A Partial Genealogy of the Lifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
A Partial Genealogy of the Life Story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
by Janet Gyatso
Abstract:
This essay surveys the sources far the life story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal, also known as Mkhar chen bzaIt considers references to such a figure in works from Chronicle of Ba (Sba bzhed), Rnying ma bka，ma materials on Vajrakila traditions, Nyang ral's life of Padmasambhava, and other Rnying ma sources, down to the well-known biography from the Treasures of [[Stag sham, as well as a recent Bon po version of her life. It also considers what historical works do not
mention her, and raises the question of whether she was a historical person or not. The heart of the essay provides detailed information on an important but little-known long biography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal from the fourteenth century by Dri med kun dga' snyingpo, a yvork that is interestingly different from
Stag sham's story but also clearly was a source for him. Among other things, this version of the story makes no mention of any connection of Ye shes mtsho rgyal to the king Khri srong Ide btsan. Another intriguing suggestion concerns references to her by Gu ru chos dbang, which hint that yet an older rendition of her life story might have been preserved in his collected works which has either been lost or is still to come to light. The essay considers the development of the role of Ye shes mtsho rgyal as a female consort and especially the seemingly feminist figuration of her by Stag sham. It also serves
to illustrate the complex process of hagiographical development known also for so many other saints in Tibetan religious 方terature. Ye shes mtsho rgyal is the foremost female figure of the Rnying ma tradition.1 She shares with Ma gcig lab sgron (tenth-eleventh century) the position of
pre-eminent female exemplar with whom Tibetan Buddhist women have been identified, but she far exceeds Ma gcig in significance for Tibetan national self-conception. Her legend has it that she became queen of the pivotal Yar lung king Khri srong Ide
1 I am grateful to Amherst College for two Faculty Research Awards, which enabled my travel to Tibet in 1996 and 1998 and my discovery and research on Dri med kun dga's biographies described herein.
btsan, only to be bestowed in turn as a gift to the Indian master Padmasambhava in exchange for the master's tantric teachings to the royal court.2 As consort of Padmasambhava, however, Ye shes mtsho rgyal becomes a master in her own right. In some versions of the story she achieves a veritable independence, in addition to serving as a key mediatrix between Tibetans and their Indian guru in the post-eleventh-century mythology surrounding Tibet's transformation into a Buddhist land.
For close to twenty years western readers have had the luxury of two English translations (and more recently one in French as well) of a detailed and richly interesting account of Ye shes mtsho rgyals life. Replete with stories of her abduction by suitors, her Buddhist austerities, her eventual purchase of her own male consort, and even her mastery of her own rape, the tale serves, among other things, as a splendid tool for teaching college students about images of women in Tibetan tantric Buddhism.
From a historical perspective, however, this hagiography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal leaves some important questions unanswered. It is the work of Stag sham nus ldan rdo ije (b. 1655), a visionary of the seventeenth century, and so was written some nine-hundred years after Ye shes mtsho rgyal would have lived. What sources did Stag sham draw upon in conceiving the narrative? Surely some earlier versions of the story existed. But none are known to Tibetan historiography, and most Tibetan scholars to whom I have ever posed this question had no clue either.
More basic yet is the question of whether Ye shes mtsho rgyal is a historical figure at all. The problem is that none of the contemporary epigraphy ever mentions a Ye shes mtsho rgyal, nor a Mkhar chen bza' (her clan title), at least as far as we know.
What follows summarizes my progress in attempting to address these questions, the first in more detail than the second, given the paucity of historical evidence about the eighth century in Tibet.4 In the course of this discussion I will also address a third, larger question regarding the significance of the story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal, both for Tibetan Buddhist narratives about the past more generally, and with respect to the image of the female in Tibetan Buddhist practice. That significance
2 Mentioned in Clear Mirror Royal Chronicle (Rgyal rabsgsal ba 'i me long), interlinear note (added, according to Sorensen, soon after the author's death): Per Sorensen, Tibetan Buddhist Historiography: The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1994),
3 Nam mkha'i snying po, Mother of Knowledge: The Enlightenment of Ye-shes mTsho-rgyal, translated by Tarthang Tulku (Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1983); Keith Dowman, Sky Dancer: The Secret 厶谑 and Songs of the Lady Yeshe Tsogyal (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984); and Gyalwa Tchangtchoub and Namkhai Nyingpo, La Vie de Yeshe Tsogyal Souveraine du Tibet (Paris: Editions Padmakara, 1995). The Tibetan text is Stag sham rdo ije, Mkha' 'gro ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi rnam thar (Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1989).
4 Much detail and documentation has been omitted from this paper because of limitations on length; this data will be provided in full with my publication of the translation of the Dri med kun dga biography.
has in turn some impact on our understanding of how the various versions of her life developed.
Regarding first the most basic matter -is Ye shes mtsho rgyal a historical figure? -we are still not in a position to assert without doubt that there was an early Tibetan female master of tantric yoga called Ye shes mtsho rgyal or even Mkhar chen bza'. I can say at least that there is consistency throughout
the sources discussed below in locating her birth date in a bird year and her birthplace in the district of Sgrags, but there are discrepancies in these same sources concerning the names of her parents and suitors. There is a brief mention of Mkhar chen bza' mtsho rgyal in some versions of the Chronicle of
Ba (Sb a bzhed). Interestingly, this work seems itself to be responding to the historical question of why there are no inscriptions about herby saying that she was one of the wives of Khri srong Ide btsan who was engaged in meditative practice and therefore left no legacy (phyag ris).5 However, this statement
is not to be found in the apparently earlier version of the Chronicle of Ba recently published. Mkhar chen bza' mtsho rgyal is in any event known to the historian Mkhas pa lde'u (thirteenth century?) as one of eight ladies who did not hold political
power but who built royal tombs, and who received initiations from Padmasambhava alongside the king. In addition there is a relatively early attribution of special VajrakIla virtuosity to Ye shes mtsho rgyal, as found for example in Rnying ma bka' ma materials,8 as well as in the Padmasambhava
hagiographical tradition beginning at least by the time of Nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer (1136-1204), who also lists her as one of the queens.9 In general, the references to her aristocratic affiliations in these sources fits with what is said about many other figures from the same period who are also not mentioned in inscriptions but whose existence
5 Sba bzhed ces bya ba las sba gsal snang gi bzhedpa (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1980), . This statement is repeated by Nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer, Byang chub sems dpa 'i sems dpa' chen po chos rgyal mes dpon rnam gsum gyi rnam thar rin po che 'i phreng ba (Paro: Ugyen Tempai Gyaltsen, 1980), 228.
6 Pasang Wangdu and Hildegard Diemberger, dBa' bzhed: The Royal Narrative Concerning the Bringing of the Buddha's Doctrine to Tibet (Vienna: Verlag der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000).
7 Mkhas pa lde5u, Rgya bod kyi chos !byung rgyas pa (Lha sa: Bod rang skyong ljongs spyi tshogs tshan rig khang, 1987), 379.
8 See especially Rdo rje phur pa 'i bshad 'bum slob dpon rnam gsum gyis dgongs pa slob dpon chen po padmas mkhar chen bza' la gdams pa, in Two Rare Viijrakila Teachings from the Miraculous Lotus-Born Gu-ru Rin-po-chePadmasambhava (Gangtok: Gonpo Tseten, 1976), 20-22. [Also inRnying ma bka' ma rgyaspa
(Darjeeling: Dupjung Lama, 1982), 10:241- 245.] See also Sog zlog pa bio gros rgyal mtshan, Dpal rdo rje phurpa 'i lo rgyus chos kyi 'byung gnas ngo mtshar rgya mtsho 'i rba rlabs, in Collected Writings cfSog-bzlog-paBlo-gros-rgyal-mtshan (New Delhi: SanjeDoiji, 1975), 1:133-145, and 5 Jigs med gling pa, Phurpa rgyud lugs las chos 'byung ngo mtshar snang byed, mRnying ma bka' ma rgyaspa, 7:5-14.
9 Nyang ral, Slob dpon padma !byung gnas kyi skyes rabs chos !byung nor bu 'i phreng ba, in Slob dponpadma 7 rnam thar zangs gling ma (Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1989), 118. She is also credited with the ability to raise the dead: Nyang ral, Chos 'byung me tog snying po sb rang rtsi 'i
bcud (Lha sa: Bod rang skyong ljongs spyi tshogs tshan rig khang gi bod yig dpe mying dpe skrun khang, 1988), 342. See also Bia ma rgyudpa7 gsol 'debs, in Nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer, Bka' brgyad bde gsegs 'dus pa 'i chos skor (Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1977), 1:7.
