raped Mettiya. This is not true, as we know from the introductory story of Samghadisesa 8. Additionally, if Dabba was a rapist - why should Mettiya have been expelled because of her accusation? Therefore it is quite probable that karako them stands for the monk who performed the expulsion of nun Mettiya. If he did so because Mettiya had made her (false) statement, then he evidently doubted the truthfulness of her evidence. However, a rape is believed to have ac¬ tually happened as soon as a person claims to have been raped (Vmv 1282.1-2). Therefore, if the monk in spite of Mcttiya’s evidence performed her expulsion, then he is a karako them and is said to be “with fault" ( sadosa ). If, on the other hand, the monk entrusted with Mcttiya’s expulsion expelled her for another reason, then he is thought to be not instrumental in the performance of the wrong

punishment (akarako thero) and is consequently “without fault” ( niddosa).

35. Cf. Sp 584.5-9; cf.-Vmv 1282.9-10; cf. Sp-t II 346.8-13.

36. See also Sp-t II 346.21 and Sp-t II 347.2-3. Additionally, according to the Cullavagga (Vin II 276.9-18) a monk may not be accused by ,a nun. For the difficulty of applying to nuns the rules given only in the Bltikkhuvibhahga , see Utc IIOSKEN, Die Rcgeln fur die buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im Vinaya-

milted either a dukkata or a pacittiya. However, the outcome of both offences is not the expulsion of the culprit but a simple confession (Sp 584.S-7). 37 The commentator solves this discrepancy by stating that Mettiya herself was aware of her bad conduct and was because of this expelled by the Buddha (Sp 584.7-9). However, we have to remember the fact that there is no hint of Mcttiya’s self-awareness in the kinaya. This explanation thus seems to be a'provisional solution by the author of the Samantapasadika, who otherwise Wbuld have had to admit that the Buddha ordered the monks to act against the kindya.

The dusaka in Parujika 1 (Bltikkhuvibhahga ) and Mettiya arc expelled by a lihganasana according to the passages of the Samantapasadika discussed above. The same source provides the additional information that the actual ixpulsion of the nun Mettiya involves her disrobing (Sp 584 1 1-13) 38 . Disrobing is therefore called liiigandsand. Since the expulsion of fully ordained persons is called linganasana also in the eases of the monk admitting during pavdrand to having committed a parajika offence (sec above, p.94; Sp 1078.9), and in the ease of the erroneously ordained eleven kinds of individuals in the Mahavagga (see above, p.98; Sp 1016.15-16), it is probably, in each of these eases, also performed by disrobing the guilty parly. In all these instances the cxpulsioh seems to be irreversible.

Once again, as in the commentary on Samghadisesa 8, in the commentary on the passage of the patimokkha about the expulsion of the novice Kanaka ( Pacittiya 70, see above, p.99) the “three kinds of nasand" arc listed in the Samantapasadika (Sp 870.34 - 871,6): 39

“Expel him” means: here we arc faced with a threefold nasand: saipvasandsand, liiigandsand and dandakammandsand. Thus the suspension because of the refusal to see an offence etc. is called saiiivbsanasand. “A rapist has to be expelled” (and) “Expel nun Mettiya!” is called liiigandsand. “From this day on. Venerable Samanuddesa, this Lord is not to be perceived as your, teacher anymore!”, this is dandakammandsand: this is valid here. Therefore he said: “And thus, monks, he should be expelled: ’... leave!’”


Pitaka der Theravddin (Monographicn zur Indischen Archaologic, Kunst und Philologie, 11X in press, §1.1.1.

37. Cf. Sp-t II 347.11-13 and Vjb 196.15-17.

38. See also Sp 591.26; 592.1; and Sp-t II 345.27: “’Expel her’ means: give her white clothes and reduce her to lay status.”

39. Cf.Kkh 127.39-128.6.

it follows, according to this interpretation, that the expulsion of Kantaka in Pacittiya 70 is a dandakammandsana . According to the information of the canonical text (see above, p.99) the novice is sent 4way and is thus excluded from membership in the order, since he may no longer view the Buddha as his teacher. However, he may later regain his status as a novice.

Contrary to the Samantapdsddikd, in the Vinaya the term danda - kammandsand is unknown, but dandakamma and ndsana arc treated in different sections of Mahdvagga and Cullavagga. An ecclesiastical act of punishment ( dandakamma) can be performed by monks or nuns. The Vinaya gives accounts of dandakammas being performed by monks regarding novices or nuns, and by nuns regarding monks, but not by monks regarding monks or by nuns regarding nuns. In die Mahdvagga (Vin I 84.11-15) five particular situations are enumerated which result in the performance of a dandakamma by monks with respect co novices. The result of this dandakamma is not preordained. The severity of the punishment is, to a large extent, determined by the particular monks performing the dandakamma . However, according to the Mahdvagga (Vin I 84.22-25) the punishment may not include prohibiting^entry into the whole area of an Arama (Vin I 84.15-25). 40

The outcome of ndsana for novices is not defined in the Vinaya , but is discussed in the Samantapdsddikd (Sp 1014.8-12; cf. Sp-J^ll 25S.6-7). There the expulsion of a novice due to any of the tern characteristics listed in Vin I 85.19-26 is called lihganasand . That means that his “taking of refuge”, his choice of a preceptor ( upajjhdya ), and his right to occupy a lodging no longer has any relevance for him. For the time being only “the outer sign” (lihga) is retained by him. If in future he docs not conform to correct conduct he should then definitely be excluded (Sp 1014.16-19; cf. Sp-t III 256.3-5). If, however, he recog¬ nizes his mistake, the offence is not within the scope of lihganasand and the guilty novice can reestablish integration within the order (Sp 1014.19-30). At the same time, it is certain that the conscious trans¬ gression of any one of the first five of the rules of Samancras is tantamount to a pdrdjika for the monks (Sp 1014.30-1015.2). In the Samantapdsddikd a passage of the Kurundi is cited. This source informs

40. The introductory sentences state that Samancras, who were prohibited Irom entering an Arama, departed, left the order, and converted to other religious groups (Vin I 84.19-21).

us that if a novice transgresses the rules 6-9 mentioned in the ndsana chapter of the Mahdvagga , he will be expelled “in the same way as Kantaka” in Pacittiya 70, that is, by means of a dandakammandsana (Sp 1015.7-15), 41 only after he is admonished up to three times. On the other hand, according to the Mahd-atthakatha and the Samantapdsddikd , even a successful admonition and the subsequent admission of the offence fail to release the novice from a dandakamma. At the same time, an unsuccessful admonition definitely results in a lihganasand (Sp 1015.15-20), 42 whereas a novice who has raped a nun can never receive lower ordination ( pabbajja ) again, even if he should promise to refrain from such behaviour in future (Sp 1015.23-29).

Thus, although dandakamma and ndsana in the Vinaya itself differ considerably, the author of the Samantapdsddikd links both terms by distinguishing between different kinds of ndsana to be applied to novices. Moreover, in the Samantapdsddikd it is staled that on occasion monks performed dandakammas with regard to novices with a view to preventing them from being expelled or from leaving the order (Sp 1013.23-27). These explanations arc evidently an attempt to differen¬ tiate the general term ndsana. The variation between dandakamma- ndsand and lihganasand in the ease of novices may have become necessary once the ten reasons for ndsana listed in Vin 185.19-26 were seen to have various degrees of seriousness. Despite the fact that each ease concerns ndsana, only an infringement of the first five training rules of the Samaneras, which is not later regretted, leads to the expul¬ sion known as lihganasand, the result of which appears irreversible. However, only after three unsuccessful admonitions docs the violation of rules 6-9 lead to the expulsion of a novice known as dandakamma- ndsand, which can be cancelled, as noted above. 43

41. It is interesting that in the Vinaya only one admonition of Kantaka is mentioned, although the procedure of a threefold admonition is well kno.vn in the palimokkha, as we can see from the yavatatiyaka sanighadiscsa rules. •

42. A similar description is given in the Kankhdvitaraniporanafikd (Kkh-pt 100.16- 101.2; see also Sp-t II345.30 - 346.1).

43. Both execution and reversal of dandakammanusuna are described at length in Uie Samantapdsddikd. However, there the expulsion is known as nissdratfd (Sp 1402.22-28; cf. Kkh 131.31-33), although the wording of the formula suggests that Pacittiya 70 and Vin I 85.19-26 (reasons 6-9) arc being referred to (Sp 1402.28-35). The reversal of the measure is known as osdrand (Sp i403)3-13; cf. Kkh 131.33-34). According to the same text expulsion as well as revocation are ecclesiastical acts (apalokanakamma\ Sp 1402.22-28 and 1403.3-13).


The last of the three types of nasand frequently mentioned in the Samantapdsddikd is the samvdsandsana^ which is not described in the Vi nay a, Samvdsa in the Vinaya is a general term encompassing all the rights and duties of a monk or nun within their respective community. 44 The term is consistently defined in the Vinaya as ekakammam ekuddeso samasikkhutd , "one common ecclesiastical act, a common recitation, and ; one and the same training" (c.g. Vin IV 214.31-33). 45 Even in the Vinaya the term samvdsa is qualified more specifically: asantvdsa means "without (any) communion”, samdnasamvdsaka means "belonging to the same communion”, and ndndsamvdsaka means "belonging to a different communion”. As mentioned in the beginning of this paper, the term "without (any) communion” (asamvdsa) refers to a monk or nun who has transgressed one of the pdrdjika rules. The offender has lost his ' status as member of the Buddhist order and may never be ordained again. According to the Mahdvagga (Vin I 339.6-340.38) a suspended monk (ukkhitta bhikkhu) is not excluded from membership in the Buddhist order as a whole, but no longer belongs to the same commu¬ nion (samdnasamvdsaka) as the suspending monks (ukkhepakd bhikkhu ). He is not prevented from founding or attaching himself to another communion. Therefore he is called "belonging to another communion”

( ndndsamvdsaka ).

In the Samantapdsddikd, samvdsandsana is defined concisely as the suspension of a monk due to the refusal to see or for not making amends for an offence, or because of the refusal to give up a false view (Sp


VAJIRA1SIANAVARORASA views the expulsion of novices in a different way. According to him it is stated in the Anhakathas that a novice’s rights and privileges arc lost completely, leaving only the status (Entrance III, p.243). However, he docs not tell us to what extent and in what respect the status is retained. In his opinion the nasand mentioned with regard to the Samancra Kantaka implies that the status is not in fact relinquished but instead that the culprit is simply excluded from the dvdsa . Because of this, he renames this particular expulsion samhhoga-ndsand , “depriving of sharing”, a term not to be found in the Vinaya or even in the commentaries.

44. This definition only touches on the relationship between monks and monks or between nuns and nuns. Consequently, novices in this legal sense arc not in communion” with anyone.

45. Samvdsandsana in the Sdratthadipani is explicitly defined with reference to this definition in the Vinaya (Sp-t 11 345.29-30).


582.21-23; Sp-870.36-87l.l). 4 6 This definition implies that samvdsa- nasand generally means “expulsion from the (same) communion” (*samdnasamvdsandsana). However, as noted above, nasand may refer to monks who have broken a pdrdjika rule, who have concealed the offence, but who in the end have admitted to the transgression. In eases of samvdsandsana one could therefore think of a monk who has broken a pdrdjika rule but who docs not wish to recognize his offence and, consequently, who docs not wish to leave the order. The only means of getting rid of such a monk mentioned in the Vinaya to my knowledge is the performance of the ecclesiastical act of suspension ( ukkhepaniya - kamma). It is quite possible that this particular ease is called sanivdsa- ndsaiia, too. Samvdsandsana may thus implicitly include the suspension of a member of the order who has committed a pdrdjika but docs not wish to admit to his wrongdoing. Thus two types of suspension, which arc similar in procedure but different in effect are called samvasa- nasana\ A monk, who has committed either a sajnghddiscsa or a lesser offence, qan be restored once he submits to the decision of the Samgha regarding his offence. However, a suspension due to the non-acknowl¬ edgement of a pdrdjika offence docs not include the possibility of restoration. 47


46. However, despite the fact that the commentary on two passages in the Parham (Vin V 115.23-24 and 211.14-17) mentions only Mettiya, the dusaka, and the novice Kan (aka, all three kinds of nasand arc listed (Sp 1320.31-34 and Sp 1383.36-1384.4). The common connection of samvdsa-ndsand and suspension is thus missing ir. these instances. These two passages may be considered as evidence of multiple authorship of the Samantapdsddikd , as suggested by VON IIINOUOR, Handbook, § 220.