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the Life story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
we do not doubt. Were it not for the enormous cult that has constellated around Ye shes mtsho rgyal, there might be no particular reason to question the historicity of a queen named Mkhar chen bza\ That cult is of course deeply indebted to the story of her life; the rest of this essay will study the history and significance of that story.
As for the history of narratives of her life, my most dramatic contribution is my discovery of a full-length biography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal from the 1300s which was almost certainly an important source for Stag sham. But before describing that, the biographical fragments that are older yet should be
summarized. As already noted, she is mentioned in some versions of the Chronicle of Ba as one of the queens of Khri srong Ide btsan and a virtuoso of meditative practice. The so-called “Mistress' Way” (Jo mo lugs), “Lady's Way” (Lcam lugs), and especially the "Black Hundred Thousand" {'Bum nag) of the
Rnying ma bka' ma VajrakTla tradition preserves stories concerning Ye shes mtsho rgyal s receipt of Kila teachings along with other aristocratic ladies such as Lcog ro bza' and Ngam Mre gsal le. It also mentions Mtsho rgyal's transmission of those teachings to her brother Dpal gyi dbang phyug, and her display
of mastery by, for example, controlling a fire in the forests around 'Chims phu.11 Another episode in the Bka' ma, known also to Mkhas pa lde'u, occurs after her receipt of a Kila initiation alongside Khri srong Ide btsan. When Padmasambhava pronounces her a dakini, the king skeptically questions her
abilities by challenging her to travel to Akanistha and other heavens to retrieve some of his family's lost royal treasures, a test she can pass only with the help of Padmasambhava. This interesting episode, which disappears in the later hagiographies, suggests the king's doubt or even jealousy about Mtsho rgyal's tantric practices.
A further question about the place of Ye shes mtsho rgyal's relationship with Khri srong Ide btsan in her hagiography concerns the fact that the earliest
biographical sketch of her that we have, which is in Nyang raTs hagiography of Padmasambhava, fails to mention her connection to the king at all. Nyang ral describes her simply as the daughter of Mkhar chen dpal gyi dbang phyug. Nyang ral states at the age of sixteen she was taken as a consort by
Padmasambhava to Ti sgro, Bsgrags, and Mchims phu bre gu dge'u for secret tantric practices, and that she later achieved virtuosity in the KTla sadhanas and could raise the dead. She also attained the dharani of non-forgetting, for which reason she could record
10 See note 8 above and note 14 below.
'1 Rdo rje phurpa 7 bshad 'bum, 22 (245).
12 Mkhas pa lde'u, Chos 'byung, 347-48. See also Sog zlog pa, Rdo rjephurpa 'i lo rgyus, 134-36.
13 As suggested also by Dri med 'od zer, Gter 'byung rin po che 7 lo rgyus, in Snying thig ya bzhi
(Delhi: Sherab Gyaltsen Lama, 1975-79), vol. 7 (Mkha' 'gro yang thig, part 1): In this version Mtsho rgyal stays in Akmistha for three years.
14 There seems to be some confusion about the identity of this figure. In some sources, e.g., Sog zlog pa, Rdo rje phur pa 'i lo rgyus, 143, this is Mtsho rgyals brother.
the Treasure (gter ma) text of Padmasambhava's life. Butin other contexts Nyang ral certainly does know Mkhar chenbza, mtsho rgyal to be an imperial queen, for example in his account of Tibet's kings where he repeats the Chronicle of Ba statement already mentioned.16 Nyang ral's own autobiographical
material even claims that his wife Jo 'bum ma was an emanation of Ye shes mtsho rgyal, while he himself was Khri srong Ide btsan. That Ye shes mtsho rgyals story is important enough to Nyang ral that he deems his own wife to be her emanation is in keeping with his keenness for the
Padmasambhava mythos, of which he was probably the principal architect. A key element of that mythos is in fact its emphasis on heterosexual yoga, the principal facilitator of which in the story is Ye shes mtsho rgyal herself. None of this necessarily means that Nyang ral was a proto-feminist, however.
Witness his reference to his son 'Gro ba'i mgon po's body with the honorific sku, but to the body of his wife (and emanation of Ye shes mtsho rgyal!) with the non-honorific lus, all in the same sentence.
Gu ru chos dbang (1212-70), the next major contributor to the Padmasambhava tradition, fares better. Gu ru chos dbang significantly enhanced Mtsho rgyals status by converting the already-current phrase "lord and su ectf (rje 'bangs), to a new compound "lord, subject, and friend tho" (rje "bangs grogs gsuni)
- that is, Khri srong Ide btsan, Nam mkha, snying po, and Mkhar chen bza\ "Lord, subject, and friend trio" is Gu ru chos dbang's recurrent gloss for the principal recipients of Padmasambhava's teachings. (“Frieii(r is a standard euphemism for tantric consort.) In this, he put Ye shes mtsho rgyal at the
same level as the king and the nobleman who were Padmasambhava's main students in the myth. More significant yet is an important indication that Gu ru chos dbang may have been the first author of a full-length life story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal. I will return to this discovery below.
Ye shes mtsho rgyal continues to appear in the Treasure literature after Gu ru chos dbang, although precious little is made of her elsewhere. She is entirely
15 Nyang ral, Zangs gling ma, 113. Regarding Jo mo mtsho rgyals attainment of the dharani of non-forgetting, see the colophon, p. 193. Ti sgro is only mentioned by Nyang ral, Rnam thar gsol 'debs, in Zangs gling ma, 19& See also Nyang ral's question and answer text (zhus Ian) between Mtsho rgyal and
Padmasambhava, which adds other places that Ye shes mtsho rgyal stayed, and states that she became Padmasambhava^ consort at age 13: extracts from this work are translated in Yeshe Tsogyal, Dakini Teachings: Padmasambhava's Oral Instructions to Lady Tsogyal, trans. Erik Pema Kunsang (Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1990).
16 See note 5 above.
17 He characterizes her as "sgrub rten du ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi sprulpa." Nyang ral, Bka' brgyad bde gshegs 'dus pa 'i gter ston myang sprul sku nyi ma 'od zer gyi rnam thar gsal ba 'i me long, in Bka' brgyad bde gsegs 'dus pa 7 chos skor (Paro: Lama Ngodrup, 1979-80), 2:343-46. This text switches back
and forth between first person accounts told with non-honorific verbs (often in narratives of dreams of meditative experiences) and third person narrative told with honorific verbs.
13 ...mtsho rgyalgyi sprulpa/jo 'bum ma 'i lus la sku bltams/spre'u 'i lo la...sku 'khrungs so/: Nyang ral, Rnam thar, 354.
19 As in Gu ru chos dbang, Bka' brgyad gsang ba yongs rdzogs kyi dbang chog chen mo, in Bka' brgyad bsan bayons rdzogs (Paro: Ngodrup and Sherab Drimay, 1979), 2:398.
missing from Bu ston's history, and appears only to be mentioned once, and not even by name, in the Blue Annals' account of the Vajrakila lineages. In contrast, she figures fairly frequently in the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis (Mkha，"gro snying tig), a key Treasure cycle put together in the fourteenth century. Although this cycle is officially preached to [[Lha lcam padma] gsal]], the resuscitated daughter of Khri srong Ide btsan, Ye shes mtsho rgyal
shows up in a curious detail of the story, when Padmasambhava summons her after the king faints upon learning of his daughter's death. The "poor-minded womaiT Ye shes mtsho rgyal takes a white scarf from her head and sprinkles sandalwood water which revives the king. This is another isolated episode that
does not appear in the major biographies of Ye shes mtsho rgyal, and I wonder about its significance. Ye shes mtsho rgyal's main function in the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis seems to be, as it is elsewhere, the recorder of the Treasure. But a question and answer text (zhus lan) included in the cycle does provide this striking statement about her by Padmasambhava: "Mtsho rgyal... I have searched all over
Tibet and you are the only one I found who is keeping the tantric commitments (dam tshig)}' This is a rather strong claim, and the fact that it is the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis that makes it most appropriate. Although Ye shes mtsho rgyal is not herself the star of this cycle, the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis is precisely what makes way for her cult to develop thereafter. By being one of the first places in which Great Perfection and consort yoga are
brought together and both attributed to Padmasambhava, this cycle marks the inception of the full imperial reign of Padmasambhava over the Rnying ma tradition. That in turn entails the momentous significance of Padmasambhava's own consort activity, especially with his Tibetan "friend,Ye shes mtsho rgyal.24
It is not surprising that Klong chen rab 'byams pa (1308-1363) appears to be mentioned as one of the prophesied Treasure "holderf of Ye shes mtsho rgyals biography, although I have not yet found any evidence that he did produce such a work.25 He does provide a brief overview of her life, however, in one of
his histories of the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis. This overview is fairly idiosyncratic in its names for her parents and birthplace, suggesting that he was drawing on a biographical source different than the ones I have identified so far. But otherwise,
201 discussed the role of Ye shes mtsho rgyal in this cycle in "The Heart Sphere of the Dakinis: The Place of the Female in Tibetan Myth," a paper delivered at the American Academy of Religion, 1995. David Germano provides detailed information on the history of the Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis cycle in his book manuscript Prophetic Histories of Buddhas, Dakinis and Saints in Tibet.
21 Nonetheless, some texts in the cycle are addressed to Mtsho rgyal, such as dakki 'i lam 'bras kyi skor and the key text Zhus len bdud rtsi gser phreng.
22 Dri med 'od zer, Gter 'byung rin po che 'i lo rgyus, 89-90. The phrase "poor-minded woman" (bio dman bud med) is from a similar story in O rgyan gling pa, Padma bka' thang (Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1993), 536.
23 Zhus len bdud rtsi gser phreng, in Snying thig ya bzhi (Delhi: Sherab Gyaltsen Lama, 1975-79) vol. 11 (Mkha' 'gro snying thig, part 2): 29.
24 This point develped in Gyatso, "The Heart Sphere of the Dakinis.5 5
25 Dri med 'od zer is so prophecied in Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 62a.
Klong chen pa refers to the standard episodes about her beauty, the king's gift of her to Padmasambhava, her consort activity with Padmasambhava, her own tantric virtuosity, and her participation in the recording of Padmasambhava's teachings.
Other fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Treasure sources show varying degrees of knowledge about, and interest in, Ye shes mtsho rgyal's life (I am setting aside her frequent appearance in visions and sadhanas). She continues to be Padamsambhava's interlocutor in a question and answer text of the Treasures of Rdo ije gling pa (1346-1405) and Sangs rgyas gling pa (1340-1396). The only thing that Bsod nams rgyal mtshan's (1312-75) Clear Mirror Royal Chronicle says
about her is to list her with the other consorts of Khri srong Ide btsan. rgyan gling pa's (c.1323-1360) Testament of the Queen (Btsun mo 'i bka' thang) also has her as one of the five queens. O rgyan gling pa is another one of the prophecied discoverers of Ye shes mtsho rgyal's biography, but again, such a work by him is not currently in evidence. However, his hagiography of Padmasambhava does name her parents, and has a few lines summarizing
her life as a self-effacing devoted nun disciple of the master, adding she had no offspring. If neither Klong chen pa nor rgyan gling pa have a full biography of our heroine, another visionary active in approximately the same period, and the author of the very prophecies of Klong chen pa and O rgyan gling pa just mentioned, seems to represent a quantum leap forward in the fortunes of Ye shes mtsho rgyal. His biography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal is my dramatic discovery that I alluded to above. This work may well be the oldest full length story of her life that survives. I discovered a blockprint edition of it in 1996 in Lhasa, with the help of Jake Dalton. I later found other versions in Lhasa as a
well. I am preparing a translation of the text which I plan to publish; if I can obtain a copy of two other manuscript editions of the text which I now know exist, I would like to publish an edition of the Tibetan as well.
The work, usually entitled something like The Lifestory of Yeshe Tsogyel is the revelation of a lesser-known Treasure discoverer, Dri med kun dga' snying
26 Dri med 'od zer, Gter 'byung rin po che 'i lo rgyus, 86-90, 105, 109. See also Khro rgyal rdo ije, Slob dpon rnam gsum gyi dgongs pa phur ti ka 'bum nag lugs kyi dbang chog lag len du bsdebs pa mtsho rgyal zhal lung, in Rnying ma bka' ma rgyas pa, 10:630, mentioning an important vision by Ngag gi dbang po or Padma las 'brel rtsal (= Klong chen pa) of Ye shes mtsho rgyal and her consort.
27 The interlinear notes do add that she was offered by the king as a consort of Padmasambhava, at which the ministers were displeased: see note 2 above.
28 O rgyan gling pa, Btsun mo bka' thang yig, in Bka' thang sde Inga (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986), 232-33. Also O rgyan gling pa, Rgyalpo 'i bka' thang, inBka' thang sde Inga (Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986), 12& knows her as one of the recipients of the Kila teachings from Padmasambhava.
29 O rgyan gling pa, Padma bka' thang, 705. See also pp. 3-4.
30 I base the following on a block print of this text in 63 folia that was kept at the Public Library of Lhasa, with a title page labelled simply Mtsho rgyal dbu. I was able to photocopy this text in 1996. When I went back in 1998 I found that the first ten folia of this copy are now missing. I also
saw two cursive script (dbu med) manuscripts of the same work in Lhasa in 1998. One is entitled Mkha' 'gro ma thams cad kyi gtso mo ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi rnam thar (46 ff.) and the other is entitled Ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi rnam par thar pa (so-called at f. 43a). I was only able to copy a few pages of the two
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
po.31 He was bom in a fire pig year,32 probably 1347.33 Curiously, his biography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal seems to have been all but forgotten in recent centuries; only one of the four summaries currently available of Dri med kun dga's own life even mention that he had a lifestory (rnam thar) of Ye shes mtsho rgyal.3 Nor has a single Tibetan scholar whom I have queried orally about Ye shes mtsho rgyals lifestory heard of Dri med kun dga's writing about her. But it was certainly in circulation at one time, as evidenced by the varying manuscript editions of the work still extant in Lhasa. It was surely known to Stag sham, who names a kun dga' in the prophecy of the discoverers of Ye shes mtsho rgyal's life story and clearly follows Dri med kun dga's story
line in several of his own chapters of her life, and it also spawned a partial paraphrase attributed to Padma gling pa as well as a recent Bon po version. Moreover, one chapter from Dri med kun dga's work, manuscripts. The three versions of the text have interesting differences. Words and locutions are often changed and one of the manuscripts even provides an
entirely different name for the heroine's father, viz., Sangs rgyas ye shes.
31 He also has a Treasure cycle on Avalokitesvara: Dri med kun dga\ Thugs rje chen po ye shes 'od mchog, 2 vols. (Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1978). He also wrote a biography of Mitrayogin called Bstan pa gsal ba 'i sgron me. Biographical sketches of him are as follows:
1. Mkhyen rab rgya mtsho, Sangs rgyas bstan pa 'i chos 'byung dris lan nor hu 'i 'phreng ba (Gangtok: Dzongsar Chhentse Labrang, 1981), 391-93.
2. Kun bzang nges don klong yangs, Bod du byung ba'i gsang sngags snga 'gyur gyi bstan 'dzin skyes mchog rim byon gyi rnam thar nor hu 'i do shal (A Concise History of the Nyingmapa Tradition of Tibetan Buddhism) (Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1976), ff. 129a-130b.
3. Gu ru bkra shis, Bstan pa 'i snying po gsang chen snga 'gyur nges don zab mo 'i chos kyi 'byung ba gsal bar byedpa 'i legs bshad mkhaspa dga' byed ngo mtshar gtam gyi rol mtsho (n.p.: Jamyang Khentse, n.d.), 2:736-42.
4. Kong sprul bio gros mtha yas, Zab mo 'i gter dang gter ston grub thob ji Itar byon pa 'i lo rgyus mdor bsdus bkodpa rin chen baidurya 'i phreng ba, in Rin chen gter mdzod chen mo (Paro: Ngodrup and Sherap Drimay, 1976), 1:529-532.
Dudjom Rimpoche's (Bdud jom rin po che) history fails to give a biographical sketch of Dri med kun dga\ although it does quote him (as does Kong sprul) on the question of how many Treasure discoverers there will be: Dudjom Rimpoche, The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History, trans. Gyurme Doije and Matthew Kapstein (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1991), 1:935. Note that the listing for "Trime Kunga" in the index of The Nyingma School
(vol. 2) refers the reader to Trime Lingpa (Dri med gling pa) but this identification is incorrect: it reflects a contemporary tendency to confuse Dri med kun dga with Dri med gling pa, who lived in the eighteenth century, and was a teacher of Jigs med gling pa.