47. Prompted by the fact that the restitution of a suspended ( ukkhitta) monk is generally possible, VajiranANAVARORASA states that samvasa-naxand is an inaccurate term used in the Atthakathas (Entrance III, pp. 243.245). On the other hand, he claims that a monk who commits a pdrdjika (antimavatthu) and who docs not leave the order, is then excluded by samvdsa-ndsand-. “the Samgha prohibits samvdsa absolutely and docs not receive him again.” According to him, there is no example to be found in the texts even though this is the way such eases arc dealt with on a practical level up to the present day. Me apparently overlooked the link of the above-mentioned particular ecclesiastical act of suspension ( ukkhcpaniyakamma) because of the non-admission of a pdrdjika offence with the “absolute prohibition ot samvdsa”.


In conclusion, it is possible to summarize the application of the term nasana and to trace the development of the use of this term and its derivations in the Vinaya and in the commentarial literature. The combined texts referred to above suggest the following historical devel¬ opment. In the Kdrandavasutta in the Angullaranikaya and in the intro¬ ductory story of Samghddisesa 8 the teem nasana is a very general term for “expulsion” As the juridical terminology in the Vinaya developed, a distinction between pdrdjika and nasana was made, nasana then desig¬ nated the expulsion to be performed by the Samgha. The circumstances under which such an expulsion was thought to be necessary vary considerably: For example due to an invalid ordination, initial conceal¬ ment of a pdrdjika , or committing a serious offence such as rape. Additionally, the expulsion of novices is also called nasana,

The Parivdra contains the first indication of a classification into three different types of nasana. This categorization, however, is elaborate only in the commentaries, which were compiled more than a half millcnium later. 48 There we find the terminological distinction of three kinds of nasana. Lingandsand here is the name for the irreversible expulsion of monk, nun, or novice. Dandakammandsand entaiis a less harsh type of expulsion of novices since it can later be revoked. This expulsion equates to sa/nvdsandsand for monks, since samvdsandsand determines the suspension of individuals who until their restoration arc not allowed to live in the same communion ( samdnasamvasa ) with the suspending monks. Additionally, samvdsandsand probably designates the special ease of the suspension of a monk due to non-recognition of his pdrdjika offence. In this ease no restoration is possible.


48. Similar observations could be made by Oskar VON HinOber regarding the treatment of the samutthdnas of the different offences of the Pdtimokkha ("The arising of an offence: dpattisamutthdna. A note on the structure and history of the Thcravada-Vinaya", Journal of the Pali Text Society 16 [1992], pp: 55-69; pp. 5Sf., 61,68).


Abbreviations:

AN =* Ariguttaranikaya, cd. R. MORRIS, E. HARDY, 5 Vols., London, 1885-1900 (Pali Text Society); Vol. 6 (Indexes, by M. Hunt and C. A. F. RHYS Davids), London, 1910 (Pali Text Society).

BD = Isalinc Blew HORNER, The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya Pi taka), 6 Vols., London, 1938-1966 (Sacred Books of the Buddhists Series, 10,11,13,14,20. 25).

DN * Dighanikaya , ed. T. W. RHYS Davids, J. E. CARPENTER, 3 Vols., London, 1890-1911 (Pali Tcitl Society).

von MinOber, "Buddhist Law" = Oskar VON HinOber, "Buddhist Law according to the Thcravada-Vinaya. A Survey of Theory and Practice", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 18.1 (1995), pp. 7-45.

VON HINOBER, Handbook = Oskar VON HINOBER % A Handbook of Pali Literature , Berlin 1996 (Indian Philology and South Asian Studies, 2).

Kkh « Buddhaghosa, Kahkhavitarani ndma Matikatfhakathu, cd. DOROTHY MASKELL, London, 1956 (Pali Text Society).

Kkh-pl *= Buddhanaga, Kahkhavitaraniporanatika, Challhasangayana edition, publ. Buddha Sasana Council, Rankun, 1965.

Mp » Buddhaghosa, Man a ruth apurun /. Ahguttarahikdya-affhakathu , cd. M. Walleser, U. Kopp, 5 Vols., London, 1924-1956 (Pali Text Society).

NOLOT, SVTT11 * fedith NOLOT, "Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms, I-Hl”, Journal of the Pali Text Society XKW (1996), 73-150.

Ps « Buddhaghosa, Papaheasudani , Vol. 1 (1922) and 11 (1928) cd. by J. WOODS and D. KOSAMBI; Vol. Ill (1933), Vol. IV (1937) and Vol. V (1938) cd. by L B. HORNER; I^ondon (Pali Text Society).

Sp = Buddhaghosa (?), Samantapdsddikd , Vinaya-aUhakatha, cd. J. TAKAKUSU, M.' NAGAI (and K. MlZUNO Vols. 5 and 7), 7 Vols., London, 1924-1947 (Pali Text Society), [index Vol. by H. KOPP, London, 1977 (Pali Text Society)].

Sp-l = Saripulta, Sdratthadipani , Challhasangayana edition, publ. Buddha Sasana Council, Rankun, 3 Vols.; Vol. i: 1961, Vol. II: I960, Vol. Ill: 1960.

Sv ~ Buddhaghosa, Sumahgalavilasini , Digit a n ikaya-atthaka tha f ed. T. W. Rhys Davids, J. E. Carpenter, W. Stede, 3 Vols., London, 1886-1932 (Pali Text Society).

VaJIRANANAVARORASA, Entrance - SOMDETCH PHRA MAHA SAMANA ClIAO KROM PHRAYA VAJIRANANAVARORASA, The Entrance to the Vinaya, Vinaya - muldia, 3 Vols., Bangkok; 1969, 1973,1983.

Vin = Vinayapitaka , cd. Hermann OLDENBERG, 5 Vols., London, 1879-1883.

Vjb = Vajirabuddhitika, Challhasangayana edition, publ. Buddha Sasana Council, Rankun, 1962.

Vmv = Vimativinodanitika , 2 Vols., Challhasangayana edition, publ. Buddha Sasana Council, Rankun, 1960.


number of cxtrinsically motivated applicants for membership which led to a need to withdraw and cultivate the purity of the Samgha.

This mechanism presupposes an Indian setting where the status of the rcnounccr is high and where there is a general belief in rebirth and karma and a need for merit-making among common people. I have shown that this process is expressed in the early Buddhist literature. However, the dynamic is not restricted to ancient times. In the intro¬ duction 1 referred to similar features in medieval and modem Sn Lanka and modem Burma reflected in the research of M. CARRITHERS, M.

SPIRO and R.A.L.H. GUNAWARDENA. ' . .

t have suggested an explanation of the relationship between the . Buddhist Samgha and the laity which emphasizes the unintended conse¬ quences of the behaviour of the members of the Samgha Extrinsic moti¬ vation among the members and potential members of the Samgha tends to introversionism. lntroversionism leads to more support from the ai y. Support from the laity leads to extrinsic motivation. Thus, we have a self-enforcing mechanism. It is a good circle, and in the historical periods when the Samgha has been able to maintain the balance, it has led to a certain degree of stability in Buddhist societies. The structure of Thcravada Buddhist societies arc the best example of this built-in co - servatism. The crucial point in the circle is the teMte constant need to bar out the wrong people and to purify the Sarpgha y getting rid of lax and greedy monks. When the Samgha fails on this point, the mechanism turns around, and we end up with a “ ' cv ‘., CI ”L C ‘ The Samgha is seen as impure and lax, support from the laity fails, the Samgha becomes less able to restore its purity. 54


54. This mechanism has been mentioned in R. GOMBRICH, op. at.

Some Remarks on the Rise of the bhiksunisamgha and on the Ordination Ceremony for bkiksunis according to the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya

^P[« cnt artialc is bascd on the Dharmaguptaka vinaya or Caturvargavinaya (ESttw), one of the five Vinayas that survived in its Chinese translation (Taisho Shinslw Dcizdkyo, Vol.22, No.1428, translated by BuddhayaSas in die beginning of the fifth century AD) 1 , and the most widely spread and most influential Vinaya in China. T.1428 consists of three parts: (1) a twofold detailed explanation of the roles of the Pratlmokfa* (Bhiksuvibhahga and Bhiksunivibhaiiga), (2) twenty skandhakas (chapter, section) that regulate the monastic life in detail, and (3) some appendices including historic information. Throughout the article, the findings of T.1428 have been compared With the other Chinee Vinayas, with the Pali Vinaya, and with the Bhiksu ni- vibhanga of the MahasSrpghika-Lokottaravada School. ’ '

Although it is evident from the present studies ofthc Vinaya literature, that the orders of monks and nuns ( bhiksu - and bhiksunisamgha) arc highly structuralizcd commu¬ nities, possessing many rules to be kept and formal acts to be performed; and that these organizations gradually came into being (first the bhiksusatpglm, and later the bhikfuni-

1. The other Vinayas arc: Mahisasakavinaya T.1421, Mahasamghikavinaya

T. 1425, Sarvastivddavmaya T. 1435, Mulasarvastivadavinaya T.1442 up to and including-T. 1459 (because of its size, the Mulasarvaslivadavinaya was not edited into one work, but consists of a number of diflcrcnl works). Ofthc latter Vinava also a Tibetan translation exists. *

Closely related to the Mahasatpghikavinaya, is the Bhikfunlvibhahga of the Mahasaipghika-Lokottaravada School*, a text written in a transitional language between Prakrit and Sanskrit (ROTll, G.. 1970, pp. Iv-lvi). Apart from these texut the Vinaya transmitted by the Theravada School survived in thO original Pali language. Finally, many Sanskrit fragments have been found. An excellent survey of the Vinaya literature is given by YUYAMA, A., 1979.

  • Hereafter M.-L.

2. The pratimoksa is a list of offenses against the prescriptions ofthc order with an indication of ihc punishment to be meted out to those who commit them. There is a list of prescriptions for monks and one for nuns. For the Dharmaguptaka School, the pratimoksa for monks is to be found in T. 1429 (a compilation from T.1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD))** and in T.1430 (a translation of a Sanskrit original by BuddhayaSas, to be dated in the beginning ofthc fifth century AD)**; the pratimoksa for nuns is to be found in T.I43I (compiled from T 1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD))**.

    • Cf. YUYAMA, A., 1979, pp. 33-34.


samghal ; careful reading of L.1428, compared with the other extant Vi nay as - Chinese, Pali and Sanskrit 3 4 - has revealed the exact ‘theoretical* career of a nun, and lias given us evidence concerning the exact position of a novice ( srdmanerl ), a probationer (sihiamdnd) and a nun (bhiksuni) in the bhiksumsbtpglia , concerning the origin of the siksamana period, and concerning the age of a married woman to become a probationer and a nun, and has also enabled us to add some new elements in solving the problems of the five robes of a nun, the mdnatva period for bhiksunis , and the interpretation of the Chinese term in the sense of‘to admit*.

/. The rise of the order of bhiksunis and the organization of the ordi¬ nation ceremony

The chapter concerning the bhiksunis (Bhiksuniskandhaka) in T. 1428** informs us how the order of bhiksunis came into being, and how an ordination into the new order has to be organized (the “ordination ceremony").

1) The eight rides that may not be transgressed

The Bhiksuniskandhaka** starts with the well-known story of Maha- prajapati Gautami, Buddha’s stepmother, who, together with five hundred §akya women asks the Buddha for permission to go forth into the homeless state and to follow the law proclaimed by the Buddha. At first, Buddha refuses, because the presence of women threatens to destroy the law. Later, Mahaprajapati, her hair cut off and wearing the kasdya clothes 5 , goes, to see the Buddha again, and, together with five hundred Sakya women, she weeps outside the monastery where Buddha remains. When the disciple Ananda sees them, he decides to help them to convince Buddha. At first Buddha refuses again. However, when Ananda asks whether women have the capacities to become an arhat, He answers in the affirmative and, after Ananda again asked Him to let the women go forth, He finally accepts them to become nuns, provided that


3. We use ‘Sanskrit* to refer to the transitional language used in the &hik$uni- vibhengu of the M.-L. School: cf. ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-lvi.