32 Kong sprul specifies that this was a female year, while Gu ru bkra shis specifies a male year. The other biographical sketches do not specify.
33 E. Gene Smith, introduction to Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of Indo-Tibetan Culture, Parts 1-3, ed. Lokesh Chandra (New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1970), , gives Dri med kun dga's birth date as 1357, but this seems to be an error. We can assume he lived no earlier than the sixth
twelve-year calendrical unit (rab byung}, since the prophecy in his Ye shes mtsho rgyal biography mentions Dri med 'od zer, who we assume is Klong chen pa (1308-1363), and O rgyan gling pa (c. 1323-1360), and no later than Padma gling pa (1450-1521). He is regularly listed as one of'the three Dri meds," who seem to be rough contemporaries, and one of which is Klong chen pa, so it seems likely that his birthdate is in the fourteenth century as indicated.
34 Kun bzang, Nor bu 'i do shal.
35 I am preparing a separate article on an incomplete and simplified paraphrase attributed to Padma gling pa. The Bon po rendition of Mtsho rgyals life is discussed further below.
concerning Mtsho rgyal's rescue of the evil Shita (var. Shantipa) from hell, was published separately in its own block print edition, which I also found in Lhasa, and reportedly there is another version of this smaller work in Lhasa as well.
The biographical sketches of Dri med kun dga's life tell us little beyond the facts that he was bom in Grwa phyi mda' khang dmar and studied at Grwa phyi chu bzang. Later he went to Bsam yas 'chims phu where he had various Treasure revelations, and finally stayed in Kong po lhunbrag where he built a retreat center for tantric practitioners (sngags pa). Why this particular figure was inspired to write a full-length life story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal is
far from clear. What is clear is that he produced a considerable saga, with beautifully portrayed characters and a sustained story line that are rare in Tibetan writing; the work is an interesting precursor to such literary masterpieces as the fifteenth-century Gtsang smyon's biography of Mi la ras pa. In some ways reminiscent of the moving account of emotional travails in Asvaghosa's Buddhacarita, Dri med kun dga's tale nonetheless mimics few of the Indic
kavya literary devices that we sometimes find in other Tibetan Buddhist narratives. Rather he preserves what I would say is a distinctively Tibetan aesthetic, for example in the clever and yet deeply-felt exchanges between the courting Zur mkhar prince and the reluctant heroine, or in the preoccupation with visionary journey and tests of skill and endurance, or in the dramaturgical segways facilitated by magical skulls and flying carpets
that transport the heroine from one scene to the next. Here is an overview of the story: After a brief description of her royal family and birth in a village in Sgrags in central Tibet, the story begins in detail with the events of her sixteenth year, when her hand is sought by a prince of the Indian kingdom "Ehidza 讨 and by the Tibetan prince from Zur mkhar.
She refuses both, preferring to practice Dharma. After being roughed up by her father's own ministers, she is finally banished from the kingdom and takes up residence in a forest retreat. The Tibetan prince pursues her there and attempts forcibly to bring her back to his kingdom, but she prays to the deities, and is rescued by a youth with a topknot who turns out to be Padmasambhava. The latter is almost always called "O(Jiyana'‘ (i.e., Oddiyana) in
this work, as well as "Padmasambhava,"Odiyana mkhan po Padmasambhava,or other variants on the name Padma, and occasionally "Gu ru rin po che^ in this work.
Padmasambhava/Odiyana gives her a magical ring to wear on her hand, and the two escape to Bsam yas things phu (i.e., 'Chims phu), leaving behind two magical automatons for her frustrated suitors. In the second chapter, Padmasambhava/Odiyana transmits Great Perfection teachings to her and instructs her
to practice in ' Chings phu for twelve years while he goes to India. After one month, a white woman appears at the door of her hut and leads her on a long visionary journey to Padma bkod (this is a notably early reference in Tibetan
36 Var. Kong po lhun grags.
37 This place was further established by his disciple Mtshan ldan gzhon nu sangs rgyas.
38 Vars. Zur mo mkhar, Zung mo mkhar, and Zungs mo mkhar.
literature to this hidden land). Here she witnesses many frightening austerities, all lessons to help her develop her own faith and diligence in practice. After succeeding in a variety of feats, including beheading a tiger, she gains access to an elaborate palace where she receives esoteric initiations from several vidyadharas and buddhas. She returns to ' Chings phu and after a year is robbed by seven bandits whom she then converts to Buddhist practice. She
proceeds with the bandits on a magic carpet to the place Oddiyana where they all receive peaceful and wrathful deity practice (zhi khro) initiations from a vidyadhara, who gives her the secret name Mkhar chen bza' and cavorts in bliss with her. In the third chapter she returns to ' Chings phu and finally meets Odiyana again who is back from India. A question and answer (zhus Ion) session ensues, which becomes the vehicle for the master to expound on tantric and Great Perfection practice. The fourth chapter briefly lists the many other places in Tibet where Padmasambhava/Odiyana gave her teachings from the nine yanas. In the fifth chapter, she is joined by a slew of other aristocratic women to receive more Great Perfection teachings, after which twenty-five women become siddhas. She is then challenged to prove that she can help other beings by descending to hell to rescue the evil Shita/Shantipa, which she does,
receiving a didactic message along the way about the inexorability of karma and its result. At the close of the episode, the wrathful deity who challenged her to the test names her Mkha' 'gro ye shes mtsho rgyal, the first time this name appears in the work; thereafter she is almost always called by that name instead of the title used up to that point, "Lady" (Lha Icam). In the sixth chapter she receives teachings and prophecies of her future emanations in Tibet, and is exhorted to hide Padmasambhava's Treasure texts. The final chapter elaborates that same prophecy and the degenerate times that lie ahead.
Here the five who will “hold" her biography are listed. The reader is also told that the author of the biography is Bandhe sangs rgyas ye shes, who hides it as a Treasure. Then Padmasambhava and Ye shes mtsho rgyal spend another sixty years together taming beings, and he finally leaves. She then becomes a buddha, just like Samantabhadn.
Much of the basic outline of this story will be familiar to those who have read the Stag sham version. There are, however, several salient differences.
Most noticeably, Dri med kun dga' names his heroine Lha lcam padma lcam, or Lha lcam for short, a title virtually unknown for Ye shes mtsho rgyal elsewhere, where she is usually either Jo mo or Mkha' 'gro. Furthermore, she only gets her well-known clan title Mkhar chenbza, at the end of the work, as
a secret initiatory name, and her most common name Ye shes mtsho rgyal also only appears at the end.391 wonder too about the signficance of making Sangs rgyas ye shes the imputed original author ofDri med kun dga's story, rather than Nam mkha, snying po, who tells Stag sham's biography. There are other
curious differences too, like the fact that her first suitor is from India rather than the Dpal gyi gzhon nu of Mkhar chu described by Stag sham. But perhaps the most significant divergence represented by the Dri med kun dga' biography is, again, the complete lack of any reference to Ye shes mtsho rgyaFs marriage to Khri srong Ide btsan. Rather, she goes
39 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 59a .
immediately from her struggles with her suitors into the orbit of Padmasambhava. More broadly, what this difference means is that Dri med kun dga's story lacks the leitmotif of the outraged Tibetan ministers, nor does it make the detour into Tibetan history and competition with the Bon pos that Ye shes mtsho
rgyal's story becomes the site for in Stag sham's and other later versions of her life. The stories are otherwise closely related, but quite different in style and structure. Each version also gives very different weight to the many episodes
that they share, and narrates them with independent wording. It seems on reflection that they both are dependent upon yet some other version(s). Stag sham knows of some incidents in the life of Ye shes mtsho rgyal which he does not recount but only mentions briefly, referring the reader to other sources for
details.40 Some of these incidents are indeed to be found in detail in Dri med kun dga's biography, for example, her extraction of Shita from hell, and her tour of various pure lands and sight of gruesome self-mutilations. But other incidents that Stag sham mentions, like her serving of many dakinis, is not to
be recognized in the biography by Dri med kun dga' either. Moreover, various passages in Dri med kun dga' curiously seem to be dependent upon certain elements in Stag sham, although this is impossible; rather what is actually indicated is that Dri med kun dga' summarizes a section of an older source that
Stag sham also drew upon but in more detail. For example, although Dri med kun dga' makes a lot of Ye shes mtsho rgyaFs rescue of Shita/Shantipa, devoting an entire chapter to it, he fails to mention this evil minister in the earlier part of the story, when he commits the very abuses of the heroine that land
him in hell in the first place. Stag sham, on the other hand, mentions Shantipa several times in the early torture scenes, but later only refers with one line to Mtsho rgyaFs rescue of him.