4. T.1428, pp.922c6-930c5: bhikfiiniskandha(ka) (cf. NAKAMURA,

H„ BGD, p. 327: ftlJJE, chicn-tu, and chien-tu, as a phonetic rendering of the Skt. skandha{ka ), chapter).

5. Kasdya (MONlER-WILLIAMS, M., SED , p.265: “red, dull red, yellowish red*’)

refers to the color of the garments of a monk or a nun. Hence it also was used to

indicate the garments themselves. Concerning the color of the garments, see IIUIRMAN, A., 1995: 11-13.

they accept eight rules 6 that will make the bhiksunisamglta dependent upon the monks. These eight rules that may never be transgressed 7 are:

(1) Even though a bhiksuni has been ordained for one hundred years, she has to rise when she meets a bhik.su who has been newly ordained, site has to pay obeisance to him and has to offer him a place to sit.®


6. Pali garudhamma (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakant, Vol.ll, p. 256ff.); Bh iksu- nivibhanga of the M.-L. School: gurudharma (ROTH, G., 1970. p. 16, §12).

7. See T.1428, p. 923a27: “AsMJEJSfT'Pn®j£”, eight rules that may not be trans¬ gressed during the whole lifetime. They arc explained from p. 923a28 un to and including p.923bl 8.

These eight rules differ slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya. The most differences with T.l$28 (D) arc: OLDENUERG, H., Vinaya Pifakam, Vol.II, p. 255: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D\ the only different is that* accordiug to the Pali Vinaya, the nuns should not only ask the mAntr, f or instruction every half mondi, but should also ask for the date of the uposatha ceremony (see D, rule 6): T.1421, p. 185c20*29: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only difference is that, according to T.142I, a nun who has committed a saipghavasesa offense, not only has to undergo the m S n atva discipline in the tv> > orders (bhiksusaijigha and bluksunisciinghu), but also has to be rehabilitated in the two orders (see A rule 5); T.1425, pp.47lbl-476bll: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule, that is only to be found in the BhtkfWfivibhaiiga of the M.-L. School, and not in any other Vinaya', a nun should not receive donations before these donations have been presented to a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules in £>, the only differences are that, according to T.1425, a nun not only has to undergo the mdnatva penance after having committed a saipglMsosa offense, but also after having transgressed a gurudharma (see D, rule 5), and Dial the nuns should not only ask the monks for instruction eveiy half month, but should also ask for the date of the pofodha ceremony (see D, rule 6); Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 16-72, §§12-110: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule that is only to be found in T.1425, and not in any other Vinaya: a nun should not receive donations, before these have been presented to a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules in D\ T.1435, p.345c8-18: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has ' another tule: the nuns must ask the monks for instruction in the Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma; the other rules coincide with the rules in D. It is to be noted, however, that the sixth rule in T.1435 explicitly says that the nuns have to ask for instruction in the eight gurudharmas. The latter coincides with the sixth rule in D\ T.1451, p.3Slal-25: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D\ the only difference is that, according to T.1451, the nuns not only have to perform the ordination ceremony in both the orders, but also the ceremony of the going forth has to be performed in both die orders (see D, rule 4).

8. Sec T.1428, p.923a28-b2;

(2) A bhiksuni may not scold or slander a bhiksu by saying that he has broken the precepts (if/a), the right views {drsti), or the right behavior

(dedra). 9 . . ,

(3) A bhiksuni may not punish a bhiksu , nor prevent him to join m the ceremonies of the order (such as the posadha *° or th<; pravarana '). A bhiksuni may not admonish a bhiksu, whereas a bhiksu may admonish

bhiksuni. n

(4) After having been trained in the six rules'* for ^o years as a probationer {siksamdnd"), the ordination ceremony of a bhiksuni has to be carried out in both samghas (i.e. first in the bhiksumsamgha and then in the bhiksusamgha ). 15


O See T 1428.0.92362-4.

any. whether seen, or heard or suspected. See also HORNER i.b. ; committed any offences.

13 mle a?e 8 ;he 9 six rnles that have to be panicularly taken into account by a probationer (siksamdnd). Sec further pp. 45-47 iiksam dna-

14. Ishih-ch’a-mo-nal, a ^^S <aimanepa da, training one-

nUlxy oC »i»M in » »— *

15. See T. 1428, p. 923b8-10.


(5) When a bhiksuni commits a samghavasesa offense 16 , she has to undergo the manatva' 2 in both orders (i.e. bhiksusamgha and bhiksuni- samgha) during half a month.'*

Concerning this rule, the chapter concerning the ordination'’ informs us that when a monk commits a santghdvascsa offense, there arc four formal acts ( karman ) which can, each time by means of a jnapticatur- thakarman 20 , be performed by the samgha 2 ': (a) a parivdsa penance**,

16. Skt. samghavasesa, Pali saqighadisesa, M.-L. School: samghatisefa, ‘remainder in the order’. These offenses lead to a temporary exclusion from the order. They include such offenses as acting as a go-between, slandering, conferring the ordination to a thief, remaining without the company of other bhikfunis, staying together with a man^sreating disputes, and so on.

17. This is a kind of penance: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p.429: "...; it thus appears

that, according to both northern and southern tradition, this penance consisted in, or at least involved, some kind of ceremonial homage paid by the eulprit to the general-community of monks. This can be interpreted as supporting the apparent ctym., mdna-tva, condition of (paying) respect.” In T.I428 the manatva penance is ext laincd on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other kinayas SCC.FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.I09-.il 1. ’

18. SeeT.1428, p.923bl0-12.

19. T.1428,pp.779a6-816c4(;gJfc«K).

20. This is a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (cf. Lamottb, fc, 1988,

p. 56). It is one of the formal acts that can be performed by the samgha in miri ng decisions. These acts can be a jdaptikarman, a jnaptidvitiyakamum. or ajiumti- caturtliakarman : EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 244, s.v. >;«/«»': there are three

forms in which the motion may be made, (I) isolated, simple motion, not followed by a separate question as to whether the monks (or nuns) present approve, (2) accompanied (followed) by a single such formal question, called jhapti-dvitiyam, (3) accompanied by three such questions, called jhapti-caturtha."

21. see t. 1428, P .8oia4-7: B feSfUl* B

ttSNJIlilMttMIlWUiNiUlltNtiill: if one has to give Uk parivdsa

[po-li-p’o-sha], see note 22), then one ought to give the parivdsa. If one has to give ‘the correcting from the beginning’ (# □ Hi. Pali muldya patikassana, see note 23), then one ought to give ‘the correcting from the beginning’. If one has to give the mSnatva [mo-na-to], sec note 17),

then one ought to give die manatva. If one has to give the rehabilitation (tllUg,' dbarhana, see note 24), then one ought to give the rehabilitation.

22. EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 329: “(Skt., period of residence; Pali id. in technical sense) period of probation to which certain monks are subjected, as a disciplinary measure, for concealment of a samghavasesa oifcnsc.” In T. 1428 the parivdsa i s explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other Vinayas see FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 109-111.

(b) *a correcting from the beginning’ 23 , (c) a manatva penance 17 *, (d) a taking away the offense* (= rehabilitation) 24 . Further information on these barmans is found in two chapters of T. 1428: the chapter con- • ceming persons 23 and the chapter concerning probation 26 . In case of a parivasa penance (a), a bhiksu has to ask the bhiksusamgha three times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the bhiksusamgha, by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman , 27 The period of the parivasa penance corresponds to the period during which the bhiksu concealed the samghdvasesa offense. During this period, many restric¬ tions arc imposed upon the monk. The most important of these arc*, he cannot participate in the formal acts leading to parivasa , manatva or rehabilitation; he cannot confer the ordination or give guidance to a newly ordained monk; he cannot take care of a novice; he cannot give instruction to the bhiksunis\ he cannot punish bhiksus\ and he may not be honored by the other bhiksus. Every half-month, a bhiksu who under¬ goes a parivasa penance, has to remind the bhiksusamgha that he is in such a condition. 28 If, during the parivasa period, the bhiksu commits another * amghavasesa offense, he has to be told to start again from the beginning of the parivasa period. In ease of such ‘a correcting Trom the beginning’ (b), the bhiksu has, again, to ask the bhiksusamgha three times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the bhiksusamgha , by means of a jhapticaturthakarmqn? 19 When a bhiksu has completed the parivasa period, the samgha imposes upon him the manatva period (c), which lasts for six nights. Again, this penance is

23. Pali: tnulaya patikassatur, RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W. t PED t p.392, s.v, patikassana : “drawing back, in phrase mulaya p. “throwing back to the beginning, causing to begin over & over again”.*’

24. Cf. Nakamura, H. # BGD , p.672: dill, the rehabilitation of a bhikfu , Pali abbhana; WOGUIARA, U., BW % p. 199: abarhana [[[Pali]] abbhana J, with as Chinese rendering: di ft.

25. T.1428, pp. 896b25-903cl9 (ASlffi): this chapter entirely concerns the regulations concerning the four formal acts that can be performed when a bhik$u commits a samghdvasesa offense.

26. T.1428. pp. 904a6-906a8 (SStSiffi): this chapter concerns the restrictions imposed upon a bhiksu who is undergoing the parivasa or the manatva penances.

27. See T.1428, p.896b26-c!7.

28. See T.1428, pp. 904a7-906al.

29. See T.1428, pp. 896cl7-897al4.


given to him by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman, after the bhiksu a <fr<»d it three times to the samgha * 0 The restrictions imposed upon the bhiiqu during this manatva period arc the same as those during the parivasa period. The only difference is that the bhiksu now daily lias to inform the bhiksusamgha that he-is undergoing the manatva penance.* 1 Finally, the order can readmit the bhiksu by a rehabilitation. This rehabilitation (d) is conferred to him by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman, itftcrlhc bhiksu asked for this three times. 32

In case a bhiksu did not conceal the samghdvasesa offense, he docs not have to undergo a parivasa period, but the manatva penance is imme¬ diately imposed upon him. When he commits another santghavasefa offense during this manatva period, he has to start again from the beginning. After this period, the samgha can rehabilitate the bhiksu**

In these chapters ^concerning persons and concerning probation, no indications are given whether or not this also applies to bliilqunis. It is only from the fifth rule (gurudharma) for bhiksunis, mentioned in the Bhiksuniskandhaka** of T.1428, that we can deduce that a bhiksuni has to undergo the manatva penance in both the santghas during half a month, and not during six nights as this is the ease for the bhiksus. The karmavacand 34 for diiksunis of the Dharmaguptaka School, T. 1434, pp. 1068b 14-1069aI, however, clearly mentions this period of half a month, and gives further details concerning this point: the latter text adds that a bhiksuni has to undergo this penance even after having con¬ cealed the saittghavasesa offense, and that she has to present herself daily before both the samghas.

Also, since the parivasa penance is closely related to the manatva penance, it is striking that in the eight rules for bhiksunis in T.1428, there is no mentioning of this parivasa penance, while there is a special rule for the manatva penance. This is also the ease in the other Vinayas.**

30. See T.1428, p. 897a 14-b 16.

31. See T.1428, p.?06a2-8.

32. See T. 1428, p. 897b 16-c24.

33. See T.1428, pp. 897c25-898c7.

34. Karmavacand is the name of a text containing a list of acts and ceremonies to be pcrfoimed in the order.

35. OLDENBERG, H„ Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lI, p.255, rule 5; Sanskrit* Bhiksuni- vibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p.63, §93. rule 5 (apart (torn mentioning manatva, it is further said that a bhiksuni has to ask for rehabilitation


la the Pali Vinaya, information concerning the manatva penance is to be found in two different chapters. 1) In the chapter concerning the nuns 16 , the eight rules (P. garudhamma) to be followed by the nuns are enumerated. The fifth of these garudhammas says that a nun who has committed a samghddisesa» offense, has to undergo a manatta™ penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders. 2) In the chapter concerning the samghddisesa offenses for nuns 1 ’, the technical term samghddisesa is explained as follows: “the Order inflicts the manatta discipline on account of her offence, it sends back to the beginning, it rehabilitates; ...” 40 . In the chapter concerning the samghddisesa offenses for monks, however, the same technical term is explained as follows:

' “the Order places him on probation [= pari'vdsa] on account of the offence, it sends him back to the beginning, it inflicts the manatta disci¬ pline, it rehabilitates; ... .” 41 Moreover, the Pali Vinaya concludes the chapter on the samghddisesa offenses for nuns 41 by saying that a nun who has committed a samghddisesa offense, has to undergo a manatta penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders, after which she can be rehabilitated. Thus, in both the above mentioned chapters of the Pali Vinaya, there is no mentioning of a parivdsa period imposed upon a nun. From this, UPASAK, C.S., DEBMT , p. 183, concludes that there is no parivdsa penance for nuns.


i„ Mfe «*nkCite Vinayav. T.H2I. P- > <»?;J~ » *^

that a bfuksimi has to ask for rehabilitation m both the orders), T. 12 , p.

13, rule 5 (here it is said that a bhiksuni who transgresses a S^ a rma has to undergo the manatva in both the ^amghas)-, T.1435, p.345cl0-12, ru e , T.t 451, p. 351 a20-22, rule 7.

• See note 3.

36. OLDENBERG, H.. Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.H, Cullavagga X, pp. 25J-28J.

37. This is the Pali for the Ski. sumghuvasesa. See also NOLOT. E., 1991. pp.401-

405. •

38. This is the Pah for the Skt. wanorvo.

39 OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.1V, BhikkhunMbhaAga, pp. •

40. OLDENBERG. 11.. Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.IV. p. 225. translated by HORNER, I.B.,

so, vault, p. iso.

41 . OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lll. p. U2. translated by HORNER, I.B.. BD, Vol.l, p. 196.

42. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pilakam, Vol.1V, p.242.

Taking into consideration the indications given in other Vinaya texts and in T.1434, it seems safe to state that UPASAK’s conclusion concern¬ ing the Pali Vinaya, is equally valid for the other Vinaya texts.

(6) Every fortnight, the bhiksunis have to ask the hhiksus for instmc- tion ( avavdda 43 ). 44

Concerning this rule, pacittika” 141 <6 ofthc BhiksunMbhanga informs us how a bhiksuni, by means of ttjnaptidvitiyakarntan 20 * has to be appointed to go to the bhiksusanxgha to as.k for instruction, -or her safety, she must take two or three bhiksunis with her. After her arrival in the bhiksusamgha, she should ask the bhiksus three times for instruction Since she has to ask for instruction the same day the posadha ceremony 16 * is held by the bhiksusamgha, it might be too long to wait till the end of the recitation, and that is why Buddha permits her to ask only one important bhiksu for instruction, after which demand, she may leave. Afterwards, the bhiksusamgha has to appoint a bhiksu to go to the bluksunisamgha to give instruction. •

It is ih pacittika 21 4 ’ of the Bhiksuvibhahga, that we read how the bhiksu who is to give the instruction to the bhiksunis has to be appointed by means of a jiiapiidviiiyakarman”, after which lie lias to go to the bluksunisamgha. The instruction he has to give concerns the eight rules imposed upon bhiksunis , 4 ’

(7) The bhiksunis cannot spend the rainy season in a residence where there are no bhiksus. S0


43. WOOIHARA, U„ BW, p. 145.

44. See T.1428, p.923bl2-14.

45 ‘ ™ Skt. palayantika, payantika, Dharmaguptaka School' pa ci ttika

Waldschmidt, E. <cd.), 1965, pp. 297-298, No.656). M.-L. School: pacattika (for alternative fonns see Edgerton, F„ BHSD, p. 340)*. The original form and meaning of the word cannot be confidently reconstructed. According to IIlRA- KAWA, A.. 1982, p. 191, note 1. it probably means ‘expiation’. The pddttika rules arc a class of precepts concerning minor offenses. Committing such an offense requires a confession.

  • Hereafter all Pac.

46. See T.1428, p.765all-c!3.

47. See T. 1428, pp. 647b9-649c3.

48. See T. 1428, p. 648b20-27.

49. See T.1428, p, 649al-2.

50. See T.1428, p.923bl4-15.


(8) At the end of the rainy season, the bhiksunis have to perform the pravarana ceremony' 1 * in the bhiksusamgha . 5I

In respect to this rule, the chapter concerning the pravarana 52 , informs is how, at the pravarana ceremony, a monk asks the order three times to ell him whether he has been seen or heard or is suspected to have ommitted any offenses so that he can make amends for it. 53 It has to be lotcd, however, that any offense committed by any monk has to be vanished before the start of the pravarana ceremony, and that no such crcmony can start before discussions on any offense have been settled. This means that, in practice, no new offense could be brought out during he pravarana ceremony. 54

In pdcittika 142 55 of the Bhiksunivibhanga , it is said that the ihiksunis , by means of a jhaptidvitiyakarman™* , have to delegate a diiksuni to go to the bhiksusamgha in order to perform the pravarana . 56 >he has to ask whether the bhiksusamgha has any remarks concerning an >ffcnsc that a bhiksuni is seen or heard or is suspected to have ommitted. For her safety, this bhiksum must take two or three other diiksunis with her. It is further said that the bhiksus have to perform the n avarana ceremony the fourteenth day of the month, whereas the > hiksunis have to go to the bhiksusamgha on the fifteenth day. 57

The exposition of these eight rules for bhiksunis in the BhiktunJ- kandhaka is followed by the statement that for Mahaprajapati GautamI uid the fi ve hundred Sakya women, accepting these rules is of the same aluc as an ordination. 58 Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred i a Icy a women thus became fully ordained nuns by accepting these rules. \lso from T.1428, it is thus clear that, although Mahaprajapati Gautami uid the five hundred Sakya women accepted the eight rules, these rules

annot have been applied to the first Buddhist nuns, since they are not

>rdaincd before both orders, ,nor did they have to go through a proba-

51. See T.1428, p. 923b 15-17.

52. T.1428, pp.837cJ9-S43bl0 (ft &&«£).

53. S # 'c T. 1428, p. 837a4-7.

54. See T. 1428, pp. 839a 15-840a 19.

55. See T.1428, pp. 765c 14-766b9.

56. See T.1428, p.766a6-18.

57. See T.1428, p.766a24-25.

58. See T.1428, p.923b21.


S tionary period of two years as a sikjamdnd"* (rule 4). This is due to the simple fact that there was no bhiksunisamgha at that moment yet. 59 The eight rules were to become operative only after the rise of this new order of bhiksunis. Although Buddha agreed to the creation of this bhiksuni - sanigha , he was not happy with it and predicts that, because of this, the law will only last for five hundred years. 60


I 2) The ordination of a new bhiksuni

i- In order to become a fully ordained nun, one has to pass through three

t stages: (a) the going forth pravrajya), (b) a probationary period

I of two years as a siksamana 14 *, and (c) the full ordination 61,

| upasampada).

,, a. the going forth

| In the Bhiksuniskandhakafi, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to be

! carried out 62 :

First, 'he bhiksunlsanxgha has to be asked, by means of a jnapti- karman 20 *, for permission to cut the hair ( mundayati «) of the candi- date 64 , after which the hair is cut. Next, the bhiksunisanigha has to be asked, by mean, of a jhaptikarman, for permission to hold the ceremony


59. See also Horner, I.L)., BD, Vol.V, p.354, note 3: “... She would not therefore have to pass two years as a probationer, and this praetiee will no doubt have been introduced later, after an order of nuns had been in being for some time.”

60. See T.1428, p.923cl0-ll.

In his Les montales bouddhistes, pp. 28-32, M. WijayaRATNA tries to explain this statement of the Buddha. According to M. Wijayaratna, the 0 f

Buddha has to be seen in the historical context of the creation of the order of nuns. This creation was socially very difficult, since women were expected to serve men and not to organize themselves in an independent order. Since Buddha agrees that women can become arhats. He accepts the creation of an order for bhiksunis, not, however, without waiting for the bhiksusamgha to be sufficiently established and not without warning the Buddhist community of the risks in¬ volved. In order not to let the law socially degrade by the presence of women. He proclaims the eight rules for bhikfuitis.

61. Many other Chinese terms arc used in the Vinayas: cf WoGlHARA, U BW

p. 274. ' ’

62. See T.1428, pp.923cl6-924al6. A similar exposition is found in the Bhiksuni - vibhanga, Pac. 121, p. 755b4-c5,

63. WOGtHARA, U.,BIV, p. 1049.

64. See T.1428, p.923c!8-20.


to confer the going forth ( pravrajyd ) to the candidate 65 , after which the pravrajya is conferred.

The actual pravrajya ceremony has to be organized in the following way:

The candidate, her hair cut off and wearing the kasaya clothes 5 *, has to inform the bhiksunisamgha that she is taking refuge in the Buddha,; that she is taking refuge in the law, and that she is taking refuge in the order. At this occasion, she has to ask the samgha for permission to go forth, guided by her teacher (t upddhydyini J 66 . Thus she has to speak three times. By subsequently informing the bhiksunisamgha that she has taken refuge in the Buddha, in the law, and in the order, and that she has gone forth guided by her upddhydyini , she becomes a novice (sramaneri). The bhiksunisamgha then confers the ten precepts (+*& dasa siksa - p'adani) that particularly have to be taken into account by novices to the new sramaneri:

(1) she may not kill, (2) she may not steal, (3) she may not have an unchaste ( maithuna) behavior, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not drink alcohol, (6) she may not wear flowers, perfume or jewelry, (7) she may not sing, dance, or make music, or go to see singing, dancing and music, (8) she may not use a high, large, and big bed, (9) she may not cat at the wrong time, i.c. after noon, (10) she may not possess gold, silver, or money.


65. See T.1428, p.923c22-24.

66. This is a bliiksuni who, as a teacher, guides and instructs new candidates. She ought to help these new candidates from the moment they ask for the pravrajya till two years after the ordination (see Bhikfunivbhaiiga, Pac. 128, p. 760a8-bl4).

67. This is the version of the Bliiksuniskandhaka, pp. 923c25-924a2. In the Bluksuni- vibliahga , Pac. 121, p. 755bl2-19, the candidate first informs the bliiksunisaingha that she is taking refuge in the Buddha, in the Law, and in the Order, and, at the same occasion, she asks for permission to go forth, guided by her ttpadhyayini. Next, she informs the samgha that she has taken rcftigc in the Buddha, in the law, and in the order; and, at the same occasion, she again asks for the per'mission-to go forth, guided by her upadhyayini.

68. See T.1428. p.924a2-16. . „

These ten precepts (for Buddhist novices, male and fcma c) arc essentially the same in the other Vinayas: OLDENBERG, H„ Vinaya Pitakanj, Vol l.pp. 83-84 T.1421, pp. I Kc26-l17a4; T.1435, P .150al9-b8; T.1453, p.456b25-28. In T.1425 and in the Dhiksunivibltanga of the M.-L. School, an exposition of the ten precepts lacks.


b. the probationary period as a $ik$amana In the Bliiksuniskandhaka**, T. 1428 exDlainc hm„ „ which one becomes a probationer WtamtyU*) is to berried o^ When she is eighteen years old, the sramaneri three times hnmhi k to ask the bhiksunisamgha to let her study the precepts for two ^ ^ probationer. For married women, nn e«cS1!* £“* age of eighteen yearn: a mamed CnTSn ZLTt ‘

S1 A d ft lh ' prCCCpls for ‘ wo *“*. wht " sbe is only ten years old » ” l ° After the request to become a probationer, the sramaneri has to be led o a place front where she can see the Uihu^ ms l,a. but cannot, <t. A bhtksum who is capable of performing a formal act (karman) h «1 be appointed by the This appointed M,lZ7Z te o

perform a fortmtl act in which the motion is fourfold ti e ?'n^ 0 bntoWO.) 0 ,dc, to ask the bhO, m is whether tiy JccZZTr

to the sm»o, m a tratntng for two years in the precepts, under “T.”

,n Case ,hl!y a8rce ’ lhc «*»* is iK'cby settled Subsequently, one has to explain the six rules (7^)71 particular’v m

be taken into account by a siksamand to this newly accepted siksamdna.