Further clues about the sources of Dri med kun dga' and Stag sham's biographies might be had from their prophecies, placed in the mouth of Ye shes mtsho rgyal herself, of future discoverers of herbiographies: Dri med kun dga's work provides five names and Stag sham's a full nine.41 As is well known,
prophecies in the Treasure literature often recount what has already happened, so we can presume that these prophesied figures actually represent previous redactors of biographies of the heroine upon which the present one draws. However, some of the names
40 Among the sources to which Stag sham, Rnam thar, makes reference for other accounts of the life of Ye shes mtsho rgyal are a Lung byang chen mo (230); a purported record of teachings received (gsan yig) (30 and 84); biographies of Padmasambhava (169); a longer account of her vision of pure lands (89); longer accounts of her journey into hell and rescue of Shantipa (184); and longer accounts of her serving many dakinis and travelling through sixty-two pure lands (183).
41 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 62a, mentions these names: Chos kyi dbang phyug from the area of Lho mon; Otiyana gling pa of Gra mo yar; Dri med 'od zer of Mon bu thang; Padma badzra of Bkra shis gzhong lung; and Dri med kun dga5 snying po of Gra mda5 khang dmar (= Dri med kun dga5). Stag sham, Rnam thar, 23& lists nine: Chos dbang; Bkra shis from La stod; Rdo ije who is called Dpa' bo from Lho rong (= Stag sham?); Ra dza from Sham po; Rdo ije from Spu bo; Kun dga5 from the east (= Dri med kun dga5?); and finally three women. Stag sham's prophecy also states here that there will be three versions of the lifestory, a long one hidden at Zab bu ri rtse; a medium one hidden at Lho rong Khams, which is Stag sham's version; and a brief one hidden at Lho brag gnam skas can.
provided may refer merely to hypothetical individuals; and in any case, all of the names are abbreviated and therefore rarely definitive.
Nonetheless, there is exciting evidence that at least one of these names, a certain Chos dbang, does indeed refer to an actual previous biographer of Ye shes mtsho rgyal.42 43 One of the manuscript versions of Dri med kun dga's biography quotes a passage from what is called the Collected Works of Chowang
(Chos dbang bka' 'bnmy3 in the course of describing Ye shes mtsho rgyaFs death (which, oddly enough, is not described at all in the other versions of Dri med kun dga's work44). The quotation states that after Padmasambhava left for Rnga yab gling, Lha lcam (Mtsho rgyal) lived and meditated in Lho brag mkhar chu for two more months.45 Then, on the morning of the tenth of the second month, she rode a sunbeam and merged indistinguishably with Padmasambhava in a
mansion of light. This fortuitous interpolation provides definitive evidence of yet another biography of Ye shes mtsho rgyal, otherwise unknown to us at present, from the oevre of one Chos dbang. It is not certain that this person is the famed thirteenth-century Treasure discoverer (gter ston) Gu ru chos dbang, but it is likely, for he is regularly referred to as Chos dbang. In any event, this rendition of Ye shes mtsho rgyal's life in the Collected Works
of Chowang was still available when this particular version of Dri med kun dga's work was being copied. Hopefully the single quoted passage is not all of the earlier text which survives now.
The simple account of Ye shes mtsho rgyaFs death from the biography of Chos dbang probably represents an early moment in the development of the Mtsho rgyal
story. It certainly contrasts strikingly with the lengthy and glorified description of her death in our most well-known hagiography of Mtsho rgyal by Stag sham, dri med kun dga's biography would seem to represent a middle point in this development, focusing as it does upon the psychological and personal
dimensions of Mtsho rgyaFs story, cast largely as the drama of an individual woman on a journey to enlightenment. By the time the story is told by Stag sham, virtually every detail of Mtsho rgyal's life has become an indication of her glorified sainthood and her status as a key player in the grand drama of
the conversion of Tibet to Buddhism. This grand status is only further consolidated in a twentieth-century Bon po version of Ye shes mtsho rgyaFs life, which has also come to our attention. This rendition is part of a collection of biographies of female tantric masters, studied recently by Donatella Rossi, which were revealed as Treasure by Bde chen dbang mo in 1918 and included in the recent Ling shan edition of the Bonpo Canon
42 He is mentioned in both Stag sham, Rnam thar, 23& and Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 62a.
43 From Dri med kun dga\ Mkha' 'gro ma thams cad kyi gtso mo ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi rnam thar, ff. 45b-46a: chos dbang bka' 'bum las/ des slob dpon rnga yab la gshegs te/ lha lcam thugs skyo bas ngang nas lho brag mkhar chur bsgrub pa la bzhugs pas/zla ba gnyis song ba 'i tshes bcu 'i snga dro nyi zer la chibs te slob dpon dang dbyer med 'od kyi zhal yas su gshegs so zer ba 'dug go/
44 This might indicate that the entire passage on her death is a later interpolation.
45 Like Dri med kun dga\ Chos dbang calls her Lha lcam.
(Bon po bka' 'gyur).46 Bde chen dbang mo's version of Mtsho rgyal's life sees her story from the perspective of the hagiography of Padmasambhava, as already found in Stag sham. But it goes way beyond Stag sham's detour into the Buddhist-Bon po contest under Khri srong Ide btsan to insert into the narrative of Ye shes mtsho TgyaTs life also a detailed Tibetan geography, a theogony, a royal history, and a recap of virtually every major episode in the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet and its interaction with Bon - all to serve the ecumenical New Bon (Bon gsar) program for a Bon po-Buddhist reconciliation.
In the modem Bon po rendition it is clearer than ever how the king's gift of Ye shes mtsho rgyal to Padmasambhava as a sexual yogic consort is essential for tantric religion to be brought to Tibet.47 It makes her the first (and virtually only) Tibetan to receive Padmasambhava's tantric transmission
directly, as it were. And it serves violently - but effectively - to disrupt the patriarchal propriety of the old order. If these two points are at the heart of the Ye shes mtsho rgyal cult, as I believe they are, we cannot help but notice how both are saturated with the significance of her gender, that
is, her female gender. I would like in conclusion, then, to attend briefly to the influence of Mtsho rgyaFs femaleness on the development of her lifestory. We might first of all be tempted to ask, as many western adherents of Tibetan Buddhism have done, whether Mtsho rgyaFs story evinces a proto-feminism in
Tibetan religion.48 The answer is mixed, at best Yes, the needs of women are served by the creation and presentation of a female heroine. Typically female predicaments are dramatized in the story, and a female perspective is frequently represented. In addition, such a heroine most certainly became a role model for real, live women, and I suspect that creating such a female model was a motivation for all of our biographers of Mtsho rgyal, at least in part. There can be no question that the story of Ye shes mtsho rgyal not only provided for Tibetans a template for the ideal female religious life, it also
created a reference point for the identification and legitimation of female hierarchs and masters. One of the few ways to recognize a talented woman in Tibetan religious society has been to declare her an emanation ofYe shes mtsho i^yal. Several such women are operative today in Tibetan religion.
But making a place for recognition does not eradicate misogyny. Our heroine herself points to her inferiority to men on many occasions -as a woman, her birth is low, her self-regard is great, and her wisdom is small, she avers.49 Feminine weakness is even made to be intrinsic to her eminence: even the important Kila
46 Bde chen chos kyi dbang mo, Mkha' 'gro rgya mtsho 'i rnam thar gsang ba 'i mdzod, in the Bon po bka' 5gyur (Ling shan [Lixian] edition, c. 1985), 189: ff. 196b-278a. Rossi's essay is due to appear in the Proceedings of the Eighth Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies.
47 See especially Bde chen, Rnam thar gsang mdzod, f. 224a seq. Alas, 224b is missing in the copy of this text owned by University of Oslo!
48 See, for example, Rita Gross, "Yeshe Tsogyal: Enlightened Consort, Great Teacher, Female Role Model," Tibet Journal 12, no. 4 (Winter 1987): 1-18.