69. Sep T.1428, p.924al6-c4. A similar exposition (with the execution of ih<»

explanation on the six rules to be particularly taken into acrnum k P ... 1 of . lh . c is found in the Bhiksunivibliaiiga, Pac. 121, p. 755c5-24. y 3 sl ^ amS, - ,a )

70. See T.1428, p. 924a 17-19.1 will discuss this further on pp. 62IT

71. These six rules di (Ter from Vinaya to Vinaya:

The Pali Vinaya has the same rules as T.1428 (OLDt-Nitnu- it i/ „ ,

al. the bhiksunis and above all the sramanerikas (female novices) (2) Snnn'ih° W that is an offence for a siksamaaa (need) not to be an offence for a ( bhiksu^ai

UVAhlri th3t ‘ S a " 0nbnCC f ° r 3 bhik5uoi is also an offence for a siksamdnd A ^ U '- " Uy Sl3y W “ h 3 iik * ama, >“ ( in a cell) for three consecutive days (5) A stksamana may stay with a sramanerikd (in a cell) for three ennuv r days. (6) A sikpamana may give some food to a bhiksimi (7) a Hi* ? CC . Ut,vc be si.ee .„y few, b, , but me «.y S'S fcteSTS

rccc,vc f o , id \ s : i ? r and c ° ins - <*> ^ «*»**) sh 0u id L poim

out to a bhtksun, any of the bliiksuni 's offences from ihe pdrdjika down to the vinayatikrama. (9) (A stksamana) may not speak (to a bhiksunii cnnnw (matters oQ not committing sexual intercourse, not stealing, not kiiling. not lying 6 (10, 11) 0) (A stksamana may not attend the Posadha meeting of the bhiksimi

n °‘ i UICn th ° ,,rm ' 0r( "-‘ 0 mcc,in 8 lhc bhiksttnf Order). On the

Posadha day and on the pravaratta day, before the Order'smeeting, putting her


palms together Site (sic) should say ‘I am so-and-so, pure and unsullied. May the Order remember that 1 have followed (the eighteen rules for a siksamuna).' She should repeat it three times, then go out. (12) If a siksamdnd has committed one of the last four of the eight pdrajikas , she must begin the sikfamana* s two year course over again, and ought to start learning the disciplinary rules again on that very day. (13) If the offence (that a siksamuna has committed) is one of the nineteen which constitute a samghdtisesa offence, or any other offence (down to the Vinayatikrama (sic)), she ought to make a duskrta confession for each of the offences which she has committed. (14-18) If she violates (any of) the next five precepts, then her time as a siksamuna will be extended for as many days as she has broken the precepts. What arc these five? They arc: (14) taking a meal at an improper time, (15) taking food which was lefi over from the previous days, (16) accepting gold, silver and money, (17) drinking liquor, and (18) decorating herself with wreaths of flowers or incense.*’ The Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 26-28, §§26-27, gives eighteen rules that agree to a large extent with the eighteen rules given in T.1425: NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 15-17: “Qucllcs sont scs obligations? [1] Vis-a-vis dc toutes les nonnes, clle cst nouvcllc; vis-a-vis dc toutes les novices, die cst ancicnnc; die doit sc contcntcr du siege infcricur. [2] Ellc doit sc contcntcr dc la nourriture infcricurc. [3] Elle doit sc contcntcr du gruau infcricur. [4] Les biens matcriels illicites pour ellc sont dcs biens matcriels licitcs pour les nonnes. [5] Les biens matcriels licitcs pour les nonnes sont dcs biens matcriels illicites pour die. [6] Les nonnes nc doivent pas dormir tournees dc son cote; [7] cllc-mcmc i*c doit pas donmir tournee du cote des novices. [8] Les nonnes peuvent la charger de rcccvoir [dcs dons], excepte V agnikalpa* , [9] 1’or ct 1’argcnt; [10] cllc-mcmc peut charger lcsTiovices de rcccvoir [dcs dons). [1*1) line convicntpas qu’clle assistc au Posadha, [12] nia la Pravdranu. Mais, quand a lieu lc Posadha ou la Pravdrana , montant jusqu’au rang dcs ancicnnes puis accomplissant Yahjali debout devant dies, elle doit dire: “Jc saluc. C Arya, considcrez-moi commc pure” - ct une deuxiemc, une troisieme fois. Quand elle a dit trois fois “Jc saluc. 6 Arya, considcrcz[-moi] comme pure”, die doit partir. [13] II nc convicnt pas dc lui fairc entendre lc Prdtimok$asutra. Au contrairc, il faut lui fairc apprendre tout cc qu’clle peut apprendre avec une padaphalakd **; il faut [lui] dire: [14] “II nc convicnt pas d’enfreindre la chastcte; [15] il nc convicni pas dc prendre cc qui n’est pas denne; [16] il .nc convicnt pas d’otcr la vie, dc sa propre main, a un ctre humain; [17] il ne convient pas de pretendre mcnsongcrcmcnt a un pouvoir sumaturcl” - ainsi doit-on lui faire apprendre tout cc qu’dlc peut apprendre avec une padaphalakd . [18] Les infractions aux cinq prcceptcs [sont]: manger hors du temps prcscrit; manger des aliments mis cn reserve; accepter Tor ct 1’argent; porter dcs parfums, des guirlandcs, dcs fards, boirc dcs liqueurs, dc 1’alcoo), des boissons fortes.”

• NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 16, note 34: “[...] Le compose signifie litt. “prepare au feu” ou “rendu licitc par lc feu”; [...]. Il n’est pas impossible a priori qu 'agnikalpa ddsigne les cinq ccrcalcs bouitlics ou grillccs du regime monastique [...]. La proximitc dc jdtaruparajata [[[Wikipedia:gold|gold]] and silver) indique peut-etre qu’il s’agit d’une substance prccicusc.”

The first four of these six rules coincide with the first four pdrdjika offenses 72 : (1) sexual intercourse, (2) stealing (anything with a value of' five coins 73 , or more), (3) taking human life and (4) lying about one's spiritual achievements. The other two rules arc: (5) a siksamaqa may not cat at the wrong time, i.c. after noon, and (6) she may noLdrink alcohol. The disciplinary measures that are to be taken against a siksamdnd who transgresses one of these six rules arc explained in the Bhiksumvibhanga , pdcittika 123 74 of T. 1428: the four pdrdjika offenses lead to a definitive


NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 17, note 36: “[...] lc sens apparent cst iplanchette, feuille ou ecorcc [...] [pour ccrirc dcs] mots ou phrasesM. Mais [...] le terme pourrait designer une nonne specialiscc dans 1’instruction dcs probationnaires ”

T, 1435, p.327a7-c2, gives six rules: (1) she may not have an unchaste behavior, (2) she may not steal, (3^shc may not kill, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not let herself be touched by a man with impure thoughts from below her hair till her wrist and her knee, (6) she may not do eight wrong things together with a man with impure thoughts (to allow that the man touches her hand, that he touches her clothes, that they stand together, speak together, make appointments, or go to a secret place, to wail for a man, and to offer her body).

T. 1443, p. !G05a3-19, gives six rules and six additional rules. The six rules arc: she may not (1) walk alone, (2) cross a river alone, (3) touch a man on purpose, (4) spend a night together with a man, (5) act as a go-between, and (6) conceal a parajika offense of a bhiksum. The six additional rules are: she may not (1) touch silver or gold, (2) shave her pubic hair, (3) dig in the ground, (4) cut grass or fell a tree, (5) cat food that has not been given, and (6) cat food that has been left over.

As said by HlRAKAWA, A., 1982, p.54, note 17, the six rules of the Pali Vinaya and T. 1428 arc probably the oldest.

72. A pdrdjika is an offense that leads to a permanent, lifetime exclusion from the order. There are four offenses for monks and eight offenses for nuns: sexual intercourse, stealing, taking human life and lying about one’s spiritual achieve¬ ments; and, only for nuns: having physical contact below the armpit and above the knee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (According to T. 1428, p. 716a24-27; touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning against one another, and making appointments. The eight wrong things differ slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya ), concealing a grave offense of another bhikfuni (in all Vinayas stated to be * pdrdjika, and in T.1435, p. 304a28-29, also stated to be a samghavasesa), and persisting in accompanying a suspended bhikfu.

73. mdsaka : see RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED % p.531, s.v. mdsaka: “lit. a small bean, used as a standard of weight & value; hence a small coin of very low value. Of copper, wood & lac.”

74. See T.1428, p. 756bl8-c25.


expulsion from the order; the two other offenses and offenses closely linked to the four parajika offenses lead to an extension of the two-year training.

T.1428 also mentions that, apart from these six rules particularly to be taken into account by a siksamana, a siksamana also should study all the precepts for bhiksunis, except for the precept on offering and accepting - food with one’s own hands 75 .

The latter regulation for the siksamana is difficult to understand, since no precept in the Prdtimoksa 2 * for bhiksunis concerning offering and accepting food with one’s own hands is to be found. The first prati¬ desaniya 76 offense in the Bhiksuvibhahga 77 might give a clue to a solu¬ tion. Here, z bhiksuni offers her own food to a bhiksu. However, when .she, because of this, becomes very weak and ill, Buddha says that a bhiksu may not, with his own hands, accept food of a bhiksuni, except when he is ill or when the bhiksuni is related to him. If he does accept food, he commits a pratidesaniya offense. T.W28 78 also says - by means of a standardized formula - that in ease a bhiksuni accepts food, she commits a duskrta 7 ’, and that, in the same ease, also a siksamana, a sramanera, and a srdmaneri (i.c. a probationer, a male, and a female novice) commit a duskrta. This implies that they too cannot accept food from a bhiksuni.

In the Pali Vinaya, Bhikkhuvibhahga, Patidesaniya l 80 , we find the interesting remark that, although a monk cannot accept food from a nun with his own hands, he may accept food from a sikkhamdnd or from a sdmaneri.

75. See T.1428, Bhiksuniskandhaka, p. 924c2-4 (particularly, p.924c3-4:

ItixJiijSfi 6 exception made for giving food to a bhiksuni and

personally taking food to cal); Bhiksunivibhaitga, Pac.121, p.755c23-24 (particularly: BfcS-flDtftlS&lBflL exception made for taking food with one’s own hands and offering food to someone else).

76. These minor offenses concern the acceptance and the consumption of inappro¬ priate food. These offenses have to be confessed.

77. T.1428, pp.695cl7-696bl3. This offense is also found in the Pali and the other Chinese Vinayas: OLDENBEKG, H„ Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.IV, pp. 175-177, patidesaniya 1; T.1421, pp.71c7-72b6, pratidesaniya l; T.1425, pp.397al4- 398al . pratidesanika 2; T.1435, p,131a6-bl8, pratidesaniya 1; T.1442, pp. 897a22-899b 18, pratidesaniya l.

78. See T.1428, p.696b7-8.

79. This literally means ‘a bad action’ and indicates a very light offense.

80. See note 77.

Furthermore, the ninth rule for the siksamdnds in T. 1425 8 ' says that a siksamana can give some food to a bhiksuni.

Considering the above mentioned facts, we can state that a bhiksu and, as mentioned in T.1428, a bhiksuni, may not accept food from a bhiksuni with their own hands. This also implies that a bhiksuni cannot give food into the hands of a bhiksu or a bhiksuni. This might be the precept for bhiksunis referred to in the above mentioned passage concer¬ ning the precepts to be followed by a siksamana.

In ease the latter precept is the precept for bhiksunis referred to in the passage concerning the precepts to be followed by a siksamana, then we are confronted with a contradiction in T. 1428:

I. On the one hand, in the Bhiksuniskandhaka of T.1428', it is said that a siksamana should follow all the precepts for bhiksunis. except for the one precept on offering and accepting food with one’s own hands, a precept that we have identified as being equivalent to the first pratidesa¬ niya in the Bhiksuvibhahga. Unlike a bhiksuni, z-siksamdnu can offer food to. a bhiksu or to a bhiksuni with her own hands, and can receive food from a bhiksuni. The above is congruous with the Pali Vinaya, B.'tikkhuvibhahga, Patidesaniya l 8 ®*, where it is said that a monk can always accept food from a sikkhomdnd or from a sdmaneri, which implies that a sikkhamdnd or a sdmaneri also can give food to a monk, and also coincides with the ninth rule to be taken into account by a sik?amania of T. 142581*, according to which a siksamana may give food to a bhiksuni.

II. On the other hand, in the Bhiksuvibhahga, Pratidesaniya 1 of T.1428, it is said that a bhiksu cannot receive food from a bhiksuni and that this also applies to a bhiksuni, a siksamana, a sramanera and a srdmaneri. These, equally, cannot receive food from a bhiksuni. This is in direct conflict with the above mentioned (1.). A possible explanation for this contradiction in T.1428 may be that, in the Bhiksuvibhahga, Pratidesaniya 1 , T.1428 uses a standardized formula 87 , to be found in many other precepts, as a result of which, probably, no attention was paid to the particular position of the siksamdnd (and, possibly, as mentioned in the Pali Vinaya, of the srdmaneri).

81. See note 71.

82. T.1423 ,pratidesaniya l,p.696b7-8: jt;

M, a bhiksuni is with a duskrta. A siksamana , a sramanera and a srdmaneri arc with a duskrta


The difference between a sramaneri and a siksamana appears to be only forma!. As we can see from the above, the admission ceremony, by means of a jhapticaturthakarman , of a siksamana, is a lot more elabo¬ rated than the one of a sramaneri, for whom no formal act has to be per¬ formed. Except for this formal element, of which it might be expected that it leads to a different status of the two members, there appears to be no essential difference as to their role, or duties in the bhiksumsamgha .

In this way, having a closer look at the ten precepts (+Jj£) imposed upon a sramaneri and on the six rules (a\?£) to be particularly taken into account by a siksamana , we see that thc*six rules of the siksamana coincide with six of the ten precepts imposed on a sramaneri . This does not mean that a siksamana docs not have to follow, the other four precepts, precepts saying that a sramaneri may not wear flowers, perfume or jewelry, that she may not sing, dance, or make music, or go to see singing, dancing and music, that she may not use a high, large, and big bed, and that she may not possess gold, silver, or money. Since it is also said that a siksamana has to keep all the precepts that apply to bhiksunis, except for one (i.c. the precept on offering and accepting food), this implies that a siksamana necessarily also has to foljow the four remaining precepts for a sramaneri , these latter precepts belonging v to the set of precepts for bhiksunis**.

This could still lead to the wrong conclusion that a sramaneri has to follow ten precepts only, while a siksamana has to keep up all the precepts for bhiksunis , except for one, hereby particularly taking into account six rules. Since in these eases where the commentary on these precepts for bhiksunis (of the Bhiksunivibhanga ) is also applicable to siksamanas and to sramaneris , there always is an indication of the offense committed by the latter two members of the community, it is evident that also the latter two members of the community have to keep up the precepts concerned, be it that - exception made for the case they commit one of the first four parajika offenses 84 - siksalnanas and sramaneris arc not punished in the same way as bhiksunr arc.

83. A bhiksuni may not embellish herself (, Bhiksunivibhanga , Pacittika 157). A bhiksuni may not go to see singing, dancing and music ( Pacittika 79). A bhiksuni must follow strict rules concerning the bedding she uses ( Pacittikas 68 and 69).

A bhiksuni may not possess gold, silver or money (Nihsargikapacittika 9).

84. Of these four parajika offenses, the Bhiksunivibhanga only mentions the essen¬ tials. Exception made for some additional commentary on the first parajika offense, the commentary is to be found in the Bhikfuvibhanga. In the com-

Hence, we have to conclude that for a siksamana or a sramaneri, the offenses that are mentioned and the measures that arc taken are the same.

Finally, it is interesting to note that all the formal acts and ail the cere¬ monies performed by the bhiksumsamgha can only be done by the bhiksunis themselves, whereas both the sramaneris arid the siksamanas cannot participate in them.

We thus have to conclude that, since the precepts to be followed by and the measures that can be taken against a sramaneri and a siksamana arc the same, and since both do not participate in the ceremonies and the formal acts in the bhiksunis am glia, there is no essential difference between the position of a sramaneri and the one of a siksamana, except probably for the social rank in the community, given the importance attached to the admittance ceremony of a siksamana.

c. the ordination ceremony

When a siksamana has concluded the two-year training, she is ready to become a bhiksuni, provided that she did not act against one of the six rules (/\$i) that she particularly has to take into account.

in the Bliiksuuiskandhaka**, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to be carried out 85 :

Although the candidate to the ordination, as a sramaneri and as a siksamana, has been guided by an upadliyayini w*. she now must offi¬ cially ask a bhiksuni to become her upadliyayini. After this request, re¬ peated three times, that bhiksuni consents to become her upadliyayini .w

Next, the candidate has to be led to a place from where she can see the bhiksunisamgha , hut cannot hear it. The karman master 87 then performs


mentary on the first four parajika offenses, the Bhiksuvibhahga mentions that in

commit a duskrta and they have to be sent away definitively. Although a srdmanera, a sramaneri and a siksamana are not said to have committed the same offense as a bhiksu (or a bhiksuni), they arc punished in the same way.

Ji5. See T.1428, pp. 924c4-926a26. A similar exposition is found in the Bhiksuni - vibhahga, Pac.424, pp.756c26-758c28.

86. Sec T.1428, p.924c4-7.

87. karmakaraka (?) (f. karmakarikd): cf. WOGIHARA/U., BW % p.323, s.v.

karmakaraka : ftsf tM, EDGERTON, F., BHSD,

p. 170, s.v. karmakaraka." the presiding officer at an assembly of monks and nuns before which a jdapti, q.v., is presented; he or she presents the jhapti, and the following karmavdeand , q.v. (if any).*’ possibly also may render the


a jnaptikarman 20 *, in order to appoint an instructress 88 in the bhiksuni- samgha , 89 Hereafter, that instructress goes to the candidate and asks her whether she possesses the five required robes (i.c. the antarvasa , the uttarasanga , the samghdti , the samkaksika, and the robe that covers the shoulder 90 ) as well as the alms bowl ( patra ), after which the instructress >

Skt. term karmdedrya * (f. karmdedrya *): cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 164, s.v. fifcliili: Pali kamma-dcariya.

88. if, anusdsikd: cf. WOGiHARA, U., BW, p. 68, s.v. anusdsaka : Apart

from the upddhydyini and the karmakdrika , the anusdsikd is the third person to be present during an ordination ceremony. In addition to these three,’ seven witnesses arc required (cf. T.I428, p. 886a22-28, in the chapter concerning an intervention of Buddha in Campa, where he explains, among other things, which kind of assemblies have to carry out community proceedings).

89. SecT.1428,p.924cl0-l2.

90. Sec T.1428, p. 924cl3-14.

These arc the five robes that are to be possessed by a bhiksuni. The first three correspond to the three robes of a monk: an antarvasa , i.c. an inner robe, an uttarasanga , i.c. a upper robe, and a samghdti , i.c. an outer cloak: sec HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.ll, p. 1, note 2: “The antaravasaka is put on at the waist, and hangs down to just above the ankles, being tied with the kdyabandhana , a strip of cloth . made into a belt or girdle [... ]. The uttarasanga is the upper robe worn when a monk is in residence. It covers him from neck to ankle, leaving one shoulder bare [... J. The sanghati is put on over this when *he monk goes out. It may be exactly the same size as the uttarasanga , but it consists of double cloth, since to make it two robes arc woven together. [... ] All these three robes arc made in the patch- _ work fashion.”

The two additional robes arc ((scng-chich-chih), a phonetic rendering of

the Skt. samkaksika) and 1213#, a robe that covers the shoulder.

By comparing several texts and dictionaries, VON HINOBER, 0., 1975, pp. 133- 139, concluded that a samkaksika is a small band worn to support the breasts, so that they do not catch the eye. This is also the reason why according to T.1428, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 160, a samkaksika should be worn by a bhiksuni. Still according to O. VON HINOBER, another garment should be worn over the samkaksika: a gandapraticchadana (pata), lit. a robe to hide the rounding (of the breasts). This latter statement is based upon information given in the Bhiksuni - vibhanga of the M.-L. School (ROTH, G., 1970, bhiksuniprakirnaka (miscella¬ neous matters), p. 313, §277). The Skt. term gandapraticchadana ( pata ) corresponds to the Chinese term SB# in the Bhiksunivibhahga of the Chinese Vinaya of the Mahasamghika School (T.1425, p.546b28). This makes it clear that the purpose of wearing 52)3 £ is to cover the rounding of the breasts. Probably this robe also covered the shoulder left bare by the uttarasanga .

These two additional robes of the bhiksunis arc not the same in all the Vinayas. In passages where the five robes arc enumerated in the Vinayas, wc find the following two additional robes:


OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pifakani. Vol.II, p.272: (1) samkacchika, (2) udakaffitika, i.e. a bathing-cloth. This Vinaya docs not mention a cloth worn over the samkacchika.

T. 1421, p. 187cl9-20: (I) 52J3# : a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) itfciSJC: a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga , Pac. 181, p. 98a 11 -17, it is said that a bhiksuni should wear a samkaksika (fiS ftYi' (seng-ch’i-chihl) T.1425, p.472b2I-22 and p.521a25-26: (I) ?2B#: a robe that covers* the shoulder, (2) Hi# (p.472b22) MY6H (p. 521a26): a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga, prakirnaka 23, p.546b25-c2, it is said that a bhiksuni should wear a 5213# over the samkaksika & [scng-chT-chih]).

In the Skt.* Bhiksunivibhahga of the M.-L. School, wc find the same infor¬ mation: ROTH, G., 1970, p. 146, §165: (I) kanthapraticchadana * *: a robe that covers the rounding (of the breasts), (2) udakasutika: a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga,prakirnaka 24, p.313, §277, it is said that a bfvksuni should wear ^gandapraticchadana (pata) over the samkaksika .

  • Sec note 3.
    • According to NOLOT, E.,1991, p. 136, note 174, this should be gandiaprati -

c chad ana.

T.1428, p.924cl3-!4: (I) samkaksika , (2) 5213#: a robe that covers

the shoulder. Apart from this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga , Pac. 102, p. 749al9-bI6, a bathing-cloth (iff #) to be worn by a bhiksuni is mentioned. T.I435,p.335b28:(l) 5213#: a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) (U|£Sg [chu- hsiu-Io]: this is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. kusulaka . There arc different opinions about what exactly a kusulaka is: according to NAKAMURA, p.269, it is an undergarment, also called (bamboo basket), because of its resemblance with such a basket. According to EDGERTON, I\, IS USD, p. 189, s.v. kusulaka , there arc two different garments called kusulaka : a) “a woman’s breast¬ covering” (= kusulaka ); b) “a man’s garment”. The first interpretation is based on the Mahdvyutpatti , No,9000 (!?2?t?)”). To our opinion, since in T.1435

a kusulaka is mentioned together with a ‘robe that covers the shoulder*, it could well have the same use as a samkaksika in T.1428, i.c. a garment to support the breasts, worn under another garment that hides the rounding of the breasts and covers the shoulder. Edgerton’s second interpretation, a man’s garment, is also to be found in T.1435, p.347b!4-17: what man’s garment, in this passage, a kusulaka exactly is, is difficult to know. It is likely to be an undergarment. The term samkaksika ({$#;& [scng-ch’i-chih]) is mentioned only once in the Vinaya , namely as part of a series of robes that can be used by a monk (p. 466a23). It is clear that the original sense of samkaksika has been lost here. Besides this, in the Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 128, p. 335a 1-25, a bathing-cloth (tS#) to be worn by a bhiksuni is mentioned.

T.1443, p.944b8-9: (I) [chu-su-lo-chia]: kusulaka, (2) (SfUllQ

(scng-chiao-ch’i], which according to our opinion, is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. term samkaksika. What, in this Vinaya , exactly is meant by a kusulaka or by a samkaksika, and what the difference between these two is, is impossible to say. Apart from ther-abovc two clothes, T.I443, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 139, p. 101 Ia3-9, mentions a bathing-cloth (iftfif ) to be worn by a bhiksuni.


questions her in order to find out if there are any stumbling blocks (antardya) to her ordination. 91 She asks after her name and her upd- dhyayini. She then asks whether she is twenty years old, whether she has all the robes and the alms bowl, whether she has the permission of her parents and the permission of her husband, whether she has any debts, whether she is not a slave, and whether she is a woman. Finally, the in¬ structress questions the candidate concerning such diseases as leprosy, boils, eczema, tuberculosis, epilepsy, bisexuality, or the disease that the two tracts come together 91 , and asks her whether she is able to hold up urine, excrements, mucus and saliva.