49 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 26b; many such statements can also be located in the Stag sham version.
traditions that are traced to Mtsho rgyal are said to have been created because she asked for a teaching that would be appropriately brief for her poor female mind, and would address the particularly female problem of exaggerated desire.50
The extended travails and self-denials ofDri med kun dga's ascetic Mtsho rgyal are explicitly designed as a corrective to the female tendency for weak endurance and little faith.51 Here, so low is women's esteem that their mastery of Buddhist philosophy is taken as one of the signal markers of the
degenerate age - ironically, the very degenerate age that emanations of Mtsho rgyal are predicted to ameliorate. These dismaying attitudes in the tradition of Mtsho rgyal are not surprising, given the abundant misogyny in so much of Buddhist literature. However, they do serve to make the several strikingly pro-woman statements in Stag sham's version all the more astonishing. In a much-remarked passage found so far only in Stag sham, Padmasambhava counters Mtsho rgyaFs complaint about the difficulties of being a woman with the assertion that ultimately a woman's body is in
fact superior to a man's for gaining enlightenment.53 Stag sham also makes the quite unprecedented move of depicting in detail a rape scene, usually a taboo topic, and rarely described in traditional Tibetan Buddhist literature.54 But Stag sham in general is very candid about sex. Whereas Dri med kun dga'
alludes to Mtsho TgyaTs coupling with several vidyadharas only elliptically, Stag sham depicts her relations with Padmasambhava and others in exuberant prose. Most striking of all, Stag sham has Padmasambhava insist that Mtsho rgyal must obtain her own male consort, one of whom she famously buys in Nepal
and then trains and uses in Tibet, and another of whom she acquires in Tibet.55 Stag sham's empowerment of a female figure is virtually unprecedented in Buddhist literature, and it is intriguing indeed. In particular, his depiction of
female-dominant consort yoga provides a welcome development from the treatment of consort yoga in the earlier Padmasambhava-Mtsho rgyal question and answer literature, a good example of which is in fact to be found in Dri med kun dga's biography. There, Padmasambhava instructs Mtsho rgyal on how to recognize the ideal female consort, apparently forgetting that Ye shes mtsho rgyal is herself a female and would probably be more interested in recognizing the ideal male
Rdo rje phurpa 7 bshad 'bum, 21. Cf. Sog zlog pa, Rdo rjephur pa 'i lo rgyus, 138-39.
51 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 26b.
52 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 61b: Ita ba skye dman mtho. On a trip to Tibet in 1998, a learned male mkhan po who was the head of a academic college {shes grwa) for nuns opined that the recent appearance of such institutions for women was a sign of degenerate times.
53 Stag sham, Rnam thar, 114: sems bskyed Idan na mo lus lhag.
54 Stag sham has some confusion here for in one episode seven bandits only rob her, but in a later episode they both rob and rape her. Dri med kun dga's story recounts only that seven bandits rob her. Dri med kun dga's version has Mtsho rgyal spending much more time rehabilitating the bandits than in Stag sham's story. Dri med kun dga5 has her eventually taking them to Otiyana (Oddiyana), which is what she does in the Stag sham version for the seven rapists: Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, ff. 43a-44b .
55 Dri med kun dga5 mentions "Atsarya sale" only in passing as one of the male siddhas at the end: Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, f. 55b.
consort.56 But instead, this and other question and answer texts seem to be using Mtsho rgyal merely as a vehicle to convey teachings that are, as usual, tailored for a male audience.571 continue to try to locate other indications of woman-focused consort yoga, as well as to search for the rest of the pieces in the history of the lifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal.
56 Dri med kun dga\ Mtsho rgyal dbu, ff. 48b-49a.
571 discuss this problem in "The Heart Sphere of the pakinTs."
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
Glossary
Note:
Glossary entries are organized in Tibetan alphabetical order. All entries list the following information in this order: THDL Extended Wylie transliteration of the term, THDL Phonetic rendering of the term, English translation, Sanskrit and/or Chinese equivalent, dates when applicable, and type.
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
kun dga， Kung a Person
kun bzang Kiinzang Author
kun bzang nges don klongyangs Kiinzang Ngedon Longyang Author
kong po Ihun grags Kongpo Lhiindrak Place
kong po Ihun brag Kongpo Lhiindrak Place
kong sprul bio gros mtha' yas Kongtriil Lodro Taye Author
klong chen pa Longchenpa Person
klong chen rab 'byams pa Longchen Rapjampa 1308-63 Person
bka' brgyad bde gshegs 'dus pa 'i gter ston myang sprul sku nyi ma 'od zer gyi mam thar gsal ba 'i me long Kagye Deshek Diipe Terton Nyang Triilku Nyima Ozergyi Namtar Selwe Melong Text
bka' brgyad bde gshegs 'dus pa 'i chos skor Kagye Deshek Diipe Chokor Text
bka' brgyad gsang ba yongs rdzogs kyi dbang chog chen mo Kagye Sangwa Yongdzokkyi Wangchok Chenmo Text
bka' brgyad gsang ba yongs rdzogs Kagye Sangwa Yongdzok Text
bka' thang sde Inga Katang De Nga Text
bka' ma Kama Text
bkra shis Trashi Person
bkra shis gzhong lung Trashi Zhonglung Place
sku ku Term
|Kha |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
khams Kham Place
khri srong Ide btsan Tri Song de Tsen Person
khro rgyal rdo rje Trogyel Dorje Author
mkhan po khenpo Term
mkha' 'gro Khandro Person
mkha' 'gro rgya mtsho 'i mam thar gsang ba 'i mdzod Khandro Gyatso Namtar Sang we Dzo Text
mkha' 'gro snying tig Khandro Nyingtik Heart-Sphere of the Dakinis Textual Collection
mkha' 'gro snying thig Khandro Nyingtik Text
mkha' 'gro ma thams cad kyi gtso mo ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi mam thar Khandroma Tamchekyi Tsomo Yeshe Tsogyelgyi Namtar Text
mkha' 'gro yang thig Khandro Yangtik Text
mkha' 'gro ye shes mtsho rgyal Kandro Yeshe Tsogyel Person
mkha' 'gro ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi mam thar Khandro Yeshe Tsogyelgyi Namtar Text
mkhar chu Kharchu Place
mkhar chen dpal gyi dbang phyug Kharchen Pelgyi Wangchuk Person
mkhar chen bza' Kharchen Za Person
mkhar chen bza' mtsho rgyal Kharchen Za Tsogyel Person
mkhas pa Ide 'u Khepa Deu thirteenth century? Author; Person
mkhyen rab rgya mtsho Khyenrap Gyatso Author
mkhyen rab rgya mtsho, 'dul 'dzin Khyenrap Gyatso, Diindzin Author
1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
gu ru bkra shis Guru Trashi Author
gu ru chos dbang Guru Chowang 1212-70 Author; Person
gu ru rin po che Guru Rinpoche Person
gra mda' khang dmar Drada Khangmar Place
gra moyar Dramoyar Place
grwa phyi chu bzang Drachi Chuzang Place
grwa phyi mda' khang dmar Drachi Da Khangmar Place
'gro ba 'i mgon po Drowe Gonpo Person
rgya bod kyi chos 'byung rgyas pa Gya Bokyi Choryung Gyepa Text
rgyal po 'i bka' thang Gyelpo Katang Text
rgyal rabs gsal ba 'i me long Gyelrap Selwe Melong Clear Mirror Royal Chronicle Text
sgrags Drak Place
bsgrags Drak Place
|Nga |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese I Dates 〔Type
ngag gi dbang po Ngakgi Wangpo rzq Person
ngag dbang bio gros Ngawang Lodro I Author
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
18
ngam 'dre gsal le iNgandre Salle I Person
rnga yah | Ngayap | Place
rnga yah gling NgayapLmg Place
sngags pa | ngakpa | tantric practitioner Term
lca 1
| Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese I Dates 〔Type
— Cham Luk | Lady's Way Religious Practice
Icog ro bza' Chokro Za Person
|cha |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
chos kyi dbang phyug Chokyi Wangchuk Person
chos dbang Chowang Person
chos dbang bka' 'bum Chowang Kambum Collected Works of Chos-dbang Text
chos 'byung Chonjung Text
chos 'byung me tog snying po Chojung Metok Nyingpo Text
chos 'byung me tog snyingpo sb rang rtsi 'i bcud Chojung Metok Nyingpo Drangtsi Chii Text
mchims phu bre gu dge 'u Chimpu Dregu Geu Place
'chings phu Chingpu Place
'chims phu Chimpu Place
卩" 1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
jo 'bum ma Jombumma Person
jo mo Jomo Person
jo mo mtsho rgyal Jomo Tsogyel Person
jo mo lugs Jomo Luk Mistress? Way Religious Practice
'jigs med gling pa Jikme Lingpa Author; Person
rje 'bangs je bang lord and subjects Term