In ease the answer is satisfactory, the instructress brings the candidate back to the other bhiksunis and positions her within her reach. Hereafter, the instructress performs a jnaptikarman in order to ask the bhiksuni- samgha for permission to let the candidate return among the bhiksunis. In ease the bhiksunisamgha consents, the instructress tells the candidate to come nearer. 93 The instructress then has to hold the robes and the alms bowl of the candidate and has to instruct her to humbly ask the bhiksunisamgha three times to confer her the ordination. 94

After this request, the kannan master performs a jnaptikarman to ask permission to interrogate the candidate in order to find out whether there arc any stumbling blocks to the ordination." The karman master then asks the same questions as the instmetress. This time, hosyever, the interrogation is public. 90 In case the answer is satisfactory, the ordina¬ tion is finally carried out by means of a jiiapiicaturthakarman . 91


We can conclude that the three robes common for monks and nuns (antarvasa, uttarasanga, and samghuti) are always the same. Furthermore, exception made for tltc Pali I'inayti. every Vinaya mentions a bathing-cloth and two garments to cover the breasts to be worn by a bhiksuni. Of these three robes, two arc added to the three common robes, in this way making a scries of five robes that should always be possessed by a bhiksuni, and that a iikfamana should possess at her ordination ceremony.

91. See T. 1428, p. 924c 15-21.

92. This is further explained in the Bhiksunivibhaiiga, p.774b7: it means that the tracts of urine and excrements arc not separated.

93. See T.1428,p.924c22-27.

94. See T.1428, pp. 924c27-925a3.

95. See T.l 428, p. 925a3-6.

96. See T.1428, p.925a6-13.

97. See T.1428, p.925al3-25

After the ordination ceremony in the bhiksunisamgha, the candidate has to be led to the bhiksusamgha. She humbly asks the bhiksusatpgha three times to confer her the ordination. 98 After this triple request, the kannan master of the bhiksus interrogates her on possible stumbling blocks, as this had been done before in the bhiksunisanigha. The karman master further asks the candidate whether she has studied the precepts and whether she is pure 99 . In ease her answer is satisfactory, he asks the other bhiksunis whether the candidate has studied the precepts and whether she is pure. In ease the answer, again, is satisfactory, the ordination is conferred to'her by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman .too

Before the ordination ceremony is finally concluded, two important instructions arc given to the newly ordained bhiksuni. One first explains the eight parajika offenses which would exclude her definitively .from the order of bhiksunis: i.e. sexual intercourse, stealing, taking human life and lying about one’s spiritual achievements, having physical contact below the armpit and above the knee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (according to T.1428, Bhikfunivibhadga, p.716a24-27: touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret place together, being in .a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning against one another, and making appointments), concealing a grave offense (i.e. a parajika) of another bhiksuni, and persisting in accompanying a suspended bhikfu. The newly ordained bhiksuni has to profess that she is able to take on these interdictions. 101 Secondly, four supports {nisraya) are taught to her. These four supports arc: (1) she should dress in refuse rags 102 , (2) she should only rely on alms food 103 , (3) she should dwell at the root of a tree 104 , and (4) she has to use medicine made of putrid elements 103 . These supports are the


98. See T.1428, p.925a25-bl.

99. parisuddha, without stumbling blocks.

' 100. See T.1428, p.925bl-17.

101. See T.1428, pp.925bl7-926a5.

102. paipsukula (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p. 770; EOGERTON, F., BHSD, p.307).

103. pindapata (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p.784; EOGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).

104. vrksamula (WOGIHARA, U., BW, p. 1265; EOGERTON, F„ BHSD, p.307).

105. medicine made of putrid elements: putimuktabhaisajya (WOGIHARA, U„ BW, p.802; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p.307). See Rhys Davids, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 470, s.v. putimutta, ‘‘strong-smelling urine, usually wine of

minimum requirements for a life as a bhiksu or as a bliiksuni', it is, how¬ ever, allowed to receive more and better than what is stipulated in these four supports, provided one docs not ask for it. Because the candidate may not be able to endure such an austere life, these supports are explained to her before the conclusion of the ordination ceremony, and the candidate is asked whether she will obey them. 106 Ultimately, the. ordination ceremony is officially concluded. 107 As we have said before, Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women did not receive this official ordination: they became bliiksunis by accepting the eight rules (gttrudliarinas) for bliiksunis. When some bliiksunis suggested that the ordination of Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women was not valid, Buddha again said that both ordinations have the same value, and that Maha¬ prajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women received the precepts too. 108

The Bhiksuniskandhaka of T. 1428 then adds some special conditions- that can occ jr during the ordination ceremony. The most important addition is that, after having been ordained in the bhiksunisaingha ,a . candidate can receive the ordination in the bliiksusamgha by a proxy, in ease it is too dangerous for her to go to the monastery of the bhiksus. This proxy has to be appointed by means of a jhaptidvitiyakarman. For her safety* the proxy must take two or three bhiksunls with her.

It is thus to be seen that the ordination ceremony is a well organized, highly formalized ceremony, focusing on the control exercised by the full members of the community in order to prevent a newcomer to damage this community. After ordination, the newly ordained bhiksum becomes a full member of the bhiksunisaingha. This allows her to take

cattle used as medicine by the Wi/M/iu”; Bhiksunivibhanga or the M.-L. School, ' ROTII G., 1970, p.40, §51: “putimuiram". According to NaKAMURA, H., BGD, p.969, the Skt. term refers to urine and excrements of cows used as medicine. On this. EDGERTON, F.. BHSD, p. 350, s.v. putimukta, says: ( [...] - putmuna. interpreted even by Pali comms. as containing mutta - Skt. mutra, urine; this is prob. a late and secondary interpretation, suggested by pun [...]), a medicinal decoction”

106. SccT.1428, p.926a5-19.

107. SccT.1428. p.926al9-26.

108. See T. 142S, p. 926a27-b3.


part in all the formal acts and the ceremonies that arc performed by the bhiksunisaingha. On the other hand, all the^precepts for bliiksunis and the measures they include, now all apply to her. Many offenses against the rulc$ of this ordination ceremony can be committed.

II. Offenses against the ordination rules according to the Dharnta- guptaka Vinaya

Bdow all offenses against the ordination rules appearing in the Bhiksunivibhanga of T.1428 arc enumerated, and each of them is compared with the corresponding offenses in the other Vinayas. In this comparison, we restrict ourselves to the essentials.

In all the yinayas 109 , all the offenses committed against the rulcs.of the ordination ceremony, are found among the pdcittika offenses 4 **, except for one offense that, in all the* Vinayas, is classified as a samghavasesa offense! 6 *, and two offenses that only in T.1425 and in the Bhiksuni- vibhaiiga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School arc classified in a different category!^ 0 '

All offenses focus either on the candidate, or on the upadhydyinB **, or on the ordination procedure. Moreover, T.1428 adds two offenses that concern the period immediately following the ordination ceremony.

1) The candidate

a. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhanga, Samghavasesa 5 (pp.719b7-720a5 oarti- cularly, p.719cl5-18) llt : ’ F

“If a bhiksum knows in advance that a woman thief" 2 has to be put to

109. See note 1.

i 10. T.1428, Pac. 134 5 T.1425, Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, Samzhati- sesa 7. *

T.1428, Pac. 137 5 T.1425, Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, nihsarzika - pacaltika 18. *

111. Oldenberg, IT., Vinaya Pitakani, Vol.IV, pp.225-227, Saipghadisesa 2- T.1421, p. 79b6-c24, Samghavasesa 4; T.1425, pp.519c6-520bl4, Samghati- sesa 8; Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 138-141 §§160-162, Samghatisesa 8; T.1435, pp.309c 14-310b 18, Samghavasesa 8- T.1443, pp.935cl l-936b2, Samghavasesa 10.

112. This coincides with the precepts in the Pali Vinaya and in T. 1435. In the precepts of T.1421, of T.1425, and of the Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, it is a woman who committed a crime (in T. 1421, this is explained as adultery or theft); in the precept of T.1443, it is a woman who betrayed her husband (this is also


death 113 and that people know this 114 , and yet, without asking the king or the ministers, and without asking the clan 115 , admits 116 her into the


mentioned in the introductory stories in the Pali Vinaya , in T. 1421, in T.1425, in the Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, and in T.1435).

113. In T. 1421, in T.I425, and in T.1443, this is said in the introductory story to the precept and not in the precept itself.

114. This is not found in the Pali Vinaya , in T. 1421, in T.1425, and in the Bhiksuqi* vibhanga of the M.-L. School.

115. Pali Vinaya : without asking the king, the order of nuns, a group* or a guild* * or a company** •; T.1421: without asking her husband (who, as it is said in the introductory story to the precept, is supported by the laws laid down by the king); this is not found in T.1425 and in the Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School; T.1435: without asking the king or the k$atriyas\ T.1443: without the permission of her husband and the king.

  • See HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. 183, note 7: “ Va . 910 [[[Takakusu]], J.,

Nagai, M., Samantapdsadikd, Vol.IV, p. 910J| makes out that this means a group of wrestlers and so on. But, preceded by samgha, it might have the usual Vin. meaning of ? group (of two to four monks or nuns). On the other hand, it is followed by two words that have no religious significance, and which denote associations of people ‘in the world'.”

    • See Horner, LB.. BD, Voi.HI, p. 183, note 8: “puga - dhammapuga, “a

guild under dhamma” (?). VA. 910 [TAKAKUSU. J. and NAGAI, M., Samanta- pasddikd , Vol.IV, p.910]. Probably a guild governed by some rule or law.”

      • See Horner, I.B., BD % Vol.III, p. 183, note 9: “se/ri, a % corporation,

company or guild of artisans or traders following the same business or dealing in the same articles.”

116. All the Chinese Vinayas use the term Iff, which originally meant “to bring (her) into the order (= the first steps into the order)” (NAKAMURA, H., BGD t p. 997, s.v. Iff O). As we can see in some Chinese Vinayas , later the meaning “to confer the ordination” was added to this original meaning. In this precept of T. 1428, however,Iff is used in the original meaning, i.e. the first of three actions (1) to admit her (UE), (2) to let her go forth, and (3) to confer her the ordination. In the precept of T.1421, only the term Iff appears; from the commentary on the precept, however, it is clear that also the third of the above three actions (i.e. to confer her the ordination) is understood. Also in the precept of T.1425, only the term iff appears; from the commentary on the precept, it is, again, clear that the ordination is to be understood, while to let her go forth and to let her become a siksamdna constitute minor offenses. In the precept of T.1435, the term /ff to admit her as a disciple, appears. From the introductory story to this

precept, we know that the bhiksuni lets a woman go forth; the ordination, however, is not mentioned. In the precept of T.1443, the term Iff appears, followed by the term the ordination is not mentioned. Here iff has its

original meaning.

The Pali Vinaya uses the verb vutthahati, in the causative vutthdpeti. On this term Horner, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. xlvii says: “To “receive” or to “accept” into

order, lets her go forth and confers her the ordination, then this bhiksuni commits an immediate 117 samghavasesa that has to be given up 118 .*

Since this offense is found among the samghavasesa offenses, it is clear that it is a major transgression of the rules. Not only is the crime, committed by the admitted woman, considered as a serious crimp, the avoidance of the punishment, moreover, leads to friction between the order and the king and his ministers, whose support is essential to the Buddhist order. The precepts in the other Vinayas mention equally serious problems 119 , and except for T.1425 and for the Bhikfuni- vibhahga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School, the other Vinayas all say that, without the pennission of the king to admit the woman into the order, a major transgression, i.e. a samghavasesa is committed, 120 We thus can say that it arc the seriousness of the crime committed by the admitted woman anefthe problems that arise from this admission that justify the classification of this offense ampng the samghavasesa offenses.

Comparing this samghavasesa precept with the corresponding precepts in the other Vinayas , it is to be noticed that no Vinaya , except for T.1425 and for the Bhiksunivibhanga of the Mahasarp?,hika-Lokottara-


ar order is perhaps die nearest rendering for which there is any justification I n the introductory story to this precept in the Pali Vinaya, the nun Thullananda lets the woman thief go forth. The ordination is mentioned in the commentary on the precept.

In the Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School, the verb upa-dstha (in the causative) appears. It is explained in the commentary on the precept as ‘to let go forth’ and ‘to confer the ordination’. To let her go forth and to let her become a siksamdna constitute minor offenses.

117. The samghavasesa offenses are divided in two categories: 1) the immediate (prathama) offenses; 2) the offenses on the third (admonition) ( ydvattrtiyakd ). Whereas, in the first category, the bhiksuni immediately commits a samghavasesa offense, in the second category, she first is admonished three times. Only if she docs not give up her bad behavior, she commits a samghavasesa offense.

following exception: the bhiksuni commits no offense when the woman she admits has already gone forth in a non-Buddhist community. The Pali Vinaya says that there is no offense if the woman has already gone forth in a non- Buddhist community or if other nuns have already conferred her the ordination.


vada School 121 , mentions the siksamdnd period in respect to this offense. Moreover, the introductory story to this precept in T.1428, T.1421, T.1425 and in the Bhiksunivibhahga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottara- vada School, all relate the story of either a woman thief or a woman who has committed a crime and who has to be put to death. This punishment will be executed by the king or by the woman’s family. The woman, however, escapes and is admitted in the order of the Buddhist bhiksums who confer her the ordination. When, later, the king or the woman’s family find out where the woman took refuge, they can no longer punish her, because she now is a member of the bhiksunlsamgha . Since it is unlikely that the king or the family needed two years (i.c. the length of a siksamdnd period) to discover where the woman fled to, jhese stories seem to indicate a rapid ordination of the woman thief or of the woman who committed a crime. The other Vi nay as, i.c. the Pali Vinaya , T.1435 and T.1443, only tell how the woman took refuge among the nuns, who let her go forth. The precepts mention no further steps, i.c. a siksamdnd period or an ordination.

We thus have to conclude that this samghdvascsa precept indicates that, at the time the precept was issued, the siksamdnd period did not exist or was not taken into account. As we will sec further, also other precepts lead to a similar conclusion.

b. T.1428 , Bhiksimivibhanga , Pac. 43 *l 19 (p.754b!2-cl5, particularly, p. 754c2-3) 122 :

“If a bhiksuni knows that a woman is pregnant, and she admits her and confers her the ordination 123 , then it is a pdcittika."


121. These Vinayas mention ihc siksamdnd period in the commentary on the precept: if a bhiksuni confers the two-year instruction of a siksamdnd to a woman who has committed a crime, she docs not commit a samghdtiscsa offense, but a sthuldtyaya , a serious offense (tnis term is used to indicate an offense that is very close to a pdrdjika or a samghdxasesa offense).

122. OLDEN BERG, 11., Vi nay a Pitakam , Vol.lV, pp. 317-318, Pac.61; T.1421, p. 92a24-b6, Pac. 116*; T.1443, pp. 1005c25-1006a5. Pac. tit.

• As the enumeration of the pdcittika offenses is unclear in the Bhiksimivibhanga of T.1421, we follow the enumeration of the bhiksuniprdtimoksa of the same school (T.1423).

123. This coincides with the Pali Vi nay a and T.1421. T.1443 says that the bhiksuni gives her the going, forth-.

In the introductory story to this precept, it is said that a bhiksuni admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after she has been ordained. In this precept, there is no mention of the siksamdnd period.

Since T.1428 says that a bhiksuni admits )5 124 a pregnant woman and confers her the ordination, after which she gives birth, this ordination was apparently given to her without a two-year instruction. The woman was pregnant before she went forth, she received the ordination during her pregnancy, after which she gave birth to a child. A siksamana period would have avoided such a situation. The precepts of the Pali Vinaya and of T.1421 only say - without mentioning any earlier stage - that a nun may not ordain a pregnant woman, while T.1443 only says that a bhiksuni may not let a pregnant woman go forth.

Since no Vinaya mentions the important probation period, and since in T.1428, a bhiksuni admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after her ordination, it is clear that, at lime this precept was issued, the siksamana period did not exist or wtfs not taken into account. .

c. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 120 (pp.754cl6-755al9, particularly p.755a5-6) 12 *:

“If a bhiksuni knows that a woman is breast-feeding a child, and she confers her the ordination, then it is a pdcittika."

Only three Vinayas mention this precept 12 **. In none of these three, there is any reference to the two-year probation period during which the woman, logically, would have given birth to the child she is now breast¬ feeding. The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 says that a bhiksuni admitted (Ji!!) 124 * a woman who was breast-feeding a child.

Again, it seems safe to say that, at the time this precept was issued, the siksamana period did not exist or was not taken into account.

d. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhahga, Pac. 121 (pp.755a20-756al5. particularly, p. 756a4-5) 126 :

124. Compare note 116;

125. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lV, p.318, Pac.62; T.1421, p.92b7-12

Pac. 117. *

T.1435 contains a somehow different precept that says that a nun may not admit into the order a woman whose children necessarily have to follow her into the order (because no-one else can take care of them) (p. 329a 15-b2, Pac. 119).

126. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakam, Vol.lV, p.327, Pac.7l; T.I425, p.534b2- cl l, Pac. 96; Bhiksimivibhanga of the M.-L. School. Rom, G., 1970. pp. ?3K-


“If a bhiksuni knows that she [i.c. the woman candidate] is not fully twenty years old, and she confers her the ordination, then it is a pacittika."

The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 gives a survey of the stages that precede the ordination, i.c. the going forth ( pravrajya ) and the probation (siksamdna) period.

c. T.1428, Bhiksunivibhanga, Pac.125 (pp.758c29-759b2, particularly, p.759a22-24)i27 : ’

“If a bhiksuni admits a married woman of ten, and she gives her the two-year instruction in the precepts, then she may confer her the ordi¬ nation when she is fully twelve years old. If she confers her the ordi¬ nation 128 when she is younger than twelve, then it is a pacittika”

The above precept (a) and the corresponding precepts in the other Vinayas l27 * led to the discussion whether the ordination (T.1435: the admission into the community; T.1443: the going forth) can be con¬ ferred to a married woman aged twelve, or to a woman married for twelve years. This discussion is caused by the use, in the Chinese Vinayas, as well as in the Pali and the Sanskrit texts, of an ambiguous structure to indicate both the age and the duration (of the marriage). Moreover, the same structure is used in another precept (b) that says that a bhiksum who [has been ordained for] less than twelve years, may not confer the ordination: Pali Vinaya , OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitdkam , Vol. IV, (a) p.322; Pac.65: unadvddasavassani; (b) p:329, Pac.74: unadvddasavassa\ T.1421, (a) p.91a!8-19, Pac. 104: —IS; (b)


240, §210, Piic.96: T.1435, p.328b27-cl I, Pac. 116 (T.1435 docs not explicitly say that the bhiksum ordains the woman, but only states that the bhiksuni admits her into the order T.1443, p. 1006b25-cI0, Pac. 115.

T. 1421 docs not contain this precept, but a precept that is linked to it: Pac. 106: “If a bhiksuni confers (he study of the precepts [i.c. the siksamdna period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika

127. OLDUNI3i : .kG, II.. Vinaya Pitakam , Yol.IV, pp.321-322, Pac.65; T.142I, p.91al5-2l, Pac. 104; T.1425, pp. 535c 19-536al, Pac. 100; Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School. ROTH, G., 1970, p.245, §214, Pac. 100; T.1435, p.325cll- 24, Pac. 108; T.1443, pp. 1004b28-1005a29, Pac. 108.

128. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, and the Bhiksunivibhanga of the M.-L. School. T.1435 docs not explicitly say that the bhiksuni ordains the woman, but only stales that the bhiksuni admits her into the order (^rflFSO, while T.1443 slates that she gives her the going forth.

p.90cl5, Pac.l02:^S5+Z^; T.1425, (a) p.535c26, Pac. 100:

Wi\ (b) p.533a29-bl, Pac.92:M+~R5); Bhiksunivibhanga of the Maha- samghika-Lokottaravada School, ROTH, G., 1970, (a) p.245, §214, Pac. 100: una-dvddasa-varsdnt\ (b) p.232, §206, Pac.92: unadvddasa - varsa\ T.1428, (a) p.759a24, Pac.125: M+H; (b) p.761c5,Pac.l31: ^jffi+Hg£;T.1435, (a) p.325c21, Pac.108: (b) p.325b

12-13,Pac. 106: ft; T.1443, (a) p.l0C5a25, Pac.l08:*P?fc$+ #

(b) p. 1004a 18, Pac. 106: *«H-:ij8).

As we can see, the above mentioned structures do not permit to decide whether the age of the candidate or the years she has been married are indicated.

The usual age to receive the ordination is twenty. If a bhiksuni ordains a younger woman, she commits a pacittika Offense (i.e. Pac.121, see before). In the latter precept, no difference between a single girl* or a married woman is mentioned. It is, however, interesting to note that in all the Vinayas 12 * two different terms to indicate the woman candidate appear: in the precept that says that a woman should be twenty years old to receive the ordination, the terms used to indicate the woman are the Chinese 25]£c (girl), the Pali kumdribhutd (girl), and the Sanskrit 3 * kumdribhutd (girl), while in the precept concerning the married woman candidate *hc terms to indicate the woman are the Chinese (T.1428), m: (T.1421, T.1435, T.1443), M (T.1425), the Pali g/Ai- gatd, and the Sanskrit 3 * grhicaritu . Although the use of these different terms in the two precepts clearly indicate that a single girl and a married woman are to be distinguished at the moment they want to become a member of the order, the question whether for the married woman the age of the candidate or the years she has been married arc indicated still' remains.

Some introductory stories to this precept, however, clearly indicate that the age of the candidate is to be understood: the introductory stories preceding the precept in T.1425 and in the Bhiksunivibhanga of the Mahasamghika-Lokottaravada School relate how the nuns notice that

129. Except for T.442I, ail die Vinayas contain the precept concerning the minimum age of twenty of the woman candidate (see note 126), and all the Vinayas also contain the precept concerning the married woman candidate (see note 127). Although T. 1421 docs not contain the former precept, it contains a precept that is linked to it: Pac. 106: “If a bhiksuni confers the study of (he precepts [i.e. the siksamdna period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika ”


married women, accepted into the order, arc able to endure hard work and seem to be very smart. Therefore, the nuns ask if it is permissible to confer the ordination to married women who are less than twenty years old (i.c. the usual age for an ordination). 130 After Buddha has given the permission, the nuns confer the ordination to young married women who are only eight or nine years old. These women* however, arc too small and feeble to endure hard work. Buddha then says that the ordina¬ tion cannot be conferred to a married woman who is less than twelve years old.

The introductory story to this precept in T.1443 131 clearly says that married women of the age of twelve have the same capacities as single women of the age of eighteen, and that the two-year instruction of the siksamana can be conferred to them.

The introductory stories to this precept in the three above mentioned Yinayas indicate, without any doubt, that the real age of the married woman is to be understood in the precept they introduce, and’ not the duration of the marriage. The introductory stories to this precept in the other Yinaya s, however, give no information that enables us to decide between these two possibilities: the Pali Yinaya, T.1421, and T.1428 only say that married women younger than twelve - or married for less than twelve years - do not possess the necessary capacities to become a nun, whereas T.1435 gives no information at all.

130. T.1425, p. 535e21-22: hi j; Wuksunivihhany % a of the M.-L. School, Ro m

Ci., 1970, p.245, §214: u/iu-vimsuti-vursam. The only way to interpret these _ structures is Mess than twenty years old’, the age of twenty years being the normal age to receive the ordination. Since married women appear to be very capable, the nuns ask to allow an exception for these women so that they can be ordained before they arc twenty years old.

Another, theoretic::!, interpretation of the request of the nuns would be: is it permissible to confer the ordination to a woman who has been married for less than twenty years? If this request is not granted, it would imply that married women necessarily have to be older than twenty years at the time of their ordi¬ nation, and that for some reason their ordination has to be postponed and cannot be conferred at the usual age of twenty years. Since the introductory story to the precept tells us how these married woman arc smart and capable to endure hard work - which rrtcans that they possess the capacities to become a nun - it is clear that this brings the nuns to the idea to ask for an exception for these married women so that they can confer them the ordination at an earlier (and not at a later) age titan the usual one.

Sec also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 392-393.

131. T.1443, p. I004cl-10.

Retrieved from "http://www.tibetanbuddhistencyclopedia.com/en/index.php?title=Aaa&oldid=278483"