rje 'bangs grogs gsum je bang drok sum lord, subject, and friend trio Term
|Nya |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
nyang ral Nyangrel Author; Person
nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer Nyangrel Nyima Ozer 1136-1204 Author; Person
nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer, mnga' bdag Nyangrel Nyima Ozer, Ngadak Author
rnying ma Nyingma Organization
rnying ma bka' ma Nyingma Kama Text
rnying ma bka' ma rgyas pa Nyingma Kama Gyepa Text
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 2 (August 2006)
19
snying thigya bzhi Nyingtik Yazhi rq iText I
snying ma bka' ma rgyas pa Nyingma Kama Gyepa O Text
1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
ti sgro Tidro Place
gter ston terton Treasure discoverer Term
gter 'byung rin po che 'i lo rgyus Terjung Rinpoche Logyii Text
gter ma Terma Treasure Term
stag sham Taksham Author; Person
stag sham rdo rje Taksham Dorje Author
stag sham nus Idan rdo rje Taksham Niiden Dorje Person
bstan pa 'i snying po gsang chen snga 'gyur nges don zab mo 'i chos kyi 'byung ba gsal bar byed pa 'i legs bshad mkhas pa dga' byed ngo mtshar gtam gyi rol mtsho Tenpe Nyingpo Sangchen Ngangyur Ngedon Zapmo Chokyi Jungwa Selwar Jepe Lekshe Khepa Gaje Ngotsar Tamgyi Roltso Text
1
Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates 1 Type
thugs rje chen po Tukje Chenpo Text
thugs rje chen po ye shes 'od mchog Tukje Chenpo Yeshe Ochok Text
12! 1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
dam tshig damtsik tantric commitments Term
dri med Drime Name
dri med kun dga' Drime Kiinga Author; Person
dri med kun dga' snying po Drime Kiinga Nyingpo Person
dri med gling pa Drime Lingpa Person
dri med 'od zer Drime Ozer Author; Person
bde chen Dechen Author
bde chen chos kyi dbang mo Dechen Chokyi Wangmo Author
bde chen dbang mo Dechen Wangmo Person
rdo rje gling pa Dorje Lingpa 1346-1405 Person
rdo rje phurpa 'i lo rgyus Dorje Purpe Logyii Text
rdo rje phurpa 'i bshad 'bum Dorje Purpe Shembum Text
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
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rdo rje phurpa 'i bshad 'bum slob dpon mam gsum gyis dgongs pa slob dpon chen po padmas mkhar chen bza' la gdams pa Dorje Purpe Shembum Loppon Nam Sumgyi Gongpa Loppon Chenpo Peme Kh archen Zala Dampa □ □ Text
1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
nam mkha' snying po Namkha Nyingpo Person
nam mkha 'i snyingpo Namkhe Nyingpo Author
nor bu 'i do shal Norbii Doshel Text
mam thar Namtar Text
mam thar namtar lifestoiy Term
mam thar gsang mdzod Namtar Sangdzo Text
mam thar gsol 'debs Namtar Soldep Text
1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
padma bka' thang Pema Katang Text
padma bkod Pema Kb Place
padma gling pa Pema Lingpa 1450-1521 Person
padma badzra Pema Badzra Person
padma las 'brel rtsal Pema Lendreltsel Person
dpa' bo Pawo Person
dpal gyi dbang phyug Pelgyi Wangchuk Person
dpal gyi gzhon nu Pelgyi Zhonnu Person
dpal rdo rje phur pa 'i lo rgyus chos kyi 'byung gnas ngo mtshar rgya mtsho 'i rba rlabs Pel Dorje Purpe Logyii Chokyi Jungne Ngotsar Gyatso Balap Text
spu bo Puwo Place
|Pha |
| Wylie Phonetics I English Dates Type
phurpa rgyud lugs las chos 'byung ngo mtshar snang byed I Purpa Gyiilukle 1 Chonjung Ngotsar | Nangje | M 二 Text
phyag ris chakri [legacy | 1 1 Term
1
Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates 〔Type
bandhe sangs rgyasye shes Bende Sanggye Yeshe rH
bu ston Buton Person
Journal of the International Association of Tibetan Studies 2 (August 2006)
bod du byung ba 'i gsang sngags snga 'gyur gyi bstan 'dzin skyes mchog rim byon gyi mam thar nor bu 'i do shal Bodu Jungwe Sangngak Ngangyurgyi Tendzin Kyechok Rimjongyi Namtar Norbii Doshel A Concise History of the Nyingmapa Tradition ofTibetan Buddhism Text
bon po Bonpo Lineage
bon po bka' 'gyur Bonpo Kangyur Bonpo Canon Text
bon gsar Bonsar New Bon Organization
byang chub sems dpa 'i sems dpa' chen po chos rgyal mes dpon mam gsum gyi mam thar rinpo che 'i phreng ba Jangchup Sempe Chenpo Chogyel Mepon Nam Sumgyi Namtar Rinpoche Trengwa Text
bla ma rgyudpa 'i gsol 'debs Lama Gyiipe Soldep Text
bio dman bud med lomen biime poor-minded woman Term
dbang chog Wangchok Text
dbu med ume cursive script Term
'bum nag Bumnak Black Hundred Thousand Religious Practice
sb a bzhed Bazhe Chronicle of Ba Text
sb a bzhed ces bya ba las sb a gsol snang gi bzhed pa Bazhe Ch ejawale Ba Selnanggi Zhepa Text
|Ma |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
ma gcig Machik Person
ma gcig lab sgron Machik Lapdron terfcdaanti century Person
mi la ras pa Mila Repa Person
mes dpon mam gsum Mepon Nam Sum Text
mon bu thang Monbu Tang Place
l1^ 1
| Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
gtsang smyon Tsangnyon Person
btsun mo bka' thang P atangylk Text
Testament of the Queen Text
|Tsha |
| Wylie Phonetics I English I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates Type
mtshan Idan gzhon nu sangs rgyas Tsenden Zhonnu | Sanggye | rzq Person
mtsho rgyal Tsogyel Person
mtsho rgyal dbu Tsogyel U i i i i Text
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
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|zha |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
zhi khro Zhitro peaceful and wrathful deity practice Religious Practice
zhus lan zhiilen question and answer Term
zhus lan zhiilen question and answer text Term
zhus len bdud rtsi gser phreng Zhiilen Diitsi Sertreng Text
I23 1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
zangs gling ma Zanglingma Text
zab bu ri rtse Zapbu Ritse Place
zab mo 'i gter dang gter ston grub thobji Itar byon pa 'i lo rgyus mdor bsdus bkod pa rin chen baidurya 'i phreng ba Zapmo Ter dang Terton Druptop Jitar Jonpe Logyii Dordii Kopa Rinchen Baidurye Trengwa Text
zung mo mkhar Zungmokhar Place
zur mkhar Zurkhar Place
zur mo mkhar Zurmokhar Place
1
Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates 1 Type
yar lung Yarlung Place
ye shes mtsho rgyal Yeshe Tsogyel Person
g.yag sde pan chen Yakde Penchen I Author
1
| Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
ra dza Radza Person
rapjung twelve-year calendrical unit Term
rin chen gter mdzod chen mo Rinchen Terdzo Chenmo Text
| Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates 〔Type
la stod I Lato I Person
ling shan Lingshen Place
lus LI Term
|sha |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese I Dates 1 Type
sham po Shampo rzq Place
shes grwa shedra academic college Term
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
sangs rgyas gling pa Sanggye Lingpa 1340-96 Person
sangs rgyas bstanpa 'i chos 'byung dris lan nor bu 'i 'phreng ba Sanggye Tenpe Chonjung Drilen Norbii Trengwa Text
sangs rgyas ye shes Sanggye Yeshe Person
sog zlog pa sokdokpa Author
sog zlog pa bio gros rgyal mtshan sokdokpa Lodro Gyeltsen Author
slob dpon mam gsum gyi dgongs pa phur ti ka 'bum nag lugs kyi dbang chog lag len du bsdebs pa mtsho rgyal zhal lung Loppon Namsumgyi Gongpa Pur Tika Bum Nak Lukkyi Wangchok Laklendu Deppa Tsogyel Zhellung Text
slob dpon padma 'byung gnas kyi skyes rabs chos 'byung nor bu 'i phreng ba Loppon Pema Jungnekyi Kyerap Chonjung Norbii Trengwa Text
slob dpon padma 'i mam thar zangs gling ma Loppon Peme Namtar Zanglingma Text
gsanyig senyik record of teachings received Term
bsam yas 'chings phu Samye Chingpu Place
bsam yas 'chims phu Samye Chimpu Place
bsod nams rgyal mtshan Sonam Gyeltsen 1312-75 Person
1
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese Dates Type
lha learn Lhacham Lady Person
lha learn padma learn LhachamPema Cham Person
lha learn padma gsal Lhacham Pemasel Person
lha sa Lhasa Place
Iho brag mkhar chu Lhodrak Kharchu Place
Iho brag gnam skas can Lhodrak Namkechen Place
Iho mon Lhomon Place
Iho rong Lhorong Place
Wylie Phonetics I English I I Sanskrit/Chinese 1 Dates 〔Type
atsarya sale Atsarya Sale Person
o rgyan gling pa Orgyen Lingpa c.1323-60 Author; Person
otiyana gling pa Otiyana Lingpa Person
| Non-Tibetan |
Wylie Phonetics English Sanskrit/Chinese I Dates Type
San. Asvaghosa □ Person
Gyatso: A Partial Genealogy of the L ifestory of Ye shes mtsho rgyal
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San. Buddhacarita Text
San. dharani Term
San. kavya Term
San. Kila Deity
San. Oddiyana Place
San. Padmasambhava Person
San. Samantabhadri Deity
San. sadhana Term
San. siddha Term
San. Vq)rakila Deity
San. vidyadhara Term
San. yana Term
Chi. Beijing Place
Chi. Chengdu Place
Bde chen chos kyi dbang mo. Mkha，"gro rgya mtsho 'i rnam thar gsang ba 7 mdzod [title from f. 278b]. In the Bon po bka' 'gyur, 189: ff. 1-281. Ling shan edition, c. 1985, copy in the University of Oslo.
Bia ma rgyudpa 'i gsol "debs. In Nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer, Bka，brgyad bde gsegs 'duspa 7 chos skor, 1:3-12. Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1977.
Dowman, Keith. Sky Dancer: The Secret Life and Songs of the Lady Yeshe Tsogyal. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984.
Dri med kun dga'. Mtsho rgyal dbu. Blockprint, 63 folia.
.Mkha' "gro ma thams cad kyi gtso mo ye shes mtsho rgyal gyi rnam thar. Manuscript, 46 folia.
.Thugs rje chen po ye shes "od mchog. 2 vols. Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1978.
Dri med 'od zer. Gter 'byung rin po che ‘i lo rgyus. In Snying thigya bzhi, vol. 7 Q^kha, 'groyangthig^^tiy. 15-120.Delhi: SherabGyaltsenLama, 1975-79.
Dudjom Rimpoche. The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism: Its Fundamentals and History. 2 vols. Translated by Gyurme Doije and Matthew Kapstein. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 1991.
Germano, David. Prophetic Histories of Buddhas, Dakinis and Saints in Tibet. Manuscript in contract with Princeton University Press.
Gross, Rita. "Yeshe Tsogyal: Enlightened Consort, Great Teacher, Female Role Model." The Tibet Journal 12, no. 4 (Winter 1987): 1・1&
Gu ru bkra shis (Ngag dbang bio gros). Bstan pa 7 snying po gsang chen snga "gyur nges don zab mo 7 chos kyi 'byung ba gsal bar byed pa 7 legs bshad mkhas pa dga" byed ngo mtshar gtam gyi vol mtsho. 5 vols. N.p.: Jamyang Khentse, n.d.
Gu ru chos dbang. Bka，brgyadgsang bayongs rdzogs kyi dbang chog chen mo. In Bka" brgyad bsan ba yons rdzogs, 2:391-493. Paro: Ngodnip and Sherab Drimay, 1979.
Gyatso, Janet. "The Heart Sphere of the Dakinis: The Place of the Female in Tibetan Myth] Paper delivered at the American Academy of Religion, 1995. Journal article in preparation.
'Jigs med gling pa. Phurpa rgyud lugs las chos 'byung ngo mtshar snang byed. InRnying ma bka' ma rgyaspa, 7:5-17.
Khro rgyal rdo ije. Slob dpon rnam gsum gyi dgongspaphur tika "bum nag lugs kyi dbang chog lag len du bsdebspa mtsho rgyal zhal lung. In Rnying ma bka， ma rgyaspa, 10:625-649.
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Kong sprul bio gros mtha, yas. Zab mo 'i gter dang gter ston grub thob ji Itar byon pa 7 lo rgyus mdor bsdus bkodpa rin chen baidurya 7 phreng ba. hi Rin chen gter mdzod chen mo, 1:291-759. Paro: Ngodnip and Sherap Drimay, 1976.
Kun bzang nges don klong yangs. Bod du byung ba 'i gsang sngags snga "gyur gyi bstan "dzin skyes mchog rim byon gyi rnam thar nor bu 7 do shal (A Concise History ofthe Nyingmapa Tradition ofTibetan Buddhism). Dalhousie: Damchoe Sangpo, 1976.
Mkhas pa lde'u. Rgya bod kyi chos 'byung rgyaspa. Lha sa: Bod rang skyong Ijongs spyi tshogs tshan rig khang, 1987.
Mkhyen rab rgya mtsho (G.yag sde pan chen). Sangs rgyas bstanpa 'i chos 'byung dris lan nor bu 'i "phreng ba. Gangtok: Dzongsar Chhentse Labrang, 1981.
Nam mkha'i snying po. Mother of Knowledge: The Enlightenment of Ye-shes mTsho-rgyal. Translated by Tarthang Tulku. Berkeley: Dharma Publishing, 1983.
Nyang ral nyi ma 'od zer, mnga, bdag. Bka，brgyad bde gshegs 'dus pa 'i gter ston myang sprul sku nyi ma "od zer gyi rnam thar gsal ba 7 me long. In Bka' brgyad bde gsegs 'dus pa 7 chos skor, 2:191-381. Paro: Lama Ngodrup, 1979-80.
.Byang chub sems dpa 7 sems dpa，chen po chos rgyal mes dpon rnam gsum gyi rnam thar rin po che ‘i phreng ba. Paro: Ugyen Tempai Gyaltsen, 1980.
.Chos 'byung me tog snying po sbrang rtsi ‘i bcud. Lha sa: Bod rang skyong Ijongs spyi tshogs tshan rig khang gi bod yig dpe mying dpe skrun khang, 1988.
.Rnam thar gsol "debs. In Slob dpon pad+ma 7 rnam thar zangs gling ma, 194-200. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1989.
.Slob dpon padma "byung gnas kyi skyes rabs chos 'byung nor bu 7 phreng ba. In Slob dpon pad+ma 7 rnam thar zangs gling ma, 3-193. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1989.
O rgyan gling pa. Padma bka' thang. Chengdu: Si khron mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1993.
.Btsun mo bka' thangyig. In Bka' thang sde Inga, 229-302. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986.
.Rgyalpo 'i bka' thang. In Bka' thang sde Inga, 85-227. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1986.
Rdo rje phur pa 7 bshad "bum slob dpon rnam gsum gyis dgongs pa slob dpon chen po padmas mkhar chen bza" la gdams pa. In Two Rare Vajrakila Teachings from the Miraculous Lotus-Born Gu-ru Rin-po-che Padmasambhava,
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1-229. Gangtok: Gonpo Tseten, 1976. (Also in Rnying ma bka' ma rgyaspa, 10:215-557. Daijeeling: Duprjung Lama, 1982).
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Sb a bzhed ces bya ba las sba gsal snang gi bzhed pa. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1980.
Smith, E. Gene. Introduction to Kongtrul Encyclopaedia oflndo-Tibetan Culture, Parts 1-3. Edited by Lokesh Chandra. New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1970.
